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Who was the chair of Tennessee State University in Mar, 2008?	March 25, 2008	{ "text": [ "Melvin N. Johnson" ] }	L2_Q1782948_P488_7	Frederick S. Humphries is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1985. James A. Hefner is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 2005. Walter S. Davis is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1968. Otis L. Floyd is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1990. Glenda Glover is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. William J. Hale is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1943. Melvin N. Johnson is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2010. Roy P. Peterson is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1986. Andrew P. Torrence is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974.	Tennessee State UniversityTennessee State University (Tennessee State, Tenn State, or TSU) is a public historically black land-grant university in Nashville, Tennessee. Founded in 1912, it is the only state-funded historically black university in Tennessee. It is a member-school of the Thurgood Marshall College Fund. Tennessee State University offers 41 bachelor’s degrees, 23 master's degrees, and eight doctoral degrees. It is classified among "R2: Doctoral Universities – High research activity".The university was established as the Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State Normal School for Negroes in 1912. Its dedication was held on January 16, 1913. It changed its name to Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State Normal College in 1925. Two years later, in 1927, it became known as Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State College.In 1941, the Tennessee General Assembly directed the Board of Education to upgrade the educational program of the college. Three years later the first master's degrees were awarded and by 1946 the college was fully accredited the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools.Significant expansion occurred during the presidency of Walter S. Davis between 1943 and 1968, including the construction of "70 percent of the school's facilities" and the establishment of the graduate school and four other schools.In 1968, the college officially changed its name to Tennessee State University. And in 1979, the University of Tennessee at Nashville merged into Tennessee State due to a court mandate.Today, Tennessee State University is divided into eight schools and colleges and has seen steady growth since its inception. It remains the only public university in Nashville and its health science program is the largest in the state and one of the largest in the nation.Aligned with the Tennessee Board of Regents, it is currently governed by an institutional Board of Trustees.The main campus has more than 65 buildings, and is located in a residential setting at 3500 John A. Merritt Blvd in Nashville, Tennessee. Tennessee State's main campus has the most acres of any college campus in Nashville. The Avon Williams campus is located downtown, near the center of the Nashville business and government district. Tennessee State offers on-campus housing to students. There are on-campus dorms and two apartment complexes for upperclassmen. On-campus facilities include dormitories Wilson Hall, Watson Hall, Eppse Hall, Boyd Hall, Rudolph Hall, Hale Hall, as well as the Ford Complex and New Residence Complex, TSU's two on-campus apartment complexes.The university is currently accredited by the Commission on Colleges of the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) to award 38baccalaureate degrees, 24 master's degrees, and doctoral degrees in seven areas (Biological Sciences, Computer Information Systems Engineering, Psychology, Public Administration, Curriculum and Instruction, Educational Administration and Supervision, and Physical Therapy), as well as two Associate of Science degree programs, one in nursing and one in dental hygiene.Tennessee State is classified among "R2: Doctoral Universities – High research activity."The university is organized into the following colleges:The University Honors College (UHC) is an exclusive academic program founded in 1964 that caters to select academically talented and highly motivated undergraduate students.The College of Business is accredited by the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business (AACSB). It was the first institution in Nashville to earn the accreditation of both its undergraduate and graduate business programs in 1994. The Psychology program is accredited by the American Psychological Association and the Teacher Education program by the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE).The College of Engineering has developed corporate partnerships with NASA, Raytheon, and General Motors and is accredited by the Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology (ABET) and the National Association of Industrial Technology (NAIT).The College of Health Sciences (formerly the School of Allied Health) includes such programs as the Masters in Physical Therapy and the Bachelor of Health Sciences. The Master of Public Health program was accredited in 2015 by the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH).Tennessee State University sponsors seven men's and eight women's teams in National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) sanctioned sports. The school competes in the NCAA's Division I Football Championship Subdivision and is a member of the Ohio Valley Conference. Tennessee State is one of two Division I HBCUs that are not members of the MEAC or SWAC, the other being Hampton University of the Big South Conference.There are over 60 registered student organizations on campus.	[ "Otis L. Floyd", "Andrew P. Torrence", "Frederick S. Humphries", "Roy P. Peterson", "William J. Hale", "Walter S. Davis", "Glenda Glover", "James A. Hefner" ]
Who was the chair of Tennessee State University in Dec, 2013?	December 09, 2013	{ "text": [ "Glenda Glover" ] }	L2_Q1782948_P488_8	Otis L. Floyd is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1990. Frederick S. Humphries is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1975 to Jan, 1985. Andrew P. Torrence is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1968 to Jan, 1974. Melvin N. Johnson is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2010. Glenda Glover is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. James A. Hefner is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1991 to Jan, 2005. William J. Hale is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1912 to Jan, 1943. Walter S. Davis is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1943 to Jan, 1968. Roy P. Peterson is the chair of Tennessee State University from Jan, 1985 to Jan, 1986.	Tennessee State UniversityTennessee State University (Tennessee State, Tenn State, or TSU) is a public historically black land-grant university in Nashville, Tennessee. Founded in 1912, it is the only state-funded historically black university in Tennessee. It is a member-school of the Thurgood Marshall College Fund. Tennessee State University offers 41 bachelor’s degrees, 23 master's degrees, and eight doctoral degrees. It is classified among "R2: Doctoral Universities – High research activity".The university was established as the Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State Normal School for Negroes in 1912. Its dedication was held on January 16, 1913. It changed its name to Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State Normal College in 1925. Two years later, in 1927, it became known as Tennessee Agricultural & Industrial State College.In 1941, the Tennessee General Assembly directed the Board of Education to upgrade the educational program of the college. Three years later the first master's degrees were awarded and by 1946 the college was fully accredited the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools.Significant expansion occurred during the presidency of Walter S. Davis between 1943 and 1968, including the construction of "70 percent of the school's facilities" and the establishment of the graduate school and four other schools.In 1968, the college officially changed its name to Tennessee State University. And in 1979, the University of Tennessee at Nashville merged into Tennessee State due to a court mandate.Today, Tennessee State University is divided into eight schools and colleges and has seen steady growth since its inception. It remains the only public university in Nashville and its health science program is the largest in the state and one of the largest in the nation.Aligned with the Tennessee Board of Regents, it is currently governed by an institutional Board of Trustees.The main campus has more than 65 buildings, and is located in a residential setting at 3500 John A. Merritt Blvd in Nashville, Tennessee. Tennessee State's main campus has the most acres of any college campus in Nashville. The Avon Williams campus is located downtown, near the center of the Nashville business and government district. Tennessee State offers on-campus housing to students. There are on-campus dorms and two apartment complexes for upperclassmen. On-campus facilities include dormitories Wilson Hall, Watson Hall, Eppse Hall, Boyd Hall, Rudolph Hall, Hale Hall, as well as the Ford Complex and New Residence Complex, TSU's two on-campus apartment complexes.The university is currently accredited by the Commission on Colleges of the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools (SACS) to award 38baccalaureate degrees, 24 master's degrees, and doctoral degrees in seven areas (Biological Sciences, Computer Information Systems Engineering, Psychology, Public Administration, Curriculum and Instruction, Educational Administration and Supervision, and Physical Therapy), as well as two Associate of Science degree programs, one in nursing and one in dental hygiene.Tennessee State is classified among "R2: Doctoral Universities – High research activity."The university is organized into the following colleges:The University Honors College (UHC) is an exclusive academic program founded in 1964 that caters to select academically talented and highly motivated undergraduate students.The College of Business is accredited by the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business (AACSB). It was the first institution in Nashville to earn the accreditation of both its undergraduate and graduate business programs in 1994. The Psychology program is accredited by the American Psychological Association and the Teacher Education program by the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE).The College of Engineering has developed corporate partnerships with NASA, Raytheon, and General Motors and is accredited by the Accreditation Board for Engineering and Technology (ABET) and the National Association of Industrial Technology (NAIT).The College of Health Sciences (formerly the School of Allied Health) includes such programs as the Masters in Physical Therapy and the Bachelor of Health Sciences. The Master of Public Health program was accredited in 2015 by the Council on Education for Public Health (CEPH).Tennessee State University sponsors seven men's and eight women's teams in National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) sanctioned sports. The school competes in the NCAA's Division I Football Championship Subdivision and is a member of the Ohio Valley Conference. Tennessee State is one of two Division I HBCUs that are not members of the MEAC or SWAC, the other being Hampton University of the Big South Conference.There are over 60 registered student organizations on campus.	[ "Otis L. Floyd", "Andrew P. Torrence", "Frederick S. Humphries", "Roy P. Peterson", "William J. Hale", "Walter S. Davis", "James A. Hefner", "Melvin N. Johnson" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Sep, 1859?	September 14, 1859	{ "text": [ "F. C. D. Wyneken" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_0	Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Nov, 1873?	November 21, 1873	{ "text": [ "C. F. W. Walther" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_1	C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Dec, 1893?	December 28, 1893	{ "text": [ "Heinrich Christian Schwan" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_2	J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Jan, 1932?	January 18, 1932	{ "text": [ "Friedrich Pfotenhauer" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_3	Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Aug, 1959?	August 31, 1959	{ "text": [ "John William Behnken" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_4	Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Dec, 1965?	December 21, 1965	{ "text": [ "Oliver Raymond Harms" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_5	C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Jan, 1972?	January 02, 1972	{ "text": [ "J. A. O. Preus II" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_6	C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Jul, 1989?	July 13, 1989	{ "text": [ "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_7	John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Sep, 1993?	September 23, 1993	{ "text": [ "Alvin L. Barry" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_8	F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "Gerald B. Kieschnick", "John William Behnken" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Jan, 2001?	January 01, 2001	{ "text": [ "Robert T. Kuhn", "Alvin L. Barry", "Gerald B. Kieschnick" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_9	Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "John William Behnken", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "John William Behnken", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "John William Behnken", "Oliver Raymond Harms" ]
Who was the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod in Apr, 2004?	April 02, 2004	{ "text": [ "Gerald B. Kieschnick" ] }	L2_Q693844_P488_10	Robert T. Kuhn is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2001. Oliver Raymond Harms is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1962 to Jan, 1969. Alvin L. Barry is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1992 to Jan, 2001. Heinrich Christian Schwan is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1878 to Jan, 1899. F. C. D. Wyneken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1850 to Jan, 1864. Ralph Arthur Bohlmann is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1981 to Jan, 1992. C. F. W. Walther is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1864 to Jan, 1878. Friedrich Pfotenhauer is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1911 to Jan, 1935. J. A. O. Preus II is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1969 to Jan, 1981. Gerald B. Kieschnick is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 2001 to Jan, 2010. John William Behnken is the chair of Lutheran Church--Missouri Synod from Jan, 1935 to Jan, 1962.	Lutheran Church–Missouri SynodThe Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod (LCMS), also known as the Missouri Synod, is a traditional, confessional Lutheran denomination in the United States. With slightly under 2 million members, it is the second-largest Lutheran body in the United States. The LCMS was organized in 1847 at a meeting in Chicago, Illinois, as the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and Other States (), a name which partially reflected the geographic locations of the founding congregations.The LCMS has congregations in all 50 U.S. states and two Canadian provinces, but over half of its members are located in the Midwest. It is a member of the International Lutheran Council and is in altar and pulpit fellowship with most of that group's members. The LCMS is headquartered in Kirkwood, Missouri, and is divided into 35 districts—33 of which are geographic and two (the English and the SELC) non-geographic. The current president is Matthew C. Harrison, who took office on September 1, 2010.The Missouri Synod emerged from several communities of German Lutheran immigrants during the 1830s and 1840s. In Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan, isolated Germans in the dense forests of the American frontier were brought together and ministered to by missionary F. C. D. Wyneken. A communal emigration from Saxony under Bishop Martin Stephan created a community in Perry County, Missouri, and St. Louis, Missouri. In Michigan and Ohio, missionaries sent by Wilhelm Löhe ministered to scattered congregations and founded German Lutheran communities in Frankenmuth, Michigan, and the Saginaw Valley of Michigan.In the 19th-century German Kingdom of Saxony, Lutheran pastor Martin Stephan and many of his followers found themselves increasingly at odds with Rationalism, Christian ecumenism, and the prospect of a forced unionism of the Lutheran church with the Reformed church. In the neighboring Kingdom of Prussia, the Prussian Union of 1817 put in place what they considered non-Lutheran communion and baptismal doctrine and practice. In order to freely practice their Christian faith in accordance with the Lutheran confessions outlined in the Book of Concord, Stephan and between 600 and 700 other Saxon Lutherans left for the United States in November 1838.Their ships arrived between December 31, 1838, and January 20, 1839, in New Orleans, with one ship lost at sea. Most of the remaining immigrants left almost immediately, with the first group arriving in St. Louis on January 19, 1839. The final group, led by Stephan, remained in New Orleans for ten days, possibly to wait for the passengers of the lost ship "Amalia". The immigrants ultimately settled in Perry County, Missouri, and in and around St. Louis. Stephan was initially the bishop of the new settlement, but he soon became embroiled in charges of corruption and sexual misconduct with members of the congregation and was expelled from the settlement, leaving C. F. W. Walther as the leader of the colony.During this period, there was considerable debate within the settlement over the proper status of the church in the New World: whether it was a new church or whether it remained within the Lutheran hierarchy in Germany. Walther's view that they could consider themselves a new church prevailed.Beginning in 1841, the parish pastor in Neuendettelsau, Bavaria—Wilhelm Löhe—inspired by appeals for aid to the German immigrants in North America, began to solicit funds for missionary work among them. He also began training men to become pastors and teachers, sending his first two students—Adam Ernst and Georg Burger—to America on August 5, 1842. Löhe ultimately sent over 80 pastors and students of theology to America; these pastors founded and served congregations throughout Ohio, Michigan, and Indiana.Löhe also led an early and largely abortive effort to send missionaries to convert the Native Americans. In 1844 and 1845, he solicited colonists to form a German Lutheran settlement in Michigan, with the thought that this settlement would also serve as the base for missionary activity among the Native Americans. The colonists left Germany on April 20, 1845, under the leadership of Pastor August Crämer, and arrived in Saginaw County, Michigan, in August of that year. They founded several villages—Frankenmuth, Frankenlust, Frankentrost, and Frankenhilf (now known as Richville)—and worked to convert the Native Americans. They had limited success, however, and the villages became nearly exclusively German settlements within a few years.In addition to sending pastors, theological students, and colonists to America, Löhe also played an instrumental role in the formation of Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana, raising funds for the new institution and sending eleven theological students and a professor from Germany to help found it. The seminary's first president, Wilhelm Sihler, had also been sent by Löhe to America several years before.It was due to Löhe's great zeal and indefatigable labors that the LCMS' first president, C. F. W. Walther, once said of him, "Next to God, it is Pastor Loehe to whom our Synod is indebted for its happy beginning and rapid growth in which it rejoices; it may well honor him as its spiritual father. It would fill the pages of an entire book to recount even briefly what for many years this man, with tireless zeal in the noblest unselfish spirit, has done for our Lutheran Church and our Synod in particular."In 1844 and 1845, the three groups listed above (the Saxons, the Löhe men, and Wyneken and one of his assistants) began to discuss the possibility of forming a new, confessional Lutheran church body. As a result of these discussions, the Löhe missionaries and Wyneken and his assistant (F. W. Husmann) decided to leave the synods they currently belonged to. Two planning meetings were held in St. Louis, Missouri, and Fort Wayne, Indiana, in May and July 1846. Then, on April 26, 1847, twelve pastors representing fourteen German Lutheran congregations met in Chicago, Illinois, and officially founded the German Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio and Other States. Walther became the fledgling denomination's first president.The synod was quickly noted for its conservatism and self-professed orthodoxy. The synod's constitution required all members (both pastors and congregations) to pledge fealty to the entire Book of Concord, to reject unionism and syncretism of every kind, to use only doctrinally pure books in both church and school, and to provide for the Christian education of their children. Among other things, these requirements meant that altar and pulpit fellowship was usually restricted to those Lutheran congregations and synods who were in complete doctrinal agreement with the Missouri Synod.The LCMS' conservatism soon drew it into conflict with other Lutheran synods, the majority of which were then experimenting with so-called "American Lutheranism". In addition, the LCMS also quickly became embroiled in a dispute with the Buffalo Synod and its leader, Johannes Andreas August Grabau, over the proper understanding of the church and the ministry. Within a few years, this conflict led to a separation between the Missouri Synod and Löhe, as Löhe's views were close to those of Grabau.Despite these conflicts, the Missouri Synod experienced fairly rapid growth in its early years, leading to the subdivision of the synod into four district synods (Central, Eastern, Northern, and Western) in 1854. This growth was due largely to the synod's efforts, under the leadership of its second president, F. C. D. Wyneken, to care for German immigrants, help them find a home among other Germans, build churches and parochial schools, and train pastors and teachers. The synod continued these outreach efforts throughout the 19th century, becoming the largest Lutheran church body in the United States by 1888. By the synod's fiftieth anniversary in 1897, it had grown to 687,000 members.Between 1856 and 1859, the Missouri Synod hosted a series of four free conferences in order to explore the possibility of entering into fellowship agreements with other conservative Lutheran synods. As a result of these conferences, the LCMS entered into fellowship with the Norwegian Synod in 1857. In 1872, these two synods joined the Wisconsin, Ohio, Minnesota, and Illinois Synods, other conservative Lutheran bodies, in forming the Evangelical Lutheran Synodical Conference of North America.In 1876, the constituent synods of the Synodical Conference considered a plan to reorganize into a single unified church body with a single seminary. Some preliminary moves were made in this direction (including the 1880 absorption of the Illinois Synod into the LCMS' Illinois District), but opposition from some synods postponed the complete implementation of this plan, and the Predestinarian Controversy of the 1880s scuttled the plan entirely. As a result of the controversy, several pastors and congregations withdrew from the Ohio Synod to form the Concordia Synod; this synod merged with the LCMS in 1886.For the first thirty years of its existence, the Missouri Synod focused almost exclusively on meeting the spiritual needs of German-speaking Lutherans, leaving work among English-speaking Lutherans to other synods, particularly the Tennessee and Ohio synods. In 1872, members of the Tennessee Synod invited representatives from the Missouri, Holston, and Norwegian synods to discuss the promotion of English work among the more "Americanized" Lutherans, resulting in the organization of the "English Evangelical Lutheran Conference of Missouri." This conference was reorganized in 1888 as an independent church body, the English Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri and Other States, which subsequently merged into the LCMS as the English District in 1911. In its first twenty years, the English Synod founded two colleges, organized dozens of congregations and parochial schools, took over the publication of the "Lutheran Witness" (an English-language newspaper published by LCMS pastors in Cleveland, Ohio), and published several hymnals and other books.English work became more widespread in the LCMS during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with older members of the synod continuing to speak primarily German and younger members increasingly switching to English. As one scholar has explained, "The overwhelming evidence from internal documents of these [Missouri Synod] churches, and particularly their schools ... indicates that the German-American school was a bilingual one much (perhaps a whole generation or more) earlier than 1917, and that the majority of the pupils may have been English-dominant bilinguals from the early 1880s on." The anti-German sentiment during the wars hastened the "Americanization" of the church and caused many churches to add English services and in some cases, drop German services entirely. During the years of language transition, the synod's membership continued to grow, until by 1947, the synod had grown to over 1.5 million members.During this time, the LCMS expanded its missionary efforts through the creation of its own radio station—KFUO (AM) (1923)—and its own international radio program—"The Lutheran Hour" (1930). Several years later, the synod began broadcasting its own TV drama—"This Is the Life" (1952).In 1947, the church body shortened its name from "The Evangelical Lutheran Synod of Missouri, Ohio, and other States" to its present one, "The Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod". On January 1, 1964, the National Evangelical Lutheran Church, an historically Finnish-American Lutheran church, merged with the LCMS. In 1971, the Synod of Evangelical Lutheran Churches, an historically Slovak-American church, also merged with the LCMS, forming the SELC District.Beginning in the 1950s, the LCMS became somewhat friendlier to the more liberal Lutheran bodies, despite the opposition of the other members of the Synodical Conference. This culminated in the break up of the Synodical Conference in 1963. Six years later, the LCMS formed the Lutheran Council in the United States of America (LCUSA) with several moderate-to-liberal Lutheran bodies.However, with the election of J. A. O. Preus II as its president in 1969, the LCMS began a sharp turn towards a more conservative direction. A dispute over the use of the historical-critical method for Biblical interpretation led to the suspension of John Tietjen as president of Concordia Seminary. In response, many of the faculty and students left the seminary and formed Seminex (Concordia Seminary in Exile), which took up residence at the nearby Eden Theological Seminary in suburban St. Louis. In 1976, about 250 of the congregations supporting Seminex left the LCMS to form the Association of Evangelical Lutheran Churches (AELC). The LCMS restricted its participation with LCUSA shortly after the AELC schism and announced that it would not participate in any merger discussions. In 1988, the AELC and the other LCUSA members merged to form the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America.In 1900, the LCMS began sending missionaries to Brazil to minister to German-speaking immigrants in that country, and in 1904 created the Brazil District for the administration of the resulting congregations. Work was begun in Argentina in 1905 as part of the Brazil District. A separate Argentina District was established in 1926/1927. Both districts became independent church bodies that retain close relationships with the LCMS: the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Brazil in 1980, and the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Argentina in 1988.The LCMS oversaw an extensive roster of congregations in Canada until 1988, when the Canadian component became a separate and autonomous organization, Lutheran Church-Canada. However, this was an administrative and not theological division and the two groups still share close ties. A small number of Ontario and Quebec churches remain within the LCMS.One of the signature teachings of the Lutheran Reformation is "Sola scriptura"—"Scripture alone." The LCMS believes that the Bible is the only standard by which church teachings can be judged, and holds that Scripture is best explained and interpreted by the "Book of Concord"—a series of confessions of faith adopted by Lutherans in the 16th century. LCMS pastors and congregations agree to teach in harmony with the Book of Concord "because" they believe that it teaches and faithfully explains the Word of God, not based on its own authority alone. Since