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.Jerry Adler and Andrew Lawler, "How the Chicken Conquered the World: The epic begins 10,000 years ago in an Asian jungle and ends today in kitchens all over the world," Smithsonian Magazine (June 2012)
The chickens that saved Western civilization were discovered, according to legend, by the side of a road in Greece in the first decade of the fifth century B.C. The Athenian general Themistocles, on his way to confront the invading Persian forces, stopped to watch two cocks fighting and summoned his troops, saying: “Behold, these do not fight for their household gods, for the monuments of their ancestors, for glory, for liberty or the safety of their children, but only because one will not give way to the other.”>>>
"Modern dogs have 'little in common' with ancient breeds," BBC, May 21, 2012
The cross-breeding of dogs has made it difficult to trace the genetic roots of today's pets, according to a new study.
Scientists from Durham and Aberdeen analysed data from the genetic make-up of modern dogs while assessing the archaeological record of dog remains.
They found that modern breeds genetically have little in common with their ancient ancestors.>>>
"How to Build a Dog: Photo Essay," National Geographic (February 2012)
Scientists have found the secret recipe behind the spectacular variety of dog shapes and sizes, and it could help unravel the complexity of human genetic disease.>>>
Sarah C. P. Williams, "Whence the Domestic Horse?" Science, May 7, 2012
Shards of pottery with traces of mare's milk, mass gravesites for horses, and drawings of horses with plows and chariots:
These are some of the signs left by ancient people hinting at the importance of horses to their lives. But putting a place and date on the domestication of horses has been a challenge for archaeologists. Now, a team of geneticists studying modern breeds of the animal has assembled an evolutionary picture of its storied past. Horses, the scientists conclude, were first domesticated 6000 years ago in the western part of the Eurasian Steppe, modern-day Ukraine and West Kazakhstan. And as the animals were domesticated, they were regularly interbred with wild horses, the researchers say.>>>
Jared Diamond, "What Makes Countries Rich or Poor?" New York Review of Books, June 7, 2012
. . . . Europe has had a long history (of up to nine thousand years) of agriculture based on the world’s most productive crops and domestic animals, both of which were domesticated in and introduced to Europe from the Fertile Crescent, the crescent-shaped region running from the Persian Gulf through southeastern Turkey to Upper Egypt. Agriculture in tropical Africa is only between 1,800 and 5,000 years old and based on less productive domesticated crops and imported animals.>>>
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Does this test have other names?
What is this test?
This test measures the amount of the mineral magnesium in your blood. Magnesium is found in your cells and bones. It's necessary for many different chemical reactions in your body. Your heart needs magnesium to beat properly. Your muscles need magnesium to contract and relax. Your nerves need magnesium to send signals. Magnesium also plays a role in controlling blood sugar and blood pressure. Your body uses magnesium to absorb calcium.
Why do I need this test?
You may have this test if you have signs and symptoms that might be caused by too much or too little magnesium. These can include:
You may also have this test if you have kidney problems, diabetes, alcoholism, or some other conditions, or if other blood tests show you have abnormal levels of other minerals, such as calcium, potassium, or phosphorus.
If you are pregnant, your doctor may watch your magnesium levels to make sure you don't develop preeclampsia, a serious complication marked by protein in your urine and high blood pressure.
What other tests might I have along with this test?
You may have other blood tests to measure levels of other minerals or substances in your blood. You may also have a test to check for magnesium in your urine.
What do my test results mean?
Many things may affect your lab test results. These include the method each lab uses to do the test. Even if your test results are different from the normal value, you may not have a problem. To learn what the results mean for you, talk with your health care provider.
Results are given in milliequivalents per liter (mEq/L). Normal test results are:
1.3 to 2.1 mEq/L for adults
1.4 to 1.7 mEq/L for children
1.4 to 2 mEq/L for newborns
Abnormal magnesium levels may have many possible causes. For example, increased levels of magnesium may be seen with kidney disease because magnesium is excreted by the kidneys. A low magnesium level can be a sign of diabetes, some digestive problems, malnourishment, or alcoholism. Lower magnesium levels during pregnancy may mean preeclampsia.
How is this test done?
The test requires a blood sample, which is drawn through a needle from a vein in your arm.
Does this test pose any risks?
Taking a blood sample with a needle carries risks that include bleeding, infection, bruising, or feeling dizzy. When the needle pricks your arm, you may feel a slight stinging sensation or pain. Afterward, the site may be slightly sore.
What might affect my test results?
Some drugs, such as antacids and laxatives, can cause magnesium levels to rise. Other drugs, such as some antibiotics, insulin, and diuretics, can cause magnesium levels to drop.
How do I get ready for this test?
You don't need to prepare for this test. But be sure your doctor knows about all medicines, herbs, vitamins, and supplements you are taking. This includes medicines that don't need a prescription and any illicit drugs you may use.
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HISTORICAL LAND USE
Experts at the US Geological Survey pinpoint land-use changes as possible cause for the present maladies of stream systems within the Ozarks. Changes in stream morphology have taken place within the entire Ozarks and the Meramec River basin. Written historic observations of early settlers and explorers do not suggest extensive gravel bars on Ozark streams as seen today. Nevertheless, geologists working in the late 1800s, before significant land use, describe large quantities of gravel in streambanks and beds (Jacobson and Primm 1994). Until 1920, shortleaf pine logging practices created minimal erosional processes; however, Jacobson and Primm believe the combined effects of land clearing, road construction and floods from 1895-1915 to be the beginning of upland disruption that peaked from 1920-60. Stream disturbance may have resulted from several practices in the post-timber boom period (1920-60) such as upland burning, grazing of cut-over-valley-side slopes and open land, and lastly, using marginal land for cultivated crops. Oral-history reports compiled by Jacobson and Primm (1994) reveal "flashier" streams in the period from 1960-93 than the period from 1920-60 due to changes in upland and riparian zone vegetation, resulting in decreased water storage and flow resistance. Jacobson and Primm identify destruction of riparian vegetation from livestock grazing on bottom lands as the most disrupting force on Ozarks stream channels.
Floodplains are well known as fertile areas, making them desirable for settlement. By the early 1800s, the land was being cleared for crops and the wood used as timber for home construction, fences, and firewood. In pre-settlement times, main-stem riparian zones were up to two miles wide on either side of the river. In upland areas different settings existed due to fires set by Native Americans, which resulted in expansive savannahs and glades that dotted the Meramec River basin.
Within Franklin, Washington, and Jefferson counties the principal agricultural crop production in 1880 was barley, buckwheat, Indian corn, oats, rye, and wheat (Goodspeed 1888). In 1850, Franklin, Crawford, and Washington counties had 42,674, 26,910, and 36,139 acres of improved land, respectively. Total improved acres were on the rise because as noted in Goodspeed, "Malaria is rapidly disappearing before the advance of civilization and improved methods of cultivating and draining the soil." Residents in Franklin County relied heavily on wheat as a money-making crop because the soil was well adapted to its growth. Prior to 1820 in all counties within the Meramec River basin, residents paid little attention to the production of wheat, because people lived on corn bread, wild game, and vegetables. Inhabitants were more attentive to mining than agriculture.
As the Timber-boom period (1880-1920; see subsection B.1.6) came to a halt and large commercial interests sought more fertile grounds outside the Ozarks, the inhabitants' livestock grazed the open ranges left in cutover areas. To prevent trees and shrubs from reclaiming the range, the basin residents burned seasonally. Oral-history accounts from residents describe seasonal burning as necessary to maintain pasture. Some oral-history respondents recall extensive erosion in areas of the Ozarks due to the upland farming and grazing, and gully and sheet erosion were common sites (Jacobson and Primm 1994).
In 1940, the Missouri State Planning Board estimated 834,350 persons recreated in the Meramec River basin from May 15 - September 30 (Brown 1945). Fishing, swimming, picnicking, and boating made up 85% of the recreational use. The Missouri State Planning Board calculated that flooding during this peak attendance caused losses of $1.36 per person per day. Finding a means of controlling these floods has been a concern of the Army Corps of Engineers since the 1930s. Consequently. Meramec Park Lake was advocated as a flood control reservoir as well as a recreational reservoir. The reservoir was never constructed, however, because of public opposition.
The original attraction to the Meramec River region was the lure of precious metals such as gold, copper, and silver. These metals were not found, but the first white settlers did find lead and iron ore (Jackson 1985). Also, highly prized for clean sand and gravel, streams in the Meramec River basin have been mined to provide construction materials.
Lead and Iron
The first lead mine was established in 1797 by Moses Austin. The site is now the town of Potosi. Several other lead mines were described by Schoolcraft (1821) in Jefferson and Washington counties (Jacobson and Primm 1994). In 1818, one mine was worked in what is now Jefferson County, Gray's Mine on the Big River. In fact, in Washington County, most lead mines mentioned in Schoolcraft (1821) were on the Big River system.
Today's Maramec Spring Trout Park was once the site of Maramec Iron Works. Thomas James and his business associate, Samuel Massey, both from Ohio, started the Maramec Iron Works in 1826. In 1847, Samuel Massey was forced to sell his interest in the company, and the son of Thomas James assumed management of the works until its closure in 1876. This operation tried hauling iron on the Meramec River, but the numerous trees, snags, and gravel riffles were major obstacles. Although the mining operations opened the Ozark wilderness to settlers, these operations caused instream pollution from tailings. Tailings were a source of sediment and toxic substances that adversely affected aquatic biota. In addition, riparian woodlands were cleared to fuel the smelting furnaces. (*note: Maramec Spring is spelled differently than the river and the watershed).
In Goodspeed's 1888 publication, the author reported iron mining operating within the vicinity of several creek systems between 1860-88. Sligo Iron Furnace was in operation in the Crooked Creek drainage. Near Dry Branch Creek, Booth Bank Iron Mines (Sec 27, T41, R1W) removed 2,000 tons of red hematite. The owners of Moselle Iron Furnace (Sec 14, T42, R1E) mined brown hematite ore from a deposit near Benton Creek in the Upper Meramec River watershed. The iron ore was deposited or banked into various shapes and sizes on or near the surface of the land. Banks of ore were found in isolated locations--there are no veins. As a result, today, many small depressions (pits approximately 3-15 feet deep) can be found in various locations within the Meramec River basin where mining was done.
Historic Sand and Gravel Operations
Since the early 1800s, the Meramec River has been recognized and utilized for its sand and gravel resources. Operations included the removal of sand and gravel from quarry and instream locations. Sand and gravel were, and still are, important construction materials. The quality of the sand and gravel varies among river systems, as well as between small and large streams within a system. Geologists found Meramec gravel samples to be clean and abundant. The Ozarks Region produced 20% of the state's sand and gravel during 1913, and during that same year, the Meramec River produced 17% by weight of Missouri's total sand and gravel output (Dake 1918). In 1918, sand and gravel operations on the Meramec River were located at Valley Park, Drake, Sherman, Pacific, and Moselle (Dake 1918). Some of these sites are still active today.
In 1918, sand dredging was a continuous trade, but the freezing of wet sand hindered some methods of sand extraction during the winter. At locations near St. Louis, within-stream mining, common at this time, involved using 15-inch centrifugal dredge pumps to load material from the Meramec River into waiting barges. Other methods included loading by hand into wagons or barges towed by gasoline-powered tugs, and loading by clam-shell dredge. The severity of impacts to the stream would vary with method. Extraction by hand and wagon methods were more appropriate for smaller stream systems and dealers whose products were strictly for local use (Dake 1918).
The expansive Ozark Plateau had two land-use periods known as the Timber Boom (1880-1920) and the Post-timber Boom (1920-1960) that affected uplands, valley slopes, and valley bottoms. The Post-timber Boom was a time of economic depression and migration out of the Ozarks. Cutover valley slopes during the Timber Boom were converted to pasture and seasonally burned. The Great Depression placed increased pressure on the valley bottoms and uplands for subsistence farming (Jacobson and Primm 1994). From 1880-1920, timber was cut for a variety of uses. Several portable sawmills existed for home use. Because of the limited supply of shortleaf pine, builders used hardwoods for railroad ties, flooring, barrel staves, and fuel. Franklin, Jefferson, Crawford, and Washington counties had predominately hardwood species such as scrub oak, white oak, post oak, and red oak in the uplands and black walnut, hickory, maple, ash, birch, sycamore in bottom lands (Goodspeed 1888). Sources agree that until the railroad reached the Meramec vicinity in 1870, cutting was limited to small operations near river systems (Goodspeed 1888; Jacobson and Primm 1994). Large-scale producers of dairy products and cord wood shipped their goods to St. Louis via the Iron Mountain Railroad. Transport, however, was mainly for producers within the vicinity of the railroad, and it was noted in that, "Wood supply along the immediate line of the Iron Mountain Railroad was being exhausted" (Goodspeed 1888). This notation compares well with the decline in Missouri timber production in 1900 described by Jacobson and Primm (1994).
The Timber Boom apparently had not reached Crawford County in 1888 because the author Thomas Gileson noted the untapped water resources and " . timber that could be made into furniture and land to be cleared for agriculture" (Goodspeed 1888). At this time, many people were migrating to the Ozark area to work in the forest operations and mills. The author wrote that area streams had " . clear water, flowing through rich valleys that can supply water power to run mills" (Goodspeed 1888).
It is doubtful that large log drives like those that took place on the Gasconade and Little Piney rivers in the 1880s ever occurred on the Meramec River. Nonetheless, in many areas of the Ozarks, hardwood railroad ties were cut, and when water was high, transported by river. Because officials were apprehensive about dangers of loose ties and their effects on streambanks, Missouri regulated the size of drives and method of tie transport (Jacobson and Primm 1994). In the Ozarks, beginning in 1925, a tie producing company stopped river drives on the Black River from April 15 - June 1 because of fish spawning.
RECENT LAND USE
Some of the same forces affecting the past land-use periods still exist today. Recent land-use practices (1960-present) include greatly reduced intentional burning. Grazing and row cropping has increased in upland areas, and valley bottom lands are still being cleared for pasture and row cropping. Logging operations on valley slopes and uplands are better managed than during the Timber Boom and Post-timber Boom periods, but upland areas and valley slopes still have a slight increase in annual runoff, storm runoff, and upland sediment yield as compared to pre-settlement conditions (Jacobson and Primm 1994).
In general, land-use and land-cover estimates from the NRCS (1995) classify watershed areas as 4.5% cropland, 48% forest, 24% pasture, 1.3% rural transportation, 6.5% urban development, 15.7% water, minor and other land-use categories (Table Lu01). Within the upper Meramec River watershed, nearly one third of forest land is owned by farmers, corporations, and forest industries, and another one third by the federally owned Mark Twain National Forest, and the remaining one third by other private landowners. Only a small percentage of forest land is owned by the forest industry. In recent years, urban development in the lower Meramec has reduced the size of contiguous forest tracts.
Based on 1992 broad land-use estimates obtained from the NRCS, the Meramec River basin has 15,500 acres of cultivated cropland and 54,900 acres of uncultivated land (NRCS 1995). According to the Missouri Agricultural Statistics Service (MASS), most of the crop production is hay. Several of the larger counties within the basin do not produce sizable amounts wheat or corn (MASS 1995). Because of this low cash crop production, use of herbicides such as 2,4-D and Atrazine is generally low.
•Crawford County Farm Information
•St. Louis County Farm Information
•Phelps County Farm Information
•Washington County Farm Information
•Dent County Farm Information
•Jefferson County Farm Information
Farmers maintain approximately 375,100 acres of pasture for cattle, horses, and sheep (NRCS 1995). It is possible that more farmers will be converting land to pasture while cattle prices remain high. Cattle prices, however, have fallen from 1994 to 1995, and in all counties within the basin, total numbers of cattle produced fell from 1994 to 1995 (MASS 1995). Of the major counties within the basin, Franklin County produced the most cattle with Dent, Phelps, and Crawford counties close behind.
Hog production fell in all counties from 1993 to 1994 (MASS 1995). Franklin County had 63,000 hogs in 1992, 59,000 hogs in 1993, and 56,000 in 1995. Fortunately, no large-scale combined hog feeding operations exist within the Meramec River basin. Nevertheless, hogs in open fields create areas that are devoid of vegetation and possess large gullies occur adjacent to some streams reaches in the basin.
Jacobson and Primm (1994) demonstrate a trend in the rural Ozarks toward increased populations of cattle and increased grazing density. Increased grazing density translates into greater populations of cattle per unit area. County land-use information from the Missouri Agricultural Statistics Service supports this trend (Figure Lu01). If this trend continues, stream-channel disturbance, caused by increased runoff and sediment supply has the potential to increase. From 1960-93, populations of cattle have increased yet total improved land in farms has decreased. Cursory observation of streams shows that cattle are noticeably impacting stream water quality.
Fifteen percent of the Ozarks has been purchased (US Bureau of the Census 1990) by State and Federal agencies for recreation and timber production. Recreation represents a major land use within the Meramec River basin on public and private land. Significant impacts to streams due to recreational use have not been documented. Based on a survey of the upper and lower Meramec River, the river has more use (hours per acre) than any stream in Missouri (Fleener 1988). In a telephone survey to estimate angler effort and success in Missouri waters, the Meramec River was among the highest in days fished in three of the six years listed (Table Lu02).
A survey conducted from 1978-79 on a 74-mile segment of the upper Meramec River found camping, floating, swimming, and picnicking accounting for 84% of all hours spent in the area and 75% of all visits (Fleener 1988). All types of fishing made up about 10% of all visits. In the 117-mile lower segment of the Meramec River, pole-and-line fishing was popular, making up 15% of all visits to the area. According to the survey, canoeing is a very popular outdoor activity, especially on the Huzzah and Courtois creeks. The gradient and the water clarity of these streams seem to attract many outdoor enthusiasts.
Mining for lead, barite, iron, and sand and gravel within the upper portion of the Meramec River have the potential to adversely affect streams. Nevertheless, mining is a major industry within the basin and employs several thousand people. Recently, land restoration mining technology has been funded by the mining industry. Stricter regulation, direct taxation of mineral production, and customer awareness have also fueled water quality monitoring and waste management systems.
Doe Run Mining Company's Viburnum 35 Lead Mine (NW NE Sec 11, T34, R2), which is within the Huzzah Creek and Courtois Creek drainages, has potential to affect aquatic biota within a tributary to Crooked Creek and Indian Creek tributaries (Table 19; Water Quality Section, D.6. Non-point Source Pollution). Although the tailings ponds have not been a problem, proper maintenance and observation are recommended to assure that the risk posed to downstream aquatic habitat and biota is held to a minimum. In addition, the Viburnum Mine operation manages a smelting operation within the vicinity of Crooked Creek.
Parole, Howell, Palmer, Politte, and Joe Smith are mine sites where barite (barium sulfate) has been extracted from the land surface (Water Quality Section, D.6. Non-point Source Pollution). Parole Mine has water-covered tailings and all others are partially water covered. Although tailings dam failures are infrequent, barite mining, centered in Washington County, has in the past buried creeks in red mud, destroying aquatic life (MDNR 1995). Barite tailings are less damaging to the aquatic environment than lead tailings because of the small-sized particles (MDNR 1995). The DNR's Dam Safety Program is responsible for monitoring tailings ponds for structural integrity.
Historically, iron mining was an important industry within the basin, and several old abandoned mining operations still impact the stream biota. Today, of the remaining two major mining operations, Pea Ridge Iron Mines and Hobo Iron Mines, only Hobo Mines has been reported to cause stream water quality problems ( Water Quality Section, D.6. Non-point Source Pollution, MDNR 1995). The tailings pond are monitored by the DNR to prevent potential contamination of streams.
These mines both have tailings ponds classified by USFWS National Wetland Inventory (NWI). In the NWI map classification, Pea Ridge Iron Mines has a series of 12 polygonal wetlands; only one polygonal wetland has the spoils designation, and the remaining polygons give no indication that mine tailings are present. Hobo Mines tailings are not identified as mining spoils but as a single pond. Vegetation found on these tailings ponds is characteristic of the cattail wetland. Cattail wetland conditions reduce the tailings waste to a less reactive waste.
Sand and Gravel
The Army Corps of Engineers (COE) through Section 404 of the Clean Water Act and the Department of Natural Resources (DNR), through its Land Reclamation Program, issue permits for the mining of stream sand and gravel. Although the regulation of sand and gravel mining is in a state of flux, guidelines developed by state and federal agencies with input from the regulated community and used by the COE allow mining of gravel bars and floodplains.
The use of GIS allowed the MDC's East Central Region to store, search, and display mined stream sites, landowners, type of permit holders, and permit conditions. Seventy-one permitted sites on 11 different streams in seven counties were mapped (Figure Lu02). Thirty-two sites were permitted under the Missouri General Permit (GP-34M) from January 1996 to August 1996. Brazil Creek, with a relatively small watershed area, had 20 gravel mining sites, making it the most heavily mined watershed (Blanc 1997).
Forests in the Meramec Basin are dominated by oak species (Leatherberry 1990; Hansen 1991), but accurate percentages of upland forest types within the basin are difficult to obtain. Black-scarlet oak and white oak are the dominant upland forest types within the basin. Succession is toward white oak as climax species. White oak and red oak account for approximately 60-75% of growing stock volume on timberland (Leatherberry 1990; Hansen 1991). Softwood species such as shortleaf pine account for between 10-15% of the growing stock volume. Roughly one half of the red and white oak species' growing stock is logged annually. Of all stands within the basin, the stand size-classes (stocked forest land based on the size of the tree on the area) on tracts of land are roughly 45% saw timber, 30% pole timber, and 18-25% seedling and sapling timber (Leatherberry 1990; Hansen 1991).
NATURAL RESOURCES SOIL CONSERVATION PROJECTS
The Meramec River basin has no PL-566 projects (Small Watershed Projects) and no SALT (Special Area Land Treatment) projects (MDNR 1995; Clarence Buel, NRCS, personal communication); however, several PL-566 applications within the basin are filed with NRCS (Clarence Buel, personal communication). Thirty years ago, Congress enacted the Watershed Protection and Flood Prevention Act (Public Law 83-566). This act provides federal dollars to help plan and construct projects in small watersheds less than 250,000 acres. The program has evolved from the initial focus on flood control and erosion to water quality and wetlands, among others.
The de-authorization of the Meramec Park Lake, through Public Law 97-128, allowed the state of Missouri to acquire a sizable amount of acreage. In 1969, the Army Corps of Engineers began a slow purchase of land along the Meramec River. By 1977, the federal government had purchased 25,697 acres of land. The de-authorization bill, signed into law by President Ronald Reagan in December 1981, contained several important provisions besides the de-authorization of the reservoir:
1.The state of Missouri was to receive deed to 3,382 to 5,122 acres of land, unless the state legislature disapproved;
2.Within ninety days the Corps was to appraise the remaining acreage and offer it back for sale to the original landowners first, and then at public auction;
3.The state of Missouri was deeded a perpetual 600-foot easement on privately-owned land bordering the Meramec River, Huzzah Creek, and Courtois Creek (Ruddy 1992).
This easement was to provide a 600-foot natural, cultural, and visual corridor, starting at the center of the river. The legislature prohibited construction of new buildings, tree cutting, and trash deposition in the 600-foot corridor (Ruddy 1992). Presently, no state agency is designated to carry out the terms of the easement (Shorr 1995).
The state of Missouri acquired 5,122 acres for state parks and conservation areas (Figure Lu03-source Franklin County Tribune Map), after the Missouri House of Representatives defeated a bill denying the state's right to the land (Ruddy 1992). Al Nilges, who represented a district near the Bourbon area, introduced the bill. After the state accepted title to the 5,122 acres, it offered 1,732 acres for resale to past owners or for a public auction. Its sale would help pay the cost of maintaining the 3,390 acres of land. The final plan for deposition of the lands allowed the state to add Onondaga Cave State Park, Campbell Bridge Access, Vilander Bluff, Blue Springs Creek, Sappington Bridge Access, and additional land to the Meramec Conservation Area (Figure Lu03- Franklin County Tribune Map).
The Meramec River basin has 55,257.6 acres of state-owned land (Table Lu03). Twenty-two MDC Conservation Areas, 17 MDC River Accesses and several other tracts of land provide opportunities for recreational activities (Figure Lu04). Although not considered public land, Maramec Spring Trout Park, owned by the James Foundation, is a 1,534.8-acre area offering year-round rainbow trout fishing. (*note: Maramec Spring is spelled differently than the river and the watershed).
Stream frontage miles for MDC-owned lands were provided by area managers (Table Lu03). An estimated total of 46.5 miles of land along streams are found within MDC-owned lands.
The Missouri Department of Conservation (MDC) maintains 17 public stream accesses within the Meramec River basin (Table Lu03). Nearly all of the accesses are on the main stem of the Meramec River. MDC has a long-standing program to acquire strategically located stream frontage tracts from willing sellers at market values. The Conservation Commission makes annual payments to compensate local governments and schools for lost tax revenues at assessment levels current when acquired. The objective of the program is to provide stream access at reasonable floating or motoring distances. This objective for the Meramec River basin has been largely achieved, although a few stream segments could use frontage sites, and two prior acquisitions remain undeveloped as accesses (McPherson 1994). Because of the combination of MDC, MDNR, and USFS lands, the major streams within the Meramec River basin are very accessible to the public.
Flood Buy Out Lands
The severity of the 1993 floods led taxpayers and government agencies to reassess the repeated payment of federal money for disaster relief. From 1995-96, a large amount of federal money from the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) in the form of grants was available to local governments to buy out damaged structures and remove them from the floodplain. These areas will become greenways for resource conservation or for recreation.
CORPS OF ENGINEERS 404 JURISDICTION
The entire Meramec River basin is under the jurisdiction of the St. Louis District of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers. Section 404 regulation permitting, inquiries, and violation reports should be directed to the St. Louis Office: 1222 Spruce Street, St. Louis, MO 63103-2833 or call (314) 331-8575
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Click any word in a definition or example to find the entry for that word
90% of the time, speakers of English use just 7,500 words in speech and writing. These words appear in red, and are graded with stars. One-star words are frequent, two-star words are more frequent, and three-star words are the most frequent.
The thesaurus of synonyms and related words is fully integrated into the dictionary entries. Click on the T button in an entry to review the synonyms and related words for that meaning.more
There's a motel just a few miles ahead.
His attention was firmly fixed on the road ahead.
The car ahead of us stopped suddenly.
We're nearly there! That's the place up ahead.
We have a busy day ahead of us.
a young woman with a brilliant career ahead of her
Where will the money come from in the years ahead?
New technology points the way ahead for our steel industry.
Labour are ahead in the opinion polls.
The Eagles are already ten points ahead of their nearest rivals.
At the end of Round 8, Tyson was well ahead on points.
This is the British English definition of ahead. View American English definition of ahead.
the short high sound that a small bird makes
A must for anyone with an interest in the changing face of language. The Macmillan Dictionary blog explores English as it is spoken around the world today.global English and language change from our blog
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A Jewish View of Gibson's `Passion'
The film may transmit negative attitudes, stereotypes and caricatures about Jews.
BY: A. James Rudin
(RNS) The controversy surrounding Mel Gibson's soon-to-be-released film, "The Passion of the Christ," is a graphic reminder that the execution of Jesus has been a divisive issue between Christians and Jews since the four New Testament Gospels were written.
A tragic result of that conflict is the allegation of collective Jewish guilt that many Christians have believed and taught throughout history. Passion plays, dramas about the death of Jesus, date from the 12th century, and were performed in hundreds of European communities. Between the 14th and 16th centuries, more than 300 villages in Germany and Austria re-enacted the Passion.
Lethal bloody reactions against Jews often followed Passion play performances. Physical attacks were so appalling that in 1338 the councilors of Freiburg banned the performance of anti-Jewish scenes of that town's play. The Frankfurt Jewish ghetto was protected in 1469, and in 1539 a Passion play was forbidden in Rome because of the violent attacks against the city's Jewish residents.
But with the end of World War II and the Holocaust, and the positive teachings of the Second Vatican Council in 1965, many Christian leaders publicly taught that traditional Passion plays are a source of negative and false teachings about Jews and Judaism.
In 1985 Pope John Paul II gave support to the reformers, declaring: "We should aim, in this field, that Catholic teaching at its different levels present Jews and Judaism, not only in an honest and objective manner, free from prejudices and without any offenses, but also with full awareness of the heritage common (to Jews and Christians)."
Twelve years later the pope warned, "Erroneous and unjust interpretations of the New Testament regarding the Jewish people and their alleged culpability have circulated for too long, engendering feelings of hostility toward this people."
In 1988 the Committee for Ecumenical and Interreligious Affairs of the National Conference of Catholic Bishops published a strongly worded teaching document that urged all "depictions of the sacred mysteries conform to the highest possible standards of biblical interpretation and theological sensitivity. The greatest caution is advised in all cases where it is a question of passages that seem to show the Jewish people in an unfavorable light."
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http://www.beliefnet.com/News/2004/02/A-Jewish-View-Of-Gibsons-Passion.aspx
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2013-05-23T04:54:13Z
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| 0.959951
| 478
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Nobel Prize rewards neutrino astrophysics and X-ray astronomy
Oct 8, 2002
This year’s Nobel Prize for Physics has been awarded to three astrophysicists who pioneered the fields of neutrino astrophysics and X-ray astronomy. Ray Davis and Masatoshi Koshiba share half the prize for “pioneering contributions to astrophysics, in particular for the detection of cosmic neutrinos". Riccardo Giacconi receives the other half of the prize for “pioneering contributions to astrophysics, which have led to the discovery of cosmic X-ray sources.”
Although vast numbers of neutrinos are produced by the Sun, they are very difficult to detect because they interact very weakly with matter. Ray Davis, now at the University of Pennsylvania built the first experiment to detect neutrinos from the Sun - a giant underground tank containing 600 tonnes of dry-cleaning liquid. However, Davis only detected about one third of the flux of neutrinos predicted by theory. Masatoshi Koshiba of the University of Tokyo later built the gigantic Kamiokande detector in Japan and confirmed Davis’s results.
Now it is known that the electron neutrinos produced in the Sun can oscillate into other types of neutrino - such as muon and tau neutrinos - that could not be detected by these experiments. Recent experiments, such as SuperKamiokande in Japan and the Sudbury Neutrino Observatory in Canada, have confirmed that oscillations do indeed occur. This means that neutrinos have mass, which requires new physics beyond the Standard Model of particle physics.
Riccardo Giacconi was one of the pioneers of X-ray astronomy. Since X-rays from the Sun and other sources are absorbed by the atmosphere, X-ray astronomy can only be carried out from space. Giaconni was the first astronomer to detect X-rays from outside our solar system and also the first to prove that the universe contains an X-ray background. X-ray astronomy is now one of the most active areas of astrophysics and two large observatories - Chandra and XMM Newton - have been launched in recent years.
Giacconi received his PhD from the University of Milan in Italy and played a key role in the Einstein Observatory in the 1970s. He has been director of the Hubble Space Telescope Science Institute in the US and director general of the European Southern Observatory. In 1999 he was appointed president of Associated Universities Inc, the not-for-profit body that operates the National Radio Astronomy Observatory in the US.
All three prize winners have previously received the Wolf Prize. Davis and Koshiba shared the prize in 2000, while Giaconni shared the 1987 Wolf Prize with Herbert Friedman of the US Naval Research Laboratory and Bruno Rossi of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
The winners will share the cash prize of 10 million Swedish kroner - around £700 000 - and will receive their gold medals and diplomas in Stockholm on 10 December.
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2013-06-19T12:49:05Z
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National Black HIV/AIDS Awareness Day 2009
February 7, 2009, marks the ninth annual National Black HIV/AIDS Awareness Day (NBHAAD). NBHAAD is a day dedicated to increasing awareness of HIV/AIDS in the African-American community. The goals of NBHAAD are to educate African Americans about HIV/AIDS and how it is transmitted, to encourage them to get tested, to motivate HIV-infected African Americans to seek proper treatment, and to inspire people to get involved in their community.
Check out the updated Department of Health and Human Services' National Black HIV/AIDS Awareness Day Web page, which includes helpful links to sites providing information on health disparities, HIV/AIDS statistics, and much more--all specific to African Americans.
AIDSinfo encourages you to participate in NBHAAD by sharing this information with others.
Negative Effect of HIV and HAART on Arteries
"HIV-infected patients using combination antiretroviral therapy (ART) have an increased cardiovascular risk. We aimed to identify the effects of HIV, ART, and lipodystrophy (LD) on carotid artery intima-media thickness (C-IMT), a surrogate measure of atherosclerosis, and arterial stiffness, a marker of cardiovascular risk. ... HIV infection is independently associated with C-IMT and generally increased arterial stiffness. ART use is associated with increased stiffness of the femoral artery."
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http://aidsinfo.nih.gov/e-news/archive/2009/1/30
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2013-05-24T02:25:52Z
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| 0.922204
| 293
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To A Friend
|Click here to add this page to your list of Favorites|
Enter earlier date information at "From:"
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If you type "1.9e2", the computer will use "190" to calculate the answer.
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Click "Click to Calculate" button. The number of days between the two selected dates will appear.
NaN = not a number
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Full Year Reference Calendar - Day of the Year and Days left till the End of the Year
Year - Month - Day Counter How many years, months and days are there between two calendar dates
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http://www.easysurf.cc/ndate9.htm
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2013-05-21T17:30:35Z
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People with mental illnesses may face multiple problems when looking for decent, affordable housing. The majority of people with serious and persistent mental illnesses live below the poverty line and the cost of decent housing may be more than they can afford. Also, these people may need a diverse array of supports to live successfully in the community, and such supports may not be available.
NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) syndrome sometimes creates obstacles around the placement of supported housing for people with serious mental illnesses. Neighbors protest this housing, fearing their property value will decrease or that their children's safety will be compromised if people with psychiatric disabilities move into their neighborhood. These negative actions and preconceptions often prevent people who have mental illnesses from reintegrating into society.
The absence of sufficient housing for people with mental illnesses can result in homelessness. Some estimates indicate that 40 percent of the nation's homeless population consists of single adults with severe mental illnesses.1
As you can see, housing for people with mental illness is important for individuals and communities.
Information on this topic can be found in the materials in this section. Specific materials will help communities receive accurate information about people with mental illnesses to correct misperceptions and stereotypes and develop successful anti-stigma programs to promote acceptance of supported housing programs. These materials also will help landlords in their efforts to meet with legal mandates and help people who have mental illnesses know their rights related to housing.
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<urn:uuid:d498b963-7287-4dd8-9fd6-2f4cea3b39ba>
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http://promoteacceptance.samhsa.gov/topic/housing/
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696383156/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092623-00050-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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Sep. 19, 2000 September 15, 2000 — Using genetically altered strains of the roundworm C. elegans, scientists have revealed some of the genetic components responsible for a still-mysterious cellular process called RNA interference (RNAi)—in which double-stranded RNA triggers the degradation of a homologous messenger RNA.
The findings show that some of the same genes are involved in RNAi and nonsense-mediated decay, a protective mechanism that may be used by cells to proofread newly created messenger RNA (mRNA) and to prevent the production of defective protein molecules.
In an article published in the September 15, 2000, issue of the journal Science, Howard Hughes Medical Institute investigator Brenda L. Bass, geneticist Susan Mango and their colleagues at the University of Utah report that three of seven genes of the smg gene family are involved in both nonsense-mediated decay and RNAi.
"Nobody knows the purpose of RNAi," said Bass. "All we know is that it seems to be an intrinsic regulatory process, and in these days when we know so much about molecular biology and yet find a new pathway, it's very exciting."
Molecular biologists have used double-stranded RNAi as a tool to degrade mRNA in cells to shut down the effects of specific genes in C. elegans, Drosophila and many other cell-types. Since nonsense-mediated decay also involves mRNA degradation, Bass and Mango decided to explore whether RNAi requires the smg genes, which were known to be involved in nonsense-mediated decay.
To test this possibility, they obtained C. elegans strains containing mutations in the various smg genes. They next injected these strains and a wild-type strain with double-stranded RNA designed to interfere with production of myosin, a protein that is critical to muscle development. Thus, the scientists could quantify the effectiveness of RNAi by measuring paralysis in the worms using a crawl assay—a test of the worms' ability to move across a laboratory dish.
"In wild-type worms, we found that the progeny treated with RNAi were paralyzed from day one and remained paralyzed," said Bass. "So, the RNAi technique completely interfered with their muscle development.
