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sloping labor supply curve. |
Because the income effect could |
even more than offset |
the substitution effect. |
But, in reality, given the way |
I set up the example, you'd |
think men would basically |
have a pretty |
inelastic labor supply. |
You'd think, 40 years ago, these |
things would basically |
both be 0, both offset. |
And, basically, you'd have a |
situation where the change in |
the wages didn't matter |
much for men. |
And, in fact, that's |
what people found. |
This is a wonderful case of the |
convergence of truth with |
theory and a wonderful chance |
to see the power of some |
pretty simplistic theory. |
The intuition is exactly borne |
out in the data, which is |
males, 40 years ago, |
would have a very |
inelastic labor supply. |
Their labor supply curves were |
virtually vertical and maybe |
backward-bending. |
There's some controversy |
on that. |
Some estimates got |
backward-bending. |
Some didn't. |
But there were certainly |
not upward sloping. |
It was basically vertical. |
Women had a very few elastic |
labor supply. |
The elasticity is estimated |
to be around 1. |
That is every 1% change |
in the wage lead to |
1% more labor supply. |
So that's a fairly elastic |
labor supply for women. |
Where, for men, the estimate |
was basically 0. |
And that's kind of neat, because |
we're actually getting |
confirmation in the data |
of what the theory |
would have told us. |
Now, someone else tell me what |
do you think has happened over |
the last 40 years relative to |
these elasticities of married |
men and married women. |
Yeah. |
AUDIENCE: The elasticity of |
married women has gone down in |
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