the LCMS is a confessional church body, its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are sworn by their oaths of ordination or installation, or both, to interpret the Sacred Scriptures according to the "Book of Concord". Its ordained and commissioned ministers of religion are asked to honor and uphold other official teachings of the synod, meaning "to abide by, act, and teach in accordance with," but are not sworn to believe, confess and teach them as correct interpretations of the Sacred Scriptures. The Missouri Synod also teaches biblical inerrancy, the teaching that the Bible is inspired by God and is without error. For this reason, they reject much—if not all—of modern liberal scholarship. The Brief Statement of the Doctrinal Position of the Missouri Synod, written by Franz August Otto Pieper, was adopted by the synodical convention in 1932 as a summary of the major beliefs of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that justification comes from God "by divine grace alone, through faith alone, on account of Christ alone." It teaches that Jesus is the focus of the entire Bible and that faith in him alone is the way to eternal salvation. The synod rejects any attempt to attribute salvation to anything other than Christ's death and resurrection.The synod teaches that the Word of God, both written and preached, and the Sacraments are means of grace through which the Holy Spirit gives the gift of God's grace, creates faith in the hearts of individuals, forgives sins for the sake of Christ's death on the cross, and grants eternal life and salvation. Many Missouri Synod Lutherans define a sacrament as an action instituted by Jesus that combines a promise in God's Word with a physical element, although the synod holds no official definition for sacrament. This means that some may disagree on the number of sacraments. All agree that Baptism and Communion are sacraments. Confession and absolution is called a sacrament in the Apology of the Augsburg Confession and so is also considered by many Lutherans to be a sacrament, because it was instituted by Christ and has His promise of grace, even though it is not tied to a physical element.Unlike Calvinists, Lutherans agree that the means of grace are resistible; this belief is based on numerous biblical references as discussed in the "Book of Concord".Regarding the Eucharist, the LCMS rejects both the Roman Catholic doctrine of transubstantiation and the Reformed teaching that the true body and blood of Christ are not consumed with the consecrated bread and wine in the Eucharist. Rather, it believes in the doctrine of the sacramental union, Real Presence, that the Body and Blood of Christ are truly present "in, with, and under" the elements of bread and wine. Or, as the Smalcald Articles express this mystery: "Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we hold that the bread and wine in the Supper are Christ's true body and blood." It is occasionally reported that the LCMS and other Lutherans teach the doctrine of consubstantiation. Consubstantiation is generally rejected by Lutherans and is explicitly rejected by the LCMS as an attempt to define the holy mystery of Christ's presence.The Missouri Synod flatly rejects millennialism and considers itself amillennialist. This means that it believes there will be no literal 1000-year visible earthly kingdom of Jesus, a view termed as "realized millennialism" in which the "thousand years" of Rev 20:1–10 is taken figuratively as a reference to the time of Christ's reign as king from the day of his ascension. Hence, the millennium is a present reality (Christ's heavenly reign), not a future hope for a rule of Christ on earth after his return (the parousia) (cf. Mt 13:41–42; Mt 28:18; Eph 2:6; Col 3:1–3).The LCMS believes that the Holy Scriptures contain two crucial teachings—Law and Gospel. The Law is all those demands in the Bible which must be obeyed in order to gain salvation. However, because all people are sinners, it is impossible for people to completely obey the Law. Therefore, the Law implies an inevitable consequence of God's wrath, judgment, and damnation. The Gospel, on the other hand, is the promise of free salvation from God to sinners. The Law condemns; the Gospel saves. Both the Law and the Gospel are gifts from God; both are necessary. The function of the law is to show people their sinful nature and drive them to the Gospel, in which the forgiveness of sin is promised for the sake of the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.The LCMS holds that the Old Testament and the New Testament both contain both Law and Gospel. The Old Testament, therefore, is valuable to Christians. Its teachings point forward in time to the Cross of Christ in the same way that the New Testament points backward in time to the Cross. This Lutheran doctrine was summarized by C. F. W. Walther in "The Proper Distinction Between Law and Gospel".The LCMS holds that all "false teachers who teach contrary to Christ's Word are opponents of Christ" and, insofar as they do so, are anti-Christ. The LCMS does not teach, nor has it ever taught, that any individual pope as a person is to be identified with the Antichrist. However, to the extent that the papacy continues to claim as official dogma the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent, the LCMS position is that the office of the papacy is the Antichrist.The LCMS officially supports literal creationism but does not have an official position on the precise age of the earth. An official publication of the synod, the "Brief Statement" of 1932, states under the heading "Of Creation": "We teach that God has created heaven and earth, and that in the manner and in the space of time recorded in the Holy Scriptures, especially Gen. 1 and 2, namely, by His almighty creative word, and in six days." According to the recent 2004 LCMS synodical resolution 2-08A "To commend preaching and teaching Creation", all LCMS churches and educational institutions—including preschool through 12th grade, universities, and seminaries—are "to teach creation from the Biblical perspective." The LCMS website states that an individual's personal views regarding creation do not disqualify a person from being a member of the LCMS.The LCMS believes that the teachings of Freemasonry are in direct conflict with the Gospel and instructs its pastors and laypeople to avoid membership or participation in it.The LCMS practices infant baptism, based on Acts 2:38–39 and other passages of Scripture. It also subscribes to the statement of faith found in the Apostles' Creed, the Ten Commandments, and the Lord's Prayer to be applicable to daily life. These doctrines are emphasized in "Luther's Small Catechism".The original constitution of the LCMS stated that one of its purposes is to strive toward uniformity in practice, while more recent changes to those documents also encourage responsible and doctrinally sound diversity. The synod requires that hymns, songs, liturgies, and practices be in harmony with the Bible and "Book of Concord". Worship in LCMS congregations is generally thought of as orthodox and liturgical, utilizing a printed order of service and hymnal, and is typically accompanied by a pipe organ or piano. The contents of LCMS hymnals from the past, such as "The Lutheran Hymnal" and "Lutheran Worship", and those of its newest hymnal, "Lutheran Service Book", highlight the synod's unwavering stance towards more traditional styles of hymnody and liturgy. More traditional LCMS Lutherans point to the Lutheran Confessions in their defense of liturgical worship.Towards the later parts of the twentieth century and up until present day, many congregations have adopted a more progressive style of worship, employing different styles such as contemporary Christian music with guitars and praise bands and often project song lyrics onto screens instead of using hymnals. While this shift in style challenges the traditionalism of hymnody that the LCMS holds strongly, the LCMS has released a statement on worship stating that, "The best of musical traditions, both ancient and modern, are embraced by the Lutheran church in its worship, with an emphasis on congregational singing, reinforced by the choir."The LCMS endorses the doctrine of close or closed communion—the policy of sharing the Eucharist ordinarily only with those who are baptized and confirmed members of one of the congregations of the Lutheran Church—Missouri Synod or of a congregation of one of its sister churches with which it has formally declared altar and pulpit fellowship (i.e., agreement in all articles of doctrine). Missouri Synod congregations implement closed communion in various ways, requiring conformity to official doctrine in various degrees. Usually, visitors are asked to speak with the pastor before coming to that congregation's altar for the first time. Most congregations invite those uneducated on the subject of the Eucharist to join in the fellowship and receive a blessing instead of the body and blood of Christ.Ordination is seen as a public ceremony of recognition that a man has received and accepted a divine call, and hence is considered to be in the office of the public ministry. The Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope agrees that "ordination was nothing else than such a ratification" of local elections by the people. The LCMS does not believe ordination is divinely instituted or an extension of an episcopal form of apostolic succession but sees the office grounded in the Word and Sacrament ministry of the Gospel, arguing that Scripture makes no distinction between a presbyter (priest) and a bishop (see Treatise on the Power and Primacy of the Pope, paragraphs 63,64, citing St. Jerome). The Augsburg Confession (Article XIV) holds that no one is to preach, teach, or administer the sacraments without a regular call.LCMS pastors are generally required to have a four-year bachelor's degree (in any discipline), as well as a four-year Master of Divinity degree, which is usually obtained from one of these institutions: Concordia Seminary in St. Louis or the Concordia Theological Seminary in Fort Wayne, Indiana or at the two seminaries run by the Lutheran Church–Canada. Candidates may earn their Master of Divinity degree at other seminaries but may then be required to take colloquy classes at either St. Louis or Ft. Wayne. Seminary training includes classwork in historical theology, Biblical languages (Biblical Greek and Hebrew), practical application (education, preaching, and mission), and doctrine (the basic teachings and beliefs of the synod).The Missouri Synod teaches that the ordination of women as clergy is contrary to scripture. The issue of women's roles in the church body has continued to be a subject of debate within the synod. During the Cooperative Clergy Study Project in the year 2000, 10% out of 652 LCMS pastors surveyed stated that all clergy positions should be open to women, while 82% disagreed. Congregations were permitted to enact female suffrage within Missouri Synod congregations in 1969, and it was affirmed at the synod's 2004 convention that women may also "serve in humanly established offices" as long as those offices do not include any of the "distinctive functions of the pastoral office". Thus in many congregations of the LCMS, women now serve as congregation president or chairperson, etc. This is the cause of contention within the LCMS, with some congregations utilizing women in public worship to read lessons and assist in the distribution of holy communion. Other traditional Lutherans reject such practices as unbiblical, with a minority of congregations continuing the historic practice of male suffrage, similar to the Wisconsin Synod.The LCMS bars its clergy from worshiping with other faiths, holding "that church fellowship or merger between church bodies in doctrinal disagreement with one another is not in keeping with what the Bible teaches about church fellowship." In practice of this, a Connecticut LCMS pastor was asked to apologize by the president of the denomination, and did so, for participating in an interfaith prayer vigil for the 26 children and adults killed at a Newtown elementary school, and an LCMS pastor in New York was suspended for praying at an interfaith vigil in 2001, 12 days after the September 11 attacks.The National Youth Gathering is held every three years. The most recent gathering took place from July 10–15, 2019, in Minneapolis, Minnesota with a theme of "Real. Present. God." The theme for the 2016 gathering in New Orleans, Louisiana was "In Christ Alone." The previous gathering took place in 2013 in San Antonio, Texas from July 1–5, 2013. It was based on the theme, "Live Love(d)." The 2010 gathering in New Orleans was based on the theme "We Believe". In both 2007 and 2004, The LCMS National Youth Gatherings were held at the Orange County Convention Center in Orlando, Florida. The gathering's theme in 2007 was "Chosen." The gathering in 2007 was originally planned to be held in New Orleans, Louisiana, but due to Hurricane Katrina, the location was changed to Orlando, Florida. Around 25,000 youth attend each gathering. Many Christian bands and artists perform at gatherings.The LCMS has a modified form of congregational polity. This is different from some other Lutheran bodies which have maintained episcopal polity; however, this is not considered to be a point of doctrine, as the synod is in fellowship with some Lutheran church bodies in Europe that have an episcopal structure.The corporate LCMS is formally constituted of two types of members: self-governing local congregations that qualify for membership by mutual agreement to adhere to stated principles, and clergymen who qualify by similar means. Congregations hold legal title to their church buildings and other property, and call (hire) and dismiss their own clergy. Much of the practical work of the LCMS structure is as a free employment brokerage to bring the two together; it also allows the congregations to work together on projects too large for even a local consortium of congregations to accomplish, such as foreign mission work.The LCMS as a whole is led by an ordained synodical president, currently Reverend Matthew C. Harrison. The president is chosen at a synodical convention, a gathering of the two membership groups (professional clergymen and lay representatives from the member congregations). The convention is held every three years; discussions of doctrine and policy take place at these events, and elections are held to fill various synod positions. The next LCMS convention is currently scheduled to take place in 2022, although a proposal to move that convention to 2023 due to the COVID-19 pandemic is being considered. Local conventions within each circuit and district are held in the intervening years.The entire synod is divided into 35 districts. Of these, 33 have jurisdiction over specific geographic areas. The other two, the English and the SELC, are non-geographic and were formed when the English Missouri Synod and the Slovak Synod, respectively, merged with the formerly German-speaking Missouri Synod. Each district is led by an elected district president, who must be an ordained clergyman. Most district presidencies are full-time positions, but there are a few exceptions in which the district president also serves as a parish pastor. The districts are subdivided into circuits, each of which is led by a circuit visitor, who is an ordained pastor from one of the member congregations. Districts are roughly analogous to dioceses in other Christian communities.Most congregations are served by full-time professional clergy. Some congregations, usually in rural areas, are served by ordained bi-vocational ministers (worker-priests) who maintain secular employment for sustenance and receive a small stipend or none at all. The LCMS is congregationalist with regard to polity.In addition to its two seminaries, the LCMS operates seven universities, known as the Concordia University System.Among the LCMS's other auxiliary organizations are the Lutheran Laymen's League (now known as Lutheran Hour Ministries), which conducts outreach ministries including "The Lutheran Hour" radio program; and the Lutheran Women's Missionary League. The synod also operates Concordia Publishing House, through which it publishes its official magazine, "The Lutheran Witness," and newspaper, "Reporter".Maintaining its position as a confessional church body emphasizing the importance of full agreement in the teachings of the Bible, the LCMS is not associated with ecumenical organizations such as the National Council of Churches, the National Association of Evangelicals, the World Council of Churches or the Lutheran World Federation. It is, however, a member of the International Lutheran Council, made up of over 30 Lutheran churches worldwide that support the confessional doctrines of the Bible and the Book of Concord. At the 2007 convention, the delegates voted to establish altar and pulpit fellowship with the American Association of Lutheran Churches (AALC).Although its strongly conservative views on theology and ethics might seem to make the LCMS politically compatible with Protestant evangelicals and fundamentalists in the U.S., the LCMS largely eschews political activity, partly out of concerns to keep the denomination untainted with potential heresies and also because of its strict understanding of the Lutheran distinction between the Two Kingdoms (see above), which repudiates the primarily Calvinist presuppositions about the totalizing rule of God that informs much, if not most, of U.S. evangelical understanding of politics and Christianity. However, both LCMS and Evangelicals share the common belief that life begins and should be protected by law since conception.The LCMS is distinguished from the Wisconsin Evangelical Lutheran Synod (WELS) by three main theological beliefs:Respondents to the Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey of 2008 included members of LCMS and the Evangelical Lutheran Church in America (ELCA)Membership growth was substantial in the first half of the 20th century. According to the "Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches", the LCMS had 628,695 members in 1925. By 1950 the number of members had grown to over 1.6 million. Membership peaked in 1970 at just under 2.8 million. In 2015 the LCMS reported 2,097,258 members and 6,105 churches, with 6,094 active clergy. LCMS membership continues to be concentrated in the Upper Midwest. The five states with the highest rates of adherence are Nebraska, Wisconsin, South Dakota, Minnesota, and Iowa.The Pew Research Center's U.S. Religious Landscape Survey in 2014 found that the LCMS was the third-least racially diverse major religious group in the country. The Evangelical Lutheran Church in America was second and the National Baptist Convention was the least diverse. The 2008 figures were::	[ "J. A. O. Preus II", "Ralph Arthur Bohlmann", "Heinrich Christian Schwan", "F. C. D. Wyneken", "C. F. W. Walther", "Friedrich Pfotenhauer", "Alvin L. Barry", "Robert T. Kuhn", "Oliver Raymond Harms", "John William Behnken" ]
Where was Bertha Swirles educated in Feb, 1917?	February 07, 1917	{ "text": [ "Northampton School for Girls" ] }	L2_Q4895522_P69_0	Bertha Swirles attended University of Göttingen from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1928. Bertha Swirles attended Girton College from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1924. Bertha Swirles attended Northampton School for Girls from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1921. Bertha Swirles attended University of Cambridge from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1929.	Bertha SwirlesBertha Swirles, Lady Jeffreys (22 May 1903 – 18 December 1999) was an English physicist, academic and scientific author who carried out research on quantum theory in its early days. She was associated with Girton College, University of Cambridge, as student and Fellow, for over 70 years.Bertha Swirles was born in Northampton in 1903 to Harriett "née" Blaxley (born around 1873), a primary school teacher, and William Alexander Swirles (b. 1878), a leather salesman. She was educated at Northampton School for Girls and in 1921 matriculated at Girton College to study mathematics, graduating with first class honours. She became a research student of quantum theory partly under Ralph Fowler at the University of Cambridge, one of a distinguished company of his students that included Paul Dirac and Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar. She also carried out research at the University of Göttingen under Max Born and Werner Heisenberg.She received her PhD in 1929, by which time she was an Assistant Lecturer at the University of Manchester. She followed with similar teaching posts at the University of Bristol and then at Imperial College (then the Royal College of Science), London in the 1930s. She returned to Girton College in 1938 as a mathematics lecturer and Fellow of the College. She continued her research into quantum theory, but also expanded her work to include seismology. In 1949 she became Director of Studies for Mathematics at Girton, a position she held until 1969. In this role she supported and developed the teaching of mathematics to women. She held a variety of positions at the College including Vice-Mistress from 1966 to 1969.In 1940 she married fellow mathematician Harold Jeffreys, and became Lady Jeffreys when he was knighted in 1953.She enjoyed music and was an accomplished pianist and cellist.She died in Cambridge on 18 December 1999 of a stroke.She was president of the Mathematical Association for 1969.She received honorary degrees from the Open University and the University of Saskatchewan.In 2016 the Council of the University of Cambridge approved the use of Swirles's name to mark Swirles Court, which consists of 325 graduate student rooms, leased by Girton College, within the North West Cambridge Development.	[ "University of Cambridge", "Girton College", "University of Göttingen" ]
Where was Bertha Swirles educated in Jun, 1923?	June 01, 1923	{ "text": [ "Girton College" ] }	L2_Q4895522_P69_1	Bertha Swirles attended University of Cambridge from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1929. Bertha Swirles attended Northampton School for Girls from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1921. Bertha Swirles attended Girton College from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1924. Bertha Swirles attended University of Göttingen from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1928.	Bertha SwirlesBertha Swirles, Lady Jeffreys (22 May 1903 – 18 December 1999) was an English physicist, academic and scientific author who carried out research on quantum theory in its early days. She was associated with Girton College, University of Cambridge, as student and Fellow, for over 70 years.Bertha Swirles was born in Northampton in 1903 to Harriett "née" Blaxley (born around 1873), a primary school teacher, and William Alexander Swirles (b. 1878), a leather salesman. She was educated at Northampton School for Girls and in 1921 matriculated at Girton College to study mathematics, graduating with first class honours. She became a research student of quantum theory partly under Ralph Fowler at the University of Cambridge, one of a distinguished company of his students that included Paul Dirac and Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar. She also carried out research at the University of Göttingen under Max Born and Werner Heisenberg.She received her PhD in 1929, by which time she was an Assistant Lecturer at the University of Manchester. She followed with similar teaching posts at the University of Bristol and then at Imperial College (then the Royal College of Science), London in the 1930s. She returned to Girton College in 1938 as a mathematics lecturer and Fellow of the College. She continued her research into quantum theory, but also expanded her work to include seismology. In 1949 she became Director of Studies for Mathematics at Girton, a position she held until 1969. In this role she supported and developed the teaching of mathematics to women. She held a variety of positions at the College including Vice-Mistress from 1966 to 1969.In 1940 she married fellow mathematician Harold Jeffreys, and became Lady Jeffreys when he was knighted in 1953.She enjoyed music and was an accomplished pianist and cellist.She died in Cambridge on 18 December 1999 of a stroke.She was president of the Mathematical Association for 1969.She received honorary degrees from the Open University and the University of Saskatchewan.In 2016 the Council of the University of Cambridge approved the use of Swirles's name to mark Swirles Court, which consists of 325 graduate student rooms, leased by Girton College, within the North West Cambridge Development.	[ "Northampton School for Girls", "University of Cambridge", "University of Göttingen" ]
Where was Bertha Swirles educated in Sep, 1927?	September 16, 1927	{ "text": [ "University of Göttingen" ] }	L2_Q4895522_P69_2	Bertha Swirles attended Girton College from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1924. Bertha Swirles attended University of Cambridge from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1929. Bertha Swirles attended University of Göttingen from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1928. Bertha Swirles attended Northampton School for Girls from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1921.	Bertha SwirlesBertha Swirles, Lady Jeffreys (22 May 1903 – 18 December 1999) was an English physicist, academic and scientific author who carried out research on quantum theory in its early days. She was associated with Girton College, University of Cambridge, as student and Fellow, for over 70 years.Bertha Swirles was born in Northampton in 1903 to Harriett "née" Blaxley (born around 1873), a primary school teacher, and William Alexander Swirles (b. 1878), a leather salesman. She was educated at Northampton School for Girls and in 1921 matriculated at Girton College to study mathematics, graduating with first class honours. She became a research student of quantum theory partly under Ralph Fowler at the University of Cambridge, one of a distinguished company of his students that included Paul Dirac and Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar. She also carried out research at the University of Göttingen under Max Born and Werner Heisenberg.She received her PhD in 1929, by which time she was an Assistant Lecturer at the University of Manchester. She followed with similar teaching posts at the University of Bristol and then at Imperial College (then the Royal College of Science), London in the 1930s. She returned to Girton College in 1938 as a mathematics lecturer and Fellow of the College. She continued her research into quantum theory, but also expanded her work to include seismology. In 1949 she became Director of Studies for Mathematics at Girton, a position she held until 1969. In this role she supported and developed the teaching of mathematics to women. She held a variety of positions at the College including Vice-Mistress from 1966 to 1969.In 1940 she married fellow mathematician Harold Jeffreys, and became Lady Jeffreys when he was knighted in 1953.She enjoyed music and was an accomplished pianist and cellist.She died in Cambridge on 18 December 1999 of a stroke.She was president of the Mathematical Association for 1969.She received honorary degrees from the Open University and the University of Saskatchewan.In 2016 the Council of the University of Cambridge approved the use of Swirles's name to mark Swirles Court, which consists of 325 graduate student rooms, leased by Girton College, within the North West Cambridge Development.	[ "Northampton School for Girls", "University of Cambridge", "Girton College" ]
Where was Bertha Swirles educated in Jan, 1929?	January 01, 1929	{ "text": [ "University of Cambridge" ] }	L2_Q4895522_P69_3	Bertha Swirles attended Northampton School for Girls from Jan, 1915 to Jan, 1921. Bertha Swirles attended University of Göttingen from Jan, 1927 to Jan, 1928. Bertha Swirles attended University of Cambridge from Jan, 1929 to Jan, 1929. Bertha Swirles attended Girton College from Jan, 1921 to Jan, 1924.	Bertha SwirlesBertha Swirles, Lady Jeffreys (22 May 1903 – 18 December 1999) was an English physicist, academic and scientific author who carried out research on quantum theory in its early days. She was associated with Girton College, University of Cambridge, as student and Fellow, for over 70 years.Bertha Swirles was born in Northampton in 1903 to Harriett "née" Blaxley (born around 1873), a primary school teacher, and William Alexander Swirles (b. 1878), a leather salesman. She was educated at Northampton School for Girls and in 1921 matriculated at Girton College to study mathematics, graduating with first class honours. She became a research student of quantum theory partly under Ralph Fowler at the University of Cambridge, one of a distinguished company of his students that included Paul Dirac and Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar. She also carried out research at the University of Göttingen under Max Born and Werner Heisenberg.She received her PhD in 1929, by which time she was an Assistant Lecturer at the University of Manchester. She followed with similar teaching posts at the University of Bristol and then at Imperial College (then the Royal College of Science), London in the 1930s. She returned to Girton College in 1938 as a mathematics lecturer and Fellow of the College. She continued her research into quantum theory, but also expanded her work to include seismology. In 1949 she became Director of Studies for Mathematics at Girton, a position she held until 1969. In this role she supported and developed the teaching of mathematics to women. She held a variety of positions at the College including Vice-Mistress from 1966 to 1969.In 1940 she married fellow mathematician Harold Jeffreys, and became Lady Jeffreys when he was knighted in 1953.She enjoyed music and was an accomplished pianist and cellist.She died in Cambridge on 18 December 1999 of a stroke.She was president of the Mathematical Association for 1969.She received honorary degrees from the Open University and the University of Saskatchewan.In 2016 the Council of the University of Cambridge approved the use of Swirles's name to mark Swirles Court, which consists of 325 graduate student rooms, leased by Girton College, within the North West Cambridge Development.	[ "Northampton School for Girls", "Girton College", "University of Göttingen" ]