"But when we did the same experiment in worms with mutations in some of the smg genes, the RNAi worked very well on day one. But on days two, three and four, the worms recovered until they moved exactly like the wild-type worms." The experiments showed that smg-2, smg-5 and smg-6 seemed to be required for the persistence of RNAi. According to Bass, the recovery of the worms offers important clues to the relationship between RNAi and nonsense-mediated decay.
"Our data do not say that nonsense-mediated decay is required for RNAi because the worms are paralyzed on day one. But it does seem that some of the smg genes are required for persistence of the RNAi effect. This seems to mean that some of the smg genes required for nonsense-mediated decay are also playing some sort of direct role in RNAi."
To confirm the connection between the processes, the scientists also performed biochemical experiments in which they monitored the levels of mRNA for the myosin-related gene as the smg-mutant animals proceeded through the paralysis induced by RNAi and subsequent recovery.
"We found that, in fact, the mRNA levels for the completely paralyzed worms were very low and as the worms recovered from paralysis, their mRNA levels came up, too," said Bass.
Bass emphasized that the latest findings add only a small piece to a much larger puzzle of nonsense-mediated decay, RNAi and their functions in the cell. "It's difficult to come up with models because we know so little about these processes," she said. "Nonsense-mediated decay is thought to involve some sort of sensing or scanning of the mRNA to make sure it's O.K. in terms of its sequence or perhaps its assembly into a three-dimensional RNA-protein complex. Stop codons in the wrong place are a signal that the mRNA is not OK and should be degraded. It’s intriguing to speculate that maybe the interaction of an mRNA with a complementary sequence can feed into this pathway and also provide a signal for degradation.
"Clearly, this is a fascinating unknown frontier in molecular biology, and we have only provided another clue that sets the stage for further experiments," said Bass.
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Note: Materials may be edited for content and length. For further information, please contact the source cited above.
Note: If no author is given, the source is cited instead.
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<urn:uuid:a84d45ab-da47-44f9-9e26-10380053484b>
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http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2000/09/000919081030.htm
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2013-05-25T06:33:48Z
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en
| 0.966792
| 961
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It's impossible to speak about parasites diseases and not to mention the basic facts about the nature of parasites. So, parasites are regarded as organisms living in association with and at the expense of other organisms. In other words a parasite is known as an organism which nourishes by feeding on or within another animal. It is evident that the organism providing the nutrition is called the host, while the organism obtaining this nutrition is called the parasite.
Types of parasites range in size from microscopic amoebas and large intestinal worms.
Ectoparasites are found on external human body surfaces (skin, gills and fins), while endoparasites live in internal tissues and human body organs. The effect parasites have on host organisms can range from the minor harm, allowing it to live, normally reproduce and complete its typical life-cycle, to completely interfering with reproduction or those causing death of the host organism.
Parasites diseases are able to affect practically all living organisms (from plants to human). The study of parasites diseases has the name parasitology. Thus, parasitology is considered to be the study of parasites not including bacterial, fungal or viral ones.
Believe it or not, parasites within the human body occur more often than people would ever think. There are over 134 types of parasites able to live and reproduce in the human body. The majority of people have one type or another. This leads to a great number of parasites diseases common in everyday medical practice.
Thus, there are lots of parasites diseases known nowadays which are caused by different types of parasites. But we will pay attention only to two of them: malaria and pediculosis. So, malaria is a long-lasting blood disease transmitted to individuals by mosquitoes infected with the so-called malaria parasite. Attacking the human blood malaria parasite causes fever, recurring chills, and in some cases - anemia and jaundice.
Malaria is caused by one of four one-celled parasites species. It is called Plasmodium. This parasite is spread to people by the female mosquito, which feeds itself on the human blood. In spite of the fact four malaria parasites species can infect humans and therefore cause illness, only the disease caused by Plasmodium falciparum is considered to be potentially life-threatening.
Thus, malaria is one of the parasites diseases cased by blood borne parasites. Pediculosis is known as an infestation of lice on the human bodies (parasitic insects).
It is necessary to mention that lice are ectoparasites living on the human body. The disease is the most frequent in children of 3-10 years of age and their families. The disease can be spread from person to person via close physical contact. The most common symptom of pediculosis is itching. Be aware that excessive scratching of the infested areas is likely to cause sores, which may later become infected.
Thus, parasites diseases require much attention to understand their causes, typical symptoms and ways of treatment.
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http://www.syl.com/hb/parasitesdiseasesarethediseasescausedortransmittedbyadefiniteparasite.html
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2013-05-24T16:46:26Z
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| 0.950212
| 621
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Navigate the Atlas:
the Oceans provides an encyclopaedic collection of information about the oceans, organized in the following areas:
from micro-organisms to whales,including plants, corals, fish, birds, biodiversity.
& Coral Reefs: river basins, estuaries, flows, coral reefs, formation and types of coasts.
Explorations: examines the first oceanic explorations.
food chains, habitats, ecosystem structure and characteristics.
& Training: capacity building, public education, marine extension, training, professional development.
Oceans are Changing: trends in weather and ocean changes, the protection of the marine environment and the sustainable and efficient management of marine resources.
and efficient management of marine resources
Oceans were Formed: an overview of the physical, chemical and biological processes responsible for the birth and evolution of the oceans.
Cooperation: institutions, mechanisms and international agreements to facilitate inter-governmental and other cooperation to study, manage and preserve the oceans.
- Maps, Statistics and Databases: a collection of maps, statistics and databases related to oceanic geography, islands, continental shelves, ocean depths, troughs and deeps, sea beds.
& Observing Systems:
how changing conditions in the oceans are monitored, with an emphasis on changes that drive marine ecosystems and influence weather and climate; existing and new technologies.
Interface: present status of knowledge on the role of oceans in climate, weather and storm generation, marine weather forecasts, temperature flows, carbon sink.
Dynamics: coastal and ocean currents, winds, waves, tides, mechanisms.
& Chemical Properties: including temperature, salinity, oxygen, seasonal changes, relation to climate.
includes current and future research foci (with recent discoveries) and research organizations.
Oceans of the Future: futuristic assessment of ocean use, technology, risks and opportunities.
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<urn:uuid:53d669d9-bcec-4331-832a-3a376b3474a5>
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http://www.oceansatlas.org/html/workabout.jsp
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2013-05-22T01:23:40Z
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en
| 0.827661
| 385
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By Mitchell Bard
Muhammad was born in Mecca approximately 570 C.E. and was a member of the Quraysh tribe. As with Moses and Jesus, we know little about his childhood. His parents died when he was young, and he never learned to read or write. When he was 12, he visited Syria and had his first exposure to Jews and Christians and apparently developed a respect for these "People of the Book." At 25, Muhammad married a widow named Khadija who was involved in trade and got him involved in it as well.
During one trading journey when he was about 40, Muhammad had an encounter with the angel Gabriel revealed to him special revelations. Different opinions exist on whether Mohammed miraculously read or just repeated the revelations, which said he was to become the messenger of God. Following his prophetic experience, Mohammed returned to his wife and began spreading the teachings he learned.
Afterward, Muhammad began to develop a code of behavior that he said had come from Allah, or God. Some of the revelations included that the world would end, that God would judge humans mercifully if they submitted to His will, and that people should pray to show their gratitude to God.
The people who accepted Muhammad's teachings came to be known as Muslims and their religion Islam, Arabic for "surrender [to the will of Allah]." Muhammad was regarded as the last and most perfect prophet. During the two centuries after Muhammad's death, the laws of Islam were codified in the Shariah, and Muhammad was regarded as the last and most perfect prophet. The word of God was revealed to him through the angel Gabriel and recorded in the Arabic language in the Koran (or Quran).
The principles of Islam were developed over time and, as was the case with earlier men professing to be prophets, not everyone was willing to accept Muhammad's claim to be God's messenger. Muhammad was attacking the way of life of the more powerful families in the Quraysh tribe, and they were not happy about it. In addition to having to persevere the criticism of his views, he also suffered terribly when his wife and uncle died in the same year.
In 622, Muhammad left Mecca for an oasis then known as Yathrib. This trip became known as the hejira, the flight from persecution in Mecca. The term has also come to mean leaving a pagan community for one that adheres to the laws of Islam. In his new home, which was later renamed Medina, Muhammad became a mediator, arbitrating disputes between tribes.
Interestingly, Medina also had a sizeable Jewish community, which had probably moved there after being expelled from Palestine by the Romans. Muhammad respected the Jews, and his early teachings appeared to borrow from Jewish tradition. The Jews began to distance themselves from Muhammad, however, when he became critical of their not recognizing him as a prophet.
Once it was clear the Jews would not accept him, Muhammad began to minimize or eliminate the Jewish influence on his beliefs. For example, he shifted the direction of prayers from Jerusalem to Mecca, made Friday his special day of prayer, and renounced the Jewish dietary laws (except for the prohibition on eating pork). Originally, he said the Arabs were descendants of Abraham through his son Ishmael, but in the Koran Abraham's connection to the Jews is denied, with Muhammad asserting that Abraham is only the patriarch of Islam, not Judaism as well, because he "surrendered himself to Allah."
One of the immediate consequences of Muhammad's frustration was the expulsion of two Jewish tribes from Medina and the murder of all the members of a third Jewish tribe (except for the women and children, who were sold into slavery). But even worse for the long-term treatment of the Jews were a number of inflammatory statements about Jews that Muhammad made that appear in the Koran which, over the years, stoked Arab/Islamic anti-Semitism.
Muhammad slowly began to build his power base both by the persuasiveness of his faith and the old-fashioned way: by marrying women from important families to gain political advantage. He came to control the oases and markets, which forced other traders and tribesmen to negotiate with him. When he finally returned to Mecca, it was at the head of an imposing army that forced the residents to capitulate.
Muhammad died in 632, and it was left to his followers to carry on the traditions he had begun. His followers developed Islam, just as the followers of Moses and Jesus developed Judaism and Christianity over time.
Bard, Mitchell G. The Complete Idiot's Guide to Middle East Conflict. 3rd Edition. NY: Alpha Books, 2005.
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http://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/biography/Muhammad.html
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2013-05-24T16:45:56Z
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en
| 0.991774
| 943
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NEEM Camp is a small research facility on the northern Greenland Ice Sheet, used as a base for ice core drilling. It is located about 313 km east of the closest coast, Peabody Bay in northern Greenland, 275 km northwest of the historical ice sheet camp North Ice, and 484 km ENE of Siorapaluk, the closest settlement. There is only one heavy-duty tent for accommodation of the researchers during summer. Access is by skiway (snow runway). Coordinates:
Drilling started at NEEM in June 2009 and drillers expected to hit bedrock in 2010. The drilling progressed well and reached through the brittle zone (~800 m) in mid-July 2009. The plan was to process the ice below the brittle zone, per decision at the steering committee meeting in November 2008 in Copenhagen.
By September 1, 2009, the coring had reached 1757.84 m for this season, setting a single-season deep ice core drilling record in 100 days.
On July 26, 2010, drilling reached bedrock at 2537.36 m.
The November/December 2007 issue of Technology Review magazine and its website carried a report on early efforts to establish this camp. The research goal is seek preserved ice from the Eemian, which included a warming period in Earth's history. http://www.technologyreview.com/Energy/19504/
See also
- "NEEM North Greenland Eemian Ice Drilling".
- White J, Scott J (1 September 2009). "Greenland ice coring effort sets record".
|This Greenland location article is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.|
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<urn:uuid:2a9782b7-a712-4811-b2d2-5a1091e2bda2>
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http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/NEEM_Camp
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2013-05-19T03:01:06Z
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| 0.936439
| 339
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U.S. Department of Education
Office for Civil Rights
Washington, DC 20202-1328
Revised August 2000
In recent years, there has been a surge of immigrants with limited English language skills to the United States. In addition, many children of immigrant parents and children who are Native American and Alaskan Native enter school with limited ability to learn in English. The U.S. Department of Education (ED) estimates that there are 2.4 million national-origin minority school children who have limited English language skills which affect their ability to participate effectively in education programs and achieve high academic standards.
The insufficient English language proficiency of these students often results in classroom failure and school drop-out. Many students either are ill-equipped for higher education or lack the required skills to obtain productive employment. To resolve these problems, students must have an equal opportunity to benefit from education programs offered by their school districts.
TITLE VI REQUIREMENTS
The Office for Civil Rights (OCR) within ED has responsibility for enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, or national origin in programs and activities that receive federal financial assistance.
School districts receiving federal financial assistance may not, on the basis of race, color, or national origin:
provide services, financial aid, or other benefits that are different or provide them in a different manner; restrict an individual's enjoyment of an advantage or privilege enjoyed by others; deny an individual the right to participate in federally assisted programs; and defeat or substantially impair the objectives of federally assisted programs.
These Title VI regulatory requirements have been interpreted to prohibit denial of equal access to education because of a student's limited proficiency in English. Title VI protects students who are so limited in their English language skills that they are unable to participate in or benefit from regular or special education instructional programs.
OCR TITLE VI POLICY ON LANGUAGE MINORITY STUDENTS
During the late 1960s, OCR staff became aware that many school districts made little or no provision for students who were unable to understand English, even though there were substantial numbers of these students enrolled in their districts.
In an effort to resolve this problem, in 1970, OCR issued a memorandum to school districts titled the Identification of Discrimination and Denial of Services on the Basis of National Origin. The purpose of the memorandum was to clarify Title VI requirements concerning school districts' responsibility to provide equal education opportunity to language-minority students.
The 1970 memorandum stated, in part:
Where the inability to speak and understand the English language excludes national origin minority group children from effective participation in the educational program offered by a school district, the district must take affirmative steps to rectify the language deficiency in order to open its instructional program to these students.
Although the memorandum requires school districts to take affirmative steps, it does not prescribe the content of these steps. However, it explains that Title VI is violated if:
students are excluded from effective participation in school because of their inability to speak and understand the language of instruction;
national-origin minority students are misassigned to classes for the mentally retarded because of their lack of English skills; programs for students whose English is less than proficient are not designed to teach them English as soon as possible, or if these programs operate as a dead-end track; or parents whose English is limited do not receive school notices and other information in a language they can understand.
In the 1974 Lau v. Nichols case, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the 1970 memorandum as a valid interpretation of the requirements of Title VI. The Supreme Court stated that, "[T]here is no equality of treatment merely by providing students with the same facilities, textbooks, teachers, and curriculum; for students who do not understand English are effectively foreclosed from any meaningful education."
In 1985, OCR issued "The Office for Civil Rights' Title VI Language Minority Compliance Procedures," which outlines OCR policy with regard to the education of language-minority students and Title VI compliance standards. In 1991, OCR issued an update, "Policy Update on Schools' Obligations Toward National Origin Minority Students with Limited-English Proficiency (LEP students)."< P>The 1970 memorandum, and the 1985 and 1991 documents, explain the relevant legal standards for OCR policy concerning discrimination on the basis of national origin in the provision of education services to LEP students at the elementary and secondary level.
TITLE VI COMPLIANCE ISSUES
When investigating complaints and conducting compliance reviews of school districts regarding equal education opportunity for national-origin minority students who are limited English proficient (LEP), OCR considers two general issue areas:
whether there is a need for the district to provide a special language service program (an alternative language program) to meet the education needs of all language-minority students; and whether the district's alternative language program is likely to be effective in meeting the education needs of its language-minority students.
The question of need for an alternative language program is resolved by determining whether LEP students are able to participate effectively in the regular instructional program. When they are not, the school district must provide an alternative program. In cases where the number of these students is small, the alternative program may be informal.
Educators have not reached consensus about the most effective way to meet the education needs of LEP students. Many factors affect the types of education programs that school districts may offer, including the number of students or the variety of languages they speak.
Consequently, OCR allows school districts broad discretion concerning how to ensure equal education opportunity for LEP students. OCR does not prescribe a specific intervention strategy or type of program that a school district must adopt to serve LEP students, nor does OCR require school districts to teach students in their primary language. Educational approaches that are recognized as sound by some experts in the field may reasonably be expected to ensure the effective participation of LEP students in the total education program.
The following procedures should be used by school districts to ensure that their programs are serving LEP students effectively. Districts should:
identify students who need assistance; develop a program which, in the view of experts in the field, has a reasonable chance for success; ensure that necessary staff, curricular materials, and facilities are in place and used properly; develop appropriate evaluation standards, including program exit criteria, for measuring the progress of students; and assess the success of the program and modify it where needed.
In considering whether there is a need for the district to provide a special language service outside of the regular program and whether the alternative program is likely to be effective, OCR examines some important issues listed below.
Whether a district has identified all LEP students who need special language assistance
A school district must be able to account for all of its LEP students. A small district may be able to do this informally. A large district, or one with a great number of students whose first language or home language is not English, must have a formal system for objectively identifying students whose limited proficiency in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding English denies them the opportunity to meaningfully participate in the regular education environment.
Whether a district can ensure the placement of LEP students in appropriate programs
Once a school district has identified students who need assistance, it must determine what types of assistance are warranted.
Whether all LEP students who need a special language assistance program are being provided such a program
A school district must ensure that all LEP students receive English-language development services.
Whether a district has taken steps to modify a program for LEP students when that program is not working
If the district's alternative language services program is not successful after a reasonable time period, the district must take steps to determine the cause of the program's failure and modify it accordingly.
Whether a district ensures that LEP students are not misidentified as students with disabilities because of their inability to speak and understand English
If national-origin minority students are not proficient in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding English, testing them in English may not demonstrate their ability or achievement skills. Steps must be taken so that LEP students are not assigned to special education classes because of their lack of English language proficiency, rather than because they have a disability.
Whether a school district ensures that parents who are not proficient in English are provided with appropriate and sufficient information about all school activities
School districts have a responsibility to adequately notify national-origin minority parents of school activities that are called to the attention of other parents. Notification must be sufficient so that parents can make well-informed decisions about the participation of their children in a district's programs and services. Districts may be required to provide notification in the parents' home language.
FOR ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
Anyone wishing additional information regarding the provision of equal education opportunity to LEP students may contact the OCR enforcement office serving his or her state or territory.
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WHAT IS SELF-ESTEEM?
Self-esteem is the way you feel about yourself. It is your self-worth. Your self-esteem affects everything you do. When you have positive self-esteem, you think of yourself as a lovable and important person. However, when you have negative self-esteem, you think of yourself as an unworthy, unimportant person. We cannot reach our true potential having a negative self-esteem. Therefore, it is important to develop ways to improve your self-esteem. Some ways to develop a positive self-esteem are suggested below.
WAYS TO IMPROVE SELF-ESTEEM
- Avoid judging yourself or comparing yourself to others.
- Understand that nobody is perfect and that it is o.k. to make mistakes.
- Counteract negative self-talk with positive self-talk.
- Set goals for yourself.
- Know your fears and work on overcoming them.
- Don’t let doubt keep you from taking on challenges.
- Take risks.
- Create a positive belief system.
- Improve your communication skills.
- Believe in yourself.
- Be assertive.
- Participate in enjoyable activities.
For further assistance with self-esteem and related issues contact the University Counseling Center at 448-4080.
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Each year as Earth journeys around the sun, it slams into streams of particles that comets have spewed into space. When these particles, known as meteoroids, smash into the atmosphere, they generate streaks of light called meteors. The most reliable meteor showers—the Perseids in August and the Geminids in December—sport about 60 meteors an hour and require nothing more than a dark, moonless sky in order to appreciate them.
Early last December, however, an uncharted meteoroid stream pelted the planet with one of the year's strongest showers. "It was a complete surprise," says Peter G. Brown, an astronomer at the University of Western Ontario. "No one had predicted this." On the night of December 4, 2011, six Canadian radar stations, which send out pulses of radio waves that bounce off meteor trails, detected 50 meteors an hour.
The meteors radiated from the northern constellation Cassiopeia, which borders the constellation Andromeda, and marked a revival of the Andromedids, a shower that achieved notoriety in the 19th century. The meteors result from debris left by Biela's Comet. First seen in 1772, this faint comet swung around the sun every 6.6 years. Before the comet's 1846 passage, it broke in two, and in 1852 it returned as two separate comets.
No one ever saw them again. But in 1872 and 1885, spectacular Andromedid meteor storms took their place, shooting thousands of meteors an hour across the sky: "a real rain of fire," wrote one observer. During the 20th century, though, the Andromedids dwindled to insignificance. The surprise 2011 comeback was their best performance in more than 100 years.
Astronomer Paul Wiegert, also at Western Ontario, modeled the 2011 shower and traced the meteors' origin to particles that Biela's Comet shed in 1649, more than a century before the comet was seen. Furthermore, in work recently submitted to The Astronomical Journal, Wiegert, Brown and their colleagues predict that Earth will soon plow through this newfound meteoroid stream again.
"There are certainly a number of uncertainties involved with trying to predict the meteoroid stream which is associated with a long-gone comet," Wiegert says. "But our best bet is that the shower will return again in 2018."
Fortunately, the Andromedids are civilized visitors: Unlike most meteor showers, which are best seen in the wee hours, bits of Biela's Comet are easiest to see before midnight, when the radiant in Cassiopeia is highest. The radiant is the spot on the sky from which every meteor seems to emanate, but meteors will appear everywhere, not just in Cassiopeia and Andromeda, so it is best to look wherever the sky is darkest. In fact, a dark sky is essential: the meteors are faint, because the particles in the newfound stream are small and their speeds slow; it is kinetic energy that largely determines a meteor's brightness. Thus, observers must escape both the glow of city lights and the brightness of the moon, which washes out faint meteors.
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What is Work?
The work we are talking about here is work in the physics sense. Not home work, or chores, or your job or any other type of work. It is good old mechanical work.
Work is simply the application of a force over a distance, with one catch -- the distance only counts if it is in the direction of the force you apply. Lifting a weight from the ground and putting it on a shelf is a good example of work. The force is equal to the weight of the object, and the distance is equal to the height of the shelf. If the weight were in another room, and you had to pick it up and walk across the room before you put it on the shelf, you didn't do any more work than if the weight were sitting on the ground directly beneath the shelf. It may have felt like you did more work, but while you were walking with the weight you moved horizontally, while the force from the weight was vertical.
Your car also does work. When it is moving, it has to apply a force to counter the forces of friction and aerodynamic drag. If it drives up a hill, it does the same kind of work that you do when lifting a weight. When it drives back down the hill, however, it gets back the work it did. The hill helps the car drive down.
Work is energy that has been used. When you do work, you use energy. But sometimes the energy you use can be recovered. When the car drives up the hill, the work it does to get to the top helps it get back down. Work and energy are closely related. The units of work are the same as the units of energy, which we will discuss later.
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"Case law" is all of the previous decisions made by judges. It is created by judges in their rulings when they write their decisions and give the reasoning behind them. These decisions are often called "opinions" and, in them, judges often cite precedents from other cases and statutes that influenced their decisions. These opinions form the principles that a court will normally consider when interpreting the law. This is called "legal precedent" and is central to legal analysis and rulings.
State trial courts (superior courts) do not publish opinions, so their decisions are not generally used as "legal precedent." The bulk of published opinions come from state and federal appellate courts and the Supreme Court.
A court gives legal precedent more or less weight depending on a number of factors:
When you researched practice guides, annotated codes and statutes, and self-help books, you probably saw and wrote down several references to cases that you want to look up because they are similar to your legal research issue and may help (or hurt) your own case. The references you have will look something like this:
Hutcherson v. Alexander, 264 Cal. App. 2d 126, 70 Cal. Rptr. 366 (1968).
United States v. Dionisio, 410 U.S. 1 (1973).
These are called citations. Citations provide you with the name of the case, the volume of the book in which the case is found, the title of the book, the page number, and the year of the case.
The citations above are in the format prescribed by The Bluebook: A Uniform System of Citation. In the format prescribed by the California Style Manual, they would look like:
Hutcherson v. Alexander (1968) 264 Cal.App.2d 126 [70 Cal.Rptr. 366].
United States v. Dionisio (1973) 410 U.S. 1.
You can also find past court cases or opinions in law libraries. To find cases in print at your local county law library, you can use a number of tools. If you know the name of the case, you can locate a table of cases that will list the cases alphabetically and give you the book, volume, and page where the case is located. If you have the citation, you can simply find the correct set of books, pull the volume, and turn to the page.
If you are looking for cases by topic, you can use a tool known as a “digest.” Digests are indexes to case law and also a way to find cases by topic, name, or subject. Digests are organized alphabetically by subject with numbers that classify the law into topics and subtopics.
Remember, cases with published opinions are Supreme Court or appellate cases, and these are the cases you can cite as authority in your case. And you can find them online or at your county law library. Superior or trial court cases cannot be cited as authority and are not published, so you cannot get them at your library. But if there is something about a superior court case that you think is helpful to you, you can find those decisions and court records in the superior court where the case was decided and sometimes online at that superior court’s website.
The federal court system includes the Supreme Court of the United States, U.S. Courts of Appeals, U.S. District Courts, the U.S. Court of Federal Claims, U.S. Court of International Trade, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces, and U.S. Bankruptcy Courts.
Click for U.S. Supreme Court opinions.
The U.S. Courts of Appeals consist of 11 circuit courts in addition to the District of Columbia Circuit and the Federal Circuit. California is in the Ninth Circuit along with Alaska, Arizona, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, Oregon, and Washington. Click for information about and opinions issued by the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. For information about the other circuits, you can go to your local public law library or use the Ask a Law Librarian service.
California is divided into four U.S. District Court jurisdictions: the Northern District, Eastern District, Central District, and Southern District. Click for opinions and other information from the Central District, Eastern District, Northern District, and Southern District. You can also access opinions in federal courts using the Villanova University School of Law federal case locator.
The U.S. Bankruptcy Courts in California are also divided into the Northern District, Eastern District, Central District, and Southern District. Each district has information online including opinions for the bankrupcty courts. Click on the district for which you want the information.
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Additional Material for Teachers
(1) Double Coding
See Frederick Douglass, My Bondage and My Freedom, New York
and Auburn, Miller, Orton & Mulligan, 1855, page 278. Online version
For more on double coding, see Cruz, Jon, Culture on the Margins:
The Black Spiritual and the Rise of American Cultural Interpretation,
Princeton University Press, 1999
(2) Cole Account
There is at least one slave narrative that contradicts my point. I
hesitate to bring it up, since I find it farfetched. You be the judge!
Thomas Cole was born a slave in Alabama in 1845. In a slave narrative
from the Federal Writers' Project, he told the interviewer about his
"I's hopin' and prayin' all de time I meets up with dat Harriet
Tubman woman. She de cullud women what takes slaves to Canada. She
allus travels de underground railroad, dey calls it, travels at
night and hides out in de day. She sho' sneaks dem out de South and
I thinks she's de brave woman.
At the time of his escape, Tubman was for all intents and purposes
unknown. Historian Kate Larson wrote me:
Cole would have had to meet, specifically, someone from Harriet's
inner circle on the Eastern Shore, and that person would have (to
have) known that Tubman was rescuing people from the Eastern Shore
only - friends and family...If she rescued people from Dorchester
County Maryland, why would she be known anywhere else - and very,
very few people knew her on the Eastern Shore as the person rescuing
people. So Cole's testimony doesn't fit what we know about Tubman...
The slave holders never knew, nor could they have imagined...that
a tiny five foot tall disabled slave woman could have been one of
the UGRR conductors they were so concerned with.
Cole gave the interview somewhere between 1936 and 1938, when he was
in his nineties. By then, Harriet Tubman was a national icon, doubtless
known to Cole. I believe his Tubman remarks were a late-in-life
http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/mesnquery.html Once there, type
"Thomas Cole" without quotes in the "Search Descriptive Information"
box. Click on item number 1 of the search results. Click on "View page
images." Advance to page 5 of the narrative (page 229 overall.)
(3) Ohio River
Ann Hagedorn, writing about Ripley, Ohio and its riverfront position:
"...Ripley's position along one of the narrowest bends of the
Ohio was soon known among slaves in Kentucky. Many knew that a dry
spell rendered the river so shallow that crossing at such a narrow
stretch was more like wading a stream than navigating a river." (p.
The Ohio of 150 years ago was considerably shallower
(and in some places, narrower) than the river of today. Historically, the Ohio River's
"channel was littered with snags and strewn with boulders, its
flow broken by sand bars, rock ripples, and falls...The natural
river fluctuated wildly from a series of shallow pools during punt
drought flows to a raging torrent rising eighty to a hundred feet in
flood season. (pp. 180 and 181)
"(T)he captain of a boat drawing only fourteen inches reported it
took him thirty-five days to navigate from Pittsburgh to Cincinnati
because he grounded fifty times on shoals where the river was ten
inches deep and 'worked as hard as ever I did in my life' prying his
boat over the shoals." By the Civil War, despite various attempts,
there was still not a uniform three foot channel. (p. 185)
Leland R. Johnson, "Engineering the Ohio" in Always a river: the
Ohio River and the American Experience, Robert L Reid, 1991,
Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
(4) Underground Road
Gara, The Liberty Line, p. 174.
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Issue 7, June 5, 2012
Poison Hemlock - Beautifully Poisonous
6/6/12 Revision - It has been noted that the leaves are in fact alternately arranged. The deeply dissected leaflets are opposite, but the overall leaf is alternate. The article has been corrected to reflect this fact.
The ditches and roadsides of Central Illinois are showy right now with the white flowers of Poison hemlock (Conium maculatum). This plant is found statewide however in dense stands, and has been in greater abundance in recent years earning a spot on both a factsheet and a poster featuring exotic, invasive plants in Illinois habitats. This biennial is native to Europe, Western Asia, and Northern Africa and is commonly found in disturbed soils, pastures, meadows, roadsides, and along pond edges. Poison hemlock tends to prefer moist soils but can tolerate drier sites; it grows well in full sun or part shade.
This herbaceous plant starts off as a basal rosette of leaves the first year. In year two, it grows large quickly, developing an erect, branched stem that can reach up to 10 feet. The leaves are shiny, 8 to 16" long and alternately arranged. They are pinnately compound (somewhat fern-like) with fine serrations along the margins. The leaves have an unpleasant smell when bruised.
The stems are smooth, thick, and ribbed. Look for the purple speckles or spots when identifying this plant. The stems are also hollow between the nodes. The underground portion consists of a fleshy taproot. This plant spreads by seed and the seed stalks persist throughout the winter.
A related species is wild carrot or Queen Anne's lace, whose flowers are also white yet much larger at 3 to 6.5 inches in diameter. The flower heads (umbrella shaped) of poison hemlock are only 1.5 to 2.5 inches across. Each flower has 5 small petals. The leaves of wild carrot have a much more pleasant carrot scent and the stems are hairy.
The entire plant of poison hemlock is very poisonous, containing toxic alkaloids that cause respiratory failure when ingested. It is reported that Socrates was killed in 399 B.C. with an extract of poison hemlock. Also reported are birth defects found in livestock. The weed can irritate the skin so proper care should be taken to either avoid handling this plant or wear adequate clothing such as long sleeves and gloves to cover the skin.
Poison hemlock can be controlled mechanically by digging or tilling. Repeated mowing is also effective. Herbicides such as 2,4-D and glyphosate can be applied in early spring or late fall. As always, carefully read and follow all label directions. (Michelle Wiesbrook)
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Tag archives for Plants
We all know that there are some people who are vegetarians, but did you know there are plants that eat meat? These plants eat unsuspecting insects that land on them. Like any good hunter these plants tend to lay traps to lure their dinners. They do this through appealing smells, bright colors, and yummy nectars. However, it has been discovered that some plants also glow under ultraviolet light! This blue glow is invisible to the human eye, but insects can see it and are attracted to it.
The plants have special cells that help them produce their glow. Scientists note that carnivorous plants tend to grow in poor soil, so they trap insects to get more nutrients.
The winner of the National Park Foundation’s First Bloom garden design contest has been announced! Fort Smith National Historic Site in Arkansas came in first place. The design features raised beds planted with native Arkansas plants, vegetables, fruits, and flowers. To fit in with the historic nature of the park, youth from Girls, Inc. of Fort Smith will help maintain the garden wearing costumes from the 1860s.
The Fort Smith National Historic Site’s First Bloom group will be taking a trip to Washington, D.C. to visit national parks such as the National Mall. The other winners will get grants to help them with their projects.
How much do you know about the national parks? Quiz Your Noodle and find out!
Illustration courtesy National Parks
Do you want to learn more about national parks and have some fun at the same time? First Bloom is a National Park Foundation program just for kids in grades four through six where kids do activities and meet with park rangers once a month. Kids can learn about environmental topics such as invasive species vs. native plants and how they affect an ecosystem.
This spring, First Bloom groups designed gardens that feature native plants from their local parks. You can vote for your favorite design. The group that gets the most votes will win a free trip to a national park.
Learn more about First Bloom and vote for your favorite garden designs on the National Parks Foundation website.
What are invasive plants? Get the scoop on National Geographic Kids.
Illustration courtesy National Parks Foundation
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|chat, to converse|
|to run away hurriedly; flee.|
|1.||to come or bring together; collect or congregate|
|2.||to fit or join together (the parts of something, such as a machine): to assemble the parts of a kit|
|3.||to run (a computer program) that converts a set of symbolic data, usually in the form of specific single-step instructions, into machine language|
|[C13: from Old French assembler, from Vulgar Latin assimulāre (unattested) to bring together, from Latin simul together]|
(French: "step put together"), in classical ballet, a movement in which a dancer's feet or legs are brought together in the air and the dancer lands on both feet. It can be done front, back, dessus, dessous, and so on.
Learn more about assemble with a free trial on Britannica.com.
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Henry Gray (18251861). Anatomy of the Human Body. 1918.
mastoid foramen; and (4) the occipital, the largest of the four, which is confined to the occipital bone, and opens either externally into the occipital vein, or internally into the transverse sinus or into the confluence of the sinuses (torcular Herophili).
FIG. 564 Veins of the diploë as displayed by the removal of the outer table of the skull. (See enlarged image)
3b. 4. The Veins of the Brain
The veins of the brain possess no valves, and their walls, owing to the absence of muscular tissue, are extremely thin. They pierce the arachnoid membrane and the inner or meningeal layer of the dura mater, and open into the cranial venous sinuses. They may be divided into two sets, cerebral and cerebellar.
The cerebral veins (vv. cerebri) are divisible into external and internal groups according as they drain the outer surfaces or the inner parts of the hemispheres.
The external veins are the superior, inferior, and middle cerebral.
The Superior Cerebral Veins (vv. cerebri superiores), eight to twelve in number, drain the superior, lateral, and medial surfaces of the hemispheres, and are mainly lodged in the sulci between the gyri, but some run across the gyri. They open into the superior sagittal sinus; the anterior veins runs nearly at right angles to the sinus; the posterior and larger veins are directed obliquely forward and open into the sinus in a direction more or less opposed to the current of the blood contained within it.
The Middle Cerebral Vein (v. cerebri media; superficial Sylvian vein) begins on the lateral surface of the hemisphere, and, running along the lateral cerebral fissure, ends in the cavernous or the sphenoparietal sinus. It is connected (a) with the superior sagittal sinus by the great anastomotic vein of Trolard, which opens into one of the superior cerebral veins; (b) with the transverse sinus by the posterior anastomotic vein of Labbé, which courses over the temporal lobe.
The Inferior Cerebral Veins (vv. cerebri inferiores), of small size, drain the under surfaces of the hemispheres. Those on the orbital surface of the frontal lobe join the superior cerebral veins, and through these open into the superior sagittal sinus; those of the temporal lobe anastomose with the middle cerebral and basal veins, and join the cavernous, sphenoparietal, and superior petrosal sinuses.
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RSS Feed
A puzzling discovery has raised a question mark over the Sun's impact on climate change and could provide ammunition for sceptics, it was revealed today.
Until now it has been assumed that less activity from the Sun equates to less warming of the Earth.
But the new research, which focuses on a three-year snapshot of time between 2004 and 2007, suggests the opposite may be true.
As solar activity waned at the end of one of the Sun's 11-year cycles, the new data show the amount of energy reaching the Earth at visible wavelengths rose rather than fell.
Scientists believe it may also be possible that during the next up-turn of the cycle, when sun activity increases, there might be a cooling effect at the Earth's surface.
A further twist arises from the fact that over the past century, overall solar activity has been increasing.
If the new findings apply to long as well as short time periods, this could translate into a small degree of cooling rather than the slight warming effect shown in existing climate models. It would effectively turn received wisdom on its head.
Sceptics are likely to say the results further undermine the reliability of climate change science, especially with regard to solar effects.
Professor Joanna Haigh, from Imperial College London, who led the study, said: 'These results are challenging what we thought we knew about the Sun's effect on our climate.
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by John L. Brooke
The controversies generated by climate science in recent years center around the human relationship with the natural world and with natural resources. This month, historian John Brooke puts that critical question in historical perspective—deep historical perspective. For most of human history, our species had to struggle to survive powerful natural forces, like climate and disease. In the past three centuries, however, things have changed dramatically: that struggle has been reshaped by the unprecedented growth of the human population—from under one billion to now over seven. John Brooke's essay forces us to ask whether our population can continue to grow given the current Malthusian pressure on resources and on the earth system itself.
Readers may also want to see these Origins articles on the Global Food Crisis; Food Security and Gene Banks; Population Growth in India; World Water Crisis; Nuclear Power in Japan; U.S. Energy Policy; and Over-Fishing.
In the past few months, extreme weather patterns and a staggering landmark in human population growth combined to give new urgency to the existential question of human prospects on this volatile planet.
The “winter that never was” in North America, as coined by a Canadian magazine, and the unusual cold and snow in Europe coincided with an October 2011 announcement that the global population had reached 7 billion. Taken together, the events raise deep concerns over long-term patterns in the relationship between human population and the earth’s climate.
Humanity has been around for a very long time, but in only a few centuries we have grown to vast numbers and transformed our world in unprecedented ways. The very long view of human history—revised in the recent research of climate scientists and environmental historians—uncovers an interesting paradox and offers some sobering conclusions as we chart a course into the future.
Our ancestors lived short, difficult lives, hemmed in by environmental constraints. Whole societies were frequently overturned by sudden, unpredictable, and naturally occurring climatic shifts. In their efforts to survive, our predecessors did little to threaten the earth system that supported them.
We, by contrast, have arrived at the opposite situation: our individual lives are far more healthy and stable, but we have begun to seriously degrade the earth system that supports us. Until recently, we thought we had transcended the environmental constraints that so bounded our forebears. But efforts to break free from the bonds of nature have tended to transform the earth’s climate in unpredictable ways.
Across most of human history, overpopulation didn’t pose a problem to the survival of the species. Rather, humans stood under the recurring threat of natural disasters, climatic change, drought and famine, and epidemic disease on a scale that we cannot imagine. Until about 300 years ago, every large-scale reversal of human fortunes was driven by such natural forces.
The contemporary world, forged in the revolutionary changes of industry and science that began in the eighteenth century, is fundamentally different. Our vast numbers—7 billion and climbing—have begun to interact with the natural workings of the earth system in complex, unprecedented ways and in a markedly short timeframe.
Geologists are currently debating whether the last 200 to 300 years should be given a new label: the “Anthropocene,” the contemporary geological period during which human action significantly reshapes global ecosystems.
We now face the dual danger of an unsustainably large global population that has set in motion a series of changes to climate that—like the many naturally occurring shifts in climate over human history—threaten our civilizations and our existence. Environmental priorities have become far more desperate imperatives in the past 20 years, as we realize that the problem facing humanity is maintaining the essential platform for human life. Life as we know it is changing fast before our eyes.
Deep History: Climate and Human Life before the Great Transition
Let us take a quick look at this sweep of human history and the climate-human relationship on this ever changing planet. Our deep origins lie in the evolutionary history of advanced primates 5 to 10 million years ago. Modern humanity—the species Homo sapiens sapiens—was born in the stresses of the glacial cycles of the Pleistocene epoch (which ran from approximately 2.6 million to 12,000 years ago).
Truly modern humans began to emerge around 250,000 years ago, as evidenced by significant shifts in stone tool technology and the “modernization” of fossil skeletons. Genetics suggests that the earliest modern humans at first comprised a small breeding population, perhaps in the thousands. But they began to grow in numbers and colonize the earth, a process of increase and migration that did not end until Polynesians arrived in Hawaii less than 2,000 years ago.
Over the past three decades, as scientists have sought to establish a baseline from which to measure human-induced climate change, our knowledge about the climate inhabited by our ancestors has advanced dramatically in scope and precision.
Most importantly, scientists and historians have come to realize that, from the great warm-up of the early Holocene (approximately 12,000 years ago) until the eighteenth century virtually every significant transition in the human condition was in some measure shaped by shifting climatic conditions, at times interwoven with the onslaught of disease and epidemics.
Evidence indicates that that there has been a broad coherence in global climatic patterns during the 12,000 years of the Holocene. A warm North Hemisphere has been associated with La Niña conditions in the Pacific and the Americas, and strong monsoons bringing summer precipitation to Asia and much of Africa. Conversely, a cold North Hemisphere has been associated with El Niño conditions bringing storms and flooding to the west coasts of the Americas, and weakening the Afro-Asiatic monsoons.
However, the current warm Holocene period, which is actually an interglacial era, has been punctuated with sharp warmups and coolings that are caused by two distinct climate cycles. The first are “Bond events,” discovered in the early 1990s. Marked by great bursts of ice-rafting in the North Atlantic, Bond event sequences appear approximately every 1,470 years and are associated with broadly cooler global climates.
More importantly, the planet also experiences cooling cycles as a result of 2,300-year cycles of grand solar minima, called the Hallstatt cycle (when the strength of the sun on the planet is at a minimum). Three times during the Holocene, this cycle brought centuries of cold, almost glacial climates, most recently in the Little Ice Age of approximately 1300 to 1700 A.D. [See Figure 1]
These climate events molded the fate of the human societies that lived in them.
A major cold event in the 6000s B.C., peaking at 6200 B.C., was a post-glacial episode known as a "meltwater" crisis. It drove the collapse of early agricultural societies in the Fertile Crescent, and their subsequent intensification, as well as the beginning of domestication in the tropics.
The first major Hallstatt grand minimum, in the fourth millennium B.C., ended in intense droughts at 3200-3000 B.C. that launched the first states in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and the Indus Valley. A burst of El Niño likely launched the first city-states in coastal Peru.
A mystery drought at 2200 B.C., which registered throughout the world but the causes of which are as yet unclear, punctuated the histories of Bronze Age societies throughout the Old World, interrupting them around the Mediterranean, ending an epoch of urban civilization in the Indus and launching the first state in China.
The second major Hallstatt minimum hit around 1200 B.C., with a burst of cold combining around the eastern Mediterranean with what has been called an “earthquake storm.” The result was war, famine, and epidemic disease—events that had nothing to do with the pressure of overpopulation, and everything to do with a potent change in the earth system.
This global climatic reversal brought the end of the Bronze Age in southwest Asia and Egypt, and the collapse of the Shang dynasty in China, where climate reversal would bring down dynasties regularly for the next 3,000 years.
Rainfall shifts in this epoch were involved in the establishment of the large villages and towns of “Early Formative” Mesoamerica, which would establish the basis for rise of states. A whiplash of El Niño flooding and drought is similarly seen as establishing the basis for the Early Horizon cultures and the Chavin cult in the Andes.
The ebb and flow of climate over the next 2,000 years—a warm Classical antiquity, a cold Dark Ages, a warm Medieval Regime, and a cold Hallstatt- driven Little Ice Age—interacted with war and epidemic to powerfully shape the fate of cultures and states around the world.
If the details of this history are too complex to even begin to describe here, the lessons of the new climate history seem to be plain.
First, for most of human history, major crises and ruptures in human societies came as a result of climate change, not because of too many people or human misuse of resources. Second, deep human history warns us that when climate patterns did change significantly, the result was societal collapse, war, epidemics, and fundamental restructurings of the geography and structures of human communities.
Ancient and medieval agrarian societies were threatened by under-population, not overpopulation. When populations grew during climatic optimums, they generally managed to achieve incremental improvements to agricultural productivity.
Life was not pleasant. Studies of wealth and income present a persistent pattern of hierarchy and poverty. A peasant family in the late Middle Ages, on average, had a standard of living not unlike that of a peasant family in the Bronze Age, and probably the late Neolithic. Average life expectancy at birth ranged from the low twenties to the mid-thirties at best.
But these societies were amazingly durable; they lasted for hundreds of years at a stretch, and then only “collapsed” when hammered by earth system forces. These were crises driven by external factors of the natural environment, not internal pressures of overpopulation or economic practices that degraded their surrounding environment.
The Great Transition: Into the Anthropocene
Beginning in the eighteenth century, changes in human population size and economic activity transformed the long-standing relationship between climate and people.
After the sudden warming that followed the final glaciation of the last Pleistocene Ice Age, by perhaps 9000 B.C., humanity might have numbered as many as 7 million (a guess to be sure, but based on a mountain of evidence). Since that population baseline, humanity grew slowly for thousands of years—generally at rates of less than 0.2% per year, with crises of collapsing populations counterbalanced by occasional surges.
But then, from roughly 1750 forward, the population began to grow at unprecedented annual rates: 0.46%, 0.61%, and 0.64%. Then the growth of human numbers accelerated, hitting 2 billion around 1930 and 3 billion around 1960. During the 1950s, annual growth rates climbed from 1.7% to 1.9%, and then peaked in 1962 and 1963 at a rate of 2% per year.
Since then the rate has slowed to 1.3% per year. Nonetheless, we hit an estimated 7 billion in October 2011: a total population a thousand times greater than the hunter-gather peoples who inhabited the earth after the last glaciation, a mere 12,000 years ago. [See Figure 2]
It helps to put this accelerating history in generational terms. Assuming roughly twenty-five years per generation, there have been 11,000-12,000 generations since the dawn of modern human abilities 250,000 ago, 500 since the end of the last ice ages, 200 since the founding of the first states in 3000 B.C., and perhaps 25 since 1492, the age of Columbus. But there have been only five to six generations since the launch of the modern industrial scientific revolutions around 1870.
Taking place a little more than a century ago, these revolutions brought us household electricity, the internal combustion engine, and modern medicine. These technological and scientific advances, as historian Vaclav Smil has argued, were a fundamental leap, taking humans into a new world utterly unknown to their forebears. The benefits of this revolution to the quality and length of human life have been enormous.
The team led by Roderick Floud and Robert W. Fogel has detailed this era, especially the way that life expectancy has risen dramatically. Where the average age of death around the world in 1820 was roughly 26, it is currently roughly 66, in the high seventies to low eighties for developed countries, and in the mid-fifties for the least developed countries. The increase in life expectancy—driven by our advancing control of disease mortality—is the direct cause of the rise of global population to 7 billion.
Heights and weights of mature adults have also risen dramatically from the late nineteenth century with better nutrition and medical care. An estimated one-fifth of the population of eighteenth-century France was too weak to work; conversely, today’s stronger bodies and healthier lives translate into higher and higher levels of intellectual capability and more effective work lives, with progressive cumulative effects on the prospects of future generations.
Across the planet, we are all doing much better than our recent and distant ancestors (although unevenly, with people in certain regions faring better than those in others).
Human Population and the Earth System
But this great transformation has had an enormous impact on the earth system.
No longer simply worrying about a degradation of nature, scientists fear that we are pushing the limits of the envelope that stands between us and the chaos of space. In a little more than a century—in the blink of an eye in historical terms—we have begun to destabilize the workings of the biological, geological, and atmospheric system that maintains life as we know it.
The improved lives we enjoy individually are in direct proportion to how much carbon-based fuel we burn. Carbon dioxide (CO2) occurs naturally in the atmosphere, and since the end of the ice age it has hovered around 280 parts per million (ppm). But while it occurs naturally, additional CO2 is a byproduct of the burning of fossil fuels like coal, oil, and gasoline. It is also released when forests are cleared and burned, and even when soil is plowed.
In the middle of the nineteenth century, these levels began to rise, reaching 315 ppm in 1953, the year that I was born. Last year the readings hit 390 ppm, and this spring the monthly averages have been 393 and 394 ppm. Similarly, levels of the more potent gas methane have more than doubled, from a background in the eighteenth century of 700 parts per billion to over 1,750 parts per billion today.
The link between human activity and the levels of these gases in the atmosphere is readily apparent. The rising levels of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere precisely track with the growth of population and gross domestic product over the past century. They also track with the estimates of a rise in industrial emissions from the world economy, which in frightening detail echoes the pulse of expansion, war, depression, expansion, and recession over the recent past. [See Figure 2]
Despite a drum-beat of denial from powerful vested interests, climate change is real and it is upon us. Scientists and policy-makers now debate whether it would be safe to allow atmospheric CO2 to rise to roughly 450 ppm, a level not seen since before the Oligocene (34 million to 23 million years ago), just as the Antarctic ice sheet began to form. We read daily in the newspaper about the effects of these greenhouse gases: the earth is warming up and changing its systemic behavior.
The oceans, which absorb CO2 naturally, have reached their limits and are already acidifying, threatening marine food chains already damaged from industrial fishing. Sea levels are rising, putting coastal populations around the world into serious peril from storm surges, and these storms may become more frequent. [See Figure 3]
We are bombarded with news of strange weather patterns: persistent droughts in the American south, flooding in Pakistan, Thailand, the Philippines, and China. These patterns are the signature of the “La Niña” climatic pattern that is suspected in the intensification of Atlantic hurricanes, Pacific cyclones, and Midwestern tornadoes.
And the scientists’ greatest fear seems to be unfolding: having predicted that Arctic sea-ice would melt on a gradual curve down to the end of the century, they are finding that it has been melting since the 1970s much faster than their models predicted. Here the concern is the CO2 and methane frozen in the seafloor and in permafrost under the tundra; already bubbling to the surface, these gases double the greenhouse pressures in the atmosphere in short order.
The actual hard dollar costs of inaction or business as usual are now becoming apparent. Destructive climatic events (compounded by the inevitable tectonic events) already require massive expenditures for cleanup and reconstruction, and these will only get worse as sea levels rise and storms intensify.
Warming temperatures are moving ecological zones northward, and with this shift, tropical diseases will intensify and advance into temperate regions. The breakdown of oceanic food chains is already undermining important food resources, and the shifting and strengthening patterns of drought will seriously affect grain-growing regions around the world. Drought and the melt-off of tropical mountain glaciers are threatening the supply of fresh water to huge populations in several regions around the globe.
If some interest groups deny the evidence for climate change, other major institutions do not: the escalating cost of managing crises is a dire threat to the insurance industry, which has had to rethink its business models based on now-unstable predictions of natural disasters.
Meanwhile, the military—charged with maintaining a stable environment for American and indeed global economies—is actively planning for a wave of resource wars, water wars, and subsistence wars in the coming decades.
The Malthusian Model of Environmental History
The Anthropocene constitutes a great human-made rupture with the past—and this rupture has caused historians and scientists to rethink the relationships between nature, climate, and human communities.
Since the 1960s, a new discipline of environmental history began to address big questions of the changing configurations of nature, population, and economies. From the beginning, environmental historians engaged with the formative thinking of a famous English minister, the Reverend Thomas Malthus.
Looking around him in the 1790s, Malthus was alarmed by a rapidly growing English population, and wrote his Essay on Population to sound the warning. Fueled by the natural attraction between the sexes, population could grow geometrically, while the products of the farm could only grow arithmetically, if that.
So Malthus, the good moralist, issued his warning: unless the “preventive checks” of social virtue were applied, fast, the “positive checks” of famine, pestilence, and war would cut human numbers down to size.
It turns out, I would argue, that Malthus was wrong about his past, though very right to be concerned about his present and future.
According to the Malthusian paradigm, ancient and medieval societies lived on the razor’s edge of crisis, and were frequently driven into crisis by overpopulation. With the Industrial Revolution, so the story goes, we escaped Malthus’s grim reaper through technological advance.
Starting in the 1960s, environmental historians told a different story. Alarmed by the degradation of the natural environment, they began to sound the Malthusian alarm.
Their basic concern is manifested in new calculations of human pressure on the earth’s carrying capacity—HANPP, or “human appropriation of net primary productivity”: at present humans consume roughly a quarter of the total annual biological activity on the entire globe. These calculations are the essence of the Malthusian paradigm. Human numbers might well overwhelm the biological capacity of the earth to sustain them.
If the first generation of environmental historians attacked the common understanding that humanity had escaped Malthus, they also perpetuated the common understanding that pre-modern societies stood on the razor’s edge of Malthusian crisis.
In their telling, the environmental history of humanity was a long series of inevitable crises of population overwhelming local resources. The standard list includes the degradation of soil in Mesopotamia, collapse of Mayan civilization and Easter Island, the Black Death in the Middle age, and the crises that struck across Eurasia in the seventeenth century. These events were moral examples of, in Jared Diamond’s words, “societies that chose to fail” by not altering their impact on the natural environment.
I have been teaching environmental history since 1994. For almost a decade I followed the Malthusian orthodoxy of the founding generation of environmental historians—the human past was filled with Malthusian crises—in which the geometric rise of population overran the ability of limited technology to feed everyone.
Starting in the late 1990s the evidence for abrupt climate change—in climate history, archaeology, and economic history—began to complicate this story. What if these ancient societies were not doing too badly, but the playing field and goalposts changed fundamentally, on scales that they simply could not anticipate?
The Reverend Malthus was right about the world in which he lived: populations in late-eighteenth-century England were indeed growing at an unprecedented rate, as were populations in much of Europe. But China, England, and the United States led the way, England and China with annual rates of 1.3% per year—dwarfed by the surging population advance in eighteenth and nineteenth century America—but well above the healthy global average of approximately 0.6%. Nothing like this had happened before, and Malthus had a reason to be nervous about the press of population.
England escaped the Malthusian calculus through industrialization and imperial reach, and the United States escaped through the conquest of “free” land to the west. China did not escape, suffering a devastating crisis in the middle of the nineteenth century when the Taiping Civil War of 1850-1864 killed 20 million people, perhaps as many as 70 million.
The new climate science—and the insights of a generation of archaeologists and economic historians—suggests that this crisis in China was the first true civilizational Malthusian crisis humanity ever suffered. In fact, it was literally the first in human history that was not, in great measure, the result of abrupt climate change.
Human Prospects on a Volatile Earth
With the new results of climate science, historians know quite a lot about how climates have changed in the past, and the result is a renewed appreciation of the global earth system as an autonomous, exogenous actor in human history. The ways in which naturally induced climate change radically transformed human existence in past millennia is a wake-up call to the prospects of similar convulsions as a result of the contemporary, human-induced climate transformations.
At the same time, the long perspective of climate history allows us to reconsider the Malthusian calculus, and it highlights the burgeoning, unprecedented crisis of population we now face.
Ancient populations suffered poor individual life outcomes, with poor health and low life expectancy; conversely, they imposed relatively low environmental impact and enjoyed long-term societal sustainability. Whatever their flaws, ancient societies should not be condemned for failings of environmental consciousness.
Modern populations, by contrast, enjoy excellent individual outcomes, with amazingly good health and high life expectancy (even if varying geographically), but are causing systemic changes to the entire global ecology. Whether these changes are sustainable is very much an open question.
In the life spans of the past five to six generations, the double-edged sword of science and industry has carried humanity through a great and paradoxical transition to prosperity and peril. After two decades of sounding the warning, most in the scientific community are exhausted and depressed.
Throughout the world people attuned to the perils upon us are sobered by how much it will cost and how long it will take to construct a new energy system to fill the place that fossil fuels now occupy in the delivery of essential services to massive new populations around the world. Close to home, despite the fact that Americans per capita consume roughly twice the hydrocarbons of anyone else in the world, there is no sign that we are willing to voluntarily restrain ourselves.
The fertility transition that has begun to slow the rate of global population growth is a hopeful sign. Certainly much of the reduction of fertility has come by government fiat in China, but it is notable how in many countries—India, Iran, Bangladesh stand out as examples—the classic transition of educating women and raising aspirations has reduced the pressure of new births to the point that experts see population growth rates stabilizing and reversing in the coming decades.
On the climate front, the Montreal protocols to control ozone-depleting CFC emissions have been a great success since they went into effect in 1989, and this experience stands as a model for the control of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases.
Attention is now being focused on strictly controlling methane and black soot—the most extreme and volatile elements of the greenhouse gases emitted by the global economies. Getting these under control might make significant differences, buying time for longer-range shifts to take effect.
Whatever the future holds, it is coming at us with breakneck speed. And just as a long historical horizon allows us to look back at the circumstances of previous generations, it demands that we think forward to the fortunes of generations to come.
All images and content are the property of eHistory at The Ohio State University unless otherwise stated.
Copyright © 2013 OSU Department of History. All rights reserved.
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Following Oceana’s newly released report on the harmful impacts of illegal fishing, one of the questions that I as Oceana's Northeast representative was asked most often was, “Where is this happening?” The short answer: Illegal fishing happens everywhere, from the most distant waters near Antarctica to just off the U.S. coast.
This week brought great news for shark populations that are dwindling both in U.S. waters and worldwide. Today, the Delaware House of Representatives introduced a bill prohibiting the possession, trade, sale and distribution of shark fins within the state. If passed, House Bill 41 would make Delaware the first East Coast state to pass a ban on the shark fin trade, following in the footsteps of Oregon, Washington, California, Hawaii and Illinois.
Current federal law prohibits shark finning in U.S. waters, requiring that sharks be brought into port with their fins still attached. However, this law does not prohibit the sale and trade of processed fins that are imported into the country from other regions that could have weak or even nonexistent shark protections in place.
This unsustainable catch is driven by the demand for shark fins, often used as an ingredient in shark fin soup, and kills millions of sharks every year. Delaware’s bill would close the loopholes that fuel the trade and demand for fins, and ensure that the state is not a gateway for shark products to enter into other U.S. state markets.
Not only was there great news coming out of the U.S., international shark lovers have reason to celebrate as well. The Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), voted this week to place stricter regulations on the trade of manta rays, three species of hammerheads, oceanic whitetip and porbeagle sharks, acknowledging that these species are in dire need of protection. When countries export these species, they are required to possess special permits that prove these species were harvested sustainably. This decision will greatly curb illegal overfishing and reduce the numbers of endangered sharks killed globally.
History was made today in Bangkok, when Parties to CITES (the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Flora and Fauna) voted to protect five species of sharks and two species of manta rays. The seven protected species are: oceanic whitetip (Carcharhinus longimanus), porbeagle (Lamna nasus), scalloped hammerhead (Sphyrna lewini), great hammerhead (S. mokarran), smooth hammerhead (S. zygaena), oceanic manta ray (Manta birostris) and reef manta ray (M. alfredi).
All seven species are considered threatened by international trade – the sharks for their fins, and the manta rays for their gills, which are used in Traditional Chinese Medicine. CITES protection is an important complement to fisheries management measures, which, for these species, have failed to safeguard their survival.
The vote was to list the animals for protection under Appendix II which does not entail a ban on the trade, but instead means that trade must be regulated. Exporting countries are required to issue export permits, and can only do so if they can ensure that they have been legally caught, and that their trade is not detrimental to the species’ survival.
All of the proposals received the two-thirds majority needed to be accepted – but the listing is not yet final. Decisions can be overturned with another vote during the final plenary session of the meeting, which wraps up on Thursday. This is what happened with porbeagle sharks in the 2010 CITES meeting in Qatar – an Appendix II listing approved by the Committee evaporated with another vote in plenary. As a result, at that meeting, none of the proposed shark species were granted protection. Now, three years later, we’re hopeful that the international community finally sees the importance of regulating the trade that puts these animals at risk.
Keep your fingers crossed!
Happy Friday, everyone.
It's been a rough few weeks for the oceans at CITES, but now it's time to pick up the pieces. If CITES taught us anything, it's that the work of the ocean conservation community is more important than ever.
This week in ocean news,
....Rick at Malaria, Bed bugs, Sea Lice and Sunsets discussed one of the more shady aspects of CITES: the secret ballots, which were invoked for votes on bluefin tuna, sharks, polar bears, and deep water corals.
…The Washington Post reported that Maryland is cracking down on watermen who catch oysters in protected sanctuaries or with banned equipment. Once a principal source of oysters, the Chesapeake now provides less than 5 percent of the annual U.S. harvest.
…For the first time, scientists were able to use videos to observe octupuses’ behavioral responses. The result? The octupuses had no consistent reaction to one film -- in other words, they had no “personality.” Curiously, other cephalopods display consistent personalities for most of their lives.
…The New York Times wondered if the 700,000 saltwater home aquariums in the United States and the associated trade in reef invertebrates are threatening real reef ecosystems.
This is the ninth in a series of dispatches from the CITES meeting in Doha, Qatar.
As Oceana marine scientist Elizabeth Griffin put it: “This meeting was a flop.”
CITES has been a complete failure for the oceans. The one success -- the listing of the porbeagle shark under Appendix II -- was overturned yesterday in the plenary session.
“It appears that money can buy you anything, just ask Japan,” said Dave Allison, senior campaign director. “Under the crushing weight of the vast sums of money gained by unmanaged trade and exploitation of endangered marine species by Japan, China, other major trading countries and the fishing industry, the very foundation of CITES is threatened with collapse.”
Maybe next time -- if these species are still around to be protected.
The failure of CITES means that Oceana’s work – and your support and activism – is more important than ever. You can start by supporting our campaign work to protect these creatures.
Here's Oceana's Gaia Angelini on the conclusion of CITES:
This is the eighth in a series of dispatches from the CITES conference in Doha, Qatar.
More difficult news out of Doha today.
While seven of the eight proposed shark species (including several species of hammerheads, oceanic whitetip and spiny dogfish) were not included in Appendix II, the one bright spot was for the porbeagle shark, which is threatened by widespread consumption in Europe.
The porbeagle’s Appendix II listing is a huge improvement because it requires the use of export permits to ensure that the species are caught by a legal and sustainably managed fishery.
And there is a slight chance that the other shark decisions could be reversed during the plenary session in the final two days.
Here are Oceana scientists Elizabeth Griffin and Rebecca Greenberg reflecting on the shark decisions:
This is the seventh in a series of posts from CITES. Check out the rest of the dispatches from Doha here.
Eight shark species have been proposed for listing to Appendix II of CITES, including the oceanic whitetip, scalloped hammerhead, dusky, sandbar, smooth hammerhead, great hammerhead, porbeagle and spiny dogfish.
Listing these species, which are threatened by shark finning, is necessary to ensure international trade does not drive these shark species to extinction.
Here's Oceana's Ann Schroeer from our Brussels office with an optimistic outlook on the upcoming shark proposals at CITES.
This is the latest in a series of posts from CITES. See the rest of the dispatches here.
Over the weekend, CITES failed to include 31 species of red and pink coral in Appendix II, trade protections that were promised during the last CITES Conference more than two and a half years ago.
These corals are harvested to meet the growing demand for jewelry and souvenirs. The unregulated and virtually unmanaged collection and trade of these species is driving them to extinction.
Many of the corals are long-lived, reaching more than 100 years of age, and grow slowly, usually less than one millimeter in thickness per year. These colonies are fragile and extremely vulnerable to exploitation and destruction, and their biological characteristics severely limit their ability to recover.
Oceana campaign director Dave Allison had this to say about the corals decision (first video), as well as the failure of CITES to protect marine species in general (second video.)
Happy Friday, ocean fans. It's almost spring, and a surfing alpaca exists in the world. Things are looking up.
Before we get to the week's best marine tidbits, an important announcement: Oceana board member Ted Danson will be answering questions live on CNN.com on April 1, so send your ocean queries in, stat!
Also, don't forget that today is the last day to take the Ocean IQ quiz for a chance to win prizes, including a trip with SEE Turtles.
This week in ocean news,
…Yes, CITES failed to deliver on bluefin tuna yesterday, but as Monterey Bay Aquarium’s Julie Packard pointed out, at least the conversation is changing. Bluefin is now in the same rhetorical realm as endangered land creatures such as tigers and elephants.
…Deep Sea News wrote a requiem for a robot -- the Autonomous Benthic Explorer (ABE) that was lost at sea last week during a research expedition to the Chilean Subduction Zone. On a recent dive, ABE had detected evidence of hydrothermal vents. At the time of its loss, ABE had just begun a second dive to home into a vent site and photograph it.
This is the fifth in a series of dispatches from CITES. You can read the other dispatches here.
Although there were repeated calls from delegates from the E.U., U.S. and Monaco to allow time for parties to meet and arrive at a compromise position, a Libya delegate forced a preemptory vote on the E.U. proposal, which resulted in a 43 to 72 vote, with 14 abstaining.
Campaign director Dave Allison called the defeat "a clear win by short-term economic interest over the long-term health of the ocean and the rebuilding of Atlantic bluefin tuna populations."
The decision could spell the beginning of the end for the tigers of the sea.
Here's Oceana's Maria Jose Cornax on the decision:
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Late Triassic vertebrate diversity challenges view of Triassic extinction
New fossil finds collected by Earthwatch teams working with Dr. Oscar Alcober in the Ischigualasto-Talampaya World Heritage Site, Argentina, stand to change views of faunal change at the end of the Triassic. Alcober, director of the Natural Science Museum at the University of San Juan, Argentina, reported on four of the new vertebrate forms at the Society for Vertebrate Paleontology meeting in Denver on Thursday, November 4.
Most evidence indicates that the transition at the end of the Triassic, 205 million years ago, was a period of widespread extinction, leading to the ascendancy of dinosaurs during the Jurassic. The new Argentinean finds tell a different story: Vertebrate animals in the Upper Triassic were apparently more diverse in this region, showing a mixture Triassic and Jurassic forms that turns the extinction model on its head.
The new finds reported by Alcober include a prosauropod dinosaur, two ancestral crocodilians, and a mammal-like cynodont the size of a mouse. The latter group was considered extinct by this time period.
"These findings give us a broader idea of the diversity of terrestrial faunas at the end of the Triassic," said Alcober, principal investigator of Earthwatch Institute's Triassic Park project. He will also report his recent findings at the Earthwatch Annual Conference in Boston, on November 6.
"We are documenting with greater detail what happened at the end of the Triassic," added Alcober. "It seems that, in the southern part of the prehistoric supercontinent Pangea anyway, the Triassic-Jurassic extinction was not as catastrophic as apparently documented in the north."
The new dinosaur was an herbivore with a long neck and four stout legs, measuring no longer than four meters long, typical of prosauropods. What makes it unique is a foreshortened skull, like many later sauropods of the Jurassic and Cretaceous.
"This specimen shows the incredible diversification of prosauropods already in the Late Triassic," said Alcober, who has documented four species now from the same Los Colorados Formation. "This group was already diversified before the Jurassic, more evidence of the consistency of the faunas through the Triassic-Jurassic boundary."
Earthwatch teams have been collaborating with Alcober to unearth the Triassic treasures of the Ischigualasto Valley since 1994, excavating many new finds and adding greatly to our understanding of the period. The site, known as "Valley of the Moon" for its dramatic rock formations, is one of the few places in the world where one can find a fossil record of the entire Triassic Period, when both the first mammals and first dinosaurs appeared.
"Earthwatch volunteers have played a fundamental role in our expeditions," said Alcober. "In addition to providing funding, some of the most important findings in this basin were made by volunteers."
The establishment of Ischigualasto-Talampaya National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, allowed the access to related fossil beds in neighboring La Rioja Province, where teams made these latest finds last year. According to Alcober, the new site is "packed with fossils," and will be the focus of future Earthwatch teams.
Source: Eurekalert & othersLast reviewed: By John M. Grohol, Psy.D. on 21 Feb 2009
Published on PsychCentral.com. All rights reserved.
There was never a genius without a tincture of madness.
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NAACP (National Association for the Advancement of Colored People)
The beginnings of the NAACP are to be found in a three‐day conference held from July 11 through 13 in Fort Erie, Canada, in 1904. The twenty‐nine attendees, all Black intellectuals, were gathered there by the activist
W.E.B. Du Bois
to organize what would be known as the Niagara Movement. Its purpose was to achieve the complete abolition of all forms of racial discrimination and, somewhat ironically, the segregation of schools. Also on the agenda were the increased election of Blacks to political office and the enforcement of Black voting rights in America. Among the other notable Blacks present at the conference who became part of its five‐year existence as an activist body were John Hope, J. Max Barber, and William Monroe Trotter. Perhaps because of its insistence on educational segregation, the Niagara Movement did not gain popular acceptance, and so its membership and their goals dissolved, and revived in the new movement for Black rights organized as the NAACP.
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was founded in New York City on February 12, 1909, heralded by the publication of “The Call.” (The year 1909 was also the centennial of Abraham Lincoln's birth.) This announcement urged all leaders to abolish racially biased legislation and to take up the Black cause in America by enforcing the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments to the Constitution. Published in Black newspapers across the United States, “The Call” recruited members into the new social and political body whose national office was located in New York City. The initial board of directors for the NAACP was entirely composed of Whites, including the organization's first president, Moorfield
Storey, an attorney. W.E.B. Du Bois, the only Black initially named to an important position in the organization, was made publicity director and, by extension, editor of the NAACP's official journal,
. After the initial “call” for other progressives to join the racial struggle, the NAACP held its first official conference in New York on May 31, 1909, with more than 300 Blacks and Whites in attendance. Once the NAACP became relatively established, its board of directors became increasingly composed of Blacks; by 1934, most board members were Black, and this trend has continued to the present time.
Among the most notable successes of the new body was its highly organized protest against Woodrow Wilson's segregation of the federal government (1913) and against D.W. Griffith's film Birth of a Nation (1915), in which Blacks were portrayed as lazy, violent, and ignorant. Through the NAACP's rigorous advertising campaign, the racist film was banned or at least not viewed in many cities around the country. This first use of organized protest against the film and the Ku Klux Klan it glorified set a precedent of success that inspired the organization to move quickly and loudly against any and all misrepresentations of Black people and culture. These two protests forced NAACP organizers to recognize the body's growing power, and in 1917, they chose to use this power as a lever to force the federal government to allow Blacks to be commissioned as officers in
World War I
. This success led to the commission of 600 Black officers and the registration of 700,000 Blacks for the draft.
Perhaps because of its early emphasis on local organizing practices and rigorous recruitment, the NAACP's membership grew quickly, as did its number of branch offices across the United States. By 1919, the NAACP had more than 300 branch offices and 90,000 members. The year 1919 was also noteworthy in the NAACP for its publication of its investigative report, Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States. Although the organization had spoken out against
as early as 1917, with this report the NAACP took up the antilynching cause first emphasized by
Ida B. Wells‐Barnett
in earnest, and although the organization never successfully forced antilynching legislation to be passed on a federal or state level, its persistent protest against lynching is credited with its decrease and eventual cessation. Equipping all its branches with a flag hung outside each time “A Black Man Was Lynched Today,” the NAACP once again demonstrated the power of collective dissent as President Woodrow Wilson spoke out publicly against lynching.
Even as the NAACP was still fighting against lynch mobs and hostility against Blacks on a more general level, it also began to turn its attention to the unequal access to education, housing, health care, and public transportation that Blacks had historically received. In a series of court cases and legislation involving the unconstitutionality of discrimination in these areas so crucial to civil rights, the NAACP won a string of victories in state and federal courts, as well as in Congress. Notable among them were Buchanen v. Worley (housing districts could not be forced on Blacks, 1917), admission of
Black students to the University of Maryland (1935), Morgan v. Virginia (Supreme Court recognized that states cannot segregate interstate public transport by bus or train, 1946), discrimination in federal government offices banned (1948), Brown v. Board of Education (“separate but equal” struck down in favor of desegregation, 1954), and the Civil Rights Act (1964). Thurgood Marshall, later the first African American Supreme Court Justice, played a crucial role in the NAACP's legal activity and its Legal Defense Fund (Ostrom, 266).
Civil Rights Movement
gathered momentum in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the NAACP discussed the role it would play in these important
times. Resolute in its use of state and federal courtrooms to battle racism and discrimination, the body kept itself as a whole out of the often fractious and dangerous social battles being waged on the streets of
. This did not prevent individual members from engaging in nonviolent protests, however, and in 1960, the NAACP's Youth Council began a series of lunch counter “sit‐ins” around the South, resulting in the desegregation of more than sixty department store eateries. In addition to these nonviolent protests, NAACP members organized widespread civil rights rallies. As a result of the rallies’ success, the NAACP named its first field director to oversee the legal and safety concerns of these peaceful protests. Tragically, the field director and highly successful organizer
was shot outside his home in 1963, just five months before the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
As the civil rights war evolved, the NAACP did as well, eventually turning its attention to Black participation in self‐government through voting. Lobbying for voting sites in high schools, the NAACP persuaded twenty‐four states to set up such sites by 1979. Concentration on the Black vote would continue through the 1980s, as the NAACP obtained extension of the Voting Rights Act (1981) and as it registered record numbers of Black voters (500,000 in 1982 alone). In tandem with its persistent efforts in the 1980s to increase political participation among the Black community, the NAACP also brought global attention to apartheid in South Africa by rallying in New York City (1989) and by encouraging a boycott of that nation by all people of color. By 1993, the antiapartheid movement was successful, and in 1994, South Africa held its first all‐race elections.