Which employer did Simon Stoddart work for in Oct, 1987?	October 20, 1987	{ "text": [ "Magdalene College" ] }	L2_Q27947690_P108_0	Simon Stoddart works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2013. Simon Stoddart works for University of Bristol from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1996. Simon Stoddart works for University of York from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990. Simon Stoddart works for McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2017. Simon Stoddart works for Magdalene College from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1989.	Simon StoddartSimon Stoddart, FSA is a British archaeologist, prehistorian, and academic. He is a Reader in Prehistory at the University of Cambridge, a Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and the acting Deputy Director of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Stoddart was editor of journal "Antiquity", 2001-2002. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a member of the Institute of Field Archaeologists.	[ "University of Cambridge", "McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research", "University of Bristol", "University of York" ]
Which employer did Simon Stoddart work for in Dec, 1989?	December 03, 1989	{ "text": [ "University of York" ] }	L2_Q27947690_P108_1	Simon Stoddart works for McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2017. Simon Stoddart works for Magdalene College from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1989. Simon Stoddart works for University of Bristol from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1996. Simon Stoddart works for University of York from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990. Simon Stoddart works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2013.	Simon StoddartSimon Stoddart, FSA is a British archaeologist, prehistorian, and academic. He is a Reader in Prehistory at the University of Cambridge, a Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and the acting Deputy Director of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Stoddart was editor of journal "Antiquity", 2001-2002. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a member of the Institute of Field Archaeologists.	[ "Magdalene College", "University of Cambridge", "McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research", "University of Bristol" ]
Which employer did Simon Stoddart work for in Mar, 1991?	March 14, 1991	{ "text": [ "University of Bristol" ] }	L2_Q27947690_P108_2	Simon Stoddart works for McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2017. Simon Stoddart works for University of York from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990. Simon Stoddart works for University of Bristol from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1996. Simon Stoddart works for Magdalene College from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1989. Simon Stoddart works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2013.	Simon StoddartSimon Stoddart, FSA is a British archaeologist, prehistorian, and academic. He is a Reader in Prehistory at the University of Cambridge, a Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and the acting Deputy Director of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Stoddart was editor of journal "Antiquity", 2001-2002. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a member of the Institute of Field Archaeologists.	[ "Magdalene College", "University of Cambridge", "McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research", "University of York" ]
Which employer did Simon Stoddart work for in Oct, 1999?	October 27, 1999	{ "text": [ "University of Cambridge" ] }	L2_Q27947690_P108_3	Simon Stoddart works for McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2017. Simon Stoddart works for University of Bristol from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1996. Simon Stoddart works for Magdalene College from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1989. Simon Stoddart works for University of York from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990. Simon Stoddart works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2013.	Simon StoddartSimon Stoddart, FSA is a British archaeologist, prehistorian, and academic. He is a Reader in Prehistory at the University of Cambridge, a Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and the acting Deputy Director of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Stoddart was editor of journal "Antiquity", 2001-2002. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a member of the Institute of Field Archaeologists.	[ "Magdalene College", "McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research", "University of Bristol", "University of York" ]
Which employer did Simon Stoddart work for in Jan, 2015?	January 31, 2015	{ "text": [ "McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research" ] }	L2_Q27947690_P108_4	Simon Stoddart works for University of Cambridge from Jan, 1996 to Jan, 2013. Simon Stoddart works for University of York from Jan, 1988 to Jan, 1990. Simon Stoddart works for Magdalene College from Jan, 1986 to Jan, 1989. Simon Stoddart works for McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research from Jan, 2014 to Jan, 2017. Simon Stoddart works for University of Bristol from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1996.	Simon StoddartSimon Stoddart, FSA is a British archaeologist, prehistorian, and academic. He is a Reader in Prehistory at the University of Cambridge, a Fellow of Magdalene College, Cambridge, and the acting Deputy Director of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research.Stoddart was editor of journal "Antiquity", 2001-2002. He is a Fellow of the Society of Antiquaries of London, and a member of the Institute of Field Archaeologists.	[ "Magdalene College", "University of Cambridge", "University of Bristol", "University of York" ]
Where was Audrey Eagle educated in Nov, 1938?	November 19, 1938	{ "text": [ "Tanbridge House School" ] }	L2_Q19594714_P69_0	Audrey Eagle attended Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Audrey Eagle attended Tanbridge House School from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1939. Audrey Eagle attended Banbury Academy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.	Audrey EagleAudrey Lily Eagle (born 1925) is an eminent New Zealand botanical illustrator, whose work has mainly focused on New Zealand's distinctive trees and shrubs. As the author and illustrator of the two volume "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" Eagle has made a notable contribution to New Zealand botany.Eagle began in 1954 to paint plants in order to assist with learning their botanical names. By 1968 she started planning a book with examples of every genus of tree and shrub in New Zealand. In 1975, after more than twenty years of work, "Eagle's Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand in Colour" was published. The book contained illustrations of 228 species, reproduced in life-size, with meticulous notes on identification, distribution and the source of the illustrated material. In 1982, she published a second book, illustrating a further 405 species and varieties. Both books were revised in 1986 to bring the nomenclature up to date. However, as a result of botanical research, a further revision was necessary. In 2006 Te Papa Press published the two-volume edition incorporating all of Eagle's previous illustrations, together with a further 173 new paintings, under the title "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand".The voucher specimens and Eagle's personal botanical collection are contained in the Otago Regional Herbarium.Eagle was appointed a Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit in the 2001 Queen's Birthday Honours, for services to botanical art. In 2007, the 2006 two-volume edition of "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" earned her the Montana Medal for Non-Fiction and the Booksellers Choice award. The University of Otago conferred an honorary doctor of science degree on her in Dunedin at a graduation ceremony on 4 May 2013.In 2017, Eagle was selected as one of the Royal Society Te Apārangi's "150 women in 150 words", celebrating the contributions of women to knowledge in New Zealand.	[ "Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College", "Banbury Academy" ]
Where was Audrey Eagle educated in Apr, 1941?	April 08, 1941	{ "text": [ "Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College" ] }	L2_Q19594714_P69_1	Audrey Eagle attended Banbury Academy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943. Audrey Eagle attended Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Audrey Eagle attended Tanbridge House School from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1939.	Audrey EagleAudrey Lily Eagle (born 1925) is an eminent New Zealand botanical illustrator, whose work has mainly focused on New Zealand's distinctive trees and shrubs. As the author and illustrator of the two volume "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" Eagle has made a notable contribution to New Zealand botany.Eagle began in 1954 to paint plants in order to assist with learning their botanical names. By 1968 she started planning a book with examples of every genus of tree and shrub in New Zealand. In 1975, after more than twenty years of work, "Eagle's Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand in Colour" was published. The book contained illustrations of 228 species, reproduced in life-size, with meticulous notes on identification, distribution and the source of the illustrated material. In 1982, she published a second book, illustrating a further 405 species and varieties. Both books were revised in 1986 to bring the nomenclature up to date. However, as a result of botanical research, a further revision was necessary. In 2006 Te Papa Press published the two-volume edition incorporating all of Eagle's previous illustrations, together with a further 173 new paintings, under the title "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand".The voucher specimens and Eagle's personal botanical collection are contained in the Otago Regional Herbarium.Eagle was appointed a Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit in the 2001 Queen's Birthday Honours, for services to botanical art. In 2007, the 2006 two-volume edition of "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" earned her the Montana Medal for Non-Fiction and the Booksellers Choice award. The University of Otago conferred an honorary doctor of science degree on her in Dunedin at a graduation ceremony on 4 May 2013.In 2017, Eagle was selected as one of the Royal Society Te Apārangi's "150 women in 150 words", celebrating the contributions of women to knowledge in New Zealand.	[ "Tanbridge House School", "Banbury Academy" ]
Where was Audrey Eagle educated in Sep, 1942?	September 19, 1942	{ "text": [ "Banbury Academy" ] }	L2_Q19594714_P69_2	Audrey Eagle attended Tanbridge House School from Jan, 1936 to Jan, 1939. Audrey Eagle attended Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College from Jan, 1940 to Jan, 1942. Audrey Eagle attended Banbury Academy from Jan, 1942 to Jan, 1943.	Audrey EagleAudrey Lily Eagle (born 1925) is an eminent New Zealand botanical illustrator, whose work has mainly focused on New Zealand's distinctive trees and shrubs. As the author and illustrator of the two volume "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" Eagle has made a notable contribution to New Zealand botany.Eagle began in 1954 to paint plants in order to assist with learning their botanical names. By 1968 she started planning a book with examples of every genus of tree and shrub in New Zealand. In 1975, after more than twenty years of work, "Eagle's Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand in Colour" was published. The book contained illustrations of 228 species, reproduced in life-size, with meticulous notes on identification, distribution and the source of the illustrated material. In 1982, she published a second book, illustrating a further 405 species and varieties. Both books were revised in 1986 to bring the nomenclature up to date. However, as a result of botanical research, a further revision was necessary. In 2006 Te Papa Press published the two-volume edition incorporating all of Eagle's previous illustrations, together with a further 173 new paintings, under the title "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand".The voucher specimens and Eagle's personal botanical collection are contained in the Otago Regional Herbarium.Eagle was appointed a Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit in the 2001 Queen's Birthday Honours, for services to botanical art. In 2007, the 2006 two-volume edition of "Eagle's Complete Trees and Shrubs of New Zealand" earned her the Montana Medal for Non-Fiction and the Booksellers Choice award. The University of Otago conferred an honorary doctor of science degree on her in Dunedin at a graduation ceremony on 4 May 2013.In 2017, Eagle was selected as one of the Royal Society Te Apārangi's "150 women in 150 words", celebrating the contributions of women to knowledge in New Zealand.	[ "Fulham Cross Girls' School and Language College", "Tanbridge House School" ]
Who was the head coach of the team SønderjyskE Fodbold in Mar, 2015?	March 11, 2015	{ "text": [ "Jakob Michelsen" ] }	L2_Q3511548_P286_0	Glen Riddersholm is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Feb, 2019 to May, 2021. Jakob Michelsen is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Michael Boris is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jul, 2021 to Nov, 2021.	SønderjyskE FodboldSønderjyskE (full name: "SønderjyskE Fodbold", ) is the football department of the Danish multi-sport club Sønderjysk Elitesport. The club plays in the top tier of Danish football, the Danish Superliga. Their home is Sydbank Park in Haderslev. It is the only professional top-level football team in the region of Southern Jutland.	[ "Glen Riddersholm", "Michael Boris" ]
Who was the head coach of the team SønderjyskE Fodbold in Feb, 2019?	February 05, 2019	{ "text": [ "Glen Riddersholm" ] }	L2_Q3511548_P286_1	Glen Riddersholm is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Feb, 2019 to May, 2021. Jakob Michelsen is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016. Michael Boris is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jul, 2021 to Nov, 2021.	SønderjyskE FodboldSønderjyskE (full name: "SønderjyskE Fodbold", ) is the football department of the Danish multi-sport club Sønderjysk Elitesport. The club plays in the top tier of Danish football, the Danish Superliga. Their home is Sydbank Park in Haderslev. It is the only professional top-level football team in the region of Southern Jutland.	[ "Michael Boris", "Jakob Michelsen" ]
Who was the head coach of the team SønderjyskE Fodbold in Jul, 2021?	July 02, 2021	{ "text": [ "Michael Boris" ] }	L2_Q3511548_P286_2	Glen Riddersholm is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Feb, 2019 to May, 2021. Michael Boris is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jul, 2021 to Nov, 2021. Jakob Michelsen is the head coach of SønderjyskE Fodbold from Jan, 2015 to Jan, 2016.	SønderjyskE FodboldSønderjyskE (full name: "SønderjyskE Fodbold", ) is the football department of the Danish multi-sport club Sønderjysk Elitesport. The club plays in the top tier of Danish football, the Danish Superliga. Their home is Sydbank Park in Haderslev. It is the only professional top-level football team in the region of Southern Jutland.	[ "Glen Riddersholm", "Jakob Michelsen" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Chita in Mar, 2009?	March 05, 2009	{ "text": [ "Andrey Nedorezov" ] }	L2_Q1389110_P286_0	Ilya Makiyenko is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2019. Andrey Nedorezov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. Maksim Shvetsov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022.	FC ChitaFC Chita is a Russian association football club based in Chita that currently plays in the Russian Professional Football League.The club was founded in 1984 as a result of reorganization of FC Lokomotiv Chita which was excluded from the First Division. FC Chita was immediately admitted to the Second Division.Colours (Home) all red. (Away) all black.Chita was first represented in the Soviet league in 1937, when DKA played in Group D. After one more occasional appearance in 1946 (by Dynamo), the city was represented in the league since 1957. Many different names were used for the Chita team:The best league result was SKA's victory in zone 6 in 1967 and their 7th position in subsequent Class B final tournament.In 1974 FC Lokomotiv Chita was founded. Sources disagree on whether Lokomotiv is a continuation of previous Chita clubs. Lokomotiv played in the Soviet Second League in 1974–1977 and in 1984–1991.After the dissolution of USSR, Lokomotiv entered the Russian First Division. They played there until 2005. Lokomotiv's best results were 3rd position in the Eastern zone in 1992 and 8th position in the nationwide league in 1995, 1997, and 2000. Lokomotiv were the only club which stayed in the First Division for the first 14 years of its existence.On 14 February 2006 Lokomotiv and Alania Vladikavkaz were denied professional licences by Professional Football League and excluded from professional football for juridical irregularities. On 22 February PFL decided to replace Alania and Lokomotiv with Lada Togliatti and Mashuk-KMV Pyatigorsk, the runners-up in the Second Division. The Russian Football Union did not endorse the exclusion and on 28 February decided to keep Alania and Lokomotiv in the First Division, giving them another chance to fulfill the league requirements. Consequently, on 6 March PFL decided to extend the First Division from 22 to 24 clubs, including Alania, Lokomotiv, Lada, and Mashuk-KMV.However, on 20 March the Russian Football Union finally decided to exclude Alania and Lokomotiv from the league. This decision was announced by the Professional Football League on 21 March, five days before the start of the First Division.Lokomotiv underwent reorganization, were renamed FC Chita and on 4 April were admitted into the Russian Second Division. FC Chita won the East (Vostok) Zone of the Second Division in 2008 and played in the Russian First Division in 2009 season. However, FC Chita relegated again to Second Division after finishing First Division as 17th.At the end of the 2016–17 season, FC Chita secured the top spot in their zone of the Russian Professional Football League, but did not apply for the second-tier Russian Football National League license for the next season due to lack of financing, effectively refusing to be promoted.As of 7 May 2021, according to the official PFL website.Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Chita.	[ "Maksim Shvetsov", "Ilya Makiyenko" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Chita in May, 2018?	May 15, 2018	{ "text": [ "Ilya Makiyenko" ] }	L2_Q1389110_P286_1	Andrey Nedorezov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. Maksim Shvetsov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Ilya Makiyenko is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2019.	FC ChitaFC Chita is a Russian association football club based in Chita that currently plays in the Russian Professional Football League.The club was founded in 1984 as a result of reorganization of FC Lokomotiv Chita which was excluded from the First Division. FC Chita was immediately admitted to the Second Division.Colours (Home) all red. (Away) all black.Chita was first represented in the Soviet league in 1937, when DKA played in Group D. After one more occasional appearance in 1946 (by Dynamo), the city was represented in the league since 1957. Many different names were used for the Chita team:The best league result was SKA's victory in zone 6 in 1967 and their 7th position in subsequent Class B final tournament.In 1974 FC Lokomotiv Chita was founded. Sources disagree on whether Lokomotiv is a continuation of previous Chita clubs. Lokomotiv played in the Soviet Second League in 1974–1977 and in 1984–1991.After the dissolution of USSR, Lokomotiv entered the Russian First Division. They played there until 2005. Lokomotiv's best results were 3rd position in the Eastern zone in 1992 and 8th position in the nationwide league in 1995, 1997, and 2000. Lokomotiv were the only club which stayed in the First Division for the first 14 years of its existence.On 14 February 2006 Lokomotiv and Alania Vladikavkaz were denied professional licences by Professional Football League and excluded from professional football for juridical irregularities. On 22 February PFL decided to replace Alania and Lokomotiv with Lada Togliatti and Mashuk-KMV Pyatigorsk, the runners-up in the Second Division. The Russian Football Union did not endorse the exclusion and on 28 February decided to keep Alania and Lokomotiv in the First Division, giving them another chance to fulfill the league requirements. Consequently, on 6 March PFL decided to extend the First Division from 22 to 24 clubs, including Alania, Lokomotiv, Lada, and Mashuk-KMV.However, on 20 March the Russian Football Union finally decided to exclude Alania and Lokomotiv from the league. This decision was announced by the Professional Football League on 21 March, five days before the start of the First Division.Lokomotiv underwent reorganization, were renamed FC Chita and on 4 April were admitted into the Russian Second Division. FC Chita won the East (Vostok) Zone of the Second Division in 2008 and played in the Russian First Division in 2009 season. However, FC Chita relegated again to Second Division after finishing First Division as 17th.At the end of the 2016–17 season, FC Chita secured the top spot in their zone of the Russian Professional Football League, but did not apply for the second-tier Russian Football National League license for the next season due to lack of financing, effectively refusing to be promoted.As of 7 May 2021, according to the official PFL website.Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Chita.	[ "Maksim Shvetsov", "Andrey Nedorezov" ]
Who was the head coach of the team FC Chita in Jul, 2019?	July 16, 2019	{ "text": [ "Maksim Shvetsov" ] }	L2_Q1389110_P286_2	Maksim Shvetsov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2019 to Dec, 2022. Andrey Nedorezov is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2013. Ilya Makiyenko is the head coach of FC Chita from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2019.	FC ChitaFC Chita is a Russian association football club based in Chita that currently plays in the Russian Professional Football League.The club was founded in 1984 as a result of reorganization of FC Lokomotiv Chita which was excluded from the First Division. FC Chita was immediately admitted to the Second Division.Colours (Home) all red. (Away) all black.Chita was first represented in the Soviet league in 1937, when DKA played in Group D. After one more occasional appearance in 1946 (by Dynamo), the city was represented in the league since 1957. Many different names were used for the Chita team:The best league result was SKA's victory in zone 6 in 1967 and their 7th position in subsequent Class B final tournament.In 1974 FC Lokomotiv Chita was founded. Sources disagree on whether Lokomotiv is a continuation of previous Chita clubs. Lokomotiv played in the Soviet Second League in 1974–1977 and in 1984–1991.After the dissolution of USSR, Lokomotiv entered the Russian First Division. They played there until 2005. Lokomotiv's best results were 3rd position in the Eastern zone in 1992 and 8th position in the nationwide league in 1995, 1997, and 2000. Lokomotiv were the only club which stayed in the First Division for the first 14 years of its existence.On 14 February 2006 Lokomotiv and Alania Vladikavkaz were denied professional licences by Professional Football League and excluded from professional football for juridical irregularities. On 22 February PFL decided to replace Alania and Lokomotiv with Lada Togliatti and Mashuk-KMV Pyatigorsk, the runners-up in the Second Division. The Russian Football Union did not endorse the exclusion and on 28 February decided to keep Alania and Lokomotiv in the First Division, giving them another chance to fulfill the league requirements. Consequently, on 6 March PFL decided to extend the First Division from 22 to 24 clubs, including Alania, Lokomotiv, Lada, and Mashuk-KMV.However, on 20 March the Russian Football Union finally decided to exclude Alania and Lokomotiv from the league. This decision was announced by the Professional Football League on 21 March, five days before the start of the First Division.Lokomotiv underwent reorganization, were renamed FC Chita and on 4 April were admitted into the Russian Second Division. FC Chita won the East (Vostok) Zone of the Second Division in 2008 and played in the Russian First Division in 2009 season. However, FC Chita relegated again to Second Division after finishing First Division as 17th.At the end of the 2016–17 season, FC Chita secured the top spot in their zone of the Russian Professional Football League, but did not apply for the second-tier Russian Football National League license for the next season due to lack of financing, effectively refusing to be promoted.As of 7 May 2021, according to the official PFL website.Had international caps for their respective countries. Players whose name is listed in bold represented their countries while playing for Chita.	[ "Andrey Nedorezov", "Ilya Makiyenko" ]
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Jul, 2014?	July 25, 2014	{ "text": [ "Damir Petravić" ] }	L2_Q833050_P286_0	Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021. Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014. Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.	HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.	[ "Krunoslav Rendulić", "Damir Canadi", "Mario Rosas" ]
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Dec, 2020?	December 28, 2020	{ "text": [ "Krunoslav Rendulić" ] }	L2_Q833050_P286_1	Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022. Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021. Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014. Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022.	HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.	[ "Damir Petravić", "Damir Canadi", "Mario Rosas" ]
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Dec, 2021?	December 02, 2021	{ "text": [ "Mario Rosas" ] }	L2_Q833050_P286_2	Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022. Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021. Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014.	HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.	[ "Damir Petravić", "Damir Canadi", "Krunoslav Rendulić" ]