Since then, the NAACP has focused on the appointment of racially sensitive Supreme Court justices, on preventing economic hardship in the Black community, on promoting higher education among Blacks and other people of color, and on providing alternatives to gang affiliation and violent behavior for Black youths. Still thriving, still with much work to do, the NAACP continues to be a viable social, economic, legal, and political force in and for the Black community in the United States. Although the organization's earliest and most direct connections to American literature are certainly the editor of The Crisis, W.E.B. Du Bois (The Souls of Black Folk), and the poet and lyricist
James Weldon Johnson
(“Lift Every Voice and Sing”), the NAACP is also closely linked to Black arts and literature through its nearly forty‐year distribution of Image awards to Black cultural personages, including the poet
(Quilting the Black Eyed Pea) in 2002.
was affiliated with the organization for many years, and
wrote a history of the NAACP, as well as a poem about the organization first published in The Crisis in June 1941 (Ostrom).
Jessie Redmon Fauset
was an editor for The Crisis as well as for a children's magazine affiliated with the NAACP,
The Brownies’ Book
Langston Hughes, Fight for Freedom: The Story of the NAACP (New York: Berkeley Books, 1962); Kenneth Janken, White: The Biography of Walter White, Mr. NAACP (New York: New Press, 2003); Gilbert Jonas, Freedom's Sword: The
NAACP and the Struggle Against Racism in America, 1909–1969 (New York: Routledge, 2005); Charles Flint Kellogg, NAACP: A History of the National Association of Colored People (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967); Hans Ostrom, A Langston Hughes Encyclopedia (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), 266–267; Mary White Ovington, Black and White Sat Down Together: The Reminiscences of an NAACP Founder (New York: Feminist Press, 1996); Barbara Ross, J. E. Springarn and the Rise of the NAACP, 1911–1939 (New York: Atheneum, 1972); Mark Tushnet, The NAACP's Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925–1950 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987); Carolyn Wedin, Inheritors of the Spirit: Mary White Ovington and the Founding of the NAACP (New York: Wiley, 1998).
A name given to the grim era between the end of
World War I
. The term “nadir” (one definition of which is “lowest point”) was first applied to this period by the historian Rayford W. Logan, designating it as the lowest point in postemancipation African American history. The period of Reconstruction after the
had been relatively hopeful, with public facilities and institutions in
open to African Americans for the first time, and some Black men elected to political offices. After federal troops were withdrawn from the South in 1877, however, the federal government abandoned the project of social equality for African Americans. In the years that followed, the rights of Black people shrank dramatically. In addition to political disenfranchisement, they were subject to “Jim Crow” segregation, which forced them to use public facilities entirely separate from those for White people. This system was widely practiced, and eventually was sanctioned by the federal government in the Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson (1896). Most disturbingly, thousands of
s, gruesome public acts of torture and murder, were recorded during this era. Lynchings were carried out by White mobs not only to punish individuals, but also to control the entire Black community with terror. In response, African Americans organized politically, forming groups such as the National Association of Colored Women (1895), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (
) (1909), and the National Urban League (1911).
An equally important form of resistance was the unprecedented proliferation of literature by African Americans in this era. This included not only explicitly antiracist political tracts such as
Ida B. Wells‐Barnett
's widely influential Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Forms (1892),
such as those collected in The Souls of Black Folk by
W.E.B. Du Bois
Booker T. Washington
, Up from Slavery (1901), but also numerous volumes of significant imaginative literature.
Paul Laurence Dunbar
, the most prominent poet of the nadir, gained a national reputation when his second collection, Majors and Minors (1895), was lauded in Harper's Weekly by the magazine's editor, William Dean Howells. Charles Waddell Chesnutt, a novelist, essayist, and author of “local color” short stories, was the
first African American to be published in the Atlantic Monthly. Following two collections of stories, Chesnutt published his two most successful novels, The House Behind the Cedars (1900) and The Marrow of Tradition (1901), cementing his position as one of the most important writers in the African American tradition. Among the most impressive achievements of this time were contributions to politics and literature by African American women, leading the author
Frances E. W. Harper
to declare that the 1890s was the brink of a “Woman's era.” In addition to political treatises, including
Anna Julia Haywood Cooper
's A Voice from the South (1892), African American women produced numerous successful novels, including Harper's Iola Leroy (1892) and
Pauline Elizabeth Hopkins
's Contending Forces (1900). Though these works are most often characterized as bourgeois domestic novels, in contrast to the racial protest style of some male novelists, African American women of this period should be credited with writing novels representing a wide range of political concerns, from
to Christian evangelism to
Charles W. Chesnutt, Stories, Novels, and Essays (New York: Library of America, 2002); Anna Julia Cooper, A Voice from the South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); W.E.B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (1903; repr. New York: Modern Library, 1996); Paul Laurence Dunbar, The Collected Poetry of Paul Laurence Dunbar, ed. Joanne Braxton (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993); Frances E. W. Harper, Iola Leroy; or, Shadows Uplifted (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Pauline E. Hopkins, Contending Forces: A Novel Illustrative of Negro Life North and South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery (New York: Penguin, 1986); Ida B. Wells‐Barnett, Southern Horrors and Other Writings: The Anti‐lynching Campaign of Ida B. Wells, 1892–1900, ed. Jaqueline Jones Royster (Boston: Bedford, 1997).
Dickson D. Bruce, Black American Writing from the Nadir: The Evolution of a Literary Tradition, 1877–1915 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1989); Hazel Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the Afro‐American Woman Novelist (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987); Rayford W. Logan, The Negro in American Life and Thought: The Nadir, 1877–1901 (New York: Dial Press, 1954).
Holly A. Jackson
Naming patterns in African American literature reflect the naming history of African Americans as it has developed over some three centuries. Several traditional naming practices of West Africa (the birth place of most of the early slaves in America) are still apparent in African American life as well as in the literature that has grown from this existence.
Traditional West African naming practices represent the idea that names literally define the people who hold them. In one sense, a name in traditional West Africa might give very detailed information about conditions of birth: the day, the time of day, place, physical condition, appearance, whether the birth was a multiple birth, and so on. A contemporary example of this kind of naming in African American liteature is the character Copper in
's short story “Bloodline.” He is the son of a White man and a Black woman, and is thought to be the color of copper.
Often names indicate the hopes that the parents have for their children's futures. In fact, one generation of the Day family in
's Mama Day attempts to introduce peace and hope to the family by naming two of their children Peace and Hope. Names sometimes represent events important to the familial or group history. Since names served as a conduit of oral history, they were extremely important to West African culture.
Many of the West African naming practices survived the slave trade from Africa to America. Although most of the names in America were not recognizably African, the name constructions followed some of the patterns of traditional West African names. In particular, slaves, especially those living on isolated coastal islands, maintained the practice of naming children for the day on which they were born. In African American literature, the significance of day names appears, for example, in Mama Day, which is set on a coastal island. In this novel, Sapphira, an enslaved woman, gives her children the last name Day. In doing so, she maintains the West African naming tradition, although not overtly so.
recalls the importance of day names in her novel Song of Solomon, in which a secret group of avengers is called the Seven Days.
As their ancestors did, many enslaved African Americans had birth names that were so intimate that those other than family members and close friends were unaware of the names. This, too, is a pattern that appears in African American literature. In Song of Solomon, Toni Morrison writes: “Under the recorded names were other names, just as ‘Macon Dead,’ recorded for all time in some dusty file, hid from view the real names of people, places, and things. Names that had meaning. No wonder Pilate put hers in her ear. When you know your name, you should hang on to it, for unless it is noted down and remembered, it will die when you do” (23). In this passage, Morrison highlights the contrast between orality and literacy; the name, once a strictly oral conduit of family information in Africa, must be written down in America in order for it to live on.
Also, as their ancestors had done, enslaved African Americans named each other beyond the birth event to chronicle life changes or major events. Although birth names are usually a matter of official record in African American literature, as in African American life in general, often the community bestows names to recognize an event or a characteristic of a person. For instance, the community and the readers of Song of Solomon come to know the main character as Milkman, not Macon Dead, Jr., his birth name. When Milkman is five years old, a neighbor looks through a Dead family window to see that Macon, Jr., is still breast‐feeding. Thus, he acquires the name Milkman. In Mama Day, Miranda Day is a midwife who has delivered so many babies and nurtured the community that she acquires the name Mama Day. And when Janie in
Zora Neale Hurston
's novel Their Eyes Were Watching God, asks Tea Cake about his name, he answers that his mother named him Vergible Woods,
making the distinction between his birth name and the name that he acquired at some later point in life.
The uniquely American component of African naming strategies is that names come to represent freedom among African Americans, especially those who were enslaved or who were active in the political protests of the 1960s and 1970s during the
Harriet Ann Jacobs
, and others chronicle the approach to naming in the life of those enslaved and newly freed. These authors wrote of assuming the master's name when they were slaves but discarding it upon their freedom from
. Since most slave narrative authors had escaped from slavery, the changing of their names was as much a survival tactic as an important declaration of freedom. However, for the slaves who escaped and for those African Americans who were declared free from slavery by the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), the choice to change names was also to define themselves as free people. A people who had essentially no liberties in the system of slavery now had the freedom to choose who they wanted to be. The first step toward making a new life was defining self in a name. In Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave,
William Wells Brown
considers the changing of his name to be one of his first acts after escaping slavery: “What would be my occupation, was a subject of much anxiety to me, and the next thing what should be my name?” (96). During his years as a slave, Brown's name had been changed from William to Sandford because a relative of his master was also named William, and he had come to live with the master's family. This forced renaming was a point of much contention for Brown. About seeking physical and emotional freedom from slavery, Brown observes: “So I was not only hunting for my liberty, but also hunting for a name” (97).
Demonstrating that this valorizing of the name was common among freed persons,
Booker T. Washington
comments in his autobiography, Up from Slavery: “In some way a feeling got among the coloured [sic] people that it was far from proper for them to bear the surname of their former owners, and a great many of them took other surnames. This was one of the first signs of freedom” (102). In the novel Beloved, Toni Morrison's Stamp Paid names himself once he obtains his freedom from slavery.
The concept of naming onesself resurfaced as a symbol of freedom during the
Black Arts Movement
in literature that correlated with the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s. Ernest James Gaines's Robert X character in In My Father's House is the talk of the town when he arrives in search of his estranged father. The residents are leery of him primarily because of what his name represents. Virginia, the woman who owns the boardinghouse where Robert X stays, can't remember what group goes by the last name “X”—“She couldn't remember now whether it was the Black Panthers or the Black Muslims” (3). When talking to Virginia, another character says, “One of them, hanh? Well, you got something on your hands now” (79).
, a Black Muslim and a noted activist during the 1950s and 1960s, had the birth name of Malcolm Little. He was also known as Malik El‐Shabazz after he
converted to Islam. The act of renaming himself was an effort to divest himself of the slave master's name that may have been Little.
's Corregidora is about Ursa Corregidora's familial hatred for the slave master who was named Corregidora and who sexually abused Ursa's great‐grandmother and grandmother. This hatred is passed down from generation to generation. Kiswana Brown, a character in Gloria Naylor's The Women of Brewster Place and Linden Hills, rebels against what she perceives as the social conformity and associated material success of her parents’ generation to redefine herself and her connection to the Black community. She changes her name from Melanie to Kiswana, a Swahili name.
Biblical names are prevalent in African American literature as well. The two Dead sisters in Song of Solomon are named First Corinthians and Magdelene. Milkman's aunt is named Pilate for the Roman magistrate who sentenced Jesus to death by crucifixion. Her father, who had wanted a biblical name, pointed to the Bible and settled on the name Pilate for his daughter. Gloria Naylor's Bailey's Café is replete with biblical names. In this case, the novelist uses the names to aid in a feminist revision of the Bible.
Often, African American authors deliver other messages in their characters’ names. Writing for the
newspaper, Langston Hughes created a character named Jesse B. Semple, later changed to Jesse B. Simple, who commented on subjects from economics to love in a way that common readers could understand; thus his name. Also, he was deceptively simple, and in the tales featuring him, he often outsmarts the supposedly more sophisticated character, Boyd. In Hughes's eighteen poems featuring Madam Alberta K. Johnson, the character insists upon being called “Madam,” and in the poem “Madam and the Census Man,” Madam argues with the government official about her name.
's Native Son, Bigger Thomas is the embodiment of Black angst in the first half of the twentieth century. The unspoken pressure from White America on his actions is “bigger” than he, a Black man from an urban tenement. Even the two murders that he commits are more than the murders of two women. They represent the tremendous weight of White oppression on a Black man of Richard Wright's time.
In addition to craftily naming their characters, African American writers often assign place names that speak with cultural specificity. For instance, the Bottom in Toni Morrison's Sula is where the Black residents in Medallion, Ohio, live, a great irony since the Bottom is located in the hills. The land was compensation to a slave. The White farmer who gave him the land said that when God looks down, he sees that land as bottom land—“the best land there is” (5). The land is not suitable for planting, but the residents take “small consolation that every day they could literally look down on the white folks” (5).
The emphasis on naming is apparent in the names of many African American authors who have changed their names to further define themselves. The poet LeRoi Jones changed his name to
Imamu Amiri Baraka
, and the writer Don L. Lee changed his name to Haki R. Madhubuti. The source of
Toni Cade Bambara
's last name is unclear, but she did add Bambara herself.
, author of the well‐known work for colored girls who have considered suicide/when the rainbow is enuf, was formerly known as Paulette Williams. In Xhosa, the Zulu language, her name means “she who comes with her own things” and “she who walks like a lion.” The Nobel laureate Toni Morrison changed her name from Chloe Anthony Wofford Morrison. The noted scholar and essayist
was named Gloria Watkins at her birth. The Marguerite Johnson of the autobiography I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings is better known to the world as
William Wells Brown, Narrative of William W. Brown, a Fugitive Slave (London: Addison‐Wesley, 1969); Ernest J. Gaines, In My Father's House (New York: Knopf, 1978); Donna Akiba Sullivan Harper, Not So Simple: The “Simple” Stories by Langston Hughes (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1995); Langston Hughes: The Best of Simple (New York: Hill and Wang, 1961); The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes, ed. Arnold Rampersad (New York: Vintage Classics, 1995); Toni Morrison, Song of Solomon (New York: Plume, 1987); Booker T. Washington, Up from Slavery (Boston: A. L. Burt, 1901).
Sharese Terrell Willis
Narrative poetry tells a story in a verse form that usually employs regular meter, regular rhyme, or both meter and rhyme. It is among the oldest types of poetry and is strongly rooted in oral traditions and in performance. This is just as true of the ancient Greek epic tales of The Iliad and The Odyssey and the
s of the Scottish borderland as it is of a large category of African American poetry. It is thus fitting that the earliest known poem by an African American author,
's “Bars Fight” (1755), is a simple narrative poem, establishing in its opening lines the date—August 25, 1746—of an Indian attack in Massachusetts, and then recounting the fates of eight individuals during that attack. Subsequent narrative poems by African American writers cover a broad range of themes and frequently record specifically Black experiences in the United States.
James Weldon Johnson
's poems collected in God's Trombones (1927) tell stories in verse and frequently adopt the conventions of the
. “The Creation” retells the creation story of Genesis in a manner that includes idiomatic expressions (such as “I'll make me a world”) and develops distinctively Southern imagery, as in the lines “Blacker than a hundred midnights/Down in a cypress swamp.” The poem presents God as not just a voice but a fully embodied craftsman who shapes the planets and the human form with his skilled hands and whose whole body—including his feet, his eyes, and even the saliva produced in his mouth—plays a role in this
of origins. A second poem in Johnson's collection, “Go Down Death, a Funeral Sermon,” similarly draws on the storytelling traditions of the Black church and depicts a woman who has lived and worked long and hard being led to heaven by Death.
Other important narrative poems dating back to the early twentieth century are far more secular in nature, and include the “toasts” collected and
analyzed in Roger D. Abrahams’ groundbreaking study, Deep Down in the Jungle … : Negro Narrative Folklore from the Streets of Philadelphia, first published in 1964 and reissued in heavily revised form in 1970. Abrahams defines these toasts as “openly heroic, wildly imaginative, coercive, often violent stories and epic poems manufactured and performed by the young men” (p. 6) in his urban Black community. The patterns and performances of this particular subgenre of African American narrative poetry, including the boast and the verbal contest, has been linked by some scholars to cultural practices in Africa. Today, this tradition is perhaps most clearly manifested in the United States in the lyrics of
music, in which modern (anti)heroes frequently engage in bragging and signifying, and often express a readiness for verbal contests or physical violence. Toasts such as those studied by Abrahams, as is often true of contemporary rap lyrics, have been regarded by many observers as obscene. Thus, if written down at all, they were often presented in bowdlerized form. For example, there are multiple twentieth‐century versions of the exploits of Shine, a Black man working on the Titanic who is kept alive when disaster strikes only by his strong sense of self‐preservation. The version of this narrative poem presented by
in The Book of Negro Folklore (1958) has none of the sexually explicit offers and curse words found in the performed versions recorded and transcribed by Abrahams for his study almost a decade later. Other famous and anonymous toasts dating back to the early twentieth century include “Stackolee” and “The Signifying Monkey.” The latter, which presents the monkey as an African American
figure, functions as a central text in
Henry Louis Gates
's study The Signifying Monkey (1988); here, Gates sets out to develop a new theoretical discourse—one “generated from within the black tradition itself, autonomously” (p. xx)—for analyzing African American literature.
African American poets have also written significant examples of narrative poetry that follow European models. Langston Hughes works within the tradition of dramatic poetry in a series of poems using dialogue to tell a story; these include “Ballad of the Landlord” (1940, 1955), “Madam and the Rent Man” (1943), and “Madam and the Phone Bill” (1949). Hughes published numerous ballads, including twenty‐five with “ballad” in the title, and he published eighteen “Madam” poems (Ostrom, 19–20; 229–230). Although
's poetry tends to be lyrical in nature, he also has at least one notable example of narrative poetry, “Incident” (1925), written in the standard form of the ballad, with four‐line stanzas alternating between four and three stresses per line. One of the most notable examples of this ballad form is
's “Ballad of Birmingham” (1965), which uses the narrative function of the ballad to dramatic effect. The poem recounts the tragic impact of a Black church bombing in Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963. James Sullivan (1997) offers an insightful analysis of the relation between Randall's poem and the tradition up through the nineteenth century of printing inexpensively illustrated sheets of narrative poetry that recount recent sensational events in ballad form.
One of the most interesting developments in Black narrative poetry in the twentieth century is the reworking of popular songs or versified tales that have their origins within the African American literary tradition. xSterling A. Brown
's “Frankie and Johnny” (1932) takes up the ballad of the same name, a story retold for White audiences again and again in later decades to the extent that its likely Black origins have been all but erased. Brown makes a number of significant changes in his retelling of the tale: he establishes a clear racial difference between the title characters and introduces brutal imagery and ironic language. The most significant change, however, is in the poem's ending: rather than being shot by his jealous lover, Johnny is lynched for having sexual relations with a White woman. (Brown also wrote the narrative poem “The Odyssey of Big Boy”.) Other modern retellings of Black narrative poetry include
Melvin B. Tolson
's “The Birth of John Henry” (1965), which has its source in the anonymous ballads that relate a contest between the Black folk hero and a steel‐driving machine developed to replace him, and
's “Railroad Bill, a Conjure Man” (1972), a modern and compelling revisioning of the traditional “Railroad Bill”; both versions present a folk (anti)hero who is
's opposite in almost every way.
In recent years, narrative poems have been incorporated as key elements in longer works by African American writers. Examples include
's Song of Solomon (1977) and
's John Henry Days (2001). In Morrison's novel, the main character, Milkman, gradually realizes that the story rhymes in a children's game have preserved his own family's forgotten history, just as other songs throughout the novel play important communal and restorative functions. The ballad “John Henry” has a similarly fundamental but far more ironic function in Whitehead's novel. John Henry Days presents a young Black writer sent to cover the ceremony surrounding the first annual John Henry Days, a festival honoring the steel‐driving folk hero, and establishes a series of connections or disconnections between the industrial and information ages. This reappearance of versified Black folk tales in modern poetry, and even in recent prose fiction, attests to narrative poetry's continuing cultural significance and its ability to influence multiple forms of literary expression. (See
Roger D. Abrahams, Deep Down in the Jungle … : Negro Narrative Poetry from the Streets of Philadelphia, rev. ed. (Chicago: Aldine, 1970); Sterling Brown, “Frankie and Johnny” and “The Odyssey of Big Boy,” in The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Viking, 1994), 229–232; Henry Louis Gates, Jr., The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of Afro‐American Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Langston Hughes and Arna Bontemps, eds., The Book of Negro Folklore (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1958); Toni Morrison, Song of Solomon (New York: Knopf, 1977); Hans Ostrom, A Langston Hughes Encyclopedia (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002); Alex Preminger, Frank J. Warnke, and O. B. Hardison, eds., Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics, enl. ed. (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1974); Arnold Rampersad, ed., The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes (New York: Vintage Classics, 1995); James
D. Sullivan, On the Walls and in the Streets: American Poetry Broadsides from the 1960s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997); Melvin B. Tolson, “Harlem Gallery” and Other Poems of Melvin B. Tolson, ed. Raymond Nelson (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1999); Colson Whitehead, John Henry Days (New York: Doubleday, 2001).
James B. Kelley
Shaded by magnolia trees and surrounded by craggy outcrops of limestone, Nashville rests among the gently sloping hills of middle Tennessee. It is a city of nicknames: Music City, USA, the Buckle of the Bible Belt, the Athens of the South. It is a city of cultural variety: only a few miles separate Music City Row, the nexus of the country music industry and home of Elvis Presley's gold piano, from Vanderbilt University and an exact replica of the Greek Parthenon. It is a city of firsts: the Ku Klux Klan held its first meeting there in 1866, the same year Fisk University was founded, one of the first institutions to educate the newly freed slaves.
As of this writing, about 570,000 people live within the metro Nashville area, which was settled by Whites on Christmas Day, 1779, but had been inhabited by American Indians in 8000 b.c.e. and later by Mississippian culture American Indians from around 1000 to 1400 c.e. Originally called Fort Nashborough, after Francis Nash, a general in the Revolutionary War, the settlement became Nashville in 1784, Tennessee became a state in 1796, and Nashville became its capital in 1843. The frontier area prospered as the northernmost stop on the Natchez Trace, a trail beginning in Mississippi, and as a center of cotton, tobacco, livestock, and grain trade; nevertheless, only 345 people lived there in 1800, of whom 154 were Black, some free but most enslaved (Goodstein, 74). As the village grew into a city and more families arrived looking for new opportunities, more slaves were brought in to help change the surrounding farmland into large, prosperous plantations. Some Blacks and Whites worshipped together in churches, chiefly Methodist, that had sprung up alongside the stores and other buildings. As opposed to the North, however, where discrete African American Protestant sects could form, African Americans in
were usually not allowed to worship away from watchful eyes of Whites. Prevented from learning to read and write during the antebellum period (1780–1861), African Americans therefore channeled their creativity into oral media.
In fact, singing and storytelling stand as the earliest examples of African American literature in the young United States generally and Nashville particularly.
—many concerning the
figure commonly found in African stories—spread from farm to farm. In 1935
Zora Neale Hurston
published several fables as Mules and Men, arguably the first collection of African American
gathered by an African American. Whether sung or told, these allegorical works fostered community, as in the lines “Talk about me much as you please,/Chillun, talk about me much as you please,” from “I Been Rebuked and I Been Scorned.” Some works encouraged optimism, as reflected in the line “I ain't got long to stay here,” from the song
“Steal Away.” Some works were religious in nature, as reflected in the lines, “Tell old Pharaoh,/Let my people go,” from the song “Go Down, Moses.”
Although the formation of independent African American churches, primarily Baptist and Methodist, indicates a more progressive interracial association, nonetheless, the city itself purchased sixty slaves in 1830–1831 for civic work (Lovett, 20). Similarly, in the mid‐1800s, Nashville considered numerous proposals for all‐Black schools, but by 1856 city law contained a statute that imposed a $50 fine on any White teacher found educating Blacks (Goodstein, 152). With regard to literary and quasi‐literary documents from this period in Nashville, only a few letters written by Susanna Carter, a slave at Belle Meade Plantation, have survived.
Shortly before the decisive
battle of Shiloh in the spring of 1862, Union troops captured Nashville to use it as a base from which to launch campaigns into the Deep South; the battle of Shiloh occurred about nine miles from Savannah, Tennessee. The last major Confederate offensive of the Civil War was the battle of Nashville in 1864. Most of the social and political gains achieved locally during the Union occupation, as well as nationally through the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) and the Thirteenth Amendment (1865), were almost immediately revoked in the violent, impoverished environment that characterized the Black experience during
and the early years of the period of segregation known as Jim Crow (1870–1950). Terrorized by Whites, confined to slums by low wages coupled with little opportunity for advancement, and losing friends and family to the
, African Americans in and around Nashville nevertheless developed a strong literary culture from 1865 forward. The “Letter to the Union Convention, 1865,” signed by fifty‐nine prominent Black citizens of Nashville, joined the chorus of published entreaties urging the government to legally abolish slavery. Soon thereafter, William B. Scott began the first Black newspaper in Nashville, the Nashville Colored Tennessean (1865–1866). Believing that Blacks should issue their own theological materials, Richard Henry Boyd founded the first Black religious publishing house, the National Baptist Publishing Board, in 1896, which continues to print approximately 14 million copies of works annually. In 1924 the Board published the play Because He Lives: A Drama of Resurrection, by the Nashville native Willa Ann Hadley Townsend (Moore).
Boyd also founded The Globe, a newspaper in circulation from 1905 to 1960. He founded it originally to publicize African Americans’ boycott of streetcars in Nashville (1905–1907) in reaction to city‐mandated segregation of such services as transportation. Boyd's son, Henry Allen Boyd, eventually inherited control of The Globe; he and other leaders used its editorial pages to propose civic improvements, including the state‐funded creation of an African American college, the Tennessee Agricultural and Institutional State Normal School, in 1912. This institution became Tennessee State University in 1968. Then it absorbed the University of Tennessee at Nashville in 1979 after a
lengthy legal battle. This was the first time a predominately Black school took over a predominantly White school.
The founding of Fisk School (later University) in 1866 stands as Nashville's most significant contribution to African American literature. Fisk's original purpose was twofold: to provide a free education from primary through secondary grades and to train its graduates as Christian teachers capable of establishing schools elsewhere. Five months after opening, close to 1,000 students, the youngest seven and the oldest seventy, attended regularly (Richardson, 7). In 1867 Fisk School became Fisk University, charging a fee for its services. By 1871 the school faced a financial crisis; it formed the Fisk Jubilee Singers, who toured the nation, singing popular music and encores of “slave songs,” and helping to raise money for the university. The Singers’ success not only raised several thousand dollars but also probably rescued traditional spirituals from potential obscurity. The Jubilee Singers have remained a fixture at Fisk.
Among notable Fisk graduates are the historian
John Hope Franklin
(graduated 1935), the novelist
(M.A., 1938), the novelist
(graduated 1960), the poet Helen Quigless (graduated 1966), and the poet
(graduated 1967), who was active in the campus chapter of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). The novelist
and the playwright
Joseph Seamon Cotter, Jr.
, both attended Fisk around 1910, but neither graduated. Distinguished teachers at Fisk include the philosopher Alain Locke (1927–1928), the poet
Sterling A. Brown
(1928–1929), the novelist
James Weldon Johnson
painter Aaron Douglas (1944–1966), and the poet
John Oliver Killens
was writer‐in‐residence from 1965 to 1968, and
served as head librarian from 1943 to 1966. Fisk's first black President, the sociologist
Charles Spurgeon Johnson
, created the Race Relations Institute in 1944; past leaders of the three‐week conference include the Supreme Court justice Thurgood Marshall and the writer
. Spurgeon also arranged for the donation of the Alfred Stieglitz Collection to Fisk. A negative response at Fisk to an early version of his autobiography in 1943 was among the factors that led
to rework the text into Black Boy (1945). The Fisk University Library owns a first edition of Poems on Various Subjects (1773) by
, as well as correspondence from
, who described a visit there (c. 1931) in his first autobiography, The Big Sea (1940): “For the first time I stood before a large audience of my own people, reading my poems, and I was thrilled, because they seemed to like those poems—poems in which I had tried to capture some of the dreams and heartaches that all Negroes know.”
Literary Nashville, however, reflected the schism between the White and Black communities in the early and mid‐twentieth century. The first public library exclusively for African Americans, the Negro Branch of the Carnegie Library, opened in 1916. Across town at Vanderbilt University, only a few years before Hughes's visit, a group of writers had organized as the Fugitives in
1922. The group included Allen Tate, John Crowe Ransom, Donald Davidson, and Robert Penn Warren. One of their purposes was to try to preserve an idyllic, distinctly Southern way of life in the face of encroaching modernity. Though not overtly racist, the writers idealized a society that itself had been undeniably so, since much White culture had developed in the leisure time permitted by the exploitation of Black labor.
Over a forty‐year period (1911–1951), no African Americans were elected to the city council, partly because a poll tax prevented lower‐ and middle‐class Blacks from voting. Segregation and its “separate‐but‐equal” doctrine, legally sanctioned by Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), distorted every aspect of Southern life until the historic rulings in Brown v. Board of Education (1954) and Nashville's Kelley v. Board of Education (1955) forced the integration of public schools in 1957 and helped create the
Civil Rights Movement
. The success of the lunch counter sit‐ins in Greensboro, North Carolina, encouraged James Lawson, a student at Vanderbilt's Divinity School and cofounder of SNCC with
Martin Luther King, Jr.
, to organize similarly successful sit‐ins at Nashville's lunch counters and bus terminals in 1960. Disagreements within the Civil Rights Movement in the late 1960s pervaded the Fisk Writers’ Conferences in 1966 and 1967. Longing for a markedly Black aesthetic,
Melvin B. Tolson
derided Robert Hayden's use of traditional poetic forms and accused him of being apolitical. Picking up on the “black power” tenor of the time, as well as on Tolson's tone, some students began calling Hayden “Oreo,” driving him to abandon his professorship at Fisk for one at the University of Michigan (Conniff, 488).
, in contrast, found her exposure at Fisk to the
Black Arts Movement
and the activism of
so transforming that she later divided her work into “pre‐1967” and “post‐1967.”
Other writers with roots in Nashville include the civil rights activist
and the poet Sarah Webster Fabio (Moore). Emily Bernard, a scholar specializing in American and African American Studies, including the Harlem Renaissance, was born in Nashville. She edited the correspondence between Langston Hughes and
Carl Van Vechten
Since 1982, Tennessee State University and the Metropolitan Historical Commission have sponsored an annual conference on African American culture and history.
, a Newbery Award‐winning author of children's and young‐adult books, resides in Nashville, and the journalist
Afi‐Odelia E. Scruggs
describes her trip there to reconnect with her family in Claiming Kin (2002). Each summer the journal
sponsors writing workshops at Fisk. Every February, Vanderbilt's Bishop Joseph Johnson Black Cultural Center hosts public lectures and programs in honor of Black History Month.
Edward L. Ayers and Bradley C. Mittendorf, eds., The Oxford Book of the American South (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Emily Bernard, ed., Remember Me to Harlem: The Letters of Langston Hughes and Carl Van Vechten,1925–1964 (New York: Knopf, 2001); J. A. Bryant Jr., Twentieth‐Century Southern Literature (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1997); Brian Conniff, “Answering ‘The
Waste Land': Robert Hayden and the Rise of the African American Poetic Sequence, African American Review 33, no. 3 (Autumn 1999): 487–506; Anita Shafer Goodstein, Nashville 1780–1860: From Frontier to City (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1989); Langston Hughes, The Big Sea (New York: Knopf, 1940); John Oliver Killens and Jerry W. Ward, Jr., eds., Black Southern Voices (New York: Meridian, 1992); Bobby L. Lovett, The African‐American History of Nashville, Tennessee, 1780–1930: Elites and Dilemmas (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1999); Earlene J. Moore, “Remembering Black Writers Associated with Tennessee: A Representative Bibliography,” Library, University of Tennessee, Memphis, http://www.utm.edu/departments/acadpro/library/information_pages/tennblack2.htm; Joe M. Richardson, A History of Fisk University, 1865–1946 (University: University of Alabama Press, 1980); Charles Reagan Wilson and William Ferris, eds., Encyclopedia of Southern Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989).
Nation of Islam
The Nation of Islam, a religious and political organization, developed out of several black nationalist organizations in the early decades of the twentieth century (see
). Among these precursors is one group of particular note: Drew Ali's Moorish Science Temple of America, established in 1913. Drew believed that by following the precepts of the Muslims, African Americans, who, he preached, were truly descendants of the Muslim faith, would be free of racial oppression. By following the Christian faith of their enslavers, Drew argued, they were participants in their own downfall.
Wallace Fard Mohammad (also known as Wali Fard) was another primary shaper of the Nation of Islam movement. A door‐to‐door salesman, Fard used his charismatic personality to win over followers to the movement he called the Lost‐Found Nation of Islam. Instead of focusing on the five pillars of Islam, the heart of Muslim belief, he created a mythology revolving around the claim that African Americans were all descended from a tribe called Shabazz, a superior race of beings. Whites were created by an evil scientist and are therefore not human. His birthplace has never been verified, but Fard and many of his followers believed that he was born in Mecca, and he led them to believe he was an incarnation of Allah. Fard immigrated to the United States and established a mosque in
, in 1931.
Although Fard established the movement, it was developed by Elijah Muhammad (originally named Elijah Poole), who succeeded Fard after his disappearance in 1934. It was under Muhammad's leadership that the Nation of Islam became most associated with racial uplift. He believed, as Drew had, that the Christian religion was designed to enslave and oppress Blacks, especially men, and that by throwing off the yoke of Christianity, Black men could take their place as the true leaders of the world. White people were referred to as a race of devils who were responsible for all the evils of the African American community. By joining together to fight crime and drug addiction, African Americans could find economic independence.
While serving a prison sentence, Malcolm Little, later known as
, was strongly influenced by the Nation of Islam and became a major spokesperson for the movement after his release, preaching black supremacy. After a pilgrimage to Mecca, Malcolm X modified his views and leaned more toward mainstream Islamic principles, shedding his more extreme anti-White stances. Three Nation of Islam members were arrested for his assassination in 1965. Indirectly, the Black nationalist views of the Nation of Islam contributed to the social and political ferment during the period of the
Black Arts Movement
in the 1960s and early 1970s.
Muhammad's son, Wallace Muhammad (Warith Deen), was installed as his father's successor in 1975. Although he was suspended from the movement for his dissident views, he eventually returned to the Nation of Islam, renaming it the World Community of Al‐Islam in 1985, and publicly repudiating his father's racist and Black separatist views. Wallace worked toward the group's assimilation with the worldwide Islamic community.
However, under the leadership of Louis Farrakhan, the Nation of Islam continues as an organization that holds to its founding precepts. Farrakhan moved the Nation of Islam headquarters to New York to continue the work of Fard and to promote his Black separatist views. The movement continues to fight for Black independence from White oppression and for complete segregation of the races. Farrakhan calls for Black men to take responsibility for themselves and to band together to forge independence. The Million Man March on
, in 1995 has been the crowning achievement of the Nation of Islam, but has been criticized as an example of the organization's refusal to allow women any recognition or ability to work toward the goals of Black economic independence.
Orthodox Islam continues to reject the principles of the Nation of Islam, which are disseminated through The Final Call, the organization’s official newspaper. Islam particularly rejects racism, for the Koran teaches that God created all men to be equal. Islam also rejects the Nation of Islam's belief that Wali Fard was a human incarnation of God, and that Elijah Muhammad was a prophet.
Martha F. Lee, The Nation of Islam: An American Millennarian Movement (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 1996); Elijah Muhammad, History of the Nation of Islam (Atlanta: Secretarius Memps Publications, 1994); Steven Tsoukalas, The Nation of Islam: Understanding the “Black Muslims” (Phillipsburg, NJ: P & R, 2001); Vibert L. White, Inside the Nation of Islam: A Historical and Personal Testimony by a Black Muslim (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2001).
Patricia Kennedy Bostian
to contemporary environmental prose, nature has figured prominently in African American literature. It plays a role in essentially two ways that cannot be clearly separated: as a metaphor for a range of political, aesthetic, spiritual, and erotic concerns, and as actual physical presence with which people interact in various ways. While the metaphorical dimensions
have been studied widely, critics are only beginning to explore the environmental implications of human–nature interactions in the African American imagination. As important forerunners of this shift,
(1987) emphasized the role of wilderness, underground, and mountaintop as spatial metaphors that link African American identity to geography, Vera Norwood (1993) traced the development from rupture to positive identification with nature in a chapter on Black women writers, and Rachel Stein (1997) discussed links between nature and resistance against racism and sexism in works of
Zora Neale Hurston
. More recently, ecocriticism, the ecologically informed study of literature and the environment, has started to ask vital new questions (for example, how African American texts challenge dominant notions of nature as pristine wilderness or idyllic pastoral landscape), promising fresh insights into the ways in which the natural world factors in the African American imagination.
In general, the development of African American literary views of nature parallels the larger shifts in the history of Blacks and Black literature in the United States, but it has two major distinguishing characteristics regarding the role of nature as physical presence. First, the significance of nature as living system has increased throughout the history of African American literature, even though the struggle for Black freedom and equality has long deemed serious literary interest in the natural environment as apolitical, even opportunistic. Second, many texts address a prevailing tension between an affirmative relationship with the environment, expressed in a deeply felt connection with nature and the possibility of life in accordance with it, and a critical, skeptical distance toward American landscapes as sites of fear and apprehension that carry traumatic memories of racist oppression.
In African American texts from the colonial and early national periods, meditations about nature formed an integral part of the larger cultural endeavor to use literature in countering assumptions of Black inferiority at the basis of the slaveholding ideology.
's neoclassical Poems on Various Subjects (1773), for example, contains reflections about nature's beauty that echo religiously motivated expressions of sentiment in European and Euro‐American texts of the day, pastoral scenes that gain a subversive significance as they promote the Black poet's intellectual assertion of Self. Her observations of natural phenomena, as in “An Hymn to the Morning,” “An Hymn to the Evening,” and “Ode to Neptune,” also tell of a pervasive interest in and familiarity with the natural landscapes of the New World. The knowledge of the land implied in her poems does not seem to differ from eighteenth‐century White ways of singing nature, but the cultural expression of this knowledge forms a basis for later, more explicit African American claims on the land itself.
Nature also figures prominently in African American folktales, especially the popular Brer Rabbit stories. The allegorical tales about the (animal) protagonist outwitting his physically superior (animal) antagonists, which primarily celebrate African American subversive wit, are based on a deep familiarity with the
natural world. Moreover, many scenes contain subliminal messages of environmental knowledge and responsibility—for example, the animal figures communally clear the ground for planting corn, or learn how (not to) use a well—and can be read as early expressions of African American environmental sensibilities. Both in the stylized rhymes of Wheatley's hymns and in African American folktales, references to nature remain largely figurative, yet their symbolic import also carries with it early Black knowledge of and care for the continent's actual geographies.
In the pre–
era, African American literary perspectives on nature were directly linked to the national struggle against
. In nineteenth‐century
, in particular, nature is a distinctive thematic element that structures the movement from slavery to freedom—both spiritually, as the protagonists critically review the condition of slavery by way of natural metaphors, and physically, through the movement from a Southern plantation through a kaleidoscope of regional geographies to Northern territories. One of the most prominent examples of nature's powerful presence is
Henry Walton Bibb
's Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb (1849); less frequent references to nature can be found in
's Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass (1845) and in
Harriet Ann Jacobs
's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861).
On a metaphorical level, all of the above slave narratives turn the protagonist's experiences into a “test of the wilderness” during which control of land and language affirms Black selfhood (Dixon, 20). Also, slave narratives challenge White idealizations of
as an idyllic garden by opposing the horrors of the plantation to the harmonies and spiritual truths found in nature, as in Bibb's text: “I thought of the fishes of the water, the fowls of the air, the wild beasts of the forests, all appeared to be free, to go where they pleased, and I was an unhappy slave” (72). In their references to animals, they also counter the stigmatization of Blacks as subhuman “beasts” by applying animal imagery to Whites. Bibb's protagonist claims: “[A]mong slaveholders and slave hunters, to me it was like a person entering a wilderness among wolves and vipers” (98), and the fugitive in Jacobs's narrative symbolically links her experiences in Southern swamps to the sexual abuse faced by female slaves: “[E]ven those large, venomous snakes were less dreadful to my imagination than the white men in that community called civilized” (91). Bibb's protagonist also identifies himself with individual animals—“Oh, that I had the wings of a dove, that I might soar away to where there is no slavery” (72)—a partial identification on the slave's own premises designed to formulate alternative codes of ethics.
In conjunction with these symbolic levels, the slave narratives of Bibb, Jacobs, and Douglass also reflect upon “nature as such” and specifically African American relationships to the land. The narrators’ critique of the slaveholding economy includes references to enforced
in the fields and woods, small‐scale gardening in the slave quarters, and religious meetings in the forests, all of which highlight the slaves’ paradoxical ties to a land which
they are forced to cultivate and know intimately, but cannot own. In Bibb and Jacobs, close‐ups on African American relationships to nature on the plantation are followed by accounts of dramatic escapes into the surrounding woods, swamps, and rivers, addressing the conflicted position of Blacks vis‐à‐vis America's natural world as a space that both protects the fugitive and threatens his or her survival. Douglass, whose actual flight takes a different route, still imagines this paradigmatic scene as a potential scenario of failure, further emphasizing its significance in the African American literary imagination: “We were stung by scorpions, chased by wild beasts, bitten by snakes, and finally …—after swimming rivers, encountering wild beasts, sleeping in the woods, suffering hunger and nakedness—we were overtaken by our pursuers” (57). Douglass's narrative is also particularly strong in its antipastoralism, moving from oppressive rural to liberating urban spaces (Butler).
Considering their primarily political purpose, slave narratives pay remarkable attention to nature in its own right. Apart from serving as a complex metaphor and as a stage for Black protagonists’ quest for freedom and subjectivity, the environment has a tangible presence in these texts, as a space to which people relate in historically specific ways, and even as an agent that hinders or promotes the fugitives’ deliverance. Yet the political context prevents slave narratives from taking a more detailed look at the environment, from expressing a fully fledged sense of place, and from imagining alternative ways of relating to the land.
The period between the Civil War and the Harlem Renaissance—when former slaves, legally free to own land, were promised “forty acres and a mule,” but were soon forced into the sharecropping system—did not bring significant new developments in African American literary visions of nature. Postbellum slave narratives continue to critically examine human interaction with nature on the plantation and to retrace the move from rural South to urban North. Also, some of
Charles Waddell Chesnutt
's stories, such as “The Goophered Grapevine” (1887), value nature as a space that provides “conjure” stories as well as economic sustenance. In poetry, lesser‐known writers work within traditional forms and themes;
William Stanley Braithwaite
, for example, muses about the effect of the seasons on New England's landscapes, and
Albery Allson Whitman
's The Rape of Florida (1884) and other long poems deal with lost pastoral worlds and the superiority of primeval nature.
When the Harlem Renaissance emerged around 1920, the upsurge of African American creativity also brought new positions vis‐à‐vis the American continent. In particular, the mass migration of Blacks from the segregated South to Northern industrial centers, together with a self‐conscious literary interest in thematic and aesthetic innovation, opened new possibilities for reconsidering traditional views of the land. Nature may not have been a major theme of the
movement, but it was more closely linked to the central concerns of African American literature than before—particularly in two classical texts of the era,
's Cane (1923) and Zora Neale Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937).
Toomer's Cane moves from scenes of Black folk life in rural Georgia to the urban North and back to the South, exploring how the natural environment and human culture influence one another in different regions. In the dynamic geography of this multigenre text, natural metaphors figure prominently: the title suggests the rootedness of Black culture in Southern landscapes; black women's “natural” beauty is equated with the land, particularly the lush, exotic Southern flora (Kutzinski); and the text's evocations of mythical Southern territories can be read as an exploration of Black consciousness at the beginning of the twentieth century. At the same time, Cane is rich with details of Georgia's “plowed lands” and sawmills, with (failed) harvests (“November Cotton Flower”), and memories of “red soil and sweet‐gum tree,/So scant of grass, so profligate of pines” (“Song of the Son”), creating not only politically but also environmentally significant subtexts. Especially the blurred lines between rural and urban spaces, human and natural agency, wild and cultivated landscapes suggest an implicit critique of dominant visions of human mastery and control. Vera M. Kutzinski has argued that “Cane is not a mythical celebration of landscape as repository of shared cultural values and … racial essences but in fact a criticism of the folk romanticization so pervasive among early twentieth‐century American intellectuals” (164); similarly, the history of enforced Black labor and the constant threat of White violence in these topographies undercut any attempt at celebrating a supposed Black rootedness in this “white‐man's land,” or at reclaiming an unspoiled affinity with nature, even as the text takes account of Black peasants’ lives and the land's complex history.
Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937) in many ways marks the opposite pole of literary reformulations of nature during the Renaissance. The protagonist, Janie, moves from central Florida farther south, into the “wild” Everglades, embracing Black folk life and its earth‐centeredness as authentic source of Black culture. Here, natural phenomena serve as metaphors for Janie's erotic longing (in an extended revelation under a blooming tree) for the role of Black women (“De nigger woman is de mule uh de world”; 14), Black placelessness (“us colored folks is branches without roots”; 15), Black class differences (“he's de wind and we's de grass”; 46), and the necessity to acknowledge superior forces (through a hurricane and a deadly bite of a rabid dog). From an ecological perspective, Janie's growing self‐realization is also a movement away from her grandmother's memories of racist and sexist violence in the “wilderness” (echoing the role of nature in slave narratives) and toward a life in and with nature of the muck, fishing, hunting, and harvesting. Her ability to understand “nature's language” suggests a certain green humility and empathy; her defense of an overworked mule constitutes an example of environmental ethics; and her observations of the land grow increasingly environmentally perceptive (“Ground so rich that half a mile of it would have fertilized a Kansas wheat field”; 123); the disastrous end of her time in the Everglades is due to Tea Cake's decision to disregard the signs of nature. Hurston, based on her knowledge of nature's role in
the ability of Blacks to move beyond the experience of profound geographical displacement and to turn American places into personally meaningful, valuable locales. Nature plays a similar role in many of Hurston's short stories, her
, her collections of
, and her other Florida novels.
In the poetry of this period, a small but important group of works combines expressions of racial pride with a fresh look at America's topographies. From
's “The Negro Speaks of Rivers,” “Earth Song,” and “Our Land” to
's “Heritage” and “To John Keats, Poet, at Spring Time,” from
Alice Moore Dunbar Nelson
's “April is on the Way” to
's “Invocation,” these poems merge political vision with an interest in particular landscapes, genteel sensibilities with the history of placelessness, and the longing for spiritual immersion in nature with oppressive memories of racist violence.
The decades following the Harlem Renaissance were dominated by racial
and a focus on urban life that did not sustain literary explorations of nature. Characteristically, the protagonist of
's Native Son (1940) is confined in a Chicago tenement, and his initial fight against a rat constitutes one of the text's few reference to “nature,” in ways that question common views of the environment as a benign system located in rural areas. When Wright does explore the role of unbuilt, largely uncultivated landscapes, the desire of Blacks to relate to nature on their own terms is often brutally checked by outbursts of racist violence in Southern fields and woodlands. In the story “Big Boy Leaves Home” (1936), the innocent swim of several Black boys is interrupted by a White woman, leading to the accidental killing of a White man and the
of one of the boys. Big Boy's flight into the “wilderness,” where he has to defend his hiding place by killing a snake and a dog, revives patterns of nature's double role in slave narratives, yet the fact that he has to witness the death of his friend emphasizes a negative, pessimistic view of African American relationships to the land (Dixon, 60). However, in the thousands of
Wright wrote, fascination with nature's harmonies and attention to its many small phenomena figure prominently, suggesting that nature was more than a minor theme in his work. Underscoring the conflicting attitudes of African Americans to nature in this era,
's radical essay “The Land Question and Black Liberation” (1968) argues that slavery has invested Blacks with a lasting hatred of the land, so that they “measure their own value according to the number of degrees they are away from the soil” (58), and calls Black men to arm themselves and wrest land from White America.
Since the 1970s, the works of Alice Walker and
have marked the emergence of a new kind of ecologically sensitive African American literature. After the height of the
Civil Rights Movement
and its primary concern with Black–White relationships, African American literature turned more toward life inside Black communities. This also led to fresh explorations of the interplay between class,
, and nature, and to bold reevaluations of the troubled history of Black ties to the land. Questioning old
binaries and recognizing the complex, paradoxical character of this relationship, many texts now arrive at an affirmative, often environmentally informed, stance vis‐à‐vis the natural world.
In many of her novels, poems, and essays, Alice Walker explores nature's potential to inspire respectful human–nonhuman relationships; acknowledging Zora Neale Hurston's influence on her work, she especially emphasizes the role of Black women as mediators in the process. In The Third Life of Grange Copeland (1970), the sharecropping system drives three generations of Black men in a poor Georgia family to cruelties against women and the land, while their wives, sisters, and aunts struggle to establish lasting connections with nature, often through gardening. In The Color Purple (1982), Walker focuses on the lives of landowning Southern Blacks, using “landscape imagery to depict passage from the bruise to the beauty of purple in one woman's journey to song and self‐possession” (Dixon, 104); in one scene, the protagonist, Celie, imaginatively turns into a tree to protect herself from her husband's abuse. Celie's development, after being sold to her husband together with a cow and forced to work in the fields, is also linked directly to nature through her abiding affection for gardens and her growing awareness of nature's beauty, which promote her healing. The Temple of My Familiar (1989), in its mythic rewriting of a large web of family histories, links interpersonal relationships to healthy ecosystems and “every individual to the ecological web” (Murphy, 55–56); Patrick Murphy has read the book as based on “the spiritualist wing of ecological feminism” (55). Now Is the Time to Open Your Heart (2004) is the most explicit expression of Walker's spiritual eco‐womanism: a Black writer, through repeated river journeys (including one into the Amazon rain forest) and encounters with shamans and ancient medicines, feels what is wrong with modern civilization and finds a deep, physical and spiritual, relationship with “mother earth.”
Walker's poetry, too, has become increasingly explicit about the universal need to develop human–nature relationships of mutuality, empathy, and care. Her collection Her Blue Body Everything We Know: Earthling Poems: 1965–1990 (1991) reveals this development, and in her Absolute Trust in the Goodness of the Earth (2003), the celebration of earth's beauty and of women in relation to nature are her central concerns. Several of Walker's essays are also environmentally oriented. Her classic “In Search of Our Mothers’ Gardens” (1974), for example, commemorates her mother and generations of unknown Black women who express their creativity through gardening, artists of nature and survival. In 1988, Walker pulled together her most ecologically concerned texts in Living by the Word, addressing the junctions between racism, sexism, and environmental destruction, and urging readers to transcend homocentric, utilitarian views of nature: “I set out on a journey to find my old planet. … I saw, however, that it cannot tolerate much longer the unwanted ways of humans that batter it so unmercifully, and I spent many hours and days considering how it must be possible to exist, for the good of all, in what I believe is a new age of heightened global consciousness” (xx).
The novels of Toni Morrison both contrast and connect past and present, Black and White perceptions of the environment. Her work has been noted for the blend of African environmental symbolism with American views of nature, and for its attention to Midwestern places.
has identified “the relationship between her characters’ belief system and their views of Nature” as a particular theme of Morrison (65), and Wallace and Armbruster have discussed her emphasis on particular sensibilities of African Americans due to the history of subjugation they share with nature (213). The Bluest Eye (1970) is about a displaced Southern Black family in rural Loraine, Ohio, where the people fail to relate to each other and their environment, indicated by “unyielding” gardens and the abuse of humans and animals; Sula (1974) tells the story of a rural Black community's disintegration due to its dislocation; and Tar Baby (1981) explores one Black character's concern for the ruthlessly abused nature in the Caribbean in conjunction with the perspective of the natural world itself, lamenting its destruction (Wallace and Armbruster 211–212). In Paradise (1998), the descendants of freedmen fail to overcome the history of geographical displacement because of their controlling frontier mentality, which turns even gardening into “garden wars”; feeling threatened by women who live self‐sufficiently among corn fields, their aggression against them is also motivated by greed for land, and directed against a form of life which is not dominated by visions of ownership and mastery.
In Song of Solomon (1977) and Beloved (1987), the significance of the natural environment is even more pronounced, in ways that foreground the impossibility to judge and to articulate a resolution concerning African Americans’ conflicted views of nature. As Song of Solomon's protagonist, Milkman, moves to Virginia's mountains to search for his father's gold, he moves away from his father's sense of owning nature: he finds the history of his ancestors’ productive relationship with their land, Black folklore (his grandfather flew like a bird to escape slavery), and “his place” on earth (“like his legs were stalks, tree trunks, a part of his body that extends down down down into the rock and soil,” 281). He begins to understand nature and nature's voice as did his ancestors (who were, however, murdered by Whites), suggesting the potential to relate to the land without culminating in naïve optimism. Beloved, too, mediates between the history of racist violence embodied by Southern nature, and its transformative powers. The supposed “savagery” of Blacks is literally and symbolically inscribed onto the protagonist's body when being brutally whipped carves Sethe's back into a “tree,” yet when Paul D. later “reads” the “tree” on her back, he acknowledges its history and turns it into a object of loving care. Sethe manages to escape from slavery only by “savagely” killing her daughter, yet her “wild” subversive power is recognized by herself and others who describe her as “snatching up her children … like a hawk on the wing” (Armbruster and Wallace). Paul D., during his escapes, struggles not to love “a land that was not his,” in vivid phrases that express the love for the land he is trying to negate. Morrison uses literary strategies about nature that
have been established in African American literature, starting from slave narratives, and makes them contemporary to her time, both in terms of literary form and in terms of rereading history.
Other recent works that explore African American perspectives of nature include
Toni Cade Bambara
's Gorilla, My Love (1972), The Sea Birds Are Still Alive (1977), and The Salt Eaters (1980), which merge spiritual and revolutionary, traditional African and futuristic perspectives with environmental concerns;
's Mama Day (1988), about a community on a Southern island where a matriarch embodies the ancient, intimate Black knowledge of the land;
Octavia E. Butler
's science fiction, which links critical perspectives on human slavery to dystopian visions of ecological destruction;
Eddy L. Harris
's Mississippi Solo (1988) and South of Haunted Dreams: A Ride Through Slavery's Old Back Yard (1993), blending exploration narrative and nature writing traditions;
's Her Own Place (1993), about a landowning Southern Black woman between
World War II
and the 1960s; the poetry of
, especially her classic “Winter Poem” and her “environmental piece” Blues: For All The Changes (1999); and
's essays “Touching the Earth” (1993) and “Earthbound: On Solid Ground” (2002), which urge reclaiming Black spiritual and physical relationships to nature and their healing potentials. In contemporary African American literature, the interplay between a deep appreciation of the natural environment and the difficulties of relating to a sphere that has been intimately linked to the history of Black oppression still constitutes an important driving force. Yet in a time of global environmental crisis, African American texts have also become more directly concerned with ecological issues, constituting an important part not only of American literature about nature, but also of the growing body of American environmental literature.
Henry Bibb, Narrative of the Life and Adventures of Henry Bibb, An American Slave, Written by Himself (1849), in Puttin’ on Ole Massa: The Slave Narratives of Henry Bibb, William Wells Brown, and Solomon Northup, ed. Gilbert Osofsky (New York: Harper & Row, 1969), 51–171; Eldridge Cleaver, “The Land Question and Black Liberation,” in Eldridge Cleaver: Post‐Prison Writings and Speeches, ed. Robert Scheer (New York: Random House, 1967), 57–58; Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself (1845; repr. New York: Norton, 1997); Zora Neale Hurston, Their Eyes Were Watching God (New York: Perennial, 1990); Harriet Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, ed. Nellie Y. McKay and Frances Smith Foster (New York: Norton, 2001); Toni Morrison, Song of Solomon (New York: Knopf, 1977); Jean Toomer, Cane, ed. Darwin T. Turner (New York: Norton, 1988); Alice Walker, Living by the Word: Selected Writings, 1973–1987 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1988).
Wes Berry, “Toni Morrison's Revisionary ‘Nature Writing': Song of Solomon and the Blasted Pastoral,” in South to a New Place: Region, Literature, Culture, ed. Suzanne W. Jones and Sharon Monteith (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2002), 147–164; Alan Brown, “ ‘De Beast’ Within: The Role of Nature in Jonah's Gourd Vine,” in Zora in Florida, ed. Steve Glassman and Kathryn Lee Seidel (Orlando: University of Central
Florida Press, 1991), 76–85; Robert Butler, “The City as Liberating Space in Life and Times of Frederick Douglass,” in The City in African‐American Literature, ed. Yoshinobu Hakutani and Butler (Madison, NJ: Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 1995), 21–36; Barbara Christian, “Community and Nature: The Novels of Toni Morrison,” Journal of Ethnic Studies 7, no. 4 (1980), 65–78; Melvin Dixon, Ride out the Wilderness: Geography and Identity in Afro‐American Literature (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987); Vera M. Kutzinski, “Unseasonal Flowers: Nature and History in Placido and Jean Toomer,” Yale Journal of Criticism 3, no. 2 (1990), 153–179; Sylvia Mayer, ed., Restoring the Connection to the Natural World: Essays on the African American Environmental Imagination (Münster: LIT, 2003); Patrick D. Murphy, Literature, Nature, and Other. Ecofeminist Critiques (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995); Vera Norwood, Made from This Earth: American Women and Nature (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); Rachel Stein, Shifting the Ground: American Women Writers’ Revision of Nature, Gender, and Race (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1997); Kathleen R. Wallace and Karla Armbruster, “The Novels of Toni Morrison: ‘Wild Wilderness Where There Was None,' ” in Beyond Nature Writing: Expanding the Boundaries of Ecocriticism, ed. Karla Armbruster and Kathleen R. Wallace (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 2001), 211–230.
Naylor, Gloria (born 1950)
Novelist, playwright, and professor. Naylor is among the more highly regarded American novelists of the late twentieth and early twenty‐first centuries. She was born in New York City to Southern parents, Roosevelt and Alberta McAlpin Naylor, who had moved north from Mississippi to secure better opportunities for their children. Naylor's mother was an avid reader who had been refused use of the public library in
under the racist policies of segregation. Naylor received a B.A. in English from Brooklyn College of the City University of New York in 1981. Her writing career developed in the midst of her education. Naylor's first novel, The Women of Brewster Place, was published in 1982. Her second novel, Linden Hills, published in 1985, was the creative thesis in her M.A. program at Yale University; she completed the M.A. in 1983. Naylor's subsequent novels are Mama Day (1988) and Bailey's Café (1992). These four novels were conceived by Naylor as a quartet, and although they are not necessarily sequential in either chronology or plot, the novels do connect to each other in the shared characters and, most important, in the nuanced, varied, and rich characterization of African Americans and their experiences in the United States, a nation that is often hostile to them.
Naylor's novels include a number of African American men as significant characters, but the focus is on the experiences of African American women. In this regard, Naylor's writing is influenced by African American women writers who rose to prominence in the 1970s, including
, who in turn were influenced by both a popular rediscovery of the
and by literature and theory from the
Black Arts Movement
of the 1960s.
Although Naylor grew up in the North, her work has been identified as “inherently southern” because of how she pays “careful attention to the details of her characters’ lives and in the painstaking meticulousness with which she draws the places where those fictional characters dwell” (Whitt, 5).
Naylor's novels draw upon a variety of literary traditions, including African American literature,
and the oral tradition, and classics of English and world literature. Some of the authors and texts that have influenced her work, as evidenced by allusions in the works, include
's The Bluest Eye, the poetry of
Charles Waddell Chesnutt
's The Conjure Woman, the folktales collected by Zora Neale Hurston, the Bible, Chaucer's The Canterbury Tales, Shakespeare's The Tempest and A Midsummer Night's Dream, and Dante's Inferno.
Her first novel, The Women of Brewster Place, is made up of seven stories concerning seven different African American women, all of whom live on the same dead‐end street in an unnamed Northern city. Naylor begins her novel with an excerpt from Langston Hughes's poem “Harlem” and frames the novel as the answer to his question “What happens to a dream deferred?” (“Harlem” is part of Hughes's longer work, Montage of a Dream Deferred ). The stories told are of dreams long deferred, of lives marked by poverty, struggle, and violence. The women who make up Brewster Place are Mattie Michael, Cora Lee, Ceil, Etta Mae Johnson, Kiswana Browne, Lorraine, and Theresa. The arrest and flight of Mattie's only son, an illegitimate child, forces her to sell her house and move to Brewster Place. Cora Lee has too many children, all of whom run wild. Ceil's young child dies tragically. Etta Mae is a former “kept woman,” grown too old to be kept. Kiswana is a privileged girl attempting to give back to the community. Lorraine and Theresa are a lesbian couple who have been harassed from place to place, finally ending up at Brewster Place. Brewster Place is the end of the line for these characters and all the other residents. The novel culminates in the rape of Lorraine and in the literal and symbolic destruction of the brick wall that has shut off Brewster Place from the city and has separated the residents from success and fulfillment in life. The Women of Brewster Place was made into a television movie in 1989 and starred
The structure of Naylor's second novel, Linden Hills, to some degree mirrors the structure of Dante's Inferno. Luther Nedeed, the founder of Linden Hills, a wealthy Black subdivision in an unnamed city, established Linden Hills in 1820 on a hillside unwanted by Whites. The physical layout of Linden Hills corresponds to the circles of Dante's hell, and those who live there are understood to have made a deal with the devil.
The novel is linked to The Women of Brewster Place by the characters Kiswana Brown and Theresa (Lorraine's partner), who escaped from Linden Hills to Brewster Place. The wife of the fifth and current Luther Nedeed is Willa Prescott. Willa is the grandniece of Miranda Day, Mama Day of Naylor's later novel of the same name. Luther Nedeed has her locked in the basement because he deems their newborn son an abomination for having skin
color that is too light. Their son dies during her imprisonment, and the action switches between Willa's grieving and the experiences of Willie and Lester, two young men who travel the “circles” of Linden Hills doing odd jobs. The novel argues that the residents of Linden Hills are damned because they have accepted the racist and materialist doctrine of the United States—one that claims Whiteness is superior to Blackness and money is everything.
Naylor's third novel, Mama Day, is set in the fictional Sea Island of Willow Springs, an island situated between but unclaimed by either South Carolina or Georgia. It is magical place. This magic is felt by all the residents and is traced to Sapphira Wade, the powerful and mysterious ancestress of the island, of whom Miranda Day, the Mama Day of the title, is a direct descendant and thus has inherited her power. The narrative structure of Mama Day is one of Naylor's most complicated. The novel opens with three pages of documents that include a hand‐drawn map of the island, a genealogy chart of the Day family naming Sapphira Wade as the sole origin of the family, and the bill of sale for Sapphira Wade to Bascombe Wade. Bascombe Wade was the original owner of Willow Springs, but it was deeded to the residents of the island so long ago that no one can remember exactly when. All three of these documents provide the reader with information that the characters of the novel lack. Indeed, the name and identity of Sapphira Wade is unknown to the residents of Willow Springs, at least to the parts of their minds that use words. The legends of the island tell of Sapphira's power to wrest freedom for herself and all the slaves of Bascombe Wade. The novel then opens in the second person (“you”) and exhorts the reader to listen. The story is told in flashback and is framed as a conversation between Ophelia, Mama Day's grandniece, and Ophelia's husband, George. It is a dramatic story with grand themes of enduring love, unshakable faith, and worthy sacrifice, and is arguably Naylor's most optimistic novel.
The action of Naylor's fourth novel, Bailey's Café, is centered on the café and its surrounding neighborhood. “Bailey” and his wife Nadine run the café, and the novel itself is made up of stories concerning the inhabitants of and visitors to the neighborhood. In addition to the café, there is a boardinghouse (or bordello) run by Eve and a pawnshop run by Gabriel. There are seven stories of abuse and oppression experienced by women who visit the café or live at Eve's. One of the women is Sadie, who is turned into a prostitute and sterilized at age thirteen by her mother. Esther, another character, is twelve when she is sold (or “married” off) by her brother to his employer, who sexually abuses and punishes her in the basement. The adult Esther lives in Eve's basement, where she has sex with men. The character Mary is traumatized by her father's overzealous protection of her beauty and chastity and, having internalized shame and guilt, she gouges her face. She, too, works at Eve's. The character Jesse Bell is a heroin addict, harassed because she is a lesbian. Eve takes Mariam in because she is fourteen and pregnant, apparently by an immaculate conception. Mariam's child is George of Mama Day. In this novel Naylor emphasizes music, with
songs as a recurrent motif
informing, for instance, the titles of chapters. Bailey's Café was adapted into a stage play and performed in Hartford, Connecticut, in 1994.
Naylor's next novel, The Men of Brewster Place, can be understood as an answer to criticism leveled at her and other contemporary African American women writers that positive Black male characters are missing from their work. Naylor revisits Brewster Place, this time telling the stories of seven men, most of whom are characters from her previous novel: Ben the janitor; Mattie's son, Basil; Etta Mae's seducer, Moreland T. Woods; the gang leader C. C. Baker; Ciel's husband, Eugene; the silent Brother Jerome; and Kiswana's boyfriend, Abshu. Their stories also tell of the loneliness, the despair, and the oppression these men endure. Abshu emerges from the ruins of these stories as the only one with hope for a better future.
Like many other contemporary novelists, Naylor not only writes but also teaches and lectures. Among the universities where she has taught are New York University, Princeton, the University of Pennsylvania, Boston University, Brandeis, Cornell, and the University of Kent in Canterbury, England. She received an American Book Award in 1983, a National Endowment for the Arts fellowship in 1985, and a Guggenheim fellowship in 1988. Naylor established One Way Productions in 1990, a multimedia production company. She is currently at work on a novel that is reportedly a further exploration of Sapphira Wade of Mama Day. (See
Gloria Naylor: Bailey's Café (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1992); Linden Hills (1985; repr. New York: Penguin, 1995); Mama Day (1988; repr. New York: Vintage, 1989); The Men of Brewster Place (New York: Hyperion, 1998); The Women of Brewster Place (1982; repr. New York: Penguin, 1983).
Sharon Felton and Michelle C. Loris, eds., The Critical Response to Gloria Naylor (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997); Henry Louis Gates, Jr., and K. A. Appiah eds., Gloria Naylor: Critical Perspectives Past and Present (New York: Amistad, 1993); Margot Anne Kelly, ed., Gloria Naylor's Early Novels (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1999); Shirley A. Stave ed., Gloria Naylor: Strategy and Technique, Magic and Myth (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2001); Margaret Earley Whitt, Understanding Gloria Naylor (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1997).
Neal, Larry (1937–1981)
Playwright, poet, essayist, editor, folklorist, and filmmaker. Larry Neal was a major figure in the development of the
Black Arts Movement
(BAM). According to the writers of The African‐American Odyssey, “the formal beginning of the movement was the founding in 1965, of the Black Arts Repertory Theater” (547). The founders of the
Black Arts Repertory Theatre
were LeRoi Jones (later
), Larry Neal, and
Askia M. Touré
. The theater brought “plays, concerts, and poetry readings right on the streets of Harlem” (Henderson). The theater was closed due to internal conflicts among its members, a lack of funding, and opposition from what Neal referred to as “the Establishment,” or mainstream culture
(Henderson). Despite this setback, numerous other theaters sprouted all across the country. Larry Neal, like many of his contemporaries, gave definition to this movement, such as the following, from African‐American Odyssey (547):
The Black Arts Movement is radically opposed to any concept of the artist that alienates him from his community. Black Art is the aesthetic and spiritual sister of the Black Power concept. As such, it envisions an art that speaks directly to the needs and aspirations of Black Americans. In order to perform this task, the Black Arts Movement proposes a radical reordering of the western cultural aesthetic.
Larry Neal was born in
, and raised in
. After graduating from a Roman Catholic high school, he studied history and English at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. While in graduate school at the University of Pennsylvania, Neal “gained an appreciation for all aspects of black life, such as
, and street chants, and used them as sources of artistic expression” (Henderson). He received his master's degree in 1963. He taught creative writing at various universities, including Yale University, from the early 1960s to the mid‐1970s. For a brief period, he was also copywriter for John Wiley and Sons. In the 1960s, he served as the educational director of the
Black Panther Party
. From 1976 to 1979, he was executive director of the Columbia Commission on the Arts and Humanities. This agency “made grants to artists and organizations that encouraged the development of the arts in black communities, including the Elma Louis School of Fine Arts in Roxbury, Massachusetts” (ChickenBones).
Neal's literary achievements, all centered in BAM philosophy, consisted of articles, essays, plays, anthologies, poetry, and more. From 1964 to 1966, he wrote for The Liberator, and later became its arts editor. The Liberator was “a progressive journal of that time” (ChickenBones). Neal's articles included interviews with writers, artists, and musicians, as well as reports on Black activities and events. Neal wrote articles for other journals as well, including Black Theater Magazine,
Journal of Black Poetry
. With Baraka and
A. B. Spellman
Neal founded Cricket, “a publication devoted to African‐American music, which espoused a black nationalistic philosophy” and “served as a vehicle through which black writers attempted to define black art forms and aesthetics” (ChickenBones). The fundamental belief of BAM was that “[African American] perception was different from that of the white American majority” (ChickenBones). Cricket published only three issues.
Neal also produced several of Baraka's plays, including Jello (1970) and Dutchman (1964). He himself wrote the plays The Glorious Monster in the Bell of the Horn (1976) and In an Upstate Motel: A Morality Play (1980). In 1968, Neal and Baraka edited Black Fire: An Anthology of Afro‐American Writing. It is considered one “of the most definitive works on the Black Arts Movement,” and included a host of writers, among them James Boggs,
, John Henrik Clarke,
(Henderson). Neal wrote many essays on various topics pertinent to the black experience, and on writers and artists such as
Zora Neale Hurston
Gillespie, Dizzy, Charlie Parker, and Thelonious Monk). He also wrote critical essays “on social issues, aesthetic theory, literary topics, and other subjects” (Engelhardt, 529). He wrote the introductions to Hurston's Jonah's Gourd Vine (1971) and Dust Tracks on a Road (1971).
Neal's first book of poetry, Black Boogaloo (1969), “focuses on discovering the historical moment when Africans lost their connection with their gods and ancestors, thereby losing themselves” (ChickenBones). His second book of poetry, Hoodoo Hollerin’ Bebop Ghosts (1974), “explores black folk culture and figures, especially black liberation and Shine” (ChickenBones). In 1981, Larry Neal died of a massive heart attack, leaving behind an immense body of work that has greatly impacted the African American literary tradition.
Imamu Amiri Baraka: Dutchman and the Slave: Two Plays (New York: Morrow, 1964); Jello (Chicago: Third World Press, 1970); Elizabeth Sanders Delwiche Engelhardt, “Larry Neal,” in The Oxford Companion to African American Literature, ed. William L. Andrews, Frances Smith Foster, and Trudier Harris (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 529–530; William J. Harris, “Black Aesthetic,” in The Oxford Companion to African American Literature, ed. William L. Andrews, Frances Smith Foster, and Trudier Harris (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); Biography Resource Center, Info2go, Tacoma Public Library, Tacoma, WA, http://galenet.galegroup.com/servlet/BioRC; Ashyia Henderson, “Larry Neal,” in Contemporary Black Biography, vol. 38, ed. Ashyia Henderson (Detroit: Gale, 2003); Darlene Clark Hine, William C. Hine, and Stanley Harrold, The African‐American Odyssey (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice‐Hall, 2000); Zora Neale Hurston: Dust Tracks on a Road: An Autobiography (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1971); Jonah's Gourd Vine (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1971); LeRoi Jones and Larry Neal, eds., Black Fire: An Anthology of Afro‐American Writing (New York: Morrow, 1968); “Larry Neal,” ChickenBones: A Journal, http://www.nathanielturner.com/larryneal.htm; Larry Neal: Black Boogaloo; Notes on Black Liberation (San Francisco: Journal of Black Poetry Press, 1969); Hoodoo Hollerin’ Bebop Ghosts (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1974); Visions of a
Liberated Future: Black Arts Movement Writings (New York: Thunder's Mouth Press, 1989).