Who was the head coach of the team HNK Šibenik in Oct, 2022?	October 25, 2022	{ "text": [ "Damir Canadi" ] }	L2_Q833050_P286_3	Damir Petravić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Apr, 2013 to Dec, 2014. Krunoslav Rendulić is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jul, 2019 to Mar, 2021. Damir Canadi is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2022 to Dec, 2022. Mario Rosas is the head coach of HNK Šibenik from Jun, 2021 to Jan, 2022.	HNK ŠibenikHrvatski nogometni klub Šibenik (), commonly known as HNK Šibenik or simply Šibenik (), is a Croatian professional football club based in Šibenik. It competes in the top-level Croatian First Football League. They play their home matches at the Stadion Šubićevac, which has a capacity of 3,412.The club was formed in 1932 under the name Radničko sportsko društvo Šibenik ("Workers' Sport Association Šibenik"). The first president, Dr Martin Čičin-Šain, was only appointed to this role during the first board meeting, which was held in August 1933. They played in a stadium in the town area of Crnica, next to the "La Dalmatienne" factory. The playing field was officially opened on 31 May 1936. The first matches played were part of a 1936 tournament between Šibenik, Osvit, Split, and AŠK. Around the same time the first registered football club in Šibenik was also formed. This club was called Osvit and it was responsible for the construction of Šubićevac Stadium.The club played its first official league match in 1946 under the name FD Šibenik and the very next year it was crowned the champion of the Dalmatia region. The club's new home ground was opened on 1 May 1948 and bore the name of "the people's hero", Rade Končar. In the 1950–51 season, Šibenik finished top of the Croatian Republic League and gained promotion to the Yugoslav Second League for the first time in its history. However, they were relegated immediately and it was not until 1954–55 that they returned to the second division. In 1957 the club made it to the semi-final of the Yugoslav Cup.In 1983 Šibenik made it back to the Yugoslav Second League, where they played in the West Division, composed from 18 clubs from Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and SAP Vojvodina. In their first season (1983–84) they finished fourth, while in the 1984–85 season they came close second, only three points behind the champion Čelik Zenica, thus falling short of winning promotion to the Yugoslav First League. This was their best result in the Yugoslav Second League ever. After holding the middle position of the table for the next couple of seasons, Šibenik finished fifth in the 1987–88 season. They defended their fifth place in the 1988–89 season, the first Yugoslav Second League season which featured a unified format instead of two divisions (West and East), as well as in the 1989–90 season.Šibenik played in the Croatian First League for twelve consecutive seasons, from 1992 until 2003. In 2006 the club finished first in the Croatian Second League's southern division and returned to the first league. In the 2009–10 season, Šibenik finished fourth in domestic league, which was their best result ever, and thus qualified for the 2010–11 UEFA Europa League first qualifying round for the first time in its history. They were eliminated in the second qualifying round by Anorthosis Famagusta 2–3 on aggregate.In the 2011–12 season, the club finished fourteenth and were relegated to Second League. In the following season, Šibenik finished fourth but due to financial difficulties, they were once again relegated to the Third League. In the 2013–14 season, Šibenik finished in second place with their marksman Miro Slavica scoring 30 goals to take out the league's top goalscorer award, but failed to lead his side to promotion.At the end of the 2014–15 season, Šibenik gained promotion to Second League, topping the Third League – South. Mirko Labrović took over as manager in 2015. They finished close second to Cibalia in the 2015–16 season, failing to beat them in the last match of the season and thus failing to win direct promotion to the first tier by only one point. Šibenik played against Istra 1961 in the relegation play-offs on 29 May and 1 June 2016. Both matches ended 1–1 and Šibenik lost the play-off after penalty shootout.In the 2018–19 season, Šibenik finished a close second to Varaždin, and again played relegation play-offs over Istra 1961. The first match played in Šibenik ended 1–1 but in the second match played on Stadion Aldo Drosina, Istra beat them by a scoreline of 0–2. On 6 May 2020, by a decision of the Croatian Football Federation to suspend the 2019–20 Croatian Second League season, Šibenik was promoted to the first tier after eight years.Key The following HNK Šibenik players have been capped at full international level. Years in brackets indicate their spells at the club.	[ "Damir Petravić", "Krunoslav Rendulić", "Mario Rosas" ]
Which team did Bret Jones play for in Jan, 2002?	January 01, 2002	{ "text": [ "Dayton Gemini" ] }	L2_Q4961941_P54_0	Bret Jones plays for Dayton Gemini from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Dutch Lions from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.	Bret JonesBret Jones (born December 8, 1980) is a former American soccer player.Jones attended Xenia High School and played college soccer at Wright State University from 1999 to 2001, being named to the All-Horizon League team as a senior. He subsequently played with Dayton Gemini and the Columbus Shooting Stars in the USL Premier Development League.Jones turned professional in 2005 when he signed with the expansion franchise Cincinnati Kings in the USL Second Division. He made his professional debut on June 11, 2005 in a 0-0 tie with the Wilmington Hammerheads, and went on to play 11 games and score 1 goal in his debut season.After a brief period playing professional indoor soccer with 1790 Cincinnati, and training with the Columbus Crew reserves, Jones signed with the Dayton Dutch Lions in the USL Premier Development League in 2010, scoring 2 goals in 10 games during the team's debut season. He continued with the team in 2011 when the team self-promoted to the USL Professional Division in 2011.	[ "Cincinnati Kings", "Dayton Dutch Lions", "Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team" ]
Which team did Bret Jones play for in Oct, 2005?	October 14, 2005	{ "text": [ "Cincinnati Kings" ] }	L2_Q4961941_P54_1	Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Gemini from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Dutch Lions from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012.	Bret JonesBret Jones (born December 8, 1980) is a former American soccer player.Jones attended Xenia High School and played college soccer at Wright State University from 1999 to 2001, being named to the All-Horizon League team as a senior. He subsequently played with Dayton Gemini and the Columbus Shooting Stars in the USL Premier Development League.Jones turned professional in 2005 when he signed with the expansion franchise Cincinnati Kings in the USL Second Division. He made his professional debut on June 11, 2005 in a 0-0 tie with the Wilmington Hammerheads, and went on to play 11 games and score 1 goal in his debut season.After a brief period playing professional indoor soccer with 1790 Cincinnati, and training with the Columbus Crew reserves, Jones signed with the Dayton Dutch Lions in the USL Premier Development League in 2010, scoring 2 goals in 10 games during the team's debut season. He continued with the team in 2011 when the team self-promoted to the USL Professional Division in 2011.	[ "Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team", "Dayton Dutch Lions", "Dayton Gemini" ]
Which team did Bret Jones play for in Jul, 2008?	July 06, 2008	{ "text": [ "Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team" ] }	L2_Q4961941_P54_2	Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Gemini from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Dutch Lions from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.	Bret JonesBret Jones (born December 8, 1980) is a former American soccer player.Jones attended Xenia High School and played college soccer at Wright State University from 1999 to 2001, being named to the All-Horizon League team as a senior. He subsequently played with Dayton Gemini and the Columbus Shooting Stars in the USL Premier Development League.Jones turned professional in 2005 when he signed with the expansion franchise Cincinnati Kings in the USL Second Division. He made his professional debut on June 11, 2005 in a 0-0 tie with the Wilmington Hammerheads, and went on to play 11 games and score 1 goal in his debut season.After a brief period playing professional indoor soccer with 1790 Cincinnati, and training with the Columbus Crew reserves, Jones signed with the Dayton Dutch Lions in the USL Premier Development League in 2010, scoring 2 goals in 10 games during the team's debut season. He continued with the team in 2011 when the team self-promoted to the USL Professional Division in 2011.	[ "Cincinnati Kings", "Dayton Dutch Lions", "Dayton Gemini" ]
Which team did Bret Jones play for in Mar, 2011?	March 24, 2011	{ "text": [ "Dayton Dutch Lions" ] }	L2_Q4961941_P54_3	Bret Jones plays for Dayton Gemini from Jan, 2002 to Jan, 2002. Bret Jones plays for Dayton Dutch Lions from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2012. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings from Jan, 2005 to Jan, 2006. Bret Jones plays for Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009.	Bret JonesBret Jones (born December 8, 1980) is a former American soccer player.Jones attended Xenia High School and played college soccer at Wright State University from 1999 to 2001, being named to the All-Horizon League team as a senior. He subsequently played with Dayton Gemini and the Columbus Shooting Stars in the USL Premier Development League.Jones turned professional in 2005 when he signed with the expansion franchise Cincinnati Kings in the USL Second Division. He made his professional debut on June 11, 2005 in a 0-0 tie with the Wilmington Hammerheads, and went on to play 11 games and score 1 goal in his debut season.After a brief period playing professional indoor soccer with 1790 Cincinnati, and training with the Columbus Crew reserves, Jones signed with the Dayton Dutch Lions in the USL Premier Development League in 2010, scoring 2 goals in 10 games during the team's debut season. He continued with the team in 2011 when the team self-promoted to the USL Professional Division in 2011.	[ "Cincinnati Kings", "Dayton Gemini", "Cincinnati Kings Indoor Team" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in May, 1995?	May 21, 1995	{ "text": [ "Liberal Democratic Party" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_0	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Party", "Party of Hope" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Oct, 2009?	October 18, 2009	{ "text": [ "Democratic Party of Japan" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_1	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Party", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Oct, 2012?	October 09, 2012	{ "text": [ "Liberal Party" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_2	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Jan, 2012?	January 01, 2012	{ "text": [ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Liberal Party", "Japan Future Party", "Democratic Party" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_3	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Jan, 2012?	January 01, 2012	{ "text": [ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Liberal Party", "Japan Future Party", "Democratic Party" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_4	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Liberal Democratic Party" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Jan, 2016?	January 03, 2016	{ "text": [ "Democratic Party" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_5	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Democratic Party for the People", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Party", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Jul, 2017?	July 14, 2017	{ "text": [ "Party of Hope" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_6	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Democratic Party", "Democratic Party for the People", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Party", "Liberal Democratic Party" ]
Which political party did Yasuko Komiyama belong to in Dec, 2019?	December 27, 2019	{ "text": [ "Democratic Party for the People" ] }	L2_Q8050022_P102_7	Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Party of Hope from Jan, 2017 to Jan, 2018. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party from Jan, 2016 to Jan, 2017. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party of Japan from Jan, 2003 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the People's Life First from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Democratic Party from Jan, 1995 to Jan, 2000. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Liberal Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2014. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Japan Future Party from Jan, 2012 to Jan, 2012. Yasuko Komiyama is a member of the Democratic Party for the People from Jan, 2018 to Jan, 2020.	Yasuko Komiyama	[ "People's Life First", "Democratic Party of Japan", "Democratic Party", "Japan Future Party", "Liberal Party", "Liberal Democratic Party", "Party of Hope" ]
Which position did Lennart Rönnberg hold in Nov, 1983?	November 06, 1983	{ "text": [ "regiment commander" ] }	L2_Q30229914_P39_0	Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of Chief of the Army Staff from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of chief of staff from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1997. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1987.	Lennart RönnbergMajor General Erik Lennart Rönnberg (born 21 November 1938) is a retired Swedish Army officer. His senior commands include postings as Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps (1990–1994) and Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District (1994–1995).Rönnberg was born on 21 November 1938 in Fjällsjö Parish, Strömsund Municipality, Sweden, the son of Albin Rönnberg and his wife Hilda (née Viklund). Rönnberg became an officer candidate in Västernorrland Regiment on 28 August 1960 and he graduated from Military Academy Karlberg in 1961 and was then commissioned as an officer with then rank "Fänrik" and assigned to Västernorrland Regiment on 1 September 1961. Rönnberg was promoted to Lieutenant on 1 September 1963 and to Captain on 1 September 1969. Rönnberg attended the Swedish Armed Forces Staff College in 1971 and he was promoted to Major on 1 October 1972.Rönnberg attended the British Army Staff College in 1976 and was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel on 1 October 1977. He attended the Swedish National Defence College in 1981 and he was promoted to Colonel and appointed regimental commander of Västernorrland Regiment on 1 October 1982. On 1 April 1987, Rönnberg was promoted to Senior Colonel and was appointed Inspector of the Lower Norrland Military District. On 1 April 1990, Rönnberg was promoted to Major General and assumed the position of the last Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps. On 1 July 1994, Rönnberg assumed the position of Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District.Rönnberg then served as head of the Swedish Delegation to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC) from 1 January 1997 to February 1998.In 1967, he married Iréne Hellman (born 1946), the daughter of P.K. Hellman and Lotten (née Valberg).	[ "Chief of the Army Staff", "chief of staff" ]
Which position did Lennart Rönnberg hold in Jan, 1991?	January 05, 1991	{ "text": [ "Chief of the Army Staff" ] }	L2_Q30229914_P39_1	Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1987. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of chief of staff from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1997. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of Chief of the Army Staff from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994.	Lennart RönnbergMajor General Erik Lennart Rönnberg (born 21 November 1938) is a retired Swedish Army officer. His senior commands include postings as Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps (1990–1994) and Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District (1994–1995).Rönnberg was born on 21 November 1938 in Fjällsjö Parish, Strömsund Municipality, Sweden, the son of Albin Rönnberg and his wife Hilda (née Viklund). Rönnberg became an officer candidate in Västernorrland Regiment on 28 August 1960 and he graduated from Military Academy Karlberg in 1961 and was then commissioned as an officer with then rank "Fänrik" and assigned to Västernorrland Regiment on 1 September 1961. Rönnberg was promoted to Lieutenant on 1 September 1963 and to Captain on 1 September 1969. Rönnberg attended the Swedish Armed Forces Staff College in 1971 and he was promoted to Major on 1 October 1972.Rönnberg attended the British Army Staff College in 1976 and was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel on 1 October 1977. He attended the Swedish National Defence College in 1981 and he was promoted to Colonel and appointed regimental commander of Västernorrland Regiment on 1 October 1982. On 1 April 1987, Rönnberg was promoted to Senior Colonel and was appointed Inspector of the Lower Norrland Military District. On 1 April 1990, Rönnberg was promoted to Major General and assumed the position of the last Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps. On 1 July 1994, Rönnberg assumed the position of Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District.Rönnberg then served as head of the Swedish Delegation to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC) from 1 January 1997 to February 1998.In 1967, he married Iréne Hellman (born 1946), the daughter of P.K. Hellman and Lotten (née Valberg).	[ "regiment commander", "chief of staff" ]
Which position did Lennart Rönnberg hold in Feb, 1995?	February 27, 1995	{ "text": [ "chief of staff" ] }	L2_Q30229914_P39_2	Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of Chief of the Army Staff from Jan, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of chief of staff from Jan, 1994 to Jan, 1997. Lennart Rönnberg holds the position of regiment commander from Jan, 1983 to Jan, 1987.	Lennart RönnbergMajor General Erik Lennart Rönnberg (born 21 November 1938) is a retired Swedish Army officer. His senior commands include postings as Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps (1990–1994) and Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District (1994–1995).Rönnberg was born on 21 November 1938 in Fjällsjö Parish, Strömsund Municipality, Sweden, the son of Albin Rönnberg and his wife Hilda (née Viklund). Rönnberg became an officer candidate in Västernorrland Regiment on 28 August 1960 and he graduated from Military Academy Karlberg in 1961 and was then commissioned as an officer with then rank "Fänrik" and assigned to Västernorrland Regiment on 1 September 1961. Rönnberg was promoted to Lieutenant on 1 September 1963 and to Captain on 1 September 1969. Rönnberg attended the Swedish Armed Forces Staff College in 1971 and he was promoted to Major on 1 October 1972.Rönnberg attended the British Army Staff College in 1976 and was promoted to Lieutenant Colonel on 1 October 1977. He attended the Swedish National Defence College in 1981 and he was promoted to Colonel and appointed regimental commander of Västernorrland Regiment on 1 October 1982. On 1 April 1987, Rönnberg was promoted to Senior Colonel and was appointed Inspector of the Lower Norrland Military District. On 1 April 1990, Rönnberg was promoted to Major General and assumed the position of the last Chief of the Army Staff and of the General Staff Corps. On 1 July 1994, Rönnberg assumed the position of Chief of Staff of the Middle Military District.Rönnberg then served as head of the Swedish Delegation to the Neutral Nations Supervisory Commission (NNSC) from 1 January 1997 to February 1998.In 1967, he married Iréne Hellman (born 1946), the daughter of P.K. Hellman and Lotten (née Valberg).	[ "regiment commander", "Chief of the Army Staff" ]
Which position did Herbert Sausgruber hold in Sep, 1986?	September 10, 1986	{ "text": [ "Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg" ] }	L2_Q113548_P39_0	Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landesrat from Oct, 1989 to May, 1990. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg from Nov, 1979 to Oct, 1989. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landeshauptmann from Apr, 1997 to Dec, 2011. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Vice-governor of Vorarlberg from May, 1990 to Apr, 1997.	Herbert SausgruberHerbert Sausgruber (born July 24, 1946 in Bregenz) was governor of the Austrian state of Vorarlberg and chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP.After the "Matura" (general qualification for university entrance), Sausgruber he studied law and Catholic theology at the University of Innsbruck and become a member of the fraternity “"AKV Tirolia"”. He graduated in 1970 in jurisprudence.After a year working in a court he was admitted to the public service. First he served as the chief of the youth welfare office in the counties of Bludenz, Feldkirch and Bregenz. After 1975 he worked in the office of the government of Vorarlberg.From 1975 on, he was vestryman in Höchst, from 1978 on chief of the parish council. In 1979 he became a member of the Vorarlberg Landtag. In 1981 he became "Klubobmann" of the ÖVP in the Landtag, 1986 he became the chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP. In 1990, he became the vice governor of Vorarlberg and on April 2, 1997 the Landtag voted him in the post of the governor of the state. He held this position till 2011.	[ "Landesrat", "Vice-governor of Vorarlberg", "Landeshauptmann" ]
Which position did Herbert Sausgruber hold in Nov, 1989?	November 21, 1989	{ "text": [ "Landesrat" ] }	L2_Q113548_P39_1	Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Vice-governor of Vorarlberg from May, 1990 to Apr, 1997. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg from Nov, 1979 to Oct, 1989. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landeshauptmann from Apr, 1997 to Dec, 2011. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landesrat from Oct, 1989 to May, 1990.	Herbert SausgruberHerbert Sausgruber (born July 24, 1946 in Bregenz) was governor of the Austrian state of Vorarlberg and chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP.After the "Matura" (general qualification for university entrance), Sausgruber he studied law and Catholic theology at the University of Innsbruck and become a member of the fraternity “"AKV Tirolia"”. He graduated in 1970 in jurisprudence.After a year working in a court he was admitted to the public service. First he served as the chief of the youth welfare office in the counties of Bludenz, Feldkirch and Bregenz. After 1975 he worked in the office of the government of Vorarlberg.From 1975 on, he was vestryman in Höchst, from 1978 on chief of the parish council. In 1979 he became a member of the Vorarlberg Landtag. In 1981 he became "Klubobmann" of the ÖVP in the Landtag, 1986 he became the chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP. In 1990, he became the vice governor of Vorarlberg and on April 2, 1997 the Landtag voted him in the post of the governor of the state. He held this position till 2011.	[ "Vice-governor of Vorarlberg", "Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg", "Landeshauptmann" ]
Which position did Herbert Sausgruber hold in Jun, 1994?	June 22, 1994	{ "text": [ "Vice-governor of Vorarlberg" ] }	L2_Q113548_P39_2	Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg from Nov, 1979 to Oct, 1989. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landeshauptmann from Apr, 1997 to Dec, 2011. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Vice-governor of Vorarlberg from May, 1990 to Apr, 1997. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landesrat from Oct, 1989 to May, 1990.	Herbert SausgruberHerbert Sausgruber (born July 24, 1946 in Bregenz) was governor of the Austrian state of Vorarlberg and chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP.After the "Matura" (general qualification for university entrance), Sausgruber he studied law and Catholic theology at the University of Innsbruck and become a member of the fraternity “"AKV Tirolia"”. He graduated in 1970 in jurisprudence.After a year working in a court he was admitted to the public service. First he served as the chief of the youth welfare office in the counties of Bludenz, Feldkirch and Bregenz. After 1975 he worked in the office of the government of Vorarlberg.From 1975 on, he was vestryman in Höchst, from 1978 on chief of the parish council. In 1979 he became a member of the Vorarlberg Landtag. In 1981 he became "Klubobmann" of the ÖVP in the Landtag, 1986 he became the chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP. In 1990, he became the vice governor of Vorarlberg and on April 2, 1997 the Landtag voted him in the post of the governor of the state. He held this position till 2011.	[ "Landesrat", "Landeshauptmann", "Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg" ]
Which position did Herbert Sausgruber hold in Dec, 1997?	December 25, 1997	{ "text": [ "Landeshauptmann" ] }	L2_Q113548_P39_3	Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Vice-governor of Vorarlberg from May, 1990 to Apr, 1997. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg from Nov, 1979 to Oct, 1989. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landesrat from Oct, 1989 to May, 1990. Herbert Sausgruber holds the position of Landeshauptmann from Apr, 1997 to Dec, 2011.	Herbert SausgruberHerbert Sausgruber (born July 24, 1946 in Bregenz) was governor of the Austrian state of Vorarlberg and chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP.After the "Matura" (general qualification for university entrance), Sausgruber he studied law and Catholic theology at the University of Innsbruck and become a member of the fraternity “"AKV Tirolia"”. He graduated in 1970 in jurisprudence.After a year working in a court he was admitted to the public service. First he served as the chief of the youth welfare office in the counties of Bludenz, Feldkirch and Bregenz. After 1975 he worked in the office of the government of Vorarlberg.From 1975 on, he was vestryman in Höchst, from 1978 on chief of the parish council. In 1979 he became a member of the Vorarlberg Landtag. In 1981 he became "Klubobmann" of the ÖVP in the Landtag, 1986 he became the chairman of the Vorarlberg ÖVP. In 1990, he became the vice governor of Vorarlberg and on April 2, 1997 the Landtag voted him in the post of the governor of the state. He held this position till 2011.	[ "Landesrat", "Vice-governor of Vorarlberg", "Member of Landtag of Vorarlberg" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Sep, 1982?	September 13, 1982	{ "text": [ "Ramon Trias Fargas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_0	Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Jordi Pujol", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Aug, 1999?	August 05, 1999	{ "text": [ "Jordi Pujol" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_1	Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Ramon Trias Fargas", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Artur Mas" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Feb, 2015?	February 04, 2015	{ "text": [ "Artur Mas" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_2	Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012. Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Ramon Trias Fargas", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Jordi Pujol" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Dec, 2016?	December 26, 2016	{ "text": [ "Jacint Borràs i Manuel" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_3	Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Ramon Trias Fargas", "Artur Mas", "Vicenç Mauri i Claret", "Jordi Pujol" ]
Who was the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia in Aug, 2019?	August 15, 2019	{ "text": [ "Vicenç Mauri i Claret" ] }	L2_Q1129443_P488_4	Artur Mas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Mar, 2012 to Jul, 2016. Vicenç Mauri i Claret is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Apr, 2018 to Dec, 2022. Jacint Borràs i Manuel is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 2016 to Sep, 2017. Ramon Trias Fargas is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1979 to Jan, 1989. Jordi Pujol is the chair of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia from Jan, 1989 to Jan, 2012.	Democratic Convergence of CataloniaThe Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (; , CDC), frequently shortened as Convergence (; ) was a Catalan nationalist, liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain), currently still existing without any political activity.The party was originally created around the figure of Jordi Pujol in 1974, but it was not legally registered until February 1977. Between 1978 and 2015, the party was a member of the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance that dominated Catalan politics for almost the entirety of its existence; first as an electoral alliance with the christian democratic Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC), then as a party federation on 2 December 2001. For 37 years, both parties contested all elections under the CiU umbrella, being the first political group in the Parliament of Catalonia for its entire history and forming the regional government for nearly three decades (1980–2003 and 2010–2015). In June 2015, the CiU federation split over the issue of Catalan independence.On 8–10 July 2016, the party was refounded into the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), with CDC's political activity being passed to the new party, though CDC has remained active as a way to preserve its public funding and electoral rights in favour of the PDeCAT and the Together for Catalonia alliance. At the time of the party's refoundation in July 2016, it had 15,019 members.The party was founded on 17 November 1974 in Santa Maria de Montserrat Abbey as a "political movement" centered around the figure of Jordi Pujol. After the death of dictator Francisco Franco and in the wake of the Spanish transition to democracy, CDC was constituted as a political party in February 1976, being officially registered as such one year later in 1977. Convergence's aim would be to articulate itself as a transversal big tent political platform, able of bringing together various social sectors—from left to right in the political spectrum—of public life in Catalonia.Ahead of the first democratic election on 15 June 1977, CDC formed the Democratic Pact for Catalonia electoral alliance for the Congress of Deputies, together with the Socialist Party of Catalonia–Regrouping (PSC–R), Democratic Left of Catalonia (EDC) and the National Front of Catalonia (FNC); for the Spanish Senate it formed the Democracy and Catalonia coalition with the PSC–R, EDC and Democratic Union of Catalonia (UDC). In the spring of 1978, a sector of the party unsuccessfully proposed its renaming as "Nationalist Party of Catalonia", a name which would be used by several party members 42 years later for another political force.On 19 September 1978, CDC and UDC established the Convergence and Union (CiU) alliance, under which both parties would contest together all elections held in Catalonia throughout the next 37 years together. From the 1979 Spanish general election onwards, CDC and UDC would maintain the CiU alliance for all elections at all levels of administration: local, regional and general.Until their split in June 2015, the CiU alliance would dominate Catalan regional politics from the 1980s to the early 2000s, providing for Jordi Pujol's long stay in the regional government for 23 consecutive years, until a left-wing alliance comprising the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC), Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and Initiative for Catalonia Greens (ICV) was able to oust CiU from government and into opposition. It would not be until the 2010 Catalan regional election held seven years later that CiU, under Artur Mas's leadership, was returned to government.Beyond its dominance of Catalan politics, CDC sought to have influence in the Spanish parliament, collaborated with governments both under the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) (and more critically, in the 1993–1996 period when the PSOE was forced into a minority government) as well as under the People's Party (PP) (1996–2004), giving their support to both parties's attempts to form government, then maintaining confidence and supply agreements with them. CiU's support to Felipe González's government provided for the development of the "state of autonomies" the foundations for the financing of the autonomous communities. Under the PP governments of José María Aznar, CDC supported the liberalizing and budgetary control measures that allowed Spain to eventually adopt the euro as the country's currency. In the so-called "Majestic Pacts" signed between CiU and the PP after the latter's victory in the 1996 Spanish general election, both parties had also agreed to further expand on the development of regional financing started during González's tenure, the abolition of compulsory military service and the devolution of powers to the autonomous communities.Pujol's retirement ahead of the 2003 Catalan regional election prompted Artur Mas—who served as chief minister () and Pujol's protégée during the late stages of his government—as his successor as CDC leader and CiU leading candidate. After CiU's victory in the 2010 regional election, Mas would become the new president of the Government of Catalonia, introducing previously unseen variable geometry in the region's politics: first by partnering with the opposition's main party the PSC, then seeking collaboration with the local PP branch for approving the regional budget. As a result of the 11 September 2012 demonstration, Mas sought to capitalize on the social momentum of independence by triggering a snap election for 25 November, hoping to expand his parliamentary majority and attain an absolute majority; instead, his party suffered a severe setback by falling from 62 to 50 seats, having to rely on the support of the pro-independence Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) to keep himself in power. Frictions with CDC's alliance partner UDC over the issue of independence ended up in the termination of CiU as a political project in June 2015.Concurrently, the party had been shaken by CDC founder Jordi Pujol's confession on 25 July 2014 that he had hidden "money located abroad" from the Public Treasury for 34 years, allegedly attributed to his father's, Florenci Pujol, heritage. In his statement, Pujol regretted never having found the "right time" for the regularization of these amounts of money and asked the public for forgiveness. Various media outlets pointed out that this money was located in secret bank accounts abroad and could have benefitted from the fiscal amnesty promoted by the Spanish government of Mariano Rajoy in 2012. Coupled with the ongoing judicial investigations on an alleged CDC corruption scandal involving the payment of illegal commissions in exchange for the award of public works—in what would be known as the "3% case" because of that amount being the percentage of the public works' budgets that was to be illegally paid—Pujol's confession caused a profound commotion in Catalan society, which had the former president as a revered public figure with a large amount of influence.Following CiU's breakup, CDC contested the 2015 Catalan regional election within the Junts pel Sí coalition, and the 2015 Spanish general election within the Democracy and Freedom alliance. The 2016 Spanish general election would be the only one in CDC's long electoral history which the party would contest entirely on its own.In a party ballot held on 21 May 2016 to determine the party's future, CDC members were asked whether they backed a "renovation" of the party as it was, or instead supported a full "refoundation" with the establishment of a new, different party, leading to a 67–32% result in favour of refoundation. As a result, during its congress held from 8 to 10 July 2016, the new Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) was established, out of a desire for presenting a renewed trademark disassociated from CDC's corruption scandals, occurring during its long-term dominance of Catalan regional politics. The refoundation, intended as a pre-ordained scheme which the party's grassroots ultimately took away from its leadership, would only hasten the blurring of the post-convergent political space, after seeing the loss of the historical CDC label, the dilution of the PDeCAT within the Junts pel Sí parliamentary group with a number of various parties and independents, the increasing influence of Catalan president Carles Puigdemont in regional politics even after his ousting and subsequent self-exile in late October 2017 and the eventual coalescing of former pro-independence CDC members around the Together for Catalonia umbrella, dominated by Puigdemont's own party, the National Call for the Republic.Several parties would be formed from splinter CDC/PDeCAT elements weary of Puigdemont's growing influence and seeking to occupy the vacuum left by CiU's dissolution and appeal to Convergence's "orphan" voters. These included the Free (Lliures) party founded by former regional minister Antoni Fernández Teixidó, Convergents (CNV) of former regional minister of justice Germà Gordó, the Democratic League (LD) of political scientist Astrid Barrio and the Nationalist Party of Catalonia (PNC) led by former PDeCAT coordinator-general between 2016 and 2018 Marta Pascal.On 15 January 2018, a court in Barcelona ruled that CDC had received €6.6 million in illegal commissions from building firm Ferrovial between 1999 and 2009, in exchange for public works contracts. The scheme used the Palau de la Música Catalana concert venue as a front for false invoicing. Twelve people were jailed and fined millions. The former CDC treasurer Daniel Osàcar was sentenced to four years and five months in prison and fined €3.7 million for influence peddling and money laundering. Fèlix Millet, the former director of the Palau, was jailed for just under 10 years and fined €4.1 million and his deputy, Jordi Montull, received a 7 years and six months sentence and was fined €2.9 million. Millet and Montull were the individuals who benefited most from the scam, controlling the Palau's funds. The "Turkey Telegraph" noted the "final impunity of the CDC leaders", and also the impunity for the company that paid illegal commissions. Earlier in January, Artur Mas, who was a close ally of Osàcar, had stepped down as party president.	[ "Ramon Trias Fargas", "Jacint Borràs i Manuel", "Artur Mas", "Jordi Pujol" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Sep, 2001?	September 29, 2001	{ "text": [ "David Steel" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_0	David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007. Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "Ken Macintosh", "George Reid", "Tricia Marwick", "Alex Fergusson", "Alison Johnstone" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Aug, 2003?	August 02, 2003	{ "text": [ "George Reid" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_1	Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022. George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007. Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "Ken Macintosh", "David Steel", "Tricia Marwick", "Alex Fergusson", "Alison Johnstone" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Jan, 2010?	January 15, 2010	{ "text": [ "Alex Fergusson" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_2	David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021. Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "Ken Macintosh", "David Steel", "George Reid", "Tricia Marwick", "Alison Johnstone" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Sep, 2011?	September 11, 2011	{ "text": [ "Tricia Marwick" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_3	Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022. George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007. Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "Ken Macintosh", "David Steel", "Alison Johnstone", "Alex Fergusson", "George Reid" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Aug, 2018?	August 26, 2018	{ "text": [ "Ken Macintosh" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_4	Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022. George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007. Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021. David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "David Steel", "George Reid", "Tricia Marwick", "Alex Fergusson", "Alison Johnstone" ]
Who was the chair of Scottish Parliament in Aug, 2022?	August 15, 2022	{ "text": [ "Alison Johnstone" ] }	L2_Q206171_P488_5	George Reid is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2003 to May, 2007. Alex Fergusson is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2007 to May, 2011. Alison Johnstone is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2021 to Dec, 2022. Ken Macintosh is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2016 to May, 2021. Tricia Marwick is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 2011 to May, 2016. David Steel is the chair of Scottish Parliament from May, 1999 to May, 2003.	Scottish ParliamentThe Scottish Parliament (; Scots: "Scots Pairlament") is the devolved, unicameral legislature of Scotland. Located in the Holyrood area of the capital city, Edinburgh, it is frequently referred to by the metonym Holyrood. The Parliament is a democratically elected body comprising 129 members known as Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), elected for five-year terms under the additional member system: 73 MSPs represent individual geographical constituencies elected by the plurality (first-past-the-post) system, while a further 56 are returned from eight additional member regions, each electing seven MSPs. The most recent general election to the Parliament was held on 6 May 2021, with the Scottish National Party winning a plurality.The original Parliament of Scotland was the national legislature of the independent Kingdom of Scotland, and existed from the early 13th century until the Kingdom of Scotland merged with the Kingdom of England under the Acts of Union 1707 to form the Kingdom of Great Britain. As a consequence, both the Parliament of Scotland and the Parliament of England ceased to exist, and the Parliament of Great Britain, which sat at Westminster in London, was formed.Following a referendum in 1997, in which the Scottish electorate voted for devolution, the powers of the devolved legislature were specified by the Scotland Act 1998. The Act delineates the legislative competence of the Parliament – the areas in which it can make laws – by explicitly specifying powers that are "reserved" to the Parliament of the United Kingdom. The Scottish Parliament has the power to legislate in all areas that are not explicitly reserved to Westminster. The UK Parliament retains the ability to amend the terms of reference of the Scottish Parliament, and can extend or reduce the areas in which it can make laws. The first meeting of the new Parliament took place on 12 May 1999.The legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament has been amended numerous times since then. The Scotland Act 2012 and Scotland Act 2016 expanded the Parliament's powers, especially over taxation and welfare. The United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict the exercise of devolved competences both legally and practically. It aims to avoid regulatory divergence by the devolved nations following Brexit and, while not particularly changing devolved competences on paper, restricts the way that devolved competences operate in practice by imposing requirements of market non-discrimination and mutual recognition. Its effect is to undermine the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices to those made in Westminster.Before the Treaty of Union 1707 united the Kingdom of Scotland and the Kingdom of England into a new state called "Great Britain", Scotland had an independent parliament known as the Parliament of Scotland. Initial Scottish proposals in the negotiation over the Union suggested a devolved Parliament be retained in Scotland, but this was not accepted by the English negotiators.For the next three hundred years, Scotland was directly governed by the Parliament of Great Britain and the subsequent Parliament of the United Kingdom, both seated at Westminster, and the lack of a Parliament of Scotland remained an important element in Scottish national identity. Suggestions for a 'devolved' Parliament were made before 1914, but were shelved due to the outbreak of the First World War. A sharp rise in nationalism in Scotland during the late 1960s fuelled demands for some form of home rule or complete independence, and in 1969 prompted the incumbent Labour government of Harold Wilson to set up the Kilbrandon Commission to consider the British constitution. One of the principal objectives of the commission was to examine ways of enabling more self-government for Scotland, within the unitary state of the United Kingdom. Kilbrandon published his report in 1973 recommending the establishment of a directly elected Scottish Assembly to legislate for the majority of domestic Scottish affairs.During this time, the discovery of oil in the North Sea and the following "It's Scotland's oil" campaign of the Scottish National Party (SNP) resulted in rising support for Scottish independence, as well as the SNP. The party argued that the revenues from the oil were not benefitting Scotland as much as they should. The combined effect of these events led to Prime Minister Wilson committing his government to some form of devolved legislature in 1974. Under the terms of the Scotland Act 1978, an elected assembly would be set up in Edinburgh if the public approved it in a referendum be held on 1 March 1979. A narrow majority of 51.6% to 48.4% voted in favour of a Scottish Assembly, but the Act also required that at least 40% of the total electorate vote in favour of the proposal. As the turnout was only 63.6%, the vote in favour represented only 32.9% of the eligible voting population, and the Assembly was not established.Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, demand for a Scottish Parliament grew, in part because the government of the United Kingdom was controlled by the Conservative Party, while Scotland itself elected relatively few Conservative MPs. In the aftermath of the 1979 referendum defeat, the Campaign for a Scottish Assembly was initiated as a pressure group, leading to the 1989 Scottish Constitutional Convention with various organisations such as Scottish churches, political parties and representatives of industry taking part. Publishing its blueprint for devolution in 1995, the Convention provided much of the basis for the structure of the Parliament.Devolution continued to form part of the platform of the Labour Party which won power under Tony Blair in May 1997. In September 1997, the Scottish devolution referendum was put to the Scottish electorate and secured a majority in favour of the establishment of a new devolved Scottish Parliament, with tax-varying powers, in Edinburgh. An election was held on 6 May 1999, and on 1 July of that year power was transferred from Westminster to the new Parliament.Since September 2004, the official home of the Scottish Parliament has been a new Scottish Parliament Building, in the Holyrood area of Edinburgh. The Scottish Parliament building was designed by Spanish architect Enric Miralles in partnership with local Edinburgh Architecture firm RMJM which was led by Design Principal Tony Kettle. Some of the principal features of the complex include leaf-shaped buildings, a grass-roofed branch merging into adjacent parkland and gabion walls formed from the stones of previous buildings. Throughout the building there are many repeated motifs, such as shapes based on Raeburn's Skating Minister. Crow-stepped gables and the upturned boat skylights of the Garden Lobby, complete the unique architecture. Queen Elizabeth II opened the new building on 9 October 2004.While the permanent building at Holyrood was being constructed, a temporary home for the Parliament was found in Edinburgh. The General Assembly Hall of the Church of Scotland on the Royal Mile was chosen to host the Parliament. Official photographs and television interviews were held in the courtyard adjoining the Assembly Hall, which is part of the School of Divinity of the University of Edinburgh. This building was vacated twice to allow for the meeting of the Church's General Assembly. In May 2000, the Parliament was temporarily relocated to the former Strathclyde Regional Council debating chamber in Glasgow, and to the University of Aberdeen in May 2002.After each election to the Scottish Parliament, at the beginning of each parliamentary session, Parliament elects one MSP to serve as Presiding Officer, the equivalent of the speaker in other legislatures, and two MSPs to serve as deputies. The Presiding Officer (currently Alison Johnstone) and deputies (currently Annabelle Ewing and Liam McArthur) are elected by a secret ballot of the 129 MSPs, which is the only secret ballot conducted in the Scottish Parliament. Principally, the role of the Presiding Officer is to chair chamber proceedings and the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body. When chairing meetings of the Parliament, the Presiding Officer and his/her deputies must be politically impartial. During debates, the Presiding Officer (or the deputy) is assisted by the parliamentary clerks, who give advice on how to interpret the standing orders that govern the proceedings of meetings. A vote clerk sits in front of the Presiding Officer and operates the electronic voting equipment and chamber clocks.As a member of the Scottish Parliamentary Corporate Body, the Presiding Officer is responsible for ensuring that the Parliament functions effectively and has the staff, property and resources it requires to operate. Convening the Parliamentary Bureau, which allocates time and sets the work agenda in the chamber, is another of the roles of the Presiding Officer. Under the Standing Orders of the Parliament the Bureau consists of the Presiding Officer and one representative from each political party with five or more seats in the Parliament. Amongst the duties of the Bureau are to agree the timetable of business in the chamber, establish the number, remit and membership of parliamentary committees and regulate the passage of legislation (bills) through the Parliament. The Presiding Officer also represents the Scottish Parliament at home and abroad in an official capacity.The Presiding Officer controls debates by calling on members to speak. If a member believes that a rule (or standing order) has been breached, he or she may raise a "point of order", on which the Presiding Officer makes a ruling that is not subject to any debate or appeal. The Presiding Officer may also discipline members who fail to observe the rules of the Parliament.The debating chamber of the Scottish Parliament has seating arranged in a hemicycle, a design which is common across European legislatures, intended to encourage consensus and compromise. There are 131 seats in the debating chamber. Of the total 131 seats, 129 are occupied by the Parliament's elected MSPs and two are seats for the Scottish Law Officers—the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland, who are not elected members of the Parliament but are members of the Scottish Government. As such, the Law Officers may attend and speak in the plenary meetings of the Parliament but, as they are not elected MSPs, cannot vote.Members are able to sit anywhere in the debating chamber, but typically sit in their party groupings. The First Minister, Scottish cabinet ministers and Law officers sit in the front row, in the middle section of the chamber. The largest party in the Parliament sits in the middle of the semicircle, with opposing parties on either side. The Presiding Officer, parliamentary clerks and officials sit opposite members at the front of the debating chamber.In front of the Presiding Officers' desk is the parliamentary mace, which is made from silver and inlaid with gold panned from Scottish rivers and inscribed with the words: "Wisdom", "Compassion", "Justice" and "Integrity". The words "There shall be a Scottish Parliament", which are the first words of the Scotland Act, are inscribed around the head of the mace, which has a ceremonial role in the meetings of Parliament, representing the authority of the Parliament to make laws. Presented to the Scottish Parliament by the Queen upon Parliament's official opening in July 1999, the mace is displayed in a glass case, suspended from the lid. At the beginning of each sitting in the chamber, the lid of the case is rotated so that the mace is above the glass, to symbolise that a full meeting of the Parliament is taking place.Parliament typically sits Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays from early January to late June and from early September to mid December, with two-week recesses in April and October. Plenary meetings in the debating chamber usually take place on Wednesday afternoons from 2 pm to 6 pm and on Thursdays from 9:15 am to 6 pm. Chamber debates and committee meetings are open to the public. Entry is free, but booking in advance is recommended due to limited space. Parliament TV is a webcast and archive of Parliamentary business back to 2012. and on the BBC's parliamentary channel BBC Parliament. Proceedings are also recorded in text form, in print and online, in the "Official Report", which is the substantially verbatim transcript of parliamentary debates.Since September 2012, the first item of business on Tuesday afternoons is usually Time for Reflection at which a speaker addresses members for up to four minutes, sharing a perspective on issues of faith. This contrasts with the formal style of "Prayers", which is the first item of business in meetings of the House of Commons. Speakers are drawn from across Scotland and are chosen to represent the balance of religious beliefs according to the Scottish census. Invitations to address Parliament in this manner are determined by the Presiding Officer on the advice of the parliamentary bureau. Faith groups can make direct representations to the Presiding Officer to nominate speakers. Before September 2012, Time for reflection was held on Wednesday afternoons.The Presiding Officer (or Deputy Presiding Officer) decides who speaks in chamber debates and the amount of time for which they are allowed to speak. Normally, the Presiding Officer tries to achieve a balance between different viewpoints and political parties when selecting members to speak. Typically, ministers or party leaders open debates, with opening speakers given between 5 and 20 minutes, and succeeding speakers allocated less time. The Presiding Officer can reduce speaking time if a large number of members wish to participate in the debate. Debate is more informal than in some parliamentary systems. Members may call each other directly by name, rather than by constituency or cabinet position, and hand clapping is allowed. Speeches to the chamber are normally delivered in English, but members may use Scots, Gaelic, or any other language with the agreement of the Presiding Officer. The Scottish Parliament has conducted debates in the Gaelic language.Each sitting day, normally at 5 pm, MSPs decide on all the motions and amendments that have been moved that day. This "Decision Time" is heralded by the sounding of the division bell, which is heard throughout the Parliamentary campus and alerts MSPs who are not in the chamber to return and vote. At Decision Time, the Presiding Officer puts questions on the motions and amendments by reading out the name of the motion or amendment as well as the proposer and asking ""Are we all agreed?"", to which the chamber first votes orally. If there is audible dissent, the Presiding Officer announces ""There will be a division"" and members vote by means of electronic consoles on their desks. Each MSP has a unique access card with a microchip which, when inserted into the console, identifies them and allows them to vote. As a result, the outcome of each division is known in seconds.The outcome of most votes can be predicted since political parties normally instruct members which way to vote. Parties entrust some MSPs, known as whips, with the task of ensuring that party members vote according to the party line. MSPs do not tend to vote against such instructions, since those who do are unlikely to reach higher political ranks in their parties. Errant members can be deselected as official party candidates during future elections, and, in serious cases, may be expelled from their parties outright. Thus, as with many Parliaments, the independence of Members of the Scottish Parliament tends to be low, and backbench rebellions by members who are discontent with their party's policies are rare. In some circumstances, however, parties announce "free votes", which allows Members to vote as they please. This is typically done on moral issues.Immediately after Decision Time a "Members Debate" is held, which lasts for 45 minutes. Members Business is a debate on a motion proposed by an MSP who is not a Scottish minister. Such motions are on issues which may be of interest to a particular area such as a member's own constituency, an upcoming or past event or any other item which would otherwise not be accorded official parliamentary time. As well as the proposer, other members normally contribute to the debate. The relevant minister, whose department the debate and motion relate to "winds up" the debate by speaking after all other participants.Much of the work of the Scottish Parliament is done in committee. The role of committees is stronger in the Scottish Parliament than in other parliamentary systems, partly as a means of strengthening the role of backbenchers in their scrutiny of the government and partly to compensate for the fact that there is no revising chamber. The principal role of committees in the Scottish Parliament is to take evidence from witnesses, conduct inquiries and scrutinise legislation. Committee meetings take place on Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday morning when Parliament is sitting. Committees can also meet at other locations throughout Scotland.Committees comprise a small number of MSPs, with membership reflecting the balance of parties across Parliament. There are different committees with their functions set out in different ways. Mandatory Committees are committees which are set down under the Scottish Parliament's standing orders, which govern their remits and proceedings. The current Mandatory Committees in the fourth Session of the Scottish Parliament are: Public Audit; Equal Opportunities; European and External Relations; Finance; Public Petitions; Standards, Procedures and Public Appointments; and Delegated Powers and Law Reform.Subject Committees are established at the beginning of each parliamentary session, and again the members on each committee reflect the balance of parties across Parliament. Typically each committee corresponds with one (or more) of the departments (or ministries) of the Scottish Government. The current Subject Committees in the fourth Session are: Economy, Energy and Tourism; Education and Culture; Health and Sport; Justice; Local Government and Regeneration; Rural Affairs, Climate Change and Environment; Welfare Reform; and Infrastructure and Capital Investment.A further type of committee is normally set up to scrutinise private bills submitted to the Scottish Parliament by an outside party or promoter who is not a member of the Scottish Parliament or Scottish Government. Private bills normally relate to large-scale development projects such as infrastructure projects that require the use of land or property. Private Bill Committees have been set up to consider legislation on issues such as the development of the Edinburgh Tram Network, the Glasgow Airport Rail Link, the Airdrie-Bathgate Rail Link and extensions to the National Gallery of Scotland.The Scotland Act 1998, which was passed by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and given royal assent by Queen Elizabeth II on 19 November 1998, governs the functions and role of the Scottish Parliament and delimits its legislative competence. Since the establishment of the Parliament, there have been a number of changes to its legislative competence. The Scotland Act 2012 and the Scotland Act 2016 extended the devolved competencies, while the United Kingdom Internal Market Act 2020 seeks to restrict their operation. The latter legislation, passed under the government of Boris Johnson, gives UK ministers extended powers to enforce mutual recognition of regulations across the UK, and the exemptions permitted for the devolved administrations are much less extensive than previous exemptions under the EU Single Market rules. On paper, it does not particularly change devolution compentences, but it does both legally and practically restrain the legislative competence of the Parliament. Although the UK Government stated on publication that the proposed bill sought to "protect the integrity of the UK's single market", the legislation has been heavily criticised for its dealings with the devolved nations. First Minister Nicola Sturgeon called the bill a "full frontal assault on devolution". The legislation undermines the freedom of action, regulatory competence and authority of the Parliament, limiting its ability to make different economic or social choices from those made in Westminster, and to focus and plan investment in infrastructure in Scotland.For the purposes of parliamentary sovereignty, the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster continues to constitute the supreme legislature of Scotland. However, under the terms of the Scotland Acts, Westminster agreed to devolve some of its responsibilities over Scottish domestic policy to the Scottish Parliament. Such "devolved matters" include education, health, agriculture and justice. The Scotland Act 1998 enabled the Scottish Parliament to pass primary legislation on these issues. A degree of domestic authority, and all foreign policy, remain with the UK Parliament in Westminster. The Scottish Parliament has the power to pass laws and has tax powers. Another of the roles of the Parliament is to hold the Scottish Government to account. Although the Westminster Parliament retains the authority to legislate on devolved matters, under the Sewell convention it is understood that it will not do so without the consent of the Scottish Parliament.The specific devolved matters are all subjects which are not explicitly stated in Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act as reserved matters. All matters that are not specifically reserved are automatically devolved to the Scottish Parliament. Most importantly, this includes agriculture, fisheries and forestry, economic development, education, environment, food standards, consumer advocacy, health, home affairs, legal system, courts, legal profession, police and fire services, prisons, control of air guns, local government, sport and the arts, many aspects of transport (including rail franchising), training, tourism, research and statistics, social work, and some powers over social security. In terms of tax powers, the Scottish Parliament has full control over income tax rates and thresholds on all non-savings and non-dividend income liable for tax by taxpayers resident in Scotland. The Scottish Parliament also has full control over Land and Buildings Transaction Tax and Scottish Landfill Tax.Reserved matters are subjects that are outside the legislative competence of the Scottish Parliament. The Scottish Parliament is unable to legislate on such issues that are reserved to, and dealt with at, Westminster (and where Ministerial functions usually lie with UK Government ministers). These include broadcasting policy, civil service, common markets for UK goods and services, constitution, electricity, coal, oil, gas, nuclear energy, defence and national security, drug policy, employment, foreign policy and relations with Europe, welfare, reserved tax powers, most aspects of transport safety and regulation, National Lottery, protection of borders, most aspects of social security and stability of UK's fiscal, economic and monetary system.Members of the public take part in Parliament in two ways that are not the case at Westminster: a public petitioning system, and cross-party groups on policy topics which the interested public join and attend meetings of, alongside MSPs. The Parliament is able to debate any issue (including those reserved to Westminster) but is unable to make laws on issues that are outside its legislative competence.As the Scottish Parliament is able to make laws on the areas constitutionally devolved to it, the legislative process begins with bills (draft laws) which are presented to Parliament.Bills can be introduced to Parliament in a number of ways; the Scottish Government can introduce new laws or amendments to existing laws as a bill; a committee of the Parliament can present a bill in one of the areas under its remit; a member of the Scottish Parliament can introduce a bill as a private member; or a private bill can be submitted to Parliament by an outside proposer. Most draft laws are government bills introduced by ministers in the governing party (or parties). Bills pass through Parliament in a number of stages before receiving royal assent, whereupon they become Acts of the Scottish Parliament.The party, or parties, that hold the majority of seats in the Parliament forms the Scottish Government. In contrast to many other parliamentary systems, Parliament elects a First Minister from a number of candidates at the beginning of each parliamentary term (after a general election). Any member can put their name forward to be First Minister, and a vote is taken by all members of Parliament. Normally, the leader of the largest party is returned as First Minister, and head of the Scottish Government. Theoretically, Parliament also elects the Scottish Ministers who form the government of Scotland and sit in the Scottish cabinet, but such ministers are, in practice, appointed to their roles by the First Minister. Junior ministers, who do not attend cabinet, are also appointed to assist Scottish ministers in their departments. Most ministers and their juniors are drawn from amongst the elected MSPs, with the exception of Scotland's Chief Law Officers: the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General. Whilst the First Minister chooses the ministers – and may decide to remove them at any time – the formal appointment or dismissal is made by the Sovereign.Under the Scotland Act 1998, ordinary general elections for the Scottish Parliament are held on the first Thursday in May every four years (1999, 2003, 2007 and so on). The date of the poll may be varied by up to one month either way by the Monarch on the proposal of the Presiding Officer. If the Parliament itself resolves that it should be dissolved (with at least two-thirds of the Members voting in favour), or if the Parliament fails to nominate one of its members to be First Minister within 28 days of a General Election or of the position becoming vacant, the Presiding Officer proposes a date for an extraordinary general election and the Parliament is dissolved by the Queen by royal proclamation. Extraordinary general elections are in addition to ordinary general elections, unless held less than six months before the due date of an ordinary general election, in which case they supplant it. The following ordinary election reverts to the first Thursday in May, a multiple of four years after 1999 (i.e., 5 May 2011, 7 May 2015, etc.).Several procedures enable the Scottish Parliament to scrutinise the Government. The First Minister or members of the cabinet can deliver statements to Parliament upon which MSPs are invited to question. For example, at the beginning of each parliamentary year, the First Minister delivers a statement to the chamber setting out the Government's legislative programme for the forthcoming year. After the statement has been delivered, the leaders of the opposition parties and other MSPs question the First Minister on issues related to the substance of the statement.Parliamentary time is also set aside for question periods in the debating chamber. A "General Question Time" takes place on a Thursday between 11:40 a.m. and noon where members can direct questions to any member of the Scottish Government. At 2:30 pm, a 40-minute-long themed "Question Time" takes place, where members can ask questions of ministers in departments that are selected for questioning that sitting day, such as health and justice or education and transport. Between noon and 12:30 p.m. on Thursdays, when Parliament is sitting, First Minister's Question Time takes place. This gives members an opportunity to question the First Minister directly on issues under their jurisdiction.Members who wish to ask general or themed questions, or questions of the First Minister, must lodge them with parliamentary clerks beforehand and selections are made by the Presiding Officer. Written questions may also be submitted by members to ministers. Written questions and answers are published in the "Official Report".The first session of Leaders’ Virtual Question Time, or virtual First Minister's Questions, was held on 9 April 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic.Elections for the Scottish Parliament were amongst the first in Britain to use a mixed member proportional representation (MMP) system. The system is a form of the additional member method (AMS) of proportional representation, and is better known as such in Britain. Under the system, voters are given two votes: one for a specific candidate and one for a political party.Of the 129 MSPs, 73 are elected to represent first past the post constituencies and are known as "Constituency MSPs". Voters choose one member to represent the constituency, and the member with most votes is returned as a constituency MSP. The 73 Scottish Parliament constituencies shared the same boundaries as the UK Parliament constituencies in Scotland, prior to the 2005 reduction in the number of Scottish MPs, with the exception of Orkney and Shetland which each return their own constituency MSP. Currently, the average Scottish Parliament constituency comprises 55,000 electors. Given the geographical distribution of population in Scotland, this results in constituencies of a smaller area in the Central Lowlands, where the bulk of Scotland's population live, and much larger constituency areas in the north and west of the country, which have a low population density. The island archipelagos of Orkney, Shetland and the Western Isles comprise a much smaller number of electors, due to their dispersed population. If a constituency MSP resigns from Parliament, this triggers a by-election in his or her constituency, where a replacement MSP is returned by the plurality system.The remaining 56 MSPs, called "List MSPs", are elected by an additional members system, which seeks to make the overall results more proportional, countering any distortions in the constituency results. Seven list MSPs are elected from each of eight electoral regions, of which constituencies are sub-divisions:Each political party draws up a list of candidates standing in each electoral region, from which the list MSPs are elected. Independents can also stand in regions, in which case they are treated as a one-person "list". Candidates can stand for both a constituency and a list; should they be elected for a constituency, this takes precedence and they are skipped over when apportioning seats from their party list. If a list MSP later leaves the Parliament, the next person on the resigning MSPs' party's list takes the seat. Should a list MSP leave their party, however, they retain their seat and are not replaced. If an independent list MSP leaves the Parliament, they are not replaced and the seat is left vacant until the next general election.The total number of seats in the Parliament is allocated to parties proportionally to the number of votes received in the second vote of the ballot using the d'Hondt method. For example, to determine who is awarded the first list seat, the number of list votes cast for each party is divided by one plus the number of seats the party won in the region (at this point just constituency seats). The party with the highest quotient is awarded the seat, which is then added to its constituency seats in allocating the second seat. This is repeated iteratively until all available list seats are allocated. As the allocation of seats to parties mirrors the popular vote, it is commonplace for the most successful party in the election not to win an outright majority of the seats, thereby requiring them to seek some form and level of cross-party support for their initiatives in government. Nonetheless, the 2011 election saw the SNP become the first–and to date, only–party to win a majority government.As in the House of Commons, a number of qualifications apply to being an MSP. Such qualifications were introduced under the House of Commons Disqualification Act 1975 and the British Nationality Act 1981. Specifically, members must be over the age of 18 and must be a citizen of the United Kingdom, the Republic of Ireland, one of the countries in the Commonwealth of Nations, a citizen of a British overseas territory, or a European Union citizen resident in the UK. Members of the police and the armed forces are disqualified from sitting in the Scottish Parliament as elected MSPs, and similarly, civil servants and members of foreign legislatures are disqualified. An individual may not sit in the Scottish Parliament if he or she is judged to be insane under the terms of the Mental Health (Care and Treatment) (Scotland) Act 2003. There is no legal prohibition on holding a dual mandate, sitting in both the Scottish Parliament and the House of Commons. However, while several members of the original Scottish Parliament held seats at Westminster, it is now rare; since 2011, only one MSP has served concurrently as an MP for a significant period of timeElections for the Scottish Parliament are for all 129 seats using the Additional Member System. There have been six elections to the Parliament, in 1999, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2016 and 2021.The latest Scottish Parliament election was held on Thursday 6 May 2021. Under the Scotland Act 1998, an ordinary general election to the Scottish Parliament would normally have been held on the first Thursday in May four years after the 2016 election, i.e. in May 2020. This would have coincided with the proposed date of the next United Kingdom general election until an early UK election was called in 2017. In November 2015, the Scottish Government published a Scottish Elections (Dates) Bill, which proposed to extend the term of the Parliament to five years. That Bill was passed by the Scottish Parliament on 25 February 2016 and received Royal Assent on 30 March 2016, setting the new date for the election as 6 May 2021.Citizens of the UK, Ireland, EU member states and other countries who have permission to enter or remain in the UK (or who do not need such permission), and are resident in Scotland, are entitled to vote. The minimum voting age is 16. This differs from elections to the Westminster parliament, which are restricted to citizens of the UK, Ireland and qualifying Commonwealth citizens, with a minimum voting age of 18. Citizens of other non-Commonwealth EU member states who are resident in Scotland have been entitled to vote in elections to the Scottish Parliament since 1999. Since this date, the franchise has been further extended, with a two-thirds majority being required to make changes to the franchise under the Scotland Act 2016. From the 2016 election, the franchise for Scottish Parliament elections was expanded to include 16- and 17-year-olds. In 2020, the Scottish Parliament voted to extend the right to vote in Scotland to all foreign nationals with leave to remain (limited or indefinite).The resignation of Henry McLeish as First Minister, brought on by an office expenses scandal, generated controversy in the first years of the Scottish Parliament. Various academics have written on how the Scottish Parliament can be improved as a governing institution.As a consequence of the establishment of the Scottish Parliament, Scottish MPs sitting in the UK House of Commons have been able to vote on domestic legislation that applies only to England, Wales, and Northern Ireland – whilst English, Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish Westminster MPs are unable to vote on the domestic legislation of the Scottish Parliament. This phenomenon is known as the West Lothian question and has led to criticism. Following the Conservative victory in the 2015 UK election, standing orders of the House of Commons were changed to give MPs representing English constituencies a new "veto" over laws only affecting England, known as English votes for English laws.Parties such as the Abolish the Scottish Parliament, the UK Independence Party (UKIP), and Scottish Unionist Party (SUP) have advocated for the Abolition of the Scottish Parliament, however, none of these parties have ever gained a representative in Scottish Parliament.	[ "Ken Macintosh", "David Steel", "Tricia Marwick", "Alex Fergusson", "George Reid" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Feb, 1951?	February 20, 1951	{ "text": [ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_0	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Aug, 1953?	August 11, 1953	{ "text": [ "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_1	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Nov, 1956?	November 20, 1956	{ "text": [ "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_2	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Aug, 1962?	August 05, 1962	{ "text": [ "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_3	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in May, 1963?	May 29, 1963	{ "text": [ "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_4	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Jun, 1965?	June 26, 1965	{ "text": [ "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_5	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Jun, 1968?	June 12, 1968	{ "text": [ "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_6	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Nov, 1973?	November 01, 1973	{ "text": [ "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_7	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Aug, 1974?	August 23, 1974	{ "text": [ "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_8	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Aug, 1975?	August 16, 1975	{ "text": [ "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_9	Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in May, 1982?	May 06, 1982	{ "text": [ "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_10	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the House of Lords", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Jo Grimond hold in Mar, 1990?	March 23, 1990	{ "text": [ "Member of the House of Lords" ] }	L2_Q335812_P39_11	Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1974 to Apr, 1979. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1974 to Sep, 1974. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1959 to Sep, 1964. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the House of Lords from Oct, 1983 to Oct, 1993. Jo Grimond holds the position of leader of the Liberal Party from Nov, 1956 to Jan, 1967. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1964 to Mar, 1966. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1950 to Oct, 1951. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1979 to May, 1983. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom from May, 1955 to Sep, 1959. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1966 to May, 1970. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Oct, 1951 to May, 1955. Jo Grimond holds the position of Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1970 to Feb, 1974.	Jo GrimondJoseph Grimond, Baron Grimond, (; 29 July 1913 – 24 October 1993), known as Jo Grimond, was a British politician, leader of the Liberal Party for eleven years from 1956 to 1967 and again briefly on an interim basis in 1976.Grimond was a long-term supporter of Scottish home rule; and, during his leadership, he successfully argued that the Liberal Party support the abolition of Britain's nuclear arsenal.Grimond was born in St Andrews, Fife, and was educated at Eton College and Balliol College, Oxford. He was at school and university with, among others, cricket commentator Brian Johnston and playwright William Douglas-Home. He received a first-class honours degree in Politics, Philosophy and Economics. He later became a barrister, being admitted to the bar as a member of Middle Temple.After serving as a Major in World War II, he was selected by the Liberal Party to contest Orkney and Shetland, the most northerly constituency in the United Kingdom. He narrowly missed capturing the seat in 1945 but entered Parliament at the 1950 general election for the constituency. The Liberals and their successors, the Liberal Democrats, have continuously retained the seat to the present day.Grimond continued to represent the constituency until he retired from politics in 1983, and regularly polled more than 60% of the votes cast in the northern Scottish archipelagos.The party Grimond inherited from former leader Clement Davies had commanded barely 2.5% of the vote at the general election of 1955, but even that figure amounted to a modest revival in Liberal Party fortunes compared with 1951. This progress increased under the leadership of Grimond who proved himself to be a man of considerable personal charm and intelligence, with substantial gifts as public speaker and as an author. Widely respected as well as trusted, he ensured that by the time he left the leadership in 1967, the Liberals had once again become a notable political force.It was during his tenure that the first post-war Liberal revival took place: under Grimond's leadership, the Liberals doubled their seat tally and won historic by-elections at Torrington in 1958 (the first by-election gain by the Liberal Party for 29 years), Orpington in 1962, and Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles in 1965.In 1962, the Liberals almost succeeded in capturing Blackpool North, West Derbyshire and Chippenham from the Conservatives and Leicester North East from Labour. Grimond's dynamic and principled leadership proved attractive to many young aspiring politicians, including John Pardoe and three future party leaders, David Steel, Paddy Ashdown and Sir Menzies Campbell.In 1967, having led the party through three general elections, he made way for a younger leader, the charismatic Jeremy Thorpe. In 1976, when Thorpe was forced to resign because of a scandal, Grimond stepped in as interim leader until the election of a replacement, David Steel.Among other posts, Grimond was a barrister and publisher in the 1930s, an army major during World War II, Secretary of the National Trust for Scotland from 1947 to 1949, and held the Rectorships of the University of Edinburgh and the University of Aberdeen and the Chancellorship of the University of Kent at Canterbury (elected in 1970). His many books include "The Liberal Future" (1959, credited with reinvigorating radical liberalism as a coherent modern ideology), "The Liberal Challenge" (1963), and "Memoirs" (1979). He was the subject of "This Is Your Life" in 1983 when he was surprised by Eamonn Andrews.Upon leaving the House of Commons, he was created a life peer as Baron Grimond, of Firth in the County of Orkney on 12 October 1983. He remained devoted to his former parliamentary constituency, and was buried in Finstown on Orkney.In 1938, Grimond married liberal politician Laura Bonham Carter (1918–1994). His wife was the granddaughter of the former Liberal Prime Minister H. H. Asquith, and the daughter of the influential Liberal politician and peer Violet Asquith (1887–1969) and her politician and civil servant husband, Maurice Bonham Carter. Laura Grimond was also the sister of another life peer, Mark Bonham Carter, (1922–1994) who was the victor of the 1958 by-election at Torrington.The couple had four children:Grimond was also a prolific writer of pamphlets: see the McManus biography (below) for a complete list of publications.	[ "Member of the 39th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 40th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 47th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 44th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 46th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 41st Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 43rd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 48th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "leader of the Liberal Party", "Member of the 42nd Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 45th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Gunnar Skaug hold in Feb, 1974?	February 22, 1974	{ "text": [ "deputy member of the Parliament of Norway" ] }	L2_Q5619124_P39_0	Gunnar Skaug holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of member of the Parliament of Norway from Oct, 1997 to Sep, 2001. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of deputy member of the Parliament of Norway from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1977.	Gunnar SkaugGunnar Skaug (25 May 1940 - 23 June 2006) was a Norwegian politician for the Labour Party (Ap). Born in Sarpsborg, Skaug was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Østfold in 1969, and was president of the "Odelsting" from 1993 to 2001. He sat the term from 1973-1977 as a deputy representative.	[ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "member of the Parliament of Norway" ]
Which position did Gunnar Skaug hold in Feb, 1991?	February 06, 1991	{ "text": [ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe" ] }	L2_Q5619124_P39_1	Gunnar Skaug holds the position of deputy member of the Parliament of Norway from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1977. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1990 to Jan, 1994. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of member of the Parliament of Norway from Oct, 1997 to Sep, 2001.	Gunnar SkaugGunnar Skaug (25 May 1940 - 23 June 2006) was a Norwegian politician for the Labour Party (Ap). Born in Sarpsborg, Skaug was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Østfold in 1969, and was president of the "Odelsting" from 1993 to 2001. He sat the term from 1973-1977 as a deputy representative.	[ "member of the Parliament of Norway", "deputy member of the Parliament of Norway" ]
Which position did Gunnar Skaug hold in Nov, 1998?	November 17, 1998	{ "text": [ "member of the Parliament of Norway" ] }	L2_Q5619124_P39_2	Gunnar Skaug holds the position of deputy member of the Parliament of Norway from Jan, 1973 to Jan, 1977. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of member of the Parliament of Norway from Oct, 1997 to Sep, 2001. Gunnar Skaug holds the position of Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe from Nov, 1990 to Jan, 1994.	Gunnar SkaugGunnar Skaug (25 May 1940 - 23 June 2006) was a Norwegian politician for the Labour Party (Ap). Born in Sarpsborg, Skaug was elected to the Norwegian Parliament from Østfold in 1969, and was president of the "Odelsting" from 1993 to 2001. He sat the term from 1973-1977 as a deputy representative.	[ "Substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe", "deputy member of the Parliament of Norway" ]
Which position did William Montagu-Pollock hold in Dec, 1951?	December 30, 1951	{ "text": [ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria" ] }	L2_Q8015740_P39_0	William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1953. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1958. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962.	William Montagu-PollockSir William Montagu-Pollock (12 July 1903 – 26 September 1993) was a British diplomat who was ambassador to Syria, Peru, Switzerland and Denmark.William Horace Montagu-Pollock was educated at Marlborough College and Trinity College, Cambridge.He joined the Diplomatic Service in 1927 He served at Rome, Belgrade, Prague, Vienna and Stockholm, where he was chargé d'affaires during the Second World War. He then worked at the Foreign Office as the first Head of the Cultural Relations Department, for which he was appointed CMG in the King's Birthday Honours of 1946.The CRD had its origins in a small Foreign Office section created to give political direction to the British Council and to manage the political and policy aspects of the growing scale of organised international intellectual, cultural, societal and artistic contacts, with a view to promoting Allied goodwill; but it became, almost by accident, a small British front-line unit in a clandestine struggle to prevent Moscow's domination of the world of international movements, federations and assemblies – what would later be called ‘the battle of the festivals’. Later, Montagu-Pollock was head of the General Department of the Foreign Office.In 1950, Montagu-Pollock was appointed Minister to Syria, upgraded to Ambassador in 1952.In December 1953, he was appointed to be Ambassador to Peru ; While he was in Peru he was knighted KCMG in the Queen's Birthday Honours of 1957. In May 1958 he became Ambassador to Switzerland and in 1960 he became Ambassador to Denmark.Sir William retired from the Diplomatic Service in 1962.In 1933, he married Prudence Williams, with whom he had one son and one daughter. They divorced in 1945, and Williams died in 1985. In 1948, he married Barbara Jowett. They had one son.He was famous for "various idiosyncrasies" of cars and of personal dress, adapting "expertly to a local cuisine".He was fond of "modern music", favoring the composer Elliott Carter and friends with Desmond Shawe-Taylor (music critic). He was Chairman of the British Institute of Recorded Sound from 1970–73, Vice-President of the Society for the Promotion of New Music and a member of the Board of Governors of the European Cultural Foundation.	[ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland" ]
Which position did William Montagu-Pollock hold in Mar, 1954?	March 15, 1954	{ "text": [ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru" ] }	L2_Q8015740_P39_1	William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1958. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1953.	William Montagu-PollockSir William Montagu-Pollock (12 July 1903 – 26 September 1993) was a British diplomat who was ambassador to Syria, Peru, Switzerland and Denmark.William Horace Montagu-Pollock was educated at Marlborough College and Trinity College, Cambridge.He joined the Diplomatic Service in 1927 He served at Rome, Belgrade, Prague, Vienna and Stockholm, where he was chargé d'affaires during the Second World War. He then worked at the Foreign Office as the first Head of the Cultural Relations Department, for which he was appointed CMG in the King's Birthday Honours of 1946.The CRD had its origins in a small Foreign Office section created to give political direction to the British Council and to manage the political and policy aspects of the growing scale of organised international intellectual, cultural, societal and artistic contacts, with a view to promoting Allied goodwill; but it became, almost by accident, a small British front-line unit in a clandestine struggle to prevent Moscow's domination of the world of international movements, federations and assemblies – what would later be called ‘the battle of the festivals’. Later, Montagu-Pollock was head of the General Department of the Foreign Office.In 1950, Montagu-Pollock was appointed Minister to Syria, upgraded to Ambassador in 1952.In December 1953, he was appointed to be Ambassador to Peru ; While he was in Peru he was knighted KCMG in the Queen's Birthday Honours of 1957. In May 1958 he became Ambassador to Switzerland and in 1960 he became Ambassador to Denmark.Sir William retired from the Diplomatic Service in 1962.In 1933, he married Prudence Williams, with whom he had one son and one daughter. They divorced in 1945, and Williams died in 1985. In 1948, he married Barbara Jowett. They had one son.He was famous for "various idiosyncrasies" of cars and of personal dress, adapting "expertly to a local cuisine".He was fond of "modern music", favoring the composer Elliott Carter and friends with Desmond Shawe-Taylor (music critic). He was Chairman of the British Institute of Recorded Sound from 1970–73, Vice-President of the Society for the Promotion of New Music and a member of the Board of Governors of the European Cultural Foundation.	[ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland" ]
Which position did William Montagu-Pollock hold in Oct, 1958?	October 21, 1958	{ "text": [ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland" ] }	L2_Q8015740_P39_2	William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1953. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1958.	William Montagu-PollockSir William Montagu-Pollock (12 July 1903 – 26 September 1993) was a British diplomat who was ambassador to Syria, Peru, Switzerland and Denmark.William Horace Montagu-Pollock was educated at Marlborough College and Trinity College, Cambridge.He joined the Diplomatic Service in 1927 He served at Rome, Belgrade, Prague, Vienna and Stockholm, where he was chargé d'affaires during the Second World War. He then worked at the Foreign Office as the first Head of the Cultural Relations Department, for which he was appointed CMG in the King's Birthday Honours of 1946.The CRD had its origins in a small Foreign Office section created to give political direction to the British Council and to manage the political and policy aspects of the growing scale of organised international intellectual, cultural, societal and artistic contacts, with a view to promoting Allied goodwill; but it became, almost by accident, a small British front-line unit in a clandestine struggle to prevent Moscow's domination of the world of international movements, federations and assemblies – what would later be called ‘the battle of the festivals’. Later, Montagu-Pollock was head of the General Department of the Foreign Office.In 1950, Montagu-Pollock was appointed Minister to Syria, upgraded to Ambassador in 1952.In December 1953, he was appointed to be Ambassador to Peru ; While he was in Peru he was knighted KCMG in the Queen's Birthday Honours of 1957. In May 1958 he became Ambassador to Switzerland and in 1960 he became Ambassador to Denmark.Sir William retired from the Diplomatic Service in 1962.In 1933, he married Prudence Williams, with whom he had one son and one daughter. They divorced in 1945, and Williams died in 1985. In 1948, he married Barbara Jowett. They had one son.He was famous for "various idiosyncrasies" of cars and of personal dress, adapting "expertly to a local cuisine".He was fond of "modern music", favoring the composer Elliott Carter and friends with Desmond Shawe-Taylor (music critic). He was Chairman of the British Institute of Recorded Sound from 1970–73, Vice-President of the Society for the Promotion of New Music and a member of the Board of Governors of the European Cultural Foundation.	[ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru" ]
Which position did William Montagu-Pollock hold in Nov, 1961?	November 23, 1961	{ "text": [ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark" ] }	L2_Q8015740_P39_3	William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland from Jan, 1958 to Jan, 1960. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria from Jan, 1950 to Jan, 1953. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Denmark from Jan, 1960 to Jan, 1962. William Montagu-Pollock holds the position of ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru from Jan, 1953 to Jan, 1958.	William Montagu-PollockSir William Montagu-Pollock (12 July 1903 – 26 September 1993) was a British diplomat who was ambassador to Syria, Peru, Switzerland and Denmark.William Horace Montagu-Pollock was educated at Marlborough College and Trinity College, Cambridge.He joined the Diplomatic Service in 1927 He served at Rome, Belgrade, Prague, Vienna and Stockholm, where he was chargé d'affaires during the Second World War. He then worked at the Foreign Office as the first Head of the Cultural Relations Department, for which he was appointed CMG in the King's Birthday Honours of 1946.The CRD had its origins in a small Foreign Office section created to give political direction to the British Council and to manage the political and policy aspects of the growing scale of organised international intellectual, cultural, societal and artistic contacts, with a view to promoting Allied goodwill; but it became, almost by accident, a small British front-line unit in a clandestine struggle to prevent Moscow's domination of the world of international movements, federations and assemblies – what would later be called ‘the battle of the festivals’. Later, Montagu-Pollock was head of the General Department of the Foreign Office.In 1950, Montagu-Pollock was appointed Minister to Syria, upgraded to Ambassador in 1952.In December 1953, he was appointed to be Ambassador to Peru ; While he was in Peru he was knighted KCMG in the Queen's Birthday Honours of 1957. In May 1958 he became Ambassador to Switzerland and in 1960 he became Ambassador to Denmark.Sir William retired from the Diplomatic Service in 1962.In 1933, he married Prudence Williams, with whom he had one son and one daughter. They divorced in 1945, and Williams died in 1985. In 1948, he married Barbara Jowett. They had one son.He was famous for "various idiosyncrasies" of cars and of personal dress, adapting "expertly to a local cuisine".He was fond of "modern music", favoring the composer Elliott Carter and friends with Desmond Shawe-Taylor (music critic). He was Chairman of the British Institute of Recorded Sound from 1970–73, Vice-President of the Society for the Promotion of New Music and a member of the Board of Governors of the European Cultural Foundation.	[ "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Peru", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Syria", "ambassador of the United Kingdom to Switzerland" ]
Which team did Marco Modolo play for in Apr, 2008?	April 26, 2008	{ "text": [ "A.S.D. Sanvitese" ] }	L2_Q16232786_P54_0	Marco Modolo plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Marco Modolo plays for F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Marco Modolo plays for Parma Calcio 1913 from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for A.S.D. Sanvitese from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Marco Modolo plays for ND Gorica from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Marco ModoloMarco Modolo (born 23 March 1989) is an Italian footballer who plays as a defender for Venezia.Born in San Donà di Piave in the Province of Venice, Veneto, Modolo started his career at Lombard club Internazionale. In January 2007 he left for Pro Sesto along with Roberto De Filippis and Daniele Marino. On 31 August 2007 he joined Venezia from Venice. In 2008, he joined the Serie D club Sanvitese. In 2009, he returned to Venice for re-established Venezia in the 2009–10 Serie D. In 2010, he was signed by Pro Vercelli. The club won promotion in 2011 (to the third division) and again in 2012 (to the Serie B). In the 2012–13 Serie B, he wore no.6 shirt with 18 appearances. Modolo became a free agent on 1 July 2013. He was signed by Parma F.C. on 30 August but farmed to Slovenian club Gorica on the same day, along with Nabil Taïder and Abdelaye Diakité (Crotone/Parma). Parma had farmed more than 15 players to Gorica before the deal. The paperwork of his transfer was completed on 10 October. In January 2015 he returned to Italy by signing for the Carpi; summer of 2015 plays in Venezia.	[ "ND Gorica", "F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892", "Venezia F.C.", "Parma Calcio 1913" ]
Which team did Marco Modolo play for in Oct, 2009?	October 03, 2009	{ "text": [ "Venezia F.C." ] }	L2_Q16232786_P54_1	Marco Modolo plays for Parma Calcio 1913 from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for ND Gorica from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Marco Modolo plays for A.S.D. Sanvitese from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Marco Modolo plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010.	Marco ModoloMarco Modolo (born 23 March 1989) is an Italian footballer who plays as a defender for Venezia.Born in San Donà di Piave in the Province of Venice, Veneto, Modolo started his career at Lombard club Internazionale. In January 2007 he left for Pro Sesto along with Roberto De Filippis and Daniele Marino. On 31 August 2007 he joined Venezia from Venice. In 2008, he joined the Serie D club Sanvitese. In 2009, he returned to Venice for re-established Venezia in the 2009–10 Serie D. In 2010, he was signed by Pro Vercelli. The club won promotion in 2011 (to the third division) and again in 2012 (to the Serie B). In the 2012–13 Serie B, he wore no.6 shirt with 18 appearances. Modolo became a free agent on 1 July 2013. He was signed by Parma F.C. on 30 August but farmed to Slovenian club Gorica on the same day, along with Nabil Taïder and Abdelaye Diakité (Crotone/Parma). Parma had farmed more than 15 players to Gorica before the deal. The paperwork of his transfer was completed on 10 October. In January 2015 he returned to Italy by signing for the Carpi; summer of 2015 plays in Venezia.	[ "ND Gorica", "F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892", "Parma Calcio 1913", "A.S.D. Sanvitese" ]
Which team did Marco Modolo play for in May, 2011?	May 01, 2011	{ "text": [ "F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892" ] }	L2_Q16232786_P54_2	Marco Modolo plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Marco Modolo plays for F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Marco Modolo plays for A.S.D. Sanvitese from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Marco Modolo plays for Parma Calcio 1913 from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for ND Gorica from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Marco ModoloMarco Modolo (born 23 March 1989) is an Italian footballer who plays as a defender for Venezia.Born in San Donà di Piave in the Province of Venice, Veneto, Modolo started his career at Lombard club Internazionale. In January 2007 he left for Pro Sesto along with Roberto De Filippis and Daniele Marino. On 31 August 2007 he joined Venezia from Venice. In 2008, he joined the Serie D club Sanvitese. In 2009, he returned to Venice for re-established Venezia in the 2009–10 Serie D. In 2010, he was signed by Pro Vercelli. The club won promotion in 2011 (to the third division) and again in 2012 (to the Serie B). In the 2012–13 Serie B, he wore no.6 shirt with 18 appearances. Modolo became a free agent on 1 July 2013. He was signed by Parma F.C. on 30 August but farmed to Slovenian club Gorica on the same day, along with Nabil Taïder and Abdelaye Diakité (Crotone/Parma). Parma had farmed more than 15 players to Gorica before the deal. The paperwork of his transfer was completed on 10 October. In January 2015 he returned to Italy by signing for the Carpi; summer of 2015 plays in Venezia.	[ "ND Gorica", "Venezia F.C.", "Parma Calcio 1913", "A.S.D. Sanvitese" ]
Which team did Marco Modolo play for in May, 2013?	May 18, 2013	{ "text": [ "ND Gorica", "Parma Calcio 1913" ] }	L2_Q16232786_P54_3	Marco Modolo plays for Parma Calcio 1913 from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for A.S.D. Sanvitese from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Marco Modolo plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Marco Modolo plays for F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013. Marco Modolo plays for ND Gorica from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022.	Marco ModoloMarco Modolo (born 23 March 1989) is an Italian footballer who plays as a defender for Venezia.Born in San Donà di Piave in the Province of Venice, Veneto, Modolo started his career at Lombard club Internazionale. In January 2007 he left for Pro Sesto along with Roberto De Filippis and Daniele Marino. On 31 August 2007 he joined Venezia from Venice. In 2008, he joined the Serie D club Sanvitese. In 2009, he returned to Venice for re-established Venezia in the 2009–10 Serie D. In 2010, he was signed by Pro Vercelli. The club won promotion in 2011 (to the third division) and again in 2012 (to the Serie B). In the 2012–13 Serie B, he wore no.6 shirt with 18 appearances. Modolo became a free agent on 1 July 2013. He was signed by Parma F.C. on 30 August but farmed to Slovenian club Gorica on the same day, along with Nabil Taïder and Abdelaye Diakité (Crotone/Parma). Parma had farmed more than 15 players to Gorica before the deal. The paperwork of his transfer was completed on 10 October. In January 2015 he returned to Italy by signing for the Carpi; summer of 2015 plays in Venezia.	[ "F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892", "Venezia F.C.", "A.S.D. Sanvitese" ]
Which team did Marco Modolo play for in Jun, 2021?	June 04, 2021	{ "text": [ "ND Gorica", "Parma Calcio 1913" ] }	L2_Q16232786_P54_4	Marco Modolo plays for Venezia F.C. from Jan, 2009 to Jan, 2010. Marco Modolo plays for A.S.D. Sanvitese from Jan, 2008 to Jan, 2009. Marco Modolo plays for ND Gorica from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for Parma Calcio 1913 from Jan, 2013 to Dec, 2022. Marco Modolo plays for F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892 from Jan, 2010 to Jan, 2013.	Marco ModoloMarco Modolo (born 23 March 1989) is an Italian footballer who plays as a defender for Venezia.Born in San Donà di Piave in the Province of Venice, Veneto, Modolo started his career at Lombard club Internazionale. In January 2007 he left for Pro Sesto along with Roberto De Filippis and Daniele Marino. On 31 August 2007 he joined Venezia from Venice. In 2008, he joined the Serie D club Sanvitese. In 2009, he returned to Venice for re-established Venezia in the 2009–10 Serie D. In 2010, he was signed by Pro Vercelli. The club won promotion in 2011 (to the third division) and again in 2012 (to the Serie B). In the 2012–13 Serie B, he wore no.6 shirt with 18 appearances. Modolo became a free agent on 1 July 2013. He was signed by Parma F.C. on 30 August but farmed to Slovenian club Gorica on the same day, along with Nabil Taïder and Abdelaye Diakité (Crotone/Parma). Parma had farmed more than 15 players to Gorica before the deal. The paperwork of his transfer was completed on 10 October. In January 2015 he returned to Italy by signing for the Carpi; summer of 2015 plays in Venezia.	[ "F.C. Pro Vercelli 1892", "Venezia F.C.", "A.S.D. Sanvitese" ]
Who was the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in May, 2002?	May 29, 2002	{ "text": [ "Mohamed Hussein Tantawi" ] }	L2_Q386160_P488_0	Sedki Sobhi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Mohamed Hussein Tantawi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from May, 1991 to Aug, 2012. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Aug, 2012 to Mar, 2014.	Supreme Council of the Armed ForcesThe Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF; , ', also Higher Council of the Armed Forces and National Defence Council) is a statutory body of between 20 and 25 senior Egyptian military officers and is headed by Field Marshal Abdul Fatah al-Sisi and Lieutenant General Mohamed Ahmed Zaki. The council is convened only in cases of war or great internal emergencies. As a consequence of the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, SCAF assumed power to govern Egypt from departing President Hosni Mubarak on 11 February 2011, and relinquished power on 30 June 2012 upon the start of Mohamed Morsi's term as president. The Council has met regularly in times of national emergencies. During the course of the 2011 revolution, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces met first on 9 February 2011 under the chairmanship of Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak. The Council met for the first time without the chairmanship of the president on the following day, 10 February, and issued their first press statement which signaled that the council was about to assume power which they did the following day after Mubarak's resignation. The military junta was headed by Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi who served as the Minister of Defense under Mubarak, and included the service heads and other senior commanders of the Egyptian Armed Forces, namely Lt. Gen. Sami Hafez Anan, Armed Forces Chief of Staff; Air Marshal Reda Mahmoud Hafez Mohamed, Air Force commander; Lt. Gen. Abd El Aziz Seif-Eldeen, Commander of Air Defense; and Vice Admiral Mohab Mamish, Navy Commander in Chief.The SCAF has its origins in the Free officers' movement, a clandestine body of anti-British Egyptian military officers in the late 1940s that seized power in a coup-cum-revolution in 1952. The officers organised themselves into the Revolutionary Command Council, which ruled Egypt as a junta until 1954, when a new Constitution was introduced, and a cabinet-style government was formed. The Revolutionary Council was dissolved by the dictator-turned President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who formed the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in December 1954, as a statutory government body, comprising 25 senior-most military officers from the Army, Navy, Air Force and Air Defence Forces, with himself as the chairman of the body. The statute ruled that the council could not convene without the presence and approval of the President as the permanent Chairman. The initiative for a meeting could only be started either by the President or the Defence Minister. Nasser intended to form this body mainly as a concession to the Army which had controlled Egypt through the Revolutionary Command Council since 1952. The SCAF was mandated to decide policy on all matters it deemed falling under the purview of "National Security". Thus, in Egypt the SCAF or more correctly the Air Force still handles the issuance of aviation licenses to private individuals and companies who want to operate any airborne vehicle in the country. Similarly, all private Radio station licenses are issued by the Army, while spectrum sale for mobile telephony are issued by the Egyptian Air Defence Forces. For building hotels and resorts along beaches and coastal areas, investors need permission from the Navy. The idea of such a body of military officers guiding matters of State security probably came to nationalist officers through the Prussian and German Supreme War Council during the First World War. However the scope of SCAF's licensing powers during peacetime allows it to wield wide economic and political influence.The SCAF convened numerous times in 1956 during the Suez Crisis, during the Yemeni Civil War between 1964 and 1967, and throughout the period 1967 to 1974. Between 1967 and 1974, SCAF was composed of almost 25 senior officers, and totally controlled and planned Egypt's military policy vis-a-vis Israel. After 1974 the SCAF went into semi-permanent dormancy, until it was revived in 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat.The Supreme Council released its first statement on Thursday, 10 February 2011, stating that the council "in affirmation and support for the legitimate demands of the people" is in "continuous session to consider what procedures and measures that may be taken to protect the nation". It was noted that then-president Hosni Mubarak was not present in the meeting as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, however the meeting was headed by Defense Minister Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi.The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in its third statement issued on the evening of Friday, 11 February 2011, shortly after the announcement of Mubarak's resignation, stated that the Council is not a substitute for the legitimacy that satisfies the people. The Council addressed "with all the greetings and cherished for the lives of the martyrs who sacrificed their lives to sacrifice for freedom and security of their country, "and led a spokesman for the Council to salute the martyrs, an action which received wide appraise from the people. The Council also thanked President Hosni Mubarak "for his work in the process of national war and in peace and on the national position in preference to the higher interest of the homeland" in the same statement. In the following day, 12 February, the Council released his fourth statement, which he pledged to oversee the transition to ensure the transfer of power to a civilian government elected by the people.In its statement the Council indicated that it intends to suspend emergency laws that had been in effect for three decades, and move towards free and fair presidential elections, and provide for a safe transition to a free democratic order. One of their first actions was to dissolve the Parliament of Egypt, suspend the Constitution of Egypt, and an announcement of free, open presidential and parliamentary elections before the year's end and within six months. However, they have not yet lifted the emergency law and has failed to live up to is promises of civilian transfer of power and implementing the demands of the revolution.The Council has also declared that Egypt "is committed to all regional and international obligations and treaties". This has been widely interpreted as relating to the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, and has been welcomed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.On 7 August 2011, Field Marshal Tantawi swore in 15 new governors, 11 of whom were new to the post. Some critics complained that the new governors were appointed rather than elected, that many of them were military figures and/or members of the old regime and none of them were young, women, or Copts.Since taking power the council has overseen the trial of 16,000 people in closed military trials, including bloggers, journalists and protesters. In May 2011, one of the members of the council, General Mamdouh Shahin, stated that the under the new constitution Egypt's military should be given `some kind of insurance ... so that it is not under the whim of a president.`The SCAF was heavily criticized following violent confrontations in October 2011 between armed soldiers at the headquarters of the state television and radio services (known as the Maspero building). A group of protestors, mostly Coptic Christians, marched to the Maspiro building in downtown Cairo to protest against the burning of a church in Upper Egypt. A confrontation between the protestors and the army turned violent, resulting in the killing of over 20 protestors. State TV broadcast messages of Copts attacking the army and called on Egyptians to join the army. Armed men joined the army in attacking what had been a peaceful protest. The SCAF initially denied the army was responsible for any violence and further claimed that three soldiers had been killed by protestors, claiming that the soldiers were not carrying any live ammunition. Later, video evidence was broadcast showing army vehicles hitting groups of protestors. An editorial in "The Washington Post" blasted the SCAF for what it called a "shameful" response to the violence directed against the Coptic protestors.Despite the turbulence of the transitional period in Egypt, polls have shown that the SCAF has enjoyed wide legitimacy from the Egyptian people and general confidence in their ability to provide free elections. A poll in October 2011 showed that 91.7% of Egyptians have confidence in the SCAF to provide the conditions for free elections. The SCAF at that time had a general approval rating of 40.6%.On 24 January 2012, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi gave a televised speech in which he announced that the state of emergency would be partially lifted the following day. Power would be handed over to the government of the elected president in June 2012.On 16 June 2012, just after the election of Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Islamist candidate Mohamed Morsi as President of Egypt, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces passed legislation which gave them control over the process of drafting a new constitution and immunity from any civilian oversight.On 21 July 2020, the Council declared an exclusion zone between the Egyptian Border and a line drawn from the Libyan towns of Sirte and Al-Jafra, promising intervention if GNA forces entered, which did so promptly leading to the Egyptian Parliament authorizing military intervention to protect the border.The council was dissolved right after the election of President Mohamed Morsi on 30 June 2012. The role of SCAF was transferred to the General Command of the Armed Forces.In 2014, Interim President Adly Mansour issued a presidential decree reconstituting the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to be headed by the defense minister and not the president for the first time in Egypt's history, Al-Ahram's Arabic News website reported on Thursday. The council's vice president is the chief of staff. The new SCAF's members are 23 top military generals from the army, navy, air force, air defence as well as the head of military intelligence. It is the first time in Egypt's history that the SCAF will not be headed by the president, who is, according to Egypt's constitution, the chief commander of the armed forces, thus giving the military greater autonomy from civil authorities. The new constitution, passed in January, includes a transitional article which gives the president the right to appoint the defence minister but also gives the SCAF the right to approve of its leader for eight years. Thus, this gives the SCAF a constitutional status, as it had operated as a statutory body since its inception. The defence minister decides which of his aides could also become council members. The president has the right to include members in the council as well as invite the council to meet whenever necessary. The president will head meetings that he calls. The defence minister invites the council for a regular meeting every three months and whenever urgently needed. In cases of a national threat or war, the council is considered in a continuous meeting.On 3 September 2012, Colonel General Abdul Fatah al-Sisi, newly appointed Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, confirmed the composition of the revised command of the Armed Forces with the blessing of newly elected President Mohamed Morsi.The commanders of Egypt's field armies:The commanders of the main military zones:The remaining members of the council will consist of:Two of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi's former assistants have remained in their positions and will also have seats on SCAF:Over twenty officers sit on the council as of early 2015. Based on Law No. 20, however, the defense minister may invite other experts to consult with the council or attend its meetings as he sees fit. So while the official SCAF membership may consist of these individuals, the law's flexibility leaves room for other officers—active or retired—to partake in the SCAF's deliberations, signaling the potential emergence of Egypt's newest men on horseback.	[ "Sedki Sobhi", "Abdel Fattah el-Sisi" ]
Who was the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Nov, 2012?	November 15, 2012	{ "text": [ "Abdel Fattah el-Sisi" ] }	L2_Q386160_P488_1	Sedki Sobhi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022. Mohamed Hussein Tantawi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from May, 1991 to Aug, 2012. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Aug, 2012 to Mar, 2014.	Supreme Council of the Armed ForcesThe Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF; , ', also Higher Council of the Armed Forces and National Defence Council) is a statutory body of between 20 and 25 senior Egyptian military officers and is headed by Field Marshal Abdul Fatah al-Sisi and Lieutenant General Mohamed Ahmed Zaki. The council is convened only in cases of war or great internal emergencies. As a consequence of the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, SCAF assumed power to govern Egypt from departing President Hosni Mubarak on 11 February 2011, and relinquished power on 30 June 2012 upon the start of Mohamed Morsi's term as president. The Council has met regularly in times of national emergencies. During the course of the 2011 revolution, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces met first on 9 February 2011 under the chairmanship of Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak. The Council met for the first time without the chairmanship of the president on the following day, 10 February, and issued their first press statement which signaled that the council was about to assume power which they did the following day after Mubarak's resignation. The military junta was headed by Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi who served as the Minister of Defense under Mubarak, and included the service heads and other senior commanders of the Egyptian Armed Forces, namely Lt. Gen. Sami Hafez Anan, Armed Forces Chief of Staff; Air Marshal Reda Mahmoud Hafez Mohamed, Air Force commander; Lt. Gen. Abd El Aziz Seif-Eldeen, Commander of Air Defense; and Vice Admiral Mohab Mamish, Navy Commander in Chief.The SCAF has its origins in the Free officers' movement, a clandestine body of anti-British Egyptian military officers in the late 1940s that seized power in a coup-cum-revolution in 1952. The officers organised themselves into the Revolutionary Command Council, which ruled Egypt as a junta until 1954, when a new Constitution was introduced, and a cabinet-style government was formed. The Revolutionary Council was dissolved by the dictator-turned President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who formed the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in December 1954, as a statutory government body, comprising 25 senior-most military officers from the Army, Navy, Air Force and Air Defence Forces, with himself as the chairman of the body. The statute ruled that the council could not convene without the presence and approval of the President as the permanent Chairman. The initiative for a meeting could only be started either by the President or the Defence Minister. Nasser intended to form this body mainly as a concession to the Army which had controlled Egypt through the Revolutionary Command Council since 1952. The SCAF was mandated to decide policy on all matters it deemed falling under the purview of "National Security". Thus, in Egypt the SCAF or more correctly the Air Force still handles the issuance of aviation licenses to private individuals and companies who want to operate any airborne vehicle in the country. Similarly, all private Radio station licenses are issued by the Army, while spectrum sale for mobile telephony are issued by the Egyptian Air Defence Forces. For building hotels and resorts along beaches and coastal areas, investors need permission from the Navy. The idea of such a body of military officers guiding matters of State security probably came to nationalist officers through the Prussian and German Supreme War Council during the First World War. However the scope of SCAF's licensing powers during peacetime allows it to wield wide economic and political influence.The SCAF convened numerous times in 1956 during the Suez Crisis, during the Yemeni Civil War between 1964 and 1967, and throughout the period 1967 to 1974. Between 1967 and 1974, SCAF was composed of almost 25 senior officers, and totally controlled and planned Egypt's military policy vis-a-vis Israel. After 1974 the SCAF went into semi-permanent dormancy, until it was revived in 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat.The Supreme Council released its first statement on Thursday, 10 February 2011, stating that the council "in affirmation and support for the legitimate demands of the people" is in "continuous session to consider what procedures and measures that may be taken to protect the nation". It was noted that then-president Hosni Mubarak was not present in the meeting as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, however the meeting was headed by Defense Minister Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi.The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in its third statement issued on the evening of Friday, 11 February 2011, shortly after the announcement of Mubarak's resignation, stated that the Council is not a substitute for the legitimacy that satisfies the people. The Council addressed "with all the greetings and cherished for the lives of the martyrs who sacrificed their lives to sacrifice for freedom and security of their country, "and led a spokesman for the Council to salute the martyrs, an action which received wide appraise from the people. The Council also thanked President Hosni Mubarak "for his work in the process of national war and in peace and on the national position in preference to the higher interest of the homeland" in the same statement. In the following day, 12 February, the Council released his fourth statement, which he pledged to oversee the transition to ensure the transfer of power to a civilian government elected by the people.In its statement the Council indicated that it intends to suspend emergency laws that had been in effect for three decades, and move towards free and fair presidential elections, and provide for a safe transition to a free democratic order. One of their first actions was to dissolve the Parliament of Egypt, suspend the Constitution of Egypt, and an announcement of free, open presidential and parliamentary elections before the year's end and within six months. However, they have not yet lifted the emergency law and has failed to live up to is promises of civilian transfer of power and implementing the demands of the revolution.The Council has also declared that Egypt "is committed to all regional and international obligations and treaties". This has been widely interpreted as relating to the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, and has been welcomed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.On 7 August 2011, Field Marshal Tantawi swore in 15 new governors, 11 of whom were new to the post. Some critics complained that the new governors were appointed rather than elected, that many of them were military figures and/or members of the old regime and none of them were young, women, or Copts.Since taking power the council has overseen the trial of 16,000 people in closed military trials, including bloggers, journalists and protesters. In May 2011, one of the members of the council, General Mamdouh Shahin, stated that the under the new constitution Egypt's military should be given `some kind of insurance ... so that it is not under the whim of a president.`The SCAF was heavily criticized following violent confrontations in October 2011 between armed soldiers at the headquarters of the state television and radio services (known as the Maspero building). A group of protestors, mostly Coptic Christians, marched to the Maspiro building in downtown Cairo to protest against the burning of a church in Upper Egypt. A confrontation between the protestors and the army turned violent, resulting in the killing of over 20 protestors. State TV broadcast messages of Copts attacking the army and called on Egyptians to join the army. Armed men joined the army in attacking what had been a peaceful protest. The SCAF initially denied the army was responsible for any violence and further claimed that three soldiers had been killed by protestors, claiming that the soldiers were not carrying any live ammunition. Later, video evidence was broadcast showing army vehicles hitting groups of protestors. An editorial in "The Washington Post" blasted the SCAF for what it called a "shameful" response to the violence directed against the Coptic protestors.Despite the turbulence of the transitional period in Egypt, polls have shown that the SCAF has enjoyed wide legitimacy from the Egyptian people and general confidence in their ability to provide free elections. A poll in October 2011 showed that 91.7% of Egyptians have confidence in the SCAF to provide the conditions for free elections. The SCAF at that time had a general approval rating of 40.6%.On 24 January 2012, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi gave a televised speech in which he announced that the state of emergency would be partially lifted the following day. Power would be handed over to the government of the elected president in June 2012.On 16 June 2012, just after the election of Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Islamist candidate Mohamed Morsi as President of Egypt, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces passed legislation which gave them control over the process of drafting a new constitution and immunity from any civilian oversight.On 21 July 2020, the Council declared an exclusion zone between the Egyptian Border and a line drawn from the Libyan towns of Sirte and Al-Jafra, promising intervention if GNA forces entered, which did so promptly leading to the Egyptian Parliament authorizing military intervention to protect the border.The council was dissolved right after the election of President Mohamed Morsi on 30 June 2012. The role of SCAF was transferred to the General Command of the Armed Forces.In 2014, Interim President Adly Mansour issued a presidential decree reconstituting the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to be headed by the defense minister and not the president for the first time in Egypt's history, Al-Ahram's Arabic News website reported on Thursday. The council's vice president is the chief of staff. The new SCAF's members are 23 top military generals from the army, navy, air force, air defence as well as the head of military intelligence. It is the first time in Egypt's history that the SCAF will not be headed by the president, who is, according to Egypt's constitution, the chief commander of the armed forces, thus giving the military greater autonomy from civil authorities. The new constitution, passed in January, includes a transitional article which gives the president the right to appoint the defence minister but also gives the SCAF the right to approve of its leader for eight years. Thus, this gives the SCAF a constitutional status, as it had operated as a statutory body since its inception. The defence minister decides which of his aides could also become council members. The president has the right to include members in the council as well as invite the council to meet whenever necessary. The president will head meetings that he calls. The defence minister invites the council for a regular meeting every three months and whenever urgently needed. In cases of a national threat or war, the council is considered in a continuous meeting.On 3 September 2012, Colonel General Abdul Fatah al-Sisi, newly appointed Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, confirmed the composition of the revised command of the Armed Forces with the blessing of newly elected President Mohamed Morsi.The commanders of Egypt's field armies:The commanders of the main military zones:The remaining members of the council will consist of:Two of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi's former assistants have remained in their positions and will also have seats on SCAF:Over twenty officers sit on the council as of early 2015. Based on Law No. 20, however, the defense minister may invite other experts to consult with the council or attend its meetings as he sees fit. So while the official SCAF membership may consist of these individuals, the law's flexibility leaves room for other officers—active or retired—to partake in the SCAF's deliberations, signaling the potential emergence of Egypt's newest men on horseback.	[ "Sedki Sobhi", "Mohamed Hussein Tantawi" ]
Who was the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in Jun, 2019?	June 24, 2019	{ "text": [ "Sedki Sobhi" ] }	L2_Q386160_P488_2	Mohamed Hussein Tantawi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from May, 1991 to Aug, 2012. Abdel Fattah el-Sisi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Aug, 2012 to Mar, 2014. Sedki Sobhi is the chair of Supreme Council of the Armed Forces from Mar, 2014 to Dec, 2022.	Supreme Council of the Armed ForcesThe Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF; , ', also Higher Council of the Armed Forces and National Defence Council) is a statutory body of between 20 and 25 senior Egyptian military officers and is headed by Field Marshal Abdul Fatah al-Sisi and Lieutenant General Mohamed Ahmed Zaki. The council is convened only in cases of war or great internal emergencies. As a consequence of the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, SCAF assumed power to govern Egypt from departing President Hosni Mubarak on 11 February 2011, and relinquished power on 30 June 2012 upon the start of Mohamed Morsi's term as president. The Council has met regularly in times of national emergencies. During the course of the 2011 revolution, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces met first on 9 February 2011 under the chairmanship of Egyptian president, Hosni Mubarak. The Council met for the first time without the chairmanship of the president on the following day, 10 February, and issued their first press statement which signaled that the council was about to assume power which they did the following day after Mubarak's resignation. The military junta was headed by Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi who served as the Minister of Defense under Mubarak, and included the service heads and other senior commanders of the Egyptian Armed Forces, namely Lt. Gen. Sami Hafez Anan, Armed Forces Chief of Staff; Air Marshal Reda Mahmoud Hafez Mohamed, Air Force commander; Lt. Gen. Abd El Aziz Seif-Eldeen, Commander of Air Defense; and Vice Admiral Mohab Mamish, Navy Commander in Chief.The SCAF has its origins in the Free officers' movement, a clandestine body of anti-British Egyptian military officers in the late 1940s that seized power in a coup-cum-revolution in 1952. The officers organised themselves into the Revolutionary Command Council, which ruled Egypt as a junta until 1954, when a new Constitution was introduced, and a cabinet-style government was formed. The Revolutionary Council was dissolved by the dictator-turned President Gamal Abdel Nasser, who formed the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in December 1954, as a statutory government body, comprising 25 senior-most military officers from the Army, Navy, Air Force and Air Defence Forces, with himself as the chairman of the body. The statute ruled that the council could not convene without the presence and approval of the President as the permanent Chairman. The initiative for a meeting could only be started either by the President or the Defence Minister. Nasser intended to form this body mainly as a concession to the Army which had controlled Egypt through the Revolutionary Command Council since 1952. The SCAF was mandated to decide policy on all matters it deemed falling under the purview of "National Security". Thus, in Egypt the SCAF or more correctly the Air Force still handles the issuance of aviation licenses to private individuals and companies who want to operate any airborne vehicle in the country. Similarly, all private Radio station licenses are issued by the Army, while spectrum sale for mobile telephony are issued by the Egyptian Air Defence Forces. For building hotels and resorts along beaches and coastal areas, investors need permission from the Navy. The idea of such a body of military officers guiding matters of State security probably came to nationalist officers through the Prussian and German Supreme War Council during the First World War. However the scope of SCAF's licensing powers during peacetime allows it to wield wide economic and political influence.The SCAF convened numerous times in 1956 during the Suez Crisis, during the Yemeni Civil War between 1964 and 1967, and throughout the period 1967 to 1974. Between 1967 and 1974, SCAF was composed of almost 25 senior officers, and totally controlled and planned Egypt's military policy vis-a-vis Israel. After 1974 the SCAF went into semi-permanent dormancy, until it was revived in 1981 after the assassination of President Anwar Sadat.The Supreme Council released its first statement on Thursday, 10 February 2011, stating that the council "in affirmation and support for the legitimate demands of the people" is in "continuous session to consider what procedures and measures that may be taken to protect the nation". It was noted that then-president Hosni Mubarak was not present in the meeting as the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, however the meeting was headed by Defense Minister Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi.The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces in its third statement issued on the evening of Friday, 11 February 2011, shortly after the announcement of Mubarak's resignation, stated that the Council is not a substitute for the legitimacy that satisfies the people. The Council addressed "with all the greetings and cherished for the lives of the martyrs who sacrificed their lives to sacrifice for freedom and security of their country, "and led a spokesman for the Council to salute the martyrs, an action which received wide appraise from the people. The Council also thanked President Hosni Mubarak "for his work in the process of national war and in peace and on the national position in preference to the higher interest of the homeland" in the same statement. In the following day, 12 February, the Council released his fourth statement, which he pledged to oversee the transition to ensure the transfer of power to a civilian government elected by the people.In its statement the Council indicated that it intends to suspend emergency laws that had been in effect for three decades, and move towards free and fair presidential elections, and provide for a safe transition to a free democratic order. One of their first actions was to dissolve the Parliament of Egypt, suspend the Constitution of Egypt, and an announcement of free, open presidential and parliamentary elections before the year's end and within six months. However, they have not yet lifted the emergency law and has failed to live up to is promises of civilian transfer of power and implementing the demands of the revolution.The Council has also declared that Egypt "is committed to all regional and international obligations and treaties". This has been widely interpreted as relating to the Egypt–Israel Peace Treaty, and has been welcomed by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.On 7 August 2011, Field Marshal Tantawi swore in 15 new governors, 11 of whom were new to the post. Some critics complained that the new governors were appointed rather than elected, that many of them were military figures and/or members of the old regime and none of them were young, women, or Copts.Since taking power the council has overseen the trial of 16,000 people in closed military trials, including bloggers, journalists and protesters. In May 2011, one of the members of the council, General Mamdouh Shahin, stated that the under the new constitution Egypt's military should be given `some kind of insurance ... so that it is not under the whim of a president.`The SCAF was heavily criticized following violent confrontations in October 2011 between armed soldiers at the headquarters of the state television and radio services (known as the Maspero building). A group of protestors, mostly Coptic Christians, marched to the Maspiro building in downtown Cairo to protest against the burning of a church in Upper Egypt. A confrontation between the protestors and the army turned violent, resulting in the killing of over 20 protestors. State TV broadcast messages of Copts attacking the army and called on Egyptians to join the army. Armed men joined the army in attacking what had been a peaceful protest. The SCAF initially denied the army was responsible for any violence and further claimed that three soldiers had been killed by protestors, claiming that the soldiers were not carrying any live ammunition. Later, video evidence was broadcast showing army vehicles hitting groups of protestors. An editorial in "The Washington Post" blasted the SCAF for what it called a "shameful" response to the violence directed against the Coptic protestors.Despite the turbulence of the transitional period in Egypt, polls have shown that the SCAF has enjoyed wide legitimacy from the Egyptian people and general confidence in their ability to provide free elections. A poll in October 2011 showed that 91.7% of Egyptians have confidence in the SCAF to provide the conditions for free elections. The SCAF at that time had a general approval rating of 40.6%.On 24 January 2012, Mohamed Hussein Tantawi gave a televised speech in which he announced that the state of emergency would be partially lifted the following day. Power would be handed over to the government of the elected president in June 2012.On 16 June 2012, just after the election of Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Islamist candidate Mohamed Morsi as President of Egypt, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces passed legislation which gave them control over the process of drafting a new constitution and immunity from any civilian oversight.On 21 July 2020, the Council declared an exclusion zone between the Egyptian Border and a line drawn from the Libyan towns of Sirte and Al-Jafra, promising intervention if GNA forces entered, which did so promptly leading to the Egyptian Parliament authorizing military intervention to protect the border.The council was dissolved right after the election of President Mohamed Morsi on 30 June 2012. The role of SCAF was transferred to the General Command of the Armed Forces.In 2014, Interim President Adly Mansour issued a presidential decree reconstituting the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) to be headed by the defense minister and not the president for the first time in Egypt's history, Al-Ahram's Arabic News website reported on Thursday. The council's vice president is the chief of staff. The new SCAF's members are 23 top military generals from the army, navy, air force, air defence as well as the head of military intelligence. It is the first time in Egypt's history that the SCAF will not be headed by the president, who is, according to Egypt's constitution, the chief commander of the armed forces, thus giving the military greater autonomy from civil authorities. The new constitution, passed in January, includes a transitional article which gives the president the right to appoint the defence minister but also gives the SCAF the right to approve of its leader for eight years. Thus, this gives the SCAF a constitutional status, as it had operated as a statutory body since its inception. The defence minister decides which of his aides could also become council members. The president has the right to include members in the council as well as invite the council to meet whenever necessary. The president will head meetings that he calls. The defence minister invites the council for a regular meeting every three months and whenever urgently needed. In cases of a national threat or war, the council is considered in a continuous meeting.On 3 September 2012, Colonel General Abdul Fatah al-Sisi, newly appointed Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, confirmed the composition of the revised command of the Armed Forces with the blessing of newly elected President Mohamed Morsi.The commanders of Egypt's field armies:The commanders of the main military zones:The remaining members of the council will consist of:Two of Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi's former assistants have remained in their positions and will also have seats on SCAF:Over twenty officers sit on the council as of early 2015. Based on Law No. 20, however, the defense minister may invite other experts to consult with the council or attend its meetings as he sees fit. So while the official SCAF membership may consist of these individuals, the law's flexibility leaves room for other officers—active or retired—to partake in the SCAF's deliberations, signaling the potential emergence of Egypt's newest men on horseback.	[ "Abdel Fattah el-Sisi", "Mohamed Hussein Tantawi" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Apr, 1837?	April 11, 1837	{ "text": [ "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_0	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Oct, 1838?	October 20, 1838	{ "text": [ "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_1	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Dec, 1846?	December 26, 1846	{ "text": [ "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_2	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Nov, 1849?	November 23, 1849	{ "text": [ "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_3	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Jan, 1853?	January 27, 1853	{ "text": [ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_4	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Jul, 1857?	July 27, 1857	{ "text": [ "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_5	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Jun, 1861?	June 08, 1861	{ "text": [ "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_6	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]
Which position did Charles William Packe hold in Oct, 1865?	October 13, 1865	{ "text": [ "Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ] }	L2_Q26415474_P39_7	Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 19th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1865 to Oct, 1867. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Feb, 1836 to Jul, 1837. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1847 to Jul, 1852. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Mar, 1857 to Apr, 1859. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jun, 1841 to Jul, 1847. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1852 to Mar, 1857. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Apr, 1859 to Jul, 1865. Charles William Packe holds the position of Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom from Jul, 1837 to Jun, 1841.	Charles Packe (MP)Charles William Packe (23 September 1792 – 27 October 1867) was a British Conservative Party politician.Packe was the oldest son of Charles James Packe and Penelope Dugdale, daughter of Richard Dugdale of Blyth Hall. He was also the brother of Great Northern Railway deputy chairman and Liberal politician George Hussey Packe. He married Kitty Jenkyn Reading, daughter of Thomas Hort, in 1822.He inherited Prestwold Hall upon his father's death in 1837, and later acquired Glen Hall and an 18-acre estate in southern Leicestershire for £2,530 in 1837 and, a decade later, Stretton Hall for £30,000, financed by a mortgage from Sir George Robinson. In 1842, he commissioned William Burn to redesign Prestwold Hall, spending a reported £70,000 over the next two decades on improvements and further land close to the hall. A decade later, he spent £12,000 on a house and 745 acres of land at Branksome in Dorset, also using Burn, via a loan of £7,000.Packe was also a keen investor in bank stock, government consols, and railway shares, the latter of which he had £4,050 in during the mid-1840s.By the time of his death, Packe owned 2,464 acres in Leicestershire, worth £4,267 gross a year, with a gross personal wealth of £35,000.He was elected MP for South Leicestershire at a by-election in 1836 and held the seat until his death in 1867. During this time, he rented a home at Richmond Terrace, just off Whitehall, in London.	[ "Member of the 16th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 14th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 15th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 13th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 18th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 12th Parliament of the United Kingdom", "Member of the 17th Parliament of the United Kingdom" ]

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