Gladys L. Knight
Neely, Barbara (born 1941)
Mystery novelist. Barbara Neely is best known as the creator of Blanche White, the feisty protagonist in a series of mystery novels. A very dark‐skinned domestic worker strapped with an improbable name, Blanche White stands out from other female detectives because she is Black, middle‐aged, and overweight. She's also frankly sexual. Neely uses the insightful, outspoken Blanche as much to comment on social issues as to solve whatever mystery is the focus of the plot.
Four novels feature Neely's popular protagonist: Blanche on the Lam (1992), Blanche Among the Talented Tenth (1994); Blanche Cleans Up (1998), and Blanche Passes Go (2000) (see
). Each book examines social issues that are root causes of the problems confronting Blanche, a woman incensed at the ways of the world but who has not allowed her anger to settle into bitterness. Blanche also has a rich sense of humor, a deeply satisfying spiritual life, great love for the two children she is raising, and a keen interest in affirming her sexuality. Her strong, outspoken personality accounts for much of the appeal of Neely's books.
Blanche's debut came in Blanche on the Lam, which won the Agatha, Macavity, and Anthony awards, which honor excellent writing in the mystery novel genre. The story opens with Blanche in court for bouncing a check, not for the first time. When the panic‐stricken woman flees rather than go to jail, she hides in the one place she thinks the law won't look for her—in the kitchen of a wealthy White family in need of a replacement cook‐domestic worker. But Blanche soon realizes this family has dangerous secrets she must unravel if she is to stay safe. Her search for answers is accompanied by many pointed observations about White employer/Black “help” relationships, which she sees as shaped by racism and classism continued from historic master/slave times. Her analysis of how power relationships respond to race and class is complicated, however, when she sees the White family treating a young mentally challenged relative in much the same way they treat her.
In appearance and occupation Blanche fits the “mammy” stereotype. But Neely's portrayal of her protagonist as intelligent, assertive, witty, and courageous dispels any temptation to think of Blanche as a “mammy”; moreover, Neely uses Blanche to undercut the assumptions behind this pervasive African American stereotype while making clear the emotional resilience it takes for women like Blanche to retain dignity, self‐esteem, and confidence in a culture so invested in believing this negative image.
In each subsequent Blanche novel, Neely examines a new social issue. Blanche Among the Talented Tenth looks at the color hierarchy among African Americans. The dark‐skinned Blanche feels the weight of this prejudice when she spends time at an exclusive resort frequented by wealthy, light‐skinned African Americans. This novel also stresses Blanche's sexuality, her Africa‐influenced
spirituality, and the difficulties of raising two children as a single parent. The third book in the series, Blanche Cleans Up, looks at issues facing parents of teens, especially teen pregnancy, as well as political corruption and homophobia. In the fourth book, Blanche Passes Go, Neely writes about violence against women. Blanche's involvement with a victim of domestic violence eventually leads her to a greater understanding of how she was—and still is—affected by a rape she suffered years earlier.
Neely's compulsion to respond outspokenly to social injustices was evident long before she created Blanche. After growing up in Lebanon, Pennsylvania, she moved in 1971 to
, where her commitment to social activism led her to work for the Philadelphia Tutorial Project on a range of inner‐city issues, including housing. She continued to pursue this interest in graduate school at the University of Pittsburgh, where she earned a master's degree in urban studies. After graduation, Neely worked for the Pennsylvania Department of Corrections, where she helped to set up and run, despite much community resistance, a suburban facility for formerly incarcerated women. Later she moved to Raleigh, North Carolina, a city whose name inspired her fictional Farleigh. Here she wrote for Southern Exposure and produced radio programming for the African News Service. Later contributions to social activism include work with Women for Economic Justice and Women of Color for Reproductive Freedom. Neely currently lives in Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, part of
Neely's first work of fiction was a story published by Essence in 1981; Blanche on the Lam (1992), was her first novel‐length work and initiated her into a small group of African American detective fiction writers, the most famous of whom is
. Neely's significance comes from her use of Blanche to add a distinctively feminist voice to African American mystery writing and from her commitment to use the mystery genre to explore social problems, many of which are racial. (See
Crime and Mystery Fiction.)
Frankie Y. Bailey, “Blanche on the Lam, or the Invisible Woman Speaks,” in Diversity and Detective Fiction, ed. Kathleen Gregory Klein (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1999), 186–204; Barbara Neely: Blanche Among the Talented Tenth (New York: St. Martin's, 1994); Blanche Cleans Up (New York: Viking, 1998); Blanche on the Lam (New York: St. Martin's, 1992); Blanche Passes Go (New York: Penguin, 2000); “Barbara Neely,” Voices from the Gaps, ed. Tiya Miles, University of Minnesota, 2002, http://voices.cla.umn.edu/newsite/authors/NEELYbarbara.htm; Doris Witt, “Detecting Bodies: Barbara Neely's Domestic Sleuth and the Trope of the (In)Visible Woman,” in Recovering the Black Female Body: Self‐Representations by African American Women, ed. Michael Bennett and Venessa D. Dickerson (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001), 165–194.
Neff, Heather (born 1958)
Novelist, critic, and professor. Neff was born in Akron, Ohio, and grew up in
, where she graduated from
high school in 1975. She earned a B.A. in English from the University of Michigan in 1978. From 1983 to 1990 she lived in Switzerland, working as a corporate trainer for such companies as Swissair and Shell Oil, but also studying at the universities of Basel and Zurich; from the latter she received a doctorate in literature in 1990 (personal home page). Since 1993 Neff has taught literature and directed multicultural programs at Eastern Michigan University. She is the author of two novels, Blackgammon and Wisdom, and of a critical study about protest as expressed in African American poetry. She has also published poems and short stories in magazines and has written critical essays about
Heather Neff: Blackgammon (New York: One World/Ballantine, 2000); personal home page, http://www.emich.edu/public/english/literature/neff.html; Redemption Songs: The Voice of Protest in Poetry of Afro‐Americans (Berne: Franke Verlag, 1990); Wisdom (New York: Ballantine, 2002).
Négritude (c. 1930–1960)
The concept of Négritude arose in France and concerns the formulation of a cultural identity based on the
of African peoples. It served as an organized response to European colonialism and postcolonialist domination of peoples of color worldwide. Négritude embraces a range of cultural expressions, including literature and visual arts, that focus on African traditions which have spread beyond Africa. It respects “Blackness” and lauds its virtues.
Aimé Césaire is credited with inventing the term “Négritude,” which springs from the French word negre, meaning “black”; “Negro”; or even the epithet “nigger,” depending on the context. Césaire perceived “Négritude” to connote pride in African heritage. He had gone to France from his native Martinique, a French colony, to study. However, it was Léopold Senghor who gave the term Négritude wide usage and application.
Even before Négritude became a movement, the concept of Black pride was known and championed elsewhere in the African diaspora. For instance, early in the twentieth century
Martin R. Delany
W.E.B. Du Bois
, in their writing and activism, urged Blacks throughout the world to be proud of their heritage and not settle for less than full acceptance in the world community. Also, the
served as a cultural reawakening for African Americans in the United States. Writers of the Harlem Renaissance such as
Jesse Redmon Fauset
were some of those whose publications had been translated and read by the founders of Négritude. Even before the Harlem Renaissance,
James Weldon Johnson
had written the song, “Lift Ev'ry Voice and Sing,” and declared it the Negro national anthem (1900). Also in the political arena,
had launched his
, which emphasized Black pride.
By the end of
World War II
, a new spirit was emerging among the Black French‐speaking intelligentsia in France. This spirit gave momentum to the
Négritude movement. Joining Césaire in the founding of the Négritude movement were Léopold Sédar Senghor from Senegal and Frantz Fanon from Martinique. The three, who met while living in France during the 1930s, are recognized “fathers” of Négritude.
Léopold Senghor was a prolific writer and respected politician. Later he became president of the Republic of Senegal. In 1948 he edited an anthology of poetry that articulated the voices of francophone Africans, Anthologie de la Nouvelle Poésie Nègre et Malgache. He developed the concept of a “black personality” and advocated, philosophically, the existence of a “black soul.” The renowned French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre wrote the preface to his book. Sartre's philosophy on color was a guiding force in shaping the direction of Négritude. He supported the movement, and his stature among French intellectuals gave further validity to Négritude.
Aimé Césaire left France to return home to the Caribbean in 1939. From 1941 to 1945 he, his wife, Suzanne Roussy‐Césaire, René Menil, Luci Thesée, and Aristide Maugée edited a journal called Tropique. This publication continued to perpetuate the concept of Négritude and to show the cultural commonalities that existed in the African diaspora. After the journal ceased publication, Césaire continued to pursue a successful writing career and entered local politics.
The other founder of the Négritude movement was Frantz Fanon. Originally from Martinique, he studied in France and was a student of Césaire. However, the teacher and student were not always in agreement about the philosophic direction of Négritude. Fanon was a psychiatrist who left France for Algeria during the period when that French colony was struggling for independence from France. His book Black Skin, White Masks (1952) contributed to the increasing dialogue on Négritude. He established the first psychiatric clinic on the African continent and was very active in the Algerian liberation movement. He edited a magazine, Moudjahid, in Tunisia and wrote another major work, The Wretched of the Earth (1961).
Léon‐Gontran Damas, whose early works contributed to defining Négritude, was born in French Guiana. He published a book of poems, with a Négritude theme, titled Pigments, a year before Senghor's anthology was released. Some other well‐known writers who contributed to the literature of Négritude were Ousmane Sembene, David Diop, and Cheikh Hamadou Kane. Perhaps the publication that popularized Négritude most widely throughout France, Africa, the African diaspora, and points beyond was a sophisticated journal titled Présence Africaine. Founded by Alioune Diop, from Senegal, it served as an eloquent mouthpiece for Négritude. Supported by Jean-Paul Sartre, Albert Camus, Aimé Césaire and many others, it was circulated globally. Published in
, it was printed in French and English. Présence Africaine sponsored a conference in Paris, at the Sorbonne (1956), and in Rome (1959) for the express purpose of bringing together Black scholars from around the African diaspora to celebrate their strengths and similarities. Perhaps the biggest gathering of peoples of African descent,
sponsored by Présence Africaine, was the First World Festival of Negro Arts held in Dakar, Senegal (1956). This was an assembly of approximately 2,000 blacks from all over the world. It celebrated and showcased the broad spectrum of literary and other artistic expressions from throughout the African diaspora. The media described it as the single greatest event in Senegal's cultural life. By the 1960s the world was changing. The colonialism of the past was ending and Négritude became laden with ideological and political distractions. It is undeniable that the impact of Négritude was significant. It greatly influenced liberation movements in Africa as well as the
Civil Rights Movement
movement, and other radical movements in the United States.
Sylvia Washington Bâ, Concept of Negritude in the Poetry of Léopold Sédar Sénghor (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1973); Aimé Césaire, Lyric and Dramatic Poetry 1946–82, trans. Clayton Eshleman and Annette Smith (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1990); Frantz Fanon: Black Skin, White Masks (1952; repr. New York: Grove Press, 1967); “Reciprocal Bases of National Culture and the Fight for Freedom,” Speech, Congress of Black African Writers, 1959, http://www.marxists.org/referencesubject/philosophy/works/fanon.htm; The Wretched of the Earth, trans. by Constance Farrington (1961; repr. New York: Grove Press, 1963); Langston Hughes, ed., Poems from Black Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press 1963); Arnold A. James, Modernism and Negritude: The Poetry and Poetics of Aimé Césaire (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981); Thomas Melone, De la Négritude dans la Littérature Négro‐Africaine (Paris: Présence Africaine 1962); Léopold Sédar Senghor, Anthologie de la Nouvelle Poésie Nègre et Malgache de langue Française … Précédée de Orphée Noir par Jean‐Paul Sartre (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1948).
Betty W. Nyangoni
Derived from Latin nigrum (n) and niger (adj), both meaning the color black, the noun “negro” entered the English lexicon through Spanish and Portuguese. Richard Eden's Decades of the New World (1555) shows its first English use for African people of dark skin. The King James Version of the Bible gives the name Symeon the Niger in Acts 13.1 unaltered from Jerome's Vulgate (382), signifying his color. John Rolle's cargo note (1619) about “20 and odd Negers” brought to Virigina connects the word in known history to North America. Variations of the term, such as negar, neger and nigar, niggar, or niggor, evolved over the next two centuries. The House of Names site shows a coat of arms of Carlo Negri di Piera Santa, a bishop of Ferrara, Italy, in 929. The city records of Ferrara reportedly contain other names, such as Negri, Negris, Negro, Nigra, Negrelli, Negrello, Negrotto, and Negroni.
Negroid and negroloid, in traceable use since 1859, are anthropological labels for dark‐skinned people groups of the sub‐Saharan or tropical regions. Until the Renaissance, “Moor” and “Ethiopian,” both from the Greek, synonymously identified continental Africans. These labels are based on what are now anthropologically and scientifically outmoded classifications of different races, such as Caucasian, Oriental, and Negroid.
According to Harper's Weekly, June 2, 1906,
Booker T. Washington
preferred “negro,” in lowercase for the individual and in uppercase for the race, a practice formalized in the 1930 New York Times Stylebook for the next three decades. The Negro History Week that
Carter G. Woodson
established in 1926 kept the “Negro” until 1976, when the annual event was changed to Black History Month. Consistent with the formal use of the term, the 1960 Spingarn Medal cited
as “the Poet Laureate of the Negro race.”
Civil Rights Movement
of the 1960s helped replace the term “Negro” with “Black,” which had been pejorative until then. Within another two decades, “Black” was replaced by “Afro‐American,” and then “African American,” as a more accurately descriptive ethnonym, one that was based neither on inaccurate anthropology nor on alleged skin color.
An unwelcome by‐product of the mutations to the term “negro” has been the derisive
“nigger,” or the “N‐word.” Randall Kennedy, in his Nigger: The Strange Career of a Troublesome Word (2002), notes that in the 1700s niger was suitable for “dignified argumentation,” as seen in Samuel Sewall's denunciation of
, The Selling of Joseph. However, by the late 1830s, niger or neger had turned into nigger, “a familiar and influential insult.” The word continued to appear in the work of many authors—Conrad,
, Dickens, Joyce, and Faulkner among them—none spared of its undying controversy.
Essentially all phrases with “nigger” convey prejudice, bigotry, derision, or even hatred. Examples: to nigger (to ruin) or niggerish (unappreciated quality), “negrolatry” (unpopular admiration), “nigger‐heaven” (segregated balcony), “nigger‐rich” (flamboyant), “nigger‐stick” (police baton), “nigger‐luck” (undeserved). “Nigger‐breaker,” “nigger‐dealer,” or “nigger‐killer” recall past oppression. Jews in the United States have been referred to as “white niggers,” the Arabs as “sand niggers,” and some Oriental groups as “yellow niggers.” As a term of hate crime, its use is forbidden by a 1992 U.S. House Resolution. Randall Kennedy has documented “23 Supreme Court decisions, 524 federal appellate court documents, 1,010 federal district trial decisions and 2,414 state court cases that involve the N‐Word.” In response to a 1997
protest, Merriam‐Webster has agreed to revise its entry “Nigger” to be “no longer synonymous with African Americans” (Pilgrim and Middleton).
“Nigger” also has a complicated duality in its status. While the word is deeply offensive when used by Whites, some African Americans draw on the inherent tension created by the word as a means of endearment or empowerment.
's Nigger: An Autobiography (1964), H. Rap Brown's Die Nigger Die (1969), Richard Pryor's Bicentennial Nigger (1976), and
's “Strictly 4 My N.I.G.G.A.Z” exploit the “taboo” word, to reverse its power to hurt, a view shared by Langston Hughes. The movies Pulp Fiction (1994) and Jackie Brown (1997) present the harsh use of “nigger” as “a symbol of hipness and street authenticity” (Pilgrim and Middleton). The comedians Chris Rock and Dave Chappelle routinely use the word.
In a formal sense, both “Negro” and “Black” are still in use, as in United Negro College Fund, Black Women in the Academy, National Society of Black Engineers, and so on.
The word “niggard” has no linguistic connection with any of the N‐words.
Jamie Glazov, “The N‐Word, Randall Kennedy, and the Complexity of Meaning,” FrontpageMagazine.com, May 2002, http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles; Randall Kennedy, Nigger: The Strange Career of a Troublesome Word (New York: Pantheon, 2002); Oxford English Dictionary online, http://dictionary.oed.com.ezproxy.ups.edu; Kim Pearson, “Nigger,” Rhetoric of Race, http://kpearson.faculty.tcnj.edu/Dictionary/nigger.htm; David Pilgrim and Phillip Middleton, “Nigger and Caricatures,” Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia, September 2001, http://www.ferris.edu/news/jimcrow/caricature/.
Negro Digest (1942–1951, 1961–1970)
Periodical. John H. Johnson used his mother's new furniture as collateral for a $500 business loan to launch his first publishing venture, Negro Digest, in November 1942. In the inaugural issue, Johnson explained that the monthly magazine intended to give a “complete survey of current Negro life and thought … dedicated to the development of interracial understanding and the promotion of national unity” (Johnson and Bennett, 122). The magazine's format and design were patterned after Reader's Digest, but with a marked difference. It reprinted selected articles by and about African Americans from Black and White magazines, newspapers, books, and reports. It also developed original sections. Within eight months, 50,000 copies a month were sold across the nation (Johnson and Bennett, 128). Johnson's publication resonated with the African American middle class seeking information about the Black community during a time when “there was an almost total White‐out on positive Black news in White‐oriented media” (Johnson and Bennett, 113). The magazine also provided an outlet for personal expression about the complexities of life in Black America. Moderate in tone, Negro Digest reflected a broad perspective on racial issues. One of the magazine's regular features, “If I Were a Negro,” invited Whites to answer some difficult questions about race. Among the contributors were Pearl Buck, Orson Welles, Edward G. Robinson, and Eleanor Roosevelt (Hall, 192). Other well‐known figures whose work appeared in Negro Digest include
, Erskine Caldwell, H. L. Mencken, Carl Sandburg,
Zora Neale Hurston
, and Adam Clayton Powell (Daniel 262).
When Johnson launched the picture magazine
in 1945, it became a runaway success and went from 25,000 to nearly half a million copies in circulation, quickly surpassing the circulation of Negro Digest (Johnson and Bennett, 173). Johnson decided to discontinue the Digest in November 1951, although he revived it almost ten years later in June 1961. Among Johnson's reasons for reprising the magazine was his concern that the “talented young Negro writer does not always find a ready outlet for his creative efforts” (Hall,
, an experienced journalist and former contributor to Ebony, served as managing editor until his resignation in 1968. Over a period of years, he changed the focus of Negro Digest from its existing format to “a comprehensive publication of critical analysis and literary expression … [making it] the most widely read Black literary magazine in this country” (Semmes, xii). A cadre of African American writers contributed an impressive range of fiction, drama, and poetry. Fuller himself wrote an influential column, “Perspectives,” which covered literary events and developments in African American literature. Through forums and surveys, he engaged readers in a wide‐ranging cultural debate about
, Black literary criticism, and black aesthetics. Fuller also sponsored literary contests under the auspices of the journal. Described as revolutionary, the journal adopted a more politically activist stance than the first Negro Digest. It emerged as a leading voice for the “growing coalescence between political and artistic activism … [fostering] a conflict between followers of the Imamu Amiri Baraka wing of black artists and such established black writers as Ralph Ellison” (Daniel, 264).
To reflect the changing times, changing terminology, and the extended Pan‐African scope of the periodical, Negro Digest became Black World in May 1970. During the declining years of the
Black Arts Movement
, its circulation decreased from 100,000 to 15,000 (Johnson and Bennett, 189). In 1976 the second iteration of Negro Digest ceased publication once again. Negro Digest/Black World serves as a valuable historical record of the African American cultural renaissance in the 1960s and 1970s. According to one writer, “As an outlet for African‐American literary production and a shaper of taste, it remains unsurpassed” (Hall 189). (See
Walter C. Daniel, Black Journals of the United States (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1982); James C. Hall, “On Sale at Your Favorite Newsstand: Negro Digest/Black World and the 1960s,” in The Black Press: New Literary and Historical Essays, ed. Todd Vogel (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001); Abby Arthur Johnson and Ronald Maberry Johnson, Propaganda and Aesthetics: The Literary Politics of Afro‐American Magazines in the Twentieth Century (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1979); John H. Johnson and Lerone Bennett, Jr., Succeeding Against the Odds (New York: Amistad, 1992); Clovis E. Semmes, comp., Roots of Afrocentric Thought: A Reference Guide to Negro Digest/Black World, 1961–1976 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998); Robert E. Wolseley, The Black Press, U.S.A, 2nd ed. (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1990).
Negro Units, Federal Theatre Project (1935–1939)
Government‐sponsored theatrical organization employing African Americans during the
. A branch of the Federal Theatre Project (FTP), sixteen Negro Units were established in an effort both to employ and to train African American theatre artists in their respective fields and to reflect the needs of the large number of poor, predominantly African American communities that peppered the major cities of the United States. (See
Federal Writers' Project.)
Though the origins of the Negro Units are debated, it is generally agreed that the African American actress Rose McClendon brought the idea of a “New Negro Theatre” to the attention of the FTP's national director, Hallie Flanagan. She proposed a theater that would use a “selection of plays that deal with Negroes, with Negro problems, with phases of Negro life, faithfully presented and accurately delineated” (McClendon, 10).
The first and most active Negro Unit (initially directed by John Houseman and a young Orson Welles) was founded in
Harlem, New York
(1935). It quickly began a series of popular productions including a “
” Macbeth (adapted by Welles in 1935), the violent
drama Turpentine (1936), and W.E.B. Du Bois's drama of slave rebellion, Haiti (1938). The
, Negro Unit made history with the immensely popular Swing Mikado (1938), a “swung” version of Gilbert and Sullivan's The Mikado, and Theodore Ward's Big White Fog (1938) posed vital political and social questions. Similar themes characterized the productions of Negro Units in
, Seattle, Washington,
Los Angeles, California
, and many other cities, as African American playwrights wrote and adapted plays for African American performers and audiences.
In spite of the Negro Units’ popular successes, the most enduring contribution of these theater companies was to establish high quality, legitimate drama written, performed, and produced by African Americans. African American playwrights such as
wrote pieces that reshaped the public perception of African American stereotypes. It was through these experiences that African American theater professionals for the first time gained admittance to unions, received training and experience, and established a national sense of community and camaraderie among African Americans throughout the performing arts.
E. Quita Craig, Black Drama of the Federal Theatre Era (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1980); Jane S. DeHart, The Federal Theatre, 1935–1939: Plays, Relief, and Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1967);
Hallie Flanagan, Arena (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1940); Rena Fraden, Blueprints for a Black Federal Theatre, 1935–1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Glenda E. Gill, White Grease Paint on Black Performers: A Study of the Federal Theatre, 1935–1939 (New York: Peter Lang, 1988); http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/fedtp/fthome.html; Edith J. R. Isaacs, The Negro in the American Theatre (New York: Theatre Arts, 1947; repr. 1968); Rose McClendon, “As to a New Negro Stage,” New York Times, June 30, 1935, p. 10; Loften Mitchell, Black Drama: The Story of the American Negro in the Theatre (New York: Hawthorn, 1967); “The New Deal Stage: Selections from the Federal Theatre Project, 1935–1939,” American Memory Special Collections, Music Division, Federal Theatre Project Collection, Library of Congress; John O'Connor and Lorraine Brown, eds., Free, Adult, Uncensored: The Living History of the Federal Theatre Project (Washington, DC: New Republic Books, 1978); Research Center for the Federal Theatre Project, George Mason University, Breaking the Barriers: Blacks of the Federal Theatre Project, 7 VHS videocassettes (1978).
Elizabeth A. Osborne
Negro World (1918–1933)
Newspaper. Founded by Jamaican‐born
in August 1918, Negro World was the official news organ of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), whose purpose was to “promote the destruction of
and the political unification of African peoples everywhere” (Schomburg, 69). The paper's masthead bore the organization's motto, “One Aim, One God, One Destiny,” and under it was the phrase “A Newspaper Devoted Solely to the Interests of the Negro Race” (Cronon, 46). It was regarded as “one of the most remarkable journalistic ventures ever attempted by a Negro in the United States” (Cronon, 45). The writer and poet
, who was often a critic of the Garvey movement, once wrote that it was “the best edited colored weekly in New York” (Fax, 90). Still, others were critical and asserted that Negro World was the “ ‘bulletin of the Imperial Blizzard’ or the weakly organ of Admiral Garvey's African Navy” (Cronon, 48–49).
On the front page of each issue, Garvey wrote a lengthy editorial addressed to “ ‘Fellowmen of the Negro Race’ and signed, ‘Your obedient servant, Marcus Garvey, President General,' ” with Garvey's large signature reproduced at the bottom (Digby‐Junger, 269). The editorials were wide‐ranging and reflected Garvey's nationalistic philosophy. The remaining pages covered current events from around the world, activities of the various branches of the UNIA, African history, and news of African Americans. Among its contributors were
Zora Neal Hurston
Arthur A. Schomburg
, William H. Ferris, and
(People & Events). A favorite feature was “Bruce Grit's Column,” contributed by the journalist John E. Bruce, who was active in the UNIA and wrote about everyday topics. “Poetry for the People” was devoted to works by readers who were admirers of Garvey. An arts section featured art, fashion, and theater stories, and ministers contributed library notes and sermons (Digby‐Junger, 270).
Garvey's second wife, Amy Jacques Garvey, introduced a women's page, “Our Women and What They Think,” during her tenure as associate editor
from 1924 to1927. She encouraged women to share their ideas, whether in the form of news, articles, poems, or other writings. She led the way by contributing nearly 200 editorials in which she expressed her views on
Negro World enjoyed a wide circulation which has been variously estimated from 50,000 to 200,000 copies during the height of its popularity (Wolseley, 67). According to Robert Brisbane in The Negro Vanguard, “By 1919 Negro World had become the most widely read Negro weekly in America, if not in the world” (Fax, 92). Its broad distribution reached the entire United States, as well as Africa and the Caribbean. In an effort to make the paper more accessible to non‐English readers, sections were published in French and Spanish. Fearful of its radical ideology, several colonial governments banned the publication for its nationalistic and anticolonial content (Carnegie, 60).
Many of the paper's pages were filled with advertisements for products ranging from medicines to blood purifiers and mail order handguns (Digby‐Junger 271). However, Garvey opposed endorsing products that demeaned Blacks. It was Negro World's policy to refuse advertisements for skin lighteners and hair straightening compounds, notwithstanding their importance as a major source of advertising income for black newspapers (Fax, 90–91).
The last issue of Negro World appeared in 1933, although there have been a few attempts by Garvey followers to revive it. James R. Stewart published a magazine in 1942 called the New Negro World, but it lasted only a few months. Three years later, the Voice of Freedom appeared with the approval of Garvey's widow. It ceased publication after a few issues (Cronon, 49). On the Web, there is an online magazine based on Negro World. It features the writings of Marcus Garvey, opinion pieces, a section called “The People's Poetry,” and a link to the official Web site of the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. (See
Africa Movement; Newspapers, African American.)
Charles V. Carnegie, “Garvey and the Black Transnation,” Small Axe 5 (March 1999), 48–71; Edmund David Cronon, Black Moses: The Story of Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1955); Richard Digby‐Junger, “The Guardian, Messenger, and Negro World: The Early 20th‐Century Black Radical Press,” Howard Journal of Communications 9 (1998), 263–282; W. F. Elkins, “Marcus Garvey: The Negro World and the British West Indies, 1919–1920,” Science & Society 14, no. 2 (1972), 43–77; Elton C. Fax, Garvey: The Story of a Pioneer Black Nationalist (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1972); Mark D. Matthews, “ ‘Our Women and What They Think,’ Amy Jacques Garvey and the Negro World,” Black Scholar 10, no. 8–9 (1979), 2–13; Negro World, UNIA‐ACL, http://www.negroworld.com; “People & Events: The Negro World,” PBS American Experience (2000), www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/garvey/peopleevents/e_negroworld.html; Schomberg Center for Research in Black Culture, “Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA),” The New York Public Library African American Desk Reference (New York: Wiley, 1999); Ula Y. Taylor, “ ‘Negro Women Are Great Thinkers as Well as Doers': Amy Jacques‐Garvey and Community Feminism in the United
States, 1924–1927,” Journal of Women's History 12, no. 2 (2000), 104–126; Robert E. Wolseley, The Black Press, U.S.A., 2nd ed. (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1990).
Nell, William Cooper (1816–1874)
Historian, journalist, and activist. Nell's decades of reform journalism and authorship of one of the most important early histories of African Americans, as well as his consistent support of other African American writers and artists, made him an important figure on the antebellum African American literary landscape even though he is primarily recognized today for his ties to William Lloyd Garrison and the
, to William G. and Louisa Nell, community activists and neighbors of the abolitionist
, Nell was introduced early to three issues that would shape much of his life: education, activism, and racial discrimination. Nell completed his schooling at the top of his class at the African Meeting House's Smith School in 1829. However, because of his race, he was denied the municipal recognition accorded other excellent students. This experience led him to study law with William Bowditch (though he never practiced) and, in 1840, to begin a fifteen‐year campaign to integrate Boston's schools.
The year 1840 also marked Nell's rise to direct The Liberator's Negro Employment Office after nine years of performing various and sundry duties for the paper and its editor, William Lloyd Garrison. In addition to, in essence, acting as Garrison's assistant (and, sometimes, stand‐in), Nell exercised his own voice as a lecturer, delegate to various Black conventions, founder of the Freedom Association (designed to aid fugitive slaves), leader of several literary societies, and civic activist. And, known for both his keen insight and his wit, he wrote letters, articles, and editorials that appeared not only in The Liberator but also in many other abolitionist periodicals of the day.
In 1848, Nell moved to Rochester, New York, to help
begin publishing The North Star, but left the paper and returned to Boston when Douglass and Garrison publicly split. (While often painted as a firm Garrisonian, though, Nell shared some views—including a sense of political activism—with Douglass; he ran unsuccessfully for the Massachusetts legislature as a Free Soil candidate in 1850.) His dedication to the abolitionist press was unfailing; in addition to writing and editing, he acted as a subscription agent for a number of periodicals and regularly chastised abolitionists who did not financially support those periodicals.
Nell's work in the antislavery press up to 1850, when illness forced him to curtail his activism, would in itself be worth note as a contribution to African American literature. But the 1850s saw the publication of a range of texts on African Americans and the American Revolution—including the pamphlet Services of Colored Americans in the Wars of 1776 and 1812 (1851) and culminating in his book Colored Patriots of the American Revolution (1855).
Historians of African Americans since then have been deeply influenced by Nell's approach, which relied on both documentary evidence and oral history. The book also contributed to Nell's ongoing fight for racial equality and led, in part, to his organization, on March 5, 1858, of the first of seven annual Crispus Attucks Day celebrations.
This sense of connecting African Americans’ writing to community work—especially work designed to educate and to fight racial discrimination—guided his life and brought Nell to the aid of a generation of African American writers and artists. In addition to Douglass, he was instrumental in helping
Frank J. Webb
, and a score of others recognized as important voices by contemporary critics. (His private letters have also become central to contemporary historians’ understanding these writers, antebellum Black Boston, and abolitionism.)
Nell's recovery and return to activist work was marked by new contributions to most major abolitionist periodicals and renewed petitioning to the Massachusetts legislature—arguing, for example, for a monument to Crispus Attucks, an African American killed in the Revolutionary War. At this time he also wrote more pamphlets, including Property Qualification or No Property Qualification: A Few Facts from the Record of Patriotic Services of the Colored Men of New York, During the Wars of 1776 and 1812 (1860), which was issued by the early Black publisher Thomas Hamilton. Some historians have also suggested he was the driving force behind the pamphlet The Loyalty and Devotion of Colored Americans in the Revolution and War of 1812 (1861), which is generally attributed to Garrison.
In 1861, Nell was appointed a U.S. postal clerk—the first African American appointed to such a position—but this did not stop his writing. His work in later issues of The Liberator is especially poignant. He also continued working for social change, and often focused this work through the activities of the Union Progressive Association, which he helped found.
In April 1869, Nell married Frances Ann Ames, the daughter of the successful Black barber Philip O. Ames of Nashua, New Hampshire, who was more than two decades his junior. The couple had two sons. At his death, he was reportedly writing a history of Black troops in the
Robert P. Smith, “William Cooper Nell: Crusading Black Abolitionist,” Journal of Negro History 55 (1970), 182–199; Dorothy Porter Wesley, “Integration versus Separation: William Cooper Nell's Role in the Struggle for Equality,” in Courage and Conscience: Black and White Abolitionists in Boston, ed. Donald M. Jacobs (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1993), 207–224.
Nelson, Annie Greene (1902–1993)
Novelist. With After the Storm (1942), Annie Greene Nelson became the first Black woman in South Carolina to publish a novel. Two more novels followed: The Dawn Appears (1944) and Don't Walk on My Dreams (1961). Each novel characterizes local folk life as it focuses on Black dialect, a theme central to African American literature. Her
characters live in close‐knit Black communities located on South Carolina plantations during the first half of the twentieth century. Like her contemporary
Zora Neale Hurston
, Nelson neither portrays victims nor writes protest novels. Instead, her characters span social statuses, mostly teachers and preachers, and they demonstrate a range of emotions and considerable psychological depth. Much like the
of nineteenth‐century Black women, Nelson's novels depict a heroine in a three‐generation family relationship. The eldest of thirteen children, Nelson was born in Cartersville, South Carolina, on December 5, 1902. She grew up on the Parrotts’ plantation in Darlington County, South Carolina; studied for two years at Benedict College in Columbia, South Carolina; and completed her education at Voorhees College in Denmark, South Carolina, earning degrees in nursing and education in 1923, the year she married Edward Nelson. She died in December 1993.
Idella Bodie, South Carolina Women (Orangeburg, SC: Sandlapper, 1990); Reginald V. Bruster, “Rooted in the Body: Architectonics in Black Women's Literature,” Ph.D. diss., Indiana University of Pennsylvania, 1999 (Dissertation Abstracts International no. AAT 9936346); Annie Greene Nelson: After the Storm (Spartanburg, SC: Reprint Company, 1976); The Dawn Appears (Spartanburg, SC: Reprint Company, 1976); Don't Walk on My Dreams (Spartanburg, SC: Reprint Company, 1976); Jessie Carney Smith, ed., Notable Black American Women, vol. 1 (Detroit: Gale, 1992).
Nelson, Jill (born 1952)
Journalist, novelist, and political activist. In her writing, Nelson offers candid explorations of middle‐class African American life. In particular, these explorations consider the situations facing professional African American women. Born and raised in New York City, Nelson holds a B.A. from the City College of New York and an M.A. from the Columbia School of Journalism. She was a staff writer at the Washington Post Magazine from its inception in 1986 until 1990; she was subsequently named
, journalist of the year. Her memoir, Volunteer Slavery: My Authentic Negro Experience (1993), which described her experience at the Post, was a national best‐seller and won an American Book Award. In it, Nelson writes of stereotyping and tokenism in the media, describing her critical participation in corporate life as walking a “thin line between Uncle Tomming and Mau‐Mauing” (10). Her second work of autobiographical nonfiction, Straight, No Chaser: How I Became a Grown‐Up Black Woman (1997), recounts the challenges and solidarities that she found as an ambitious middle‐class Black woman, offering at once wry reflections and impassioned indictments of current inequities linked to
and gender. Her novel Sexual Healing (2003) portrays the social circles of professional women of color, representing what
Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
, called “a profound paradigm shift in the discussion of sexual relations between black men and women.” Nelson's work has appeared in the New York Times, the Chicago Tribune, the Village
Voice, the New York Review of Books, USA Today, The Nation, Essence, Ms., Salon.com, and MSNBC.com; she has also taught journalism at the City College of New York. Nelson is currently at work on a second novel and a third memoir about the Black community on Martha's Vineyard.
Henry Louis Gates, Jr., “Advertisement,” in Sexual Healing, by Jill Nelson (Chicago: Agate, 2003); Beverly Guy‐Sheftall, “Review of Straight No Chaser,” New York Times Book Review, Dec. 21, 1997, pp. 20–21; Jill Nelson: Police Brutality: An Anthology (New York: Norton, 2000); Sexual Healing (Chicago: Agate, 2003); Straight, No Chaser: How I Became a Grown‐Up Black Woman (New York: Putnam, 1999); Volunteer Slavery: My Authentic Negro Experience (New York: Penguin, 1994); Emily Toth, “Review of Sexual Healing,” Women's Review of Books 20, no. 12 (Sept. 2003), 9.
Nelson, Marilyn (born 1946)
Poet, biographer, and editor. Born in Cleveland, Ohio, Marilyn Nelson followed her father, Melvin M. Nelson, a U.S. Air Force officer, from military base to military base, along with her sister and her brother. According to her short autobiographical essay in Contemporary Authors, her early memories include pride in her father's profession as a pilot and her mother's skill at telling stories of their family's heritage. In 1969, the Lutheran Campus Ministry program at Cornell University hired Nelson as a lay associate, in which position she worked for a year. She married a German graduate student she met at the University of Pennsylvania, Erdmann F. Waniek, in 1970 (CA). For two years after her marriage, she was a professor at Lane Community College in Eugene, Oregon, and at Reed College. In 1973, she and her husband moved to Denmark, where she taught as well. After later becoming an English professor in Minnesota, at St. Olaf's College, Nelson published her first volume of poetry, For the Body, in 1978. She divorced Waniek the following year (and married Roger R. Wilkenfield), but continued to publish under the name Waniek until 1996, when she began to publish under the name Marilyn Nelson.
Nelson's many awards include the Kent, the National Endowment for the Arts, the Fulbright teaching, the Guggenheim, and the Contemplative Practices fellowships; the Boston Globe and the Flora Stieglitz Straus awards for nonfiction; the Poet's Prize; and two Pushcart Prizes. In addition to For the Body, Nelson's poetry collections include Mama's Promises (1985), The Homeplace (1995), Magnificat (1994), and Fields of Praise: New and Selected Poems (1997). In 2001, Nelson used poetry to tell the story of George Washington Carver's life in Carver: A Life in Poems, for which she won the Coretta Scott King Honor, the Flora Steigletz Straus, and the Newbery awards. Nelson's poetry collections include poems for children, especially poems which charmingly depict the details of family life. But her poetry evokes the spiritual as well. She writes of Mama's Promises, “I'd hoped [the collection] would be read as a book of black feminist theology … [celebrating] myself, my mother, and other mothers … but also the Divine Mother, the feminine face of God” (2).
Nelson's poetry receives rave reviews; she is known for her skill in handling both narrative and lyric forms. According to Contemporary Authors, Nelson “evokes complex visions of life through a simple style, colloquial language, and functional allusions that often carry charming humor and ironic power” (3). In the New Bones anthology, Kevin Everod Quashie says, “What [Nelson's] poetry challenges the reader to do is something that the poetry allows her own self to do—to name and claim the triumphant and sweet and bitter that is our lives. Her work is always prayerful, never superficial, and invitingly well‐crafted” (960).
Marilyn Nelson: Fields of Praise: New and Selected Poems (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997); Carver: A Life in Poems (Asheville, NC: Front Street, 2001); “Marilyn Nelson,” Contemporary Authors Database, Literary Resource Center, Author Resource Pages, http://galenet.galegroup.com/contemporary/authors/; Kevin E. Quashie, et al. New Bones: Contemporary Black Writers in America (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice‐Hall, 2001); Marilyn Waniek: For the Body (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1978); The Homeplace (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990); Magnificat (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994); Mama's Promises (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1985).
Jacqueline A. Blackwell
New Criticism (1930–1970)
New Criticism was a literary movement that gained popularity from the 1930s through the 1960s. It promoted a close, analytical reading of a text, focusing on the intrinsic value of a work of literature and a work itself as an independent source of meaning. The time period between 1930 and 1970 was one of great social upheaval and change. New Criticism was, in part, a response to new forms of mass literature and literacy, competition for tuition dollars with the sciences, and an increased enrollment in college by students who were newly financially able to attend through the G.I. Bill. To some degree, New Criticism developed in opposition to biographical criticism, wherein a literary work was judged as a reflection of the author's life.
New Criticism was classified as a type of formalism—studying the form and structure of artistic or literary works. It was seen as an objective approach to poetry and literature. New Criticism wanted to discuss the part of literature that made it literary—its formal characteristics. New Critics examined these formal characteristics using close reading. This method of analysis involved the reader looking at individual words, syntax, symbolism, plot, foreshadowing, irony, paradox, metaphor, and the structure of a work. The New Critics believed that their job was to help the general audience appreciate the technique and form of a given literary work.
New Criticism treated literary works as having an objective and independent existence. In other words, texts possessed meaning in and of themselves, and analyses emphasized intrinsic meaning over extrinsic meaning. Unlike previous literary movements, New Criticism removed the author from the
analysis of a text. This distancing was necessary so that the biography and history of an author could not influence the reading of a text. New Critics coined the term “intentional fallacy”—the mistake of attempting to understand the author's intentions when interpreting a literary work, because doing so violated the autonomy of the work. Once a work escaped the author's hands, it also escaped his influence and became the intellectual property of the audience. When a work was published, its meaning was irrevocably fixed, regardless of the author's feelings about that meaning or the historical circumstances surrounding the work's creation.
In treating a text as independent entity, New Critics also removed the influence of the reader from the analysis of a text. They sought to avoid the affective fallacy—the mistake of equating a work with its emotional effects upon the audience, a practice which would compromise a work's inherent meaning, according to the rationale of New Criticism. In many ways, New Criticism made it difficult to analyze texts from the perspective of Black literary criticism, which was marked with the sense that Black writing is born out of a sociological, political, ideological, and cultural situation marked by oppression and marginalization. Black literary criticism also emphasized that criticism is inevitably ideological and political, defining Black creative works as complex cultural products. In New Criticism, these factors were rendered irrelevant because historical context was deemphasized.
Organic unity was also important to New Critics. The idea of organic unity was that all elements of a good literary work are interdependent and create a whole emotional or intellectual effect. If any one part of the art is removed—whether it be a character, an action, a speech, a description or an authorial observation—the entire work is diminished. The idea also suggested that the growth or development of a piece of good literature—from its beginning to its end—occurred naturally, according to a certain sequence. That sequence could be chronological, logical, or otherwise step‐by‐step in some productive manner. Since every part contributes to the whole organism of the piece of literature, this concept further encouraged a close and comprehensive attention to its details.
New Critics used several other principles to interpret a text. These included tension, irony, ambiguity, and paradox. Tension was the interplay of conflicting elements within a text that made the organic unity of a work possible and gave shape to the work's central themes. Irony represented contradictions or incongruities within a text—when a character and the reader (or two characters within a work) viewed a particular situation from opposing perspectives with one knowing/understanding more than the other. For New Critics, recognizing irony was integral to articulating the oppositional elements that contributed to the complex organic unity of a work as a whole. The principle of ambiguity defined the existence of several possible meanings, including conflicting attitudes or feelings. New Critics did not necessarily consider ambiguity a weakness. Instead, ambiguity was seen as a virtue of the text because it reflected another layer of richness or complexity of meaning in
a work (Empson). Finally, New Critics looked for paradoxes, or seemingly contradictory statements that could nonetheless prove true.
New Criticism valued poetry over other creative forms of expression. Poetry was viewed as the purest expression of the literary values of New Criticism. Poetry was also held in high esteem because it represented a creative form in which language is used in uncommon ways to produce more complex relations among words that are literary than those found in the
. Among the poets most analyzed by New Critics was T. S. Eliot, a prominent American poet with a unique poetic style. As a critic himself, Eliot was drawn to precise and concrete language, and he became an influential part of the New Criticism movement. Despite the New Critics’ preoccupation with poetry, the New Criticism approach was taken with fiction, drama, essays, and other literary forms.
Aside from T. S. Eliot, the two most significant figures in the New Criticism movement were John Crowe Ransom and Cleanth Brooks. Ransom published his first book of poetry, Poems About God, in 1919. Within the next eight years, he released two other volumes—Chills and Fever (1924) and Two Gentlemen in Bonds (1927). Throughout his career he was more interested in philosophy than in poetry or literature, and his later endeavors in literary criticism became his claim to fame. Between 1939 and 1959, he taught at Kenyon College and served as editor of the prestigious Kenyon Review. In 1941, he published a book of essays titled New Criticism, for which the New Criticism was named. Though he grew skeptical of New Criticism, his impact on the movement was indelible. Ransom's student Cleanth Brooks became another luminary in the world of New Criticism. With the poet, novelist, and professor Robert Penn Warren, he wrote the textbook Understanding Poetry (1938), an enormously influential book that brought techniques of New Criticism into innumerable college classrooms. In 1947, Brooks published his most famous book of criticism, The Well Wrought Urn, and moved to Yale, where he became a professor emeritus of rhetoric thirteen years later. Though he wrote several critical studies on William Faulkner, Brooks was most widely known as the epitome of a New Critic: his ideas, critical studies, and textbooks embodied everything that New Criticism represented.
In a literary twist of irony, New Criticism was not without its own critics. Some in the world of literary criticism felt that the close reading and emphasis on technique and structure were incompatible with literary forms other than poetry. These detractors also believed that New Criticism ignored diversity and asserted that the context of a literary work was just as important as the work itself. This critique of New Criticism was particularly relevant to the New Critical approach to Black literature. Ultimately, many believed that the values the New Critics espoused were not universal, but were based upon their own histories and perspectives—the very things New Critics sought to omit from their analyses of literary works.
Cleanth Brooks, The Well Wrought Urn: Studies in the Structure of Poetry (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1947); Cleanth Brooks and Robert Penn Warren,
Understanding Poetry: An Anthology for College Students (New York: Henry Holt, 1938); T. S. Eliot: Collected Poems, 1909–1962 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1963); The Sacred Wood: Essays on Poetry and Criticism (New York: Knopf, 1930); William Empson, Seven Types of Ambiguity (London: Chatto and Windus, 1930); Mark Jancovich, The Cultural Politics of the New Criticism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993); John Crowe Ransom, The New Criticism (Norfolk, CT: New Directions, 1941); William Spurlin and Michael Fischer, eds., The New Criticism and Contemporary Literary Theory (New York: Garland, 1995); W. K., Wimsatt, Jr., The Verbal Icon: Studies in the Meaning of Poetry by W.K. Wimsatt, Jr., and Two Preliminary Essays Written in Collaboration with Monroe C. Beardsley (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1954); Thomas Daniel Young, ed., The New Criticism and After (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1976).
New Negro (1920s)
The term “New Negro” came to identify a young generation of African Americans who, ideally, would be educated in prestigious universities in America and Europe, and who would naturally constitute the intellectual and artistic leadership of “the race” as they personified the positive and progressive values of the middle class to which they belonged. More practically, less ideally, the term stood for the incipient attitude of the educated African American middle class, which had evolved in the years leading up to
World War I
. The New Negro was mainly characterized by self‐assertion and self‐articulation, and therefore replaced the racist stereotype of the “Old Negro.” This stereotype included passivity, accommodation, and lack of education. The new attitude symbolized by the image of the New Negro also sprang from changes that the
and, especially, African Americans’ involvement in World War I (Du Bois, “Returning Soldiers”). The attitude was linked to racial pride, which had been enhanced, in part, by African American troops’ patriotic behavior during the war (Lewis). Cary D. Wintz defines this new attitude as follows: “the belief that large numbers of black Americans had become proud of their race, self‐reliant, and assimilated to American middle‐class values, and that they were demanding their rights as American citizens” (31). The New Negro was supposed to be a self‐assured, well‐educated, politically progressive, and urban new generation of African Americans in the 1920s.
Originally, the term was widely employed at the end of the nineteenth century with different meanings, ranging from the idea of “self‐help” to the protest against any type of discrimination, even including the first references to Pan‐Africanism. Although some critics date the term differently,
Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
, argues, in “The Trope of a New Negro and the Reconstruction of the Image of the Black” (1988), that the term was first used in 1745 by a British newspaper to designate slaves coming from Africa. This use is quite ironic if we take into account African Americans’ zeal to “reconstruct” their public image precisely by means of the term under discussion.
Nevertheless, later the term was specifically associated with the intellectual and cultural milieu of the 1920s, especially after the publication of The New
Negro, a landmark anthology edited by
in 1925 that acquired the character of a foundational manifesto. Growing out of a special edition of
titled “Harlem—Mecca of the New Negro,” published in March 1925, this book is a collection of essays and primary works by some of the most influential artistic and intellectual voices of the
. As a whole, it reflected the wide range of the movement's artistic expression, but also its manifold contradictions and controversies. Its main objective is delineated by Locke in the introduction: “This volume aims to document the New Negro culturally and socially—to register the transformations of the inner and the outer life of the Negro in America that have so significantly taken place in the last few years” (xxv). Thanks to this momentous anthology, the concept of the New Negro would remain closely linked to the Harlem Renaissance as its most visible icon.
To account for the importance of this timely publication, the text can be read as an extension of ideas put forward by
W.E.B. Du Bois
. For instance, it promoted the idea that African Americans might achieve social equality with White Americans through advacement in the arts. Rampersad confirms this link in the introduction to the 1992 edition: “The New Negro was the first literary attempt to revise the collective portrait of black America painted by him [Du Bois] in his own epochal collection The Souls of Black Folk in 1903” (xiv). Du Bois’s privileged position is clearly revealed in his essay “The Negro Mind Reaches Out,” which closes the volume and demonstrates the enormous influence of Souls on Locke's anthology. Du Bois's essay discusses progress of the African American community in the first three decades of the twentieth century and some two decades after the publication of The Souls of Black Folk.
Du Bois's influence is also noticeable in Locke's adaptation of two of his key ideas in the text: the
and double consciousness. For instance, when Locke declares, “the more intelligent and representative elements of the two race groups have at so many points got quite out of vital touch with one another” (9), he clearly alludes to Du Bois's notion of the Talented Tenth—the best educated, most socially engaged 10 percent of African Americans whom Du Bois and others believed would lead all African Americans. Indeed, Locke echoes Du Bois's view that the intellectual parity between the two races and the cooperation between their intellectual minorities would be to ways to overcome racism in the United States. Locke places all his hopes for a better future in that new generation, and he considers artistic and literary expression to be its best vehicle to achieve the desired aims. One implication of Locke's and Du Bois's ideas is that the New Negro would be part of the Talented Tenth.
Du Bois's concept of double consciousness is evident in Locke's anthology. In the Souls of Black Folk, Du Bois had described the predicament whereby African Americans must, like all humans, be conscious of themselves as individuals but must, because of their unique position in American society, also be conscious of themselves as Black people; therefore, they are almost constantly “doubly conscious.”
In The New Negro, Locke writes of an “outer” and an “inner life,” described, respectively, by Locke as “the ideals of American institutions and democracy” and “the development of a more positive self‐respect and self‐reliance … the rise from social disillusionment to race pride” (10). Indeed, most of the contributions of the volume negotiate between the allegiance to the Eurocentric value system and the overriding imperative to manifest the new attitude of racial pride. For example, the famous poem by
, “I Too,” celebrates the sense of belonging to American society with the suggestive line “I, too, am America” (145), which also echoes Walt Whitman. Similarly, Melville J. Herskovits's essay “The Negro's Americanism,” pictures
Harlem, New York
, as “a typical American community” (354), the social and cultural organizations of which, in Herskovits's view, are similar to those found in any other American community.
On the other hand, The New Negro also stresses the distinctiveness of African American culture: “that there should have developed a distinctively Negro art in America was natural and inevitable” (19). Locke regarded this “Negro art” as a cultural project that would demonstrate the creativity of the Black race. But even this notion of creativity is complicated and seems to include an element of double consciousness, especially with respect to the cultural legacy of Africa. The origins of African American culture art comprise a “treasury of folk lore which the American Negro inherited from his African forefathers” (238). At the same time, Locke takes pains to distinguish between African and African Amerian culture: “Music and poetry, and to an extent the dance, have been the predominant arts of the American Negro. This is an emphasis quite different from that of the African cultures, where the plastic and craft arts predominate” (254). In other words, Locke and others may have felt ambivalent toward the value and influence of African culture. In any event, the ambitions that Locke, Du Bois, and others had for African American art, including literature, are connected to the concept of the New Negro, an imagined ideal African American characterized by education, refinement, economic wherewithal, and a willingness to lead African Americans forward.
William W. Cook, “The New Negro Renaissance,” in A Companion to Twentieth‐Century Poetry, ed. Neil Roberts (Oxford: Blackwell, 2001), 138–152; W.E. B. Du Bois: “Returning Soldiers,” in The Portable Harlem Renaissance Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Viking, 1994), 3–5; The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches (Chicago, A. C. McClurg, 1903); Henry Louis Gates, Jr., “The Trope of a New Negro and the Reconstruction of the Image of the Black,” Representations 24 (Fall 1988), 129–155; Nathan Irvin Huggins, ed., Voices from the Harlem Renaissance (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994); David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue (New York: Knopf, 1981); Alain Locke, The New Negro. Voices of the Harlem Renaissance (1925; repr. New York: Atheneum, 1992); Richard A. Long, “The Genesis of Locke's The New Negro,” Black World 25, no. 4 (1976), 14–20; Cary D. Wintz, Black Culture and the Harlem Renaissance (Houston: Rice University Press, 1988).
New Negro, The (1925)
A collection of fiction, poetry, drama, music, essays, and artwork, The New Negro is heralded as the first definitive publication of the
, a period of burgeoning Black artistic expression. It was edited by
, a Howard University professor of philosophy.
The New Negro was conceived in 1924 when Paul Kellogg, founder and editor of
, the leading journal in social work at the time, commissioned Locke to guest edit an issue that would capture the spirit of the period. Locke's efforts resulted in a special March 1925 edition (vol. 6, no. 6) titled “Harlem: Mecca of the New Negro.” Often referred to as “the Harlem number,” the sixty‐six‐page Survey Graphic issue surpassed previous sales of the journal; the first printing of 30,000 copies sold out, and Kellogg was compelled to run a second printing of 12,000. Benefactors such as “Albert C. Barnes, George Foster Peabody, and Professor [Joel] and Mrs. [Amy] Springarn,” contributed to the journal's peak in sales, purchasing up to 1,000 copies each (at 50 cents per copy) and distributing them free to interested parties, including “a wide sector of Black students and organizations” (Long, 16). Publishers Albert and Charles Boni were so impressed with the journal's success that they asked Locke to expand the Harlem number into a book‐length publication, which appeared in December 1925 as The New Negro.
Locke's anthology was predated in publication by William Pickens's book, also entitled The New Negro (1916), suggesting that the public was familiar with the phrase “
” at least a decade prior to Locke's use of it (Long, 15). The collection was also preceded by
James Weldon Johnson
's The Book of American Negro Poetry (1922), which included work by some of the key figures featured in the subsequent anthology. In addition, two pivotal magazines,
Opportunity: A Journal of Negro Life
(of the Urban League) and
), publicized the period's increase in artistic activity by sponsoring contests and facilitating publishing opportunities for up‐and‐coming Black poets and writers. With its artistic layout and breadth of coverage, however, The New Negro anthology surpassed its predecessors in influence.
From the outset, The New Negro's artistic design captured the attention of its readers. Filled with the African and Cubist‐inspired “decorations” of the Bavarian artist Winold Reiss, who had previously provided most of the illustrations for the Survey Graphic Harlem number, the anthology also included eleven Aaron Douglas drawings and designs that celebrated the Negro's beauty and rich heritage. W.V. Ruckterschell's “Young Negro,” Miguel Covarrubias’ drawing “Blues Singer,” as well as reprints of title pages from
(compliments of the
Arthur A. Schomberg
collection) and photos of tribal masks and sculptures (from the Barnes collection and other museums) rounded out The New Negro's historical tribute through the visual arts, making Locke's pronouncement of the Negro community's “renewed self‐respect and self‐dependence” quite evident to all (4).
The anthology was divided into two sections: “Part I: The Negro Renaissance” and “Part II: The New Negro in a New World.” These sections were followed by an extensive bibliography, “A Select List of Negro‐Americana
and Africana,” which was considered “the most comprehensive to appear since [W.E.B.] Dubois’ [bibliography], published by Atlanta University early in the century” (Long, 19).
“Part I: The Negro Renaissance” sought not only to define what Locke termed a “metamorphosis” or “spiritual emancipation” of the Negro but also to chronicle the strides made in art, literature, and music toward that emancipation (3–4). For instance, in his essay “Negro Art and America,” Albert C. Barnes asserted the Negro's artistry through poetry and the
William Stanley Braithwaite
chronicled the portrayal of Blacks in American literature, beginning with the Black and unknown bards and culminating with
's Cane. Arthur A. Schomburg and others acknowledged slave narratives, commentaries, and folk literature, providing a tribute to the ancestry of the African American literary tradition.
Prominent in this first section were
, who provided several poems, and Alain Locke, who set the tone of the anthology with “The New Negro” and other essays, including “Negro Youth Speaks,” an introduction to the young authors, poets, and playwrights represented in the anthology.
“Part II: The New Negro in a New World” began with Paul Kellogg's examination of the pioneering among Blacks, such as northward migration (which he equated with westward expansion) and the break with “Nordic conventions” found in Winold Reiss's artistic portrayal of Negroes (277).
Charles Spurgeon Johnson
contributed an essay on a “new type of Negro … a city Negro” (285), and other contributors offered analyses of various centers of Black culture (
Harlem, New York
), industry (Durham, North Carolina), and education (Howard, Hampton, and Tuskeegee), while W. A. Domingo shared insight on a growing segment of the Black population: the “foreign‐born Negro population” (342).
In addition to recognizing the distinguishable aspects of Negroes and their culture, the second section of the anthology pointed out various arenas in which Blacks are similar to their White counterparts. Melville Herskovits addressed similar organizations, professions, and businesses found in Black and White communities, while Walter White focused on talent, specifically performer
's artistic ability to make his audiences forget the color of his skin. Also in Part II, Elise Johnson McDougald contributed a discussion of the challenges as well as the contributions of Black women, and
W.E.B. Du Bois
provided the final essay: a reexamination of his previous assertion (most profoundly made in his 1903 treatise, The Souls of Black Folk) that “[t]he problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color line” (385).
Even decades later, The New Negro continues to serve as a leading source on a definitive era in African American literary history. In the words of the Harlem Renaissance scholar Cary Wintz, “[t]he most significant accomplishment of both The New Negro and [its forerunner] The Survey Graphic issue was that they identified and publicized the literary developments of the Harlem Renaissance and for the first time made this work easily available to the reading public” (Black Culture, 82).
Aberjhani and Sandra L. West, Encyclopedia of the Harlem Renaissance (New York: Facts on File, 2003); Victor A. Kramer and Robert A. Russ, eds., Harlem Renaissance Re‐examined, rev. and enl. ed. (New York: Whitston, 1997); David Levering Lewis, When Harlem Was in Vogue (1981; repr. New York: Penguin, 1997); Alain Locke, The New Negro (1925; New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997); Richard Long, “The Genesis of Locke's The New Negro,” Black World 25, no. 4 (1976), 15–20; Arnold Rampersad, “Introduction,” in The New Negro (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997); Steven Watson, The Harlem Renaissance: Hub of African‐American Culture, 1920–1930 (New York: Pantheon, 1995); Cary D. Wintz, Black Culture and the Harlem Renaissance (Houston: Rice University Press, 1988); Cary D. Wintz, ed.: The Critics and the Harlem Renaissance (New York: Garland, 1996); The Politics and Aesthetics of “New Negro Literature” (New York: Garland, 1996).
Veronica Adams Yon
New Orleans, Louisiana
New Orleans (pop. 484,674) is one of the largest and most diverse cities in the southern United States. Located on the banks of the Mississippi River, it has a thriving African American community that helps to define the city's rich cultural heritage. The city's world‐renowned French Quarter, an area filled with music clubs, restaurants, and risqué nightlife, is considered one of the most distinctive areas in the country and is a popular tourist destination for people throughout the world.
New Orleans became the capital of the French colony of Louisiana in 1722, and it soon established itself as a significant port city. The French then transferred Louisiana to Spain under the Treaty of Fontainebleu (1762), later confirmed by the Treaty of Paris (1763). The city passed back to the French before the United State took control of it after the Louisiana Purchase in 1803. In 1815, Major General Andrew Jackson defeated the British army in New Orleans as an aftermath to the War of 1812. Jackson Square, a city landmark, honors him for his victory.
The French influence on New Orleans is significant. It was the dominant force in the city's culture until the late nineteenth century.
language, food, and music became synonymous with open‐minded lifestyles, and the city is now known for its acceptance and celebration of diversity and multiculturalism. Mardi Gras, French for Shrove Tuesday or “fat Tuesday,” is perhaps the best‐known festival in the United States. Elaborate floats, street musicians, and revealing costumes are all part of the annual event.
Although the French influence on New Orleans culture is important, the African American contribution is incalculable. After the Louisiana Purchase and until the
was over, New Orleans became infamous as a major slave trade port. As the United States continued to split over the issue of
in the nineteenth century, plantation owners in the environs of New Orleans exploited slaves to grow cotton, which was then shipped on the Mississippi River. American democracy arrived in New Orleans just as the cotton gin made the country the largest slave center in the world (Carter et al., 81). This painful legacy remains an important aspect of the city's cultural and political life.
After New Orleans fell to Union Admiral David G. Farragut during the Civil War, the city suffered through the end of the steamboat era and re‐created itself as an economic powerhouse in industry, shipping, and tourism. But this would take several years, for New Orleans merchants paid heavily for their support of Southern independence (Capers, 154).
It would take decades after the Civil War before African Americans were fully involved in the city's economic successes, though some former slaves in New Orleans were employed in highly skilled occupations and were able to use those skills immediately to raise their standard of living. Violence against African Americans in New Orleans was rampant after the war. The New Orleans r
in July 1866 resulted in the deaths of thirty‐six Black residents who were killed by Whites.
The African American contribution to New Orleans culture is immeasurable. African Americans are credited with creating
music in the late nineteenth century, and the city is still known for its famous jazz clubs. Considered the first jazz musician in the country, New Orleans's Buddy Bolden formed a band in the mid‐1890s (Jackson, 279). Bolden's music later influenced Louis Armstrong, the famous twentieth‐century jazz cornet player, who began his career in the city, playing on street corners as a child to help support his mother. Armstrong later became one of the most admired jazz musicians in American history.
are also important parts of New Orleans's history. Using a mixture of Jamaican and Catholic spiritual customs, New Orleans's voodoo practitioners still enrich the city's cultural life. African American visual artists also are at the forefront of cultural life. The New Orleans African American Museum of Art, Culture, and History remains a significant part of its artistic life.
The African American contribution to New Orleans's literary life also has a long and rich history. L'Union, the first African American newspaper in the United States, was founded in New Orleans in 1862. Two years later, it was sold. Under new ownership, it became the La Tribune de la Nouvelle Orléans (New Orleans Tribune), and it served as a major political voice for Black residents of the city until it closed in 1869.
The African American writer and New Orleans resident
Alice Moore Dunbar‐Nelson
began publishing short stories and poems in the 1890s. Her work deals with racial and women's issues. She was a field organizer for the women's suffrage movement. Her books, which include Violets and Other Tales (1895) and The Goodness of St. Rocque and Other Stories (1899), also deal with the cultural identity of New Orleans.
Marcus Bruce Christian
was head of the black writers’ component of the
Federal Writers’ Project
in Louisiana from the 1930s until the early 1940s. He later taught at the University of New Orleans. Much of his work deals with the Black experience in twentieth‐century New Orleans.
New Orleans writer and editor
Thomas Covington Dent
published two books of poetry, Magnolia Street (1976) and Blue Lights and River Songs (1982). Dent also wrote the play Ritual Murder, which was produced in the 1970s.
Born in New Orleans and raised in the New York area, Anatole Broyard, an African American writer for The New Times, was later a subject in the book Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Black Man, by
Henry Louis Gates, Jr.
(1997). The book looks at Broyard's career and life in the mid‐twentieth century.
The African American writer
was a major voice among the
poets and writers in the 1950s and 1960s. His work challenges the country's power structure with its critiques of capitalism and racial issues. Known also for his ascetic lifestyle, Kaufman took a vow of silence after witnessing the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. It is reported the vow of silence lasted until the end of the
(Charters, 327). Kaufman's work includes Solitudes Crowded with Loneliness (1965), The Ancient Rain: Poems 1956–1978 (1981), Abomunist Manifesto (1959), Second April (1959), Does the Secret Mind Whisper? (1960) and Golden Sardine (1967). (See
Salaam, Kalamu ya
Gerald M. Capers, Occupied City: New Orleans Under the Federals, 1862–1865 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1965); Hodding Carter, William Ransom Hogan, John. W. Lawrence, and Betty Werlein Carter, eds., The Past as Prelude: New Orleans 1719–1968 ( New Orleans: Tulane University Press, 1968); Ann Charters, ed., The Portable Beat Reader (New York: Penguin, 1992); Leonard Huber, New Orleans: A Pictorial History (New York: American Legacy Press, 1981); Joy Jackson, New Orleans in the Gilded Age (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University
Press, 1969); Stuart M. Lynn, New Orleans (New York: Hastings House, 1949): Sheila Smith McKoy, “Alice Dunbar‐Nelson,” in The Works of Alice Dunbar‐Nelson, vol. 2, ed. Gloria T. Hull (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); “Tom Dent: A New Orleans Writer,” The Black Collegian Online, June 1998, http://www.black‐collegian.com/african/dent9.shtml; U.S. Census 2000 (New Orleans), http://www.new‐orleans.la.us/population.asp.
Brooklyn, New York; Harlem, New York; Harlem Renaissance.
Newsome, Effie Lee (1885–1979)
Children's author, poet, and fiction writer. Newsome primarily wrote children's poems and occasional fables and tales during the
. The daughter of graduates of Wilberforce University in Ohio, Newsome was academically trained at Wilberforce University, Oberlin, the Academy of Fine Arts, and the University of Pennsylvania. She first published poems in
The Brownies’ Book
, a periodical for children supported by
W.E.B. Du Bois
and edited by
Jessie Redmon Fauset
. Beginning in the 1920s, she wrote a regular children's column, “The Little Page,” in
magazine, another publication supported by Du Bois and the
. The most recent and most inclusive collection of her poetry is Wonders: The Best Children's Poems of Effie Lee Newsome.
Newsome's alliance with Du Bois was important in the promotion of the Harlem Renaissance's artistic mission of disproving misconceptions about Blacks and presenting a more realistic portrayal of the Black experience. Both Du Bois and Newsome recognized the impact issues of representation had on children. Du Bois documented scandals involving inheritance rights for Black children, life‐threatening conditions for children denied access to hospitals, and injustices in public education. Perhaps more insidious was the representation of Black children in popular culture from the postbellum era to the first twenty years of the twentieth century. African American children in cartoons, stories, nursery rhymes, and advertisements were depicted as dirty, partially clad, often pursued by alligators (thus encouraging the deaths of Black children), wild, uncivilized, foolish creatures who needed and desired the paternal control of White society.
Newsome's most anthologized poem is “To a Brown Boy,” which first appeared in The Crisis. It makes clear that to be brown is to be strong, as exemplified in mountains, trees, lions, eagles. The poem exemplifies Newsome's style and illustrates her attention to reaffirming a child's sense of beauty, identity, and empowerment. In response to the overt and covert racist attitudes toward Black children, Newsome embraced the aims of the Black aesthetic and artistically wrote poems that would reinforce the child's self‐image, affirm the Black child's understanding of beauty, expand a young person's understanding of the natural world, reinforce a child's Christian theology, encourage children to playfully and imaginatively embrace their world, introduce Black children to their African
heritage, and, most important, help African American children acknowledge and respond to the political and personal racial assaults of their current environment.
Effie Lee Newsome, Wonders: The Best Children's Poems of Effie Lee Newsome, comp. Rudine Sims Bishop (Honesdale, PA: Boyds Mills Press, 1999).
Newspapers, African American
African American newspapers, also known as “the Black press,” have been both a political and a literary force in the United States for over 150 years.
Vigorously proclaiming the right of men to be free of taxation without representation, the Founding Fathers unanimously exhorted their position to King George III of England that
was no longer the “rule” but the “exception.” Unfortunately, by the time the new nation had come to this conclusion,
had become the unofficial law of the land. The Founding Fathers had decided America would hold the truth to be self‐evident that freedom and liberty did not apply to people of African descent but was the province of Whites only.
Free African Americans at the time of the Revolutionary War petitioned the new governing body led by Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, and Alexander Hamilton to acknowledge their rights as “free” citizens and end the savage institution of slavery. Their cries for justice fell on deaf ears. In 1791
, a free African American of much prominence and intellect, reminded Jefferson in a letter of the Constitution and the words he (Jefferson) used so powerfully and convincingly: “all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.” The letter implies Banneker's disappointment with Jefferson's determination to perpetuate the institution of slavery in the new republic: “But sir how pitiful it is to reflect, that although you were so fully concerned of the benevolence of the Father of Mankind and his equal and impartial distribution of these rights and privileges which hath conferred upon them, that you should at the same time counteract his mercies” (160). African Americans could not rely on the good faith efforts of White leaders.
Undeterred in their pursuit of justice, the free African Americans above the Mason Dixon Line were determined to seize the attention of the United States and demand liberty for all people or justice for none; the seeds of the Black press were thereby planted.
On March 16, 1827, the first Black newspaper, Freedom's Journal, debuted on the national scene. It was founded by John Russwurm just one year after his graduation from Bowdoin College, to give African Americans their own voice in print. The motto for Freedom's Journal was “Righteousness Exalteth a Nation.” In partnership with his longtime friend
, Russwurm launched responses to White voices exhorting pro‐slavery agendas.
Other nineteenth‐century African American newspapers included The Colored American, The National Watchman, and The Mystery, all of which were headquartered in New York state, with the exception of The Mystery, which
was published in
, beginning in 1843. In these newspapers, educated Black men such as Russwurm and Cornish could openly voice their opinions in the company of affluent White liberals in the North who shared abolitionist views. Abolitionists, including William Lloyd Garrison, joined the chorus to end slavery. Soon Garrison published his own newspaper, The Liberator, to express antislavery sentiments (see
Those nascent years of the black press were fraught with economic realities inherent in the publishing business. African Americans, when faced with either buying a newspaper or feeding a family, chose family. Literate African Americans with disposable income were not numerous enough to sustain a Black newspaper enterprise fully, leading to financial challenges endemic to the world of publishing. Although many Black publishing companies had to close their doors after having swung them open so widely in the beginning, events would soon give the Black press a much needed shot in the arm. The fact that a nation would go to war over disparate treatment of African Americans and dismantle the foundations of slavery gave the Black press needed ammunition to increase its readership and encourage the recruitment of blacks to fight in a war for the elimination human bondage; the
created a financial lifeline for the Black press.
On September 27, 1862, just five days after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed by Abraham Lincoln, L'Union, the first African American general circulation newspaper in
, was published (Simmons). Unlike its predecessors in the North, vociferously lamenting the profanity of slavery, L'Union employed carefully presented strategies for freed African Americans to survive in a Southern society hostile to their newfound freedom: “We inaugurate today a new era in the destiny of the south to further the cause of the rights of man and humanity” (Simmons, 14). L'Union at first published in French. The
population in Louisiana, descendants of French settlers, used their native language to launch their publication, thereby attracting very little attention to a very feisty Black newspaper.
The Civil War period was the breeding ground for over 110 African American newspapers (Brooks). Many Black publications folded in haste. Chased by bloodthirsty White mobs angered by the exposure of their unlawful activities, Black editors barely escaped with their lives. If his publication carried stories about
or Ku Klux Klan cross burnings, for example, the Black editor published at his peril.
The removal of federal troops by President Rutherford B. Hayes precipitated one of most dangerous periods in American history, not only for African Americans but also for the Black press. “African American editors in the south adopted a self‐imposed ‘muzzle’ policy toward racial issues. Lynching was ignored, lawlessness was void of mention in most black newspapers, but anti‐white black militias against white violence sprang up, clashing often with white would‐be lynching” (Simmons, 164).
From the inception of Freedom's Journal 1827 to the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, nearly forty‐two African American newspapers hoisted their banners to protest slavery. Undaunted by government claims of sedition, some Black editors refused to curb their militant reporting to avert threats of closing their publications. This spirit of determination carried through into the twentieth century.
One of the most important Black newspapers of the twentieth century was the
, founded in 1905 by Robert S. Abbott (Suggs). By 1910 it was read by one tenth of Chicago's Black population, and by 1920 it had gained a national readership (Walker). The
, and the
were among the Black newspapers that, like the Defender, generated both a local and a national readership. These newspapers not only reported on events important to African Americans but also published poems and short stories.
published numerous poems in the Chicago Defender, the Baltimore Afro‐American, and the Amsterdam News over his career, and he covered the Spanish Civil War for the Afro‐American (Ostrom). For the Chicago Defender, Hughes began a weekly column, “Here to Yonder,” in 1942, and continued writing it for twenty‐three years. The column gave birth to Hughes's humorous tales about the fictional Jesse B. Simple. The tales were subsequently reprinted in several books (Harper).
During the period of the
Civil Rights Movement
, the Black press pursued a broad five‐point agenda, advocating “1) Equal voting rights in every section of the country, 2) Equal access to all public accommodation, 3) Equal opportunity in employment, 4) Equal and unsegregated education, 5) Equal opportunity to make a home anywhere within one's means” (Simmons, 93).
Young African Americans and White students from the North engaged throughout
in a massive voting rights campaign. The Defender, the Jackson Advocate, and the Pittsburgh Courier avidly reported on the events of this undertaking. With reporting skills honed over time, African American reporters were able to extract more details than their White colleagues from African Americans living in South on conditions of their disenfranchisement.
The Pittsburgh Courier began its coverage of sit‐ins (nonviolent protests) in the South on February 13, 1961: “The event was so unnewsworthy at the time, the beginning of the sit‐ins appeared on page four among other race interest stories” (Simmons, 97). In order to alert other African Americans to the significance of this public action, the Courier ran the story with a picture on the front page suggesting “the protest had spread from Raleigh, North Carolina, South Carolina, on its way to Virginia, Tennessee and Florida” (Simmons, 97).
The black Press was born out of the anguish, frustration, and disappointment of African American people who wanted nothing more than to be considered contributors and recipients of the American bounty they helped to produce the early days of American life. African American newspapers continue to serve a vital social role. As Charles Simmons observes, “ Educators have come to learn that repetition is the key to retention. But it can be also said that high visibility is another key to retention. Those black editors, indeed, did have high visibility. Their high visibility occurred during inauspicious times in the history of United States” (165).
Benjamin Banneker, “Letters & Essays,” in Anthology of African American Literary Tradition (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1998); Maxwell R. Brooks, The Negro Press Re‐Examined (Boston: Christopher Publishing House, 1959); John Hope Franklin and Alfred Moss, Jr., From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans, 8th ed. (Boston: McGraw‐Hill, 2000); W. George Gore, Negro Journalism (Greencastle, IN, 1922); Donna Akiba Sullivan Harper, Not So Simple: The “Simple” Stories by Langston Hughes (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1995); Hans Ostrom, A Langston Hughes Encyclopedia (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002), 25–28, 72–73, 298–301; Charles A. Simmons, The African American Press (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1998); Henry Lewis Suggs, ed., The Black Press in the Middle West, 1865–1985 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996); Juliet E. K. Walker, “The Promised Land: The Chicago Defender and the Black Press in Illinois, 1862–1979,” in The Black Press in the Middle West, 1865–1985, ed. Henry L. Suggs (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996).
Robert H. Miller
Newton, Huey Percy (1942–1989)
Political activist, political party leader, and writer. Newton is best known for his cofounding of the
Black Panther Party
in 1966, as well as his numerous philosophical and scientific papers and political books. Much of his writing explains, in pragmatic terms, ideas from classical philosophy and theories of African American intellectualism, but it is also alert to the daily experiences of working‐class people and those living in poverty.
After growing up in Oakland, California, Newton graduated from high school functionally illiterate, but he learned how to read by listening to records of Vincent Price reading poetry and then trying to read the corresponding poems to see how the words looked. Soon, Newton was attending Merritt College intermittently, ultimately earning an Associate of Arts degree, as well as studying law at Oakland City College and San Francisco Law School. He earned his Ph.D. in 1980, in the history of consciousness, from the University of California at Santa Cruz.
Although Newton was tried and convicted in 1967 of voluntary manslaughter for killing a policeman, he was later granted three new trials, which all ended in mistrials, and was cleared of the charges in 1971. At about the same time, he directed the Black Panthers to a more nonviolent strategy that focused on community services to African Americans. He fled to Cuba in 1974 to avoid being arrested for drug‐related charges, returned three years later, and was tried but not convicted. In 1989, Newton was shot to death in Oakland.
Literary critics such as Tom Orloff of the San Francisco Chronicle and Stanley Crouch, and author Hugh Pearson, have labeled Newton as a “thug,” a “criminal,” and a “hoodlum,” respectively. However, former Black Panther Party member Donald Cox wrote, “For some of us, Huey represented the equivalent of the Messiah… . A cult of his personality was created. Huey was elevated to the status of the gods, and his every word became gospel” (Cleaver and Katsiaficas, 121).
Like many activists, Newton was a complex figure. His radical political and literary activism prompted both conservatives and liberals alike to paint Newton as either savior or devil, concentrating on his misdeeds or romanticizing his revolutionary rhetoric. Newton's literary works were influenced by
W.E.B. Du Bois
, Frantz Fanon,
, Mao Tse-Tung, Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, and Che Guevara. His tone is more balanced than that of many of the other activists of his time; his writing often considered both structures in society and personal responsibility as keys to the elimination of racism.
Integral to Newton's literary legacy is his synthesis of racial analysis with that of philosophy, merging theories of Malcolm X and Karl Marx, or those of Franz Fanon and Thomas Hobbes. This prowess is highlighted in the work of Judson L. Jefferies, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (2002). Jeffries shows the connection between Newton's use of the Durkheimian theory of “Reactionary Suicide” and the ideas of Dostoyevsky on poverty and beggary in Crime and Punishment. Further, Jeffries analyzes Newton's papers and speeches with regard to Nietzsche and psychological warfare; to Bakunin's fatalistic
view of revolutionaries; to Plato's “cave” analogy; and to Marx's theories on existence and social consciousness.
(Revolutionary Suicide, 1973) is strikingly similar to The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965) and epitomizes a well crafted narrative of human enlightenment and possibility. Newton's four other published books are To Die for the People (1972), In Search of Common Ground (1973), War Against the Panthers (1996), and Insights and Poems (1975). These books emphasize his shift from
into a synthesis called “intercommunalism,” in which Newton prophetically claimed that there would be a collapse of the nation‐state within the global economy, which would then forge a universal brotherhood. Newton's ostentation, public image, and zeal came to represent the spirit of the 1960s and 1970s. Yet what best can be concluded of Newton's literary and intellectual contributions is that he centered his writings on a thin line between postmodernist and essentialist viewpoints, ultimately distinguishing humanity as possessing the agency to amend socialization processes but also as a body that is inherently optimistic, cooperative, and divine. (See
San Francisco Bay Area, California
Kathleen Cleaver and George Katsiaficas, eds., Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party: A New Look at the Panthers and Their Legacy (New York: Routledge, 2001); Judson L. Jeffries, Huey P. Newton: The Radical Theorist (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2002); Malcolm X with Alex Haley, The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965; New York: Ballantine, 1992); Huey P. Newton: Revolutionary Suicide (1973; New York: Writers and Readers, 1995); To Die for the People, ed. Toni Morrison (1972; New York: Writers and Readers, 1999); War Against the Panthers: A Study of Repression in America (New York: Writers and Readers, 1996); Huey P. Newton and Erik H. Erikson, In Search of Common Ground (New York: Norton, 1973); Huey P. Newton and Ericka Huggins, Insights and Poems (San Francisco: City Lights, 1975); Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation, Inc. Collection, M864, Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries.
Matthew W. Hughey
Newton, Lionel (born 1961)
Novelist. In his two works of fiction, Getting Right with God (1994) and Things to Be Lost (1995), Newton provides a distinct perspective of the young adult African American male growing up in suburban Long Island, New York, at the end of the twentieth century. Newton is the son of Seventh‐Day Adventist missionaries who lived in the United States and Africa. When he was sixteen years old, his family moved to Copiague, Long Island, where he later graduated from the College at Old Westbury.
In Getting Right with God, Newton explores family dynamics, friendships, and religion. The protagonist, Lucas Martin, struggles between the desire to be righteous and the temptations presented by his friends. His father, a widower, encourages some of Lucas's behavior by drinking with him. When his father remarries, his new wife provides structure for both father and son and becomes the catalyst for change in the Martin household.
Things to Be Lost tells the story of a family's downfall. Again themes of growing up and religion are explored, in addition to the effects of violence and adultery on a family. The story begins with the son, as an adult, telling about the day he committed a violent act against his disabled father at his father's behest. Each family member is, in some negative way, affected by the father's recent disability and his ultimate death. Newton's novels contribute to African American literature by broadening the portrayal of African American males growing up in the modern‐day United States.
Dan Bogey, “Review of Getting Right with God, by Lionel Newton,” Library Journal 15 (Dec. 1993), 176; Thomas Calvin, “With Roots in Copiague, a Stern View of L.I.,” New York Times, July 3, 1994, p. 15; Lionel Newton: Getting Right with God (New York: Dutton, 1994); Things to Be Lost (New York: Dutton, 1995); Erika Taylor, “Review of Things to Be Lost, by Lionel Newton,” Los Angeles Times, June 4, 1995, p. 6.
Heather L. Althoff
Nichols, Nichelle (born 1933)
Actor and writer. Nichols is best known for having portrayed Lieutenant Uhura in the television series Star Trek in the late 1960s and in feature films based upon the series. She was born in Robbins, Illinois, the daughter of a civic leader and factory worker, Earl Nichols, and a homemaker, Lishia Mae (Parks) Nichols. In 1994, Nichols published her
, Beyond Uhura: Star Trek and Other Memories, which was well received by Star Trek fans. It included Nichols's remembrances of racial discrimination from her childhood and throughout her adult years and discusses the positive reaction that she received for her kiss with William Shatner during Star Trek, the first interracial kiss televised in the United States. Nichols's second work, Saturn's Child, is a
novel in which the main character, Saturna, is based upon a childhood “alter ego [who carries] all that I understood from the teachings of my mother and father.” Saturna's Quest is a sequel to Saturn's Child. Written with Jim Meechan, it explores the secret of Saturna's birth, which has the potential to destroy her father's kingdom. Nichols uses the science fiction genre to discuss issues of race relations across planets. Nichols earned a position working with the National Space Institute and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), through her paper “New Opportunities for the Humanization of Space.” She spent a number of years raising awareness of the space program among minorities, resulting in a number of women and minorities entering the program.
Nichelle Nichols: Beyond Uhura, Star Trek and Other Memories (New York: Putnam, 1994); Down to Earth (Los Angeles: Koch Entertainment, 2004), Audio CD; official Website, http://www.uhura.com; Saturn's Child (New York: Putnam, 1995), with Margaret Wander Bonanno; Saturn's Quest (Los Angeles: Planet X, 2002), with Jim Meechan; “Nichelle Nichols Talks to SciFiPulse About Charting Literary Frontiers and More,” February 15, 2002, http://www.scifipulse.com.
Valerie Lynn Guyant
Njeri, Itabari (born 1955)
Journalist, memoirist, essayist, and cultural critic. Itabari Njeri's was born Jill Stacey Moreland, the daughter of Marc Marion Moreland, a historian trained at the University of Toronto with Marxist and classical leanings, and Vivien Dacre Lord Moreland Reynolds, a nurse with experience as a hospital administrator. Njeri grew up in New York, where she was often shuffled among members of her close‐knit Caribbean American family. The diversity of her West Indian background—she describes her heritage as an amalgam of African, East Indian, Amer‐Indian, English, and French—has played a forceful role in her cultural and social criticism, which might succinctly be described as autobiographical critique. Horrific episodes from her family history, such as her grandfather's murder by a White Southerner who, to this day, has gone unprosecuted for the crime, spur her to delve into America's collective past in a manner that forces the unresolved schisms of the author's, and presumably the reader's, own present to the surface. The implications of Njeri's intimate revelations are, first and foremost, that if such divisions and tensions reside in her own psyche, then, arguably, hers is a story that can be read at the level of national allegory. America's collective consciousness suffers from a latent psychosis, she argues, and this disease stems from the history of
and racism that still haunts the United States, the ignorance and disavowal of which conditions the current state of racial relations in the country.
Njeri's first book is Every Goodbye Ain't Gone: Family Portraits and Personal Escapades (1990). Winner of the American Book Award, the collection of vignettes may be seen as something of a cautionary tale narrated with humor and vulnerability. She writes in the prelude that the family portraits that make up the book, depicting characters so unfamiliar to the average American reader that one might mistake them as fictional, are nonetheless the literal truth. Njeri herself is the “great‐great‐great‐granddaughter of a notorious, rum‐running English pirate named Sam Lord—his castle [is] now a resort in Barbados” (7). Her father, who “felt himself to be an intellectual giant boxed in by mental midgets” (67), is depicted as the tragic template of Harold Cruse's “Afro‐American intellectual in crisis” (6). Her mother, Vivien, who suffered abuse at the hands of Njeri's father, is the subject of the chapter titled “Bag Lady.” Sketches of a tough‐talking grandmother (who utters the lines “Every shut eye ain't sleep. Every goodbye ain't gone.”), an alabaster‐complexioned “moll” aunt (the girlfriend of a gangster in her “salad days”), and a cousin, Jeffrey, who could be Ricky Nelson's (of Ozzie and Harriet television fame) twin are among the more interesting portraits. What each of Njeri's stories seems to say to us is that in multiracial America, where economic and social disparities are smoothed over with multicultural platitudes, and where an obstinately blind collective eye looks resolutely away from its painful past,
is not all that it appears to be. And racial inequalities operate on something more complicated than a binary opposition between Black and White, or White and “other.” For, as Njeri insists in her preface, her diverse family is America: “So institutionalized is the ignorance of our history
[American history], our culture, our everyday existence, that often we do not even know ourselves” (7).
It is this history that Njeri determines to examine in her second book, aptly titled The Last Plantation: Color, Conflict, and Identity. Reflections of a New World Black (1997). In many ways, this book is a continuation of Every Goodbye. Njeri here repeats a number of the stories and quips first encountered in her 1990 collection. The dilemma of her cousin Jeffrey and the psychic horrors that ensue from her investigation of her grandfather's murder are among the narratives retold. But Njeri deliberately seeks to break new ground in this text by examining the conundrum of African American double consciousness, famously postulated by
W.E.B. Du Bois
in his landmark book The Souls of Black Folk (1903). Du Bois describes the dilemma not as the ceiling of African American identity but as the floor, as a state the collective Black consciousness should be able to overcome once the America Du Bois describes as “conglomerate” comes to full awareness of its history and of the racial and economic conditions that perpetuate systemic racism.
Njeri finds these conditions not simply present in contemporary society, but aggressively so. She is less concerned with the transnational implications of White racism and Western imperialism that subtend Du Bois's prophecy that “The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color‐line, the relation of the darker to the lighter races of men in Asia and Africa, in America and the islands of the sea” (Souls, 372). Her immediate concern is to consider more closely the binary structure of American racism. Njeri is drawn to issues of colorism and multiracial/multiethnic identity, which she addressed in a number of her pieces appearing in the Los Angeles Times during the 1990s. The Last Plantation chronicles her analysis of the Latasha Harlins murder trial. She also uses this occasion of “Black‐Korean” conflict in Los Angeles, which took place less than two weeks after the savage beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police, to examine “the antagonism between a new generation of so‐called multiracial people of partial African descent and the traditionally defined Black American population, which [sees] multiracial people as seeking a separate status from Blacks to gain preferred treatment in American life” (128).
Njeri holds a bachelor's degree in communications from Boston University and a master's degree in journalism from Columbia University. She is currently a doctoral student in the American Civilization program at Harvard University. In addition to winning the 1990 American Book Award and many fellowships, she was a finalist for the 1997 Pulitzer Prize for her work on race and
. She has reported for the Miami Herald as well as the Los Angeles Times. Njeri currently divides her time between Lakeland, Florida, where her mother resides, and
Brooklyn, New York
, and is at this writing completing her first novel, titled The Secret Life of Fred Astaire.
Itabari Njeri: Every Goodbye Ain't Gone: Family Portraits and Personal Escapades (New York: Times Books, 1990); “A Ham, a Violin, and Ohhh Those Psychic Blues,” in The Farrakhan Factor: African‐American Writers on Leadership, Nationhood, and Minister Louis Farrakhan, ed. Amy Alexander (New York: Grove Press,
1998); The Last Plantation: Color, Conflict, and Identity. Reflections of a New World Black (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997); “Sushi and Grits: Ethnic Identity and Conflict in a Newly Multicultural America,” in Lure and Loathing: Essays on Race, Identity, and the Ambivalence of Assimilation, ed. Gerald L. Early (New York: Penguin 1993); Hans Ostrom, “Essays Illuminate Cultural Journey” (profile of Njeri and review of Every Goodbye Ain't Gone), Soundlife (Sunday supp.), Morning News Tribune (Tacoma, WA), Feb. 10, 1991, p. 9.
Rebecka Rychelle Rutledge
Literary magazine. The
New Orleans, Louisiana
,–based literary magazine Nkombo, began publication in December 1968, and it is considered an important magazine in the
Black Arts Movement
. The magazine sprang from the
Free Southern Theater
Company (FST), an acting‐writing community‐based group that performed dramatic literature about the issues facing Blacks in
and in America in the late 1960s. Originally titled Echoes from the Gumbo, this publication was unlike the
or civil rights publications such as
Journal of Black Poetry
. This publication, in the spirit of reaching the masses, was designed as a cookbook. The editors
Thomas Covington Dent
and Vallery Ferdinand (who later changed his name to
Kalamu Ya Salaam
) were influenced by the rich culinary traditions of New Orleans. Thus the first issue featured an introduction be Ferdinand/Salaam titled “Food for Thought,” the table of contents was titled “Recipe,” and the four sections were titled “Meat and Seafoods,” “Seasonings,” “Spices,” and “Miscellaneous Ingredients.” Nkombo was named for the food the maroons created out of necessity to survive in the wilderness, as Salaam explained in his 1980 booklet, Our Women Keep Our Skies from Falling.
Yet within these titles that would catch the eye of everyday people were the words of such great writers as LeRoi Jones (
, and Robert De Coy. It captured the reader with its connecting titles and held the reader there with Black revolutionary poetry, prose, and essays. Many of the local poets featured focused on the
lifestyle or referred specifically to New Orleans but also included larger‐scale issues such as economics, civil rights, and oppression. These allusions to familiar places and problems connected readers with the writers and, thus, connected the Black community. The second issue was devoted solely to poetry in which writers became voices for their people; poets in and from the kitchen. The publication continued until December 1969, publishing four issues before Dent and Ferdinand/Salaam took a fifteen‐month hiatus.
During this hiatus the publication underwent many changes. No longer a small, community‐based publication, Nkombo was now funded partially by a grant from the Coordinating Council of Literary Magazines. The FST no longer supported the magazine; it was managed by a small group of New Orleans writers, BLKARTSOUTH, who sought to expand to the entire Deep South rather than remain a exclusively New Orleans publication. They changed the initial culinary theme that Dent and Ferdinand/Salaam focused on and used as
a connecting mechanism with the community. The seventh and eighth issues, published June 1971 and August 1972, respectively, included writers from Georgia,
, Mississippi, Florida, and New Orleans. Additional affiliations with such groups as the Southern Black Cultural Alliance, a community theater federation, expanded the scope of the magazine. The magazine had changed, but it had accomplished what its editors had set out to do: it made something happen in the arts in New Orleans and in the South.
The primary goal of Nkombo was to bring a sense of self to the Black community through art and writing. In 1974, the final issue of Nkombo was published. The publication spanned five years and produced nine issues, making a difference in the literary landscape of New Orleans and the Deep South. In January 1975, a newer version of the magazine, Nkombo: A Quarterly Journal of Neo‐Afrikan/American Culture began publication, but it was not as well received as its cookbook‐style predecessor. Nkombo nonetheless remains a significant, although often overlooked, part of the Black Arts Movement.
Addison Gayle, The Black Aesthetic (New York: Doubleday, 1971); Jerry Ward, “Southern Black Aesthetics: The Case of Nkombo Magazine,” Mississippi Quarterly 44 (Spring 1991), 143–150.
Literary magazine. NOMMO was the publishing entity of the Organization of Black American Culture (
) Writer's Workshop, founded in Chicago, Illinois, in 1967. Writers’ Workshop 1987 President
stated that “Nommo is of Bantu origin and means the magical power of the word to make material change” (Jackson‐Opoku, xiii). And material change it did make; advancing the Afrocentric
Black Arts Movement
, NOMMO published the Workshop's poets, who celebrated the beauty of Blackness and brought poetry and the arts to the community. In essays, NOMMO writers sought to describe a new Black aesthetic; OBAC member and leader Don L. Lee (
Haki R. Madhubuti
) described Black poetry in 1968 as poetry “written for/to/about & around the lives/spiritactions/humanism & total existence of blackpeople … the concrete rather than the abstract … art for people's sake; black language or Afro‐american language” (Lee, 13). Publishing OBAC writers such as Lee, Jackson‐Opoku,
Carolyn M. Rodgers
, NOMMO was originally planned as a quarterly, but was published irregularly from 1969, when it was started with an Illinois Arts Council grant, until it officially ceased publication in 1976. As OBAC founder
remembers, after the second NOMMO issue, in the first year of publication, “it became evident that OBAC was suffering from the same afflictions which inevitably bedevil voluntary groups—apathy, exhaustion, other‐directedness. Furthermore, the flame of the revolution burned very low everywhere, and it was apparent that new blood and new outlooks would have to be added” (Fuller, 19).
Another OBAC periodical, Cumbaya, briefly replaced NOMMO in the 1980s. The end of periodical publication was not, however, the end of
Nommo publishing. In 1987, the Writers’ Workshop's OBAhouse celebrated OBAC's twentieth anniversary by publishing a substantial anthology of work from OBAC Writer's Workshop members: NOMMO: A Literary Legacy of Black Chicago (1967–1987), edited by Carole A. Parks. Combining previously published work with unpublished material and pieces written for the collection, NOMMO: A Literary Legacy provided a definitive view of the organization and its writers, from the 1967 founding of the Writer's Workshop through its 1987 celebration of OBAC as the only continuously operating and oldest Black arts organization in the United States. NOMMO's opening essays, mainly written by OBAC founders or early and important members, provided background on OBAC history, tradition, ideology, the Black aesthetic, and Black poetics. Two extensive poetry sections (1967–1976 and 1977–1987) dominate the NOMMO celebration volume—as poetry should, since most of the OBAC writers have been primarily poets—and represent work from organization founders to relative newcomers and unpublished poets. Guest contributors filled a section “Remembering Hoyt W. Fuller,” commemorating the life and support of the organization leader and founder, Hoyt W. Fuller.
A second, slimmer NOMMO anthology appeared from OBAhouse in 1990: Nommo 2: Remembering Ourselves Whole. Described as “An OBAC Anthology of Contemporary Black Writing,” this collection also commemorated the passing of a Black leader and was dedicated to the
legislator George “Mickey” Leland. NOMMO 2 is expressly thematic and includes both OBAC and non‐OBAC writers on the subject of memory, with slightly more than half the anthology devoted to poetry.
Hoyt W. Fuller, “Foreword to NOMMO,” in NOMMO, ed. Parks, pp. 17–20; Sandra Jackson‐Opoku, “Preface,” in NOMMO, ed. Parks, pp. xiii–xiv; Don L. Lee (Haki R. Madhubuti), “Black Poetics/for the Many to Come,” in NOMMO, ed. Parks, pp. 13–14; NOMMO 2: Remembering Ourselves Whole (Chicago: OBAhouse, 1990); Carole A. Parks, ed., NOMMO: A Literary Legacy of Black Chicago (1967–1987) (Chicago: OBAhouse, 1987).
Carol Klimick Cyganowski
Northup, Solomon (1808–1863)
Abolitionist, violinist, carpenter, and autobiographer. Northup was born free in Minerva, New York, to Mintus Northup and a mother whose name and history are unknown. His father, a property owner and independent farmer, provided Solomon and his brother, Joseph, with a formal education at a time when Blacks, for the most part, had almost no access to formal education and were illiterate. There is little information regarding Northup's early life, but most researchers agree that he learned carpentry, reading, and writing while living on his family's farm (Andrews; Worley). He married Anne Hampton at age twenty‐one and fathered three children. At thirty‐three, Northup was offered a job as a musician with a traveling circus. Before embarking on this venture, he had procured “free papers,” which established his status as a free man. Shortly after accepting the
job, however, he arrived in
and was kidnapped by Merrill Brown and Abram Hamilton, his alleged employers, who sold him into
. During his enslavement, Northup encountered the institution's cruelty and barbarism. His experiences as a slave ranged from violent encounters, in which he was beaten severely when he “asserted, aloud and boldly, that [he] was a freeman” (Northup, 183), to witnessing the results of sexual abuse against slave women. With help from an attorney, Henry B. Northup, a relative of his father's former master, Solomon regained his freedom in 1853. Although he later identified his kidnappers, Hamilton and Brown were not successfully prosecuted as kidnappers.
Northup's narrative, Twelve Years a Slave (1853), is significant to African American literature for several key reasons. First, the text gives a chronological account of Northup's kidnapping, enslavement, and escape. Second, it provides a description of slavery in Louisiana from the perspective of a free Black, important not only because Northup was free but also because accounts of slavery in Louisiana are rare. Additionally, Northup's
offers a view inside the complexities of sexual abuse within a slave community. His reporting contributes to African American literature an evaluation of the consequences Black women faced when they were forced to live as concubines. Finally, his descriptions and appraisals of Blacks based on color complexion is an early African American literary work revealing how the thorny subjects of
and skin color were understood in Northrup's era. Although able to compose his narrative in its entirety, Northup chose to dictate his history to David Wilson. However, being literate allowed Northup to revise and edit Wilson's drafts.
Northup's narrative was widely accepted and profitable for him at the time of its publication, demonstrating that there was a market for African American literature before emancipation. However, the text fell into obscurity after its nineteenth‐century popularity. As an anthologized work, it regained notice after about 1980. Northup's descendents continue to live in New York, and they celebrate his birth annually. On July 19, 1999, the mayor of Saratoga Springs, New York, proclaimed the date as Solomon Northup Day and placed a historical marker in Northup's name at Congress and Broadway to commemorate his life (Sweeney). (See
William L. Andrews, To Tell a Free Story: The First Century of Afro‐American Autobiography, 1760–1865 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986); Charles T. Davis and Henry Louis Gates, Jr., eds., The Slave's Narrative (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); Robert B. Stepto, From Behind the Veil: A Study of Afro‐American Narrative, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991); John E. Sweeney, “Solomon Northup Day: A Celebration of Freedom,” in Local Legacies (New York: Library of Congress Bicentennial Committee, 2000), 102–109; Yuval Taylor, ed., I Was Born a Slave: An Anthology of Classic Slave Narratives, 2 vols. (Chicago: Lawrence Hill, 1999); Sam Worley, “Solomon Northup and the Sly Philosophy of the Slave Pen,” Callaloo 20, no. 1 (Winter 1997), 245–259.
Ellesia Ann Blaque
A long form of narrative fiction. Typically, the novel has focused on the realistic depiction of the specificity of individuals’ lives, but it is an open form; therefore, novels may also use surrealistic techniques, elements of fantasy, or stream‐of‐consciousness. Novels may be written in such long‐established categories as
Crime and Mystery Fiction
, and one highly popular contemporary category is the
is a form many novelists have used for over 200 years.
, also known as the Bildungsroman, constitutes a looser but nonetheless important category of the novel, one focused on the experiences described (how individuals mature in societies) rather than conventions of form.
The history of the African American novel can be usefully, if somewhat artificially, discussed in terms of several periods: antebellum;
and its aftermath; the
; the era of the
Civil Rights Movement
Black Arts Movement
; and post‐1970. Conventions and traditions of the novel, however, cut across these periods. Throughout this history, which spans roughly 200 years, the African American novel has proved to be intimately connected to social changes, devoted to the analysis of the various life conditions African Americans and others experience, and engaged in the kinds of promotion of interests and ideas that storytelling uniquely enables. Novels by African American authors have been central to many Americans’ understanding of the pursuit of liberty in this country.
The fictional form that we now think of as the novel has many global lineages. The most prominent strains of the American novel have their roots in the English narratives that Ian Watt examines in his classic work The Rise of the Novel, as well as in other European narratives from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Early English novels include Pamela (1740–1741) and Clarissa (1747–1748), by Samuel Richardson, and Tom Jones (1749), by Henry Fielding. However, the Spanish novel Don Quixote, by Miguel de Cervantes, was first published in 1605 and was available in English translations after 1612. Women authors, including Frances Burney, Maria Edgeworth, and Jane Austen, contributed to the genre almost from the beginning. Throughout its history, the African American novel has drawn not just on the European and American traditions of the novel, but also on the
that Africans brought to America.
The novel is a particularly difficult artistic form to define, since it has come in so many different shapes, sizes, and styles. Most typically, the novel focuses on the specificity of a fictional individual's life, shaping some period of that life into a prose narrative with a plot—a chain of causally connected events. The individual, moreover, is more often than not a person of modest or low, rather than noble, station. That is, from the beginning the novel turned toward examining the lives of middle‐class and working‐class men and women.
However, many exceptions exist to every conceivable element that one might propose as a convention of the novel. As Watt suggests, “the poverty of the novel's formal conventions would seem to be the price it must pay for its realism” (13). Notably, Watt elevates
as the one convention that may
trump all others. It is important to note that “realism” in this context does not mean “just like the world we actually live in”; instead, it denotes the detailed depiction of a lifelike world, one that may diverge significantly from what we see in our own world, and one that is, after all, made of words.
The African American novel has its most immediate and nourishing roots in
. Indeed, slave narratives were sometimes accused by
's proponents and apologists of being fictions. Slave narratives depicted the lives of men and women who had endured and escaped slavery to tell their tales. The testimonial value of these narratives should be emphasized; they were used by former slaves and abolitionists to show African Americans’ humanity and intelligence and, by contrast, the inhumanity and brutality of slavery. The most famous of these narratives—those by
William Wells Brown
—were written during slavery, but thousands more were recorded after its end. In giving narrative shape and sensual detail to the experiences and psychologies of former slaves, the narratives together constitute a dramatic historical record, a major indictment of the country's failure to live up to the ideals of its Constitution, and a rich tradition of African American storytelling.
Several conventions of the slave narrative influenced African American fiction, and the narratives’ detailed, realistic, sometimes lengthy depictions of individuals’ lives easily lent themselves to the novel. In fact, the influence was mutual. As Valerie Smith notes in her introduction to Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861), Jacobs drew on the conventions of the sentimental novel in order to tell a story of sexual vulnerability, a story that slave narratives by men offered her no way to tell (Jacobs, xxxi). Middle‐class White women sympathetic to abolition and familiar with the sentimental novel were a primary audience for Jacobs's narrative. The sentimental novel's conventions, melded with those of the slave narrative, appealed to such women. Several novels were published during the antebellum period. The first of these was William Wells Brown's Clotel; or, The President's Daughter, published in England in 1853. The novel tells the story of Thomas Jefferson's much‐rumored slave mistress and her daughter by Jefferson after he sold them. Because of its depiction of women in peril and its tragic end, Brown's novel, like Jacobs's slave narrative, owes something to the conventions of the sentimental and seduction novels. Other novels from the antebellum period include
Martin R. Delany
's Blake (1859) and
Harriet E. Wilson
's Our Nig (1859).
When slavery ended after the
, novels continued the social work that slave narratives had begun. During this period,
was first occupied by federal troops that enforced the end of slavery and ensured some progress in Southern Blacks’ lives. Then, in 1877, the troops withdrew, allowing Southern states to institute Jim Crow laws that did much to reverse the gains that African Americans had made. In fact, the period of
is the period in which the first Ku Klux Klan was active. (The second Klan was formed in 1915.)
Two novels may serve as examples of the trend over these years in modes of depicting America in Black novels. The first of these is
Frances E. W. Harper
's Iola Leroy; or, Shadows Uplifted (1892). Bridging the antebellum and postwar periods, Harper began her career as an abolitionist lecturer and drew in her novel on antebellum writers’ model of literary moral purpose, exemplified most famously in
Harriet Beecher Stowe
's Uncle Tom's Cabin (1852), the novel that Abraham Lincoln only half‐jokingly referred to as the book that “made” the Civil War. Like Stowe's, Harper's reputation as an artist was not recognized by scholars of literature until recently. This lack of recognition derived largely from a dual prejudice in literary scholarship on the novel: with few exceptions, neither popular nor political works were considered eligible for the
. Iola Leroy plays on the reader's heart strings: when its heroine, living as a White woman, discovers that she is partially Black, she is enslaved and deprived of her inheritance by a villainous relative. By contrast with the heroine of a novel like Clotel, however, Iola is not a tragic figure, and this marks an important distinction. In the sentimental novel, a White heroine who has been thrown on her own resources but protected her virtue would end up married; in the seduction novel, any woman whose virtue has been compromised would end tragically. Iola receives a marriage proposal from a White doctor who knows about her race, but Harper does not allow her character the sentimental resolution. Instead, as with other novels of racial uplift that characterize the postwar era, Iola Leroy affirms the heroine's racial identity and devotes her to the advancement of the race. Iola leads a productive life as a teacher and race advocate; she becomes a “race” woman. In this respect, she epitomizes the novel, which does not scruple to interrupt its narrative with didactic passages that impress on the reader the importance and greater social relevance of events.
To a considerable degree,
James Weldon Johnson
's The Autobiography of an Ex‐Colored Man (1912) undermined the “uplift” novel's emphasis on racial identity and literary moral purpose. In a sense it separated literature from the imperative to inspire African Americans to greater heights and to persuade Whites of their worth. The Autobiography's protagonist‐narrator is born to a White father and a light‐skinned Black mother. Raised in Connecticut as White, the narrator quickly displays a great facility with music and decides to go to a Black school in the South after he learns of his heritage. Having lost all his money, the narrator takes up menial employment and discovers a love of
music. Eventually, he tours Europe thanks to the support of a White patron. (Although there are only hints in the novel, some critics have interpreted the relationship between the two men as romantic, a noteworthy early same‐sex relationship in African American fiction.) Significantly, the narrator develops a compelling amalgam of classical European and ragtime music. Such an amalgam was in fact Johnson's own goal for literature: a blend of black
and “standard” language.
After some time, the narrator resolves to break with his patron and returns to the South and the roots of African American music, convinced that he is
allowing his talent for African American musical forms to go to waste. In the South again, the narrator witnesses a
, which profoundly disturbs him. His reaction is not so much fear or anger, however; it is shame. The narrator is ashamed to be a member of a race that could with impunity be treated more cruelly than animals. Therefore, he resolves to pass as White and returns to New York City, where he enters the business world and builds a family (see
). The novel closes with stunning psychological ambiguity, throwing into question the decision to pass. The narrator describes having heard
Booker T. Washington
speak, stealing the show from the other speakers through conviction and moral purpose. While the narrator expresses an urgent desire that his children never be branded as Black, the narrator also feels a sense of “longing for [his] mother's people” (210). Hearing Washington speak, the narrator recounts: “I feel small and selfish. I am an ordinarily successful white man who has made a little money. [Race leaders] are men who are making history and a race. … I cannot repress the thought that, after all, I have chosen the lesser part, that I have sold my birthright for a mess of pottage” (211).
Whereas Harper's protagonist, upon discovering that she is Black, takes up the task of racial uplift in the face of personal hardship, Johnson's narrator flees into the White world to escape his sense of shame. Harper's message was clearly more uplifting and urged readers, Black and White alike, to applaud African Americans’ hard work if not to take it up themselves. But the tide was turning against the programmatic uplift novel, and Johnson's deft, subtle, psychological realism was the new wave (see
Race Uplift Movement
). Thus Johnson's novel, which was republished in 1927, attracted much more attention than Harper's during the Harlem Renaissance. African American literature was moving toward refined literary styles that innovatively blended standard and African American language, fearlessly explored moral ambiguity, and developed realistic portrayals of Black America. The Autobiography's realism was reinforced by the fact that it was first published anonymously, purporting to protect the identity of its passing narrator. Other important novels published during Reconstruction and its aftermath include
Sutton E. Griggs
's Imperium in Imperio (1899),
Pauline Elizabeth Hopkins
's Magazine Novels, and
Charles Waddell Chesnutt
's House Behind the Cedars (1900). Novels such as these trace the ground separating Harper's and Chestnutt's literary visions and foreshadow developments to come in the African American novel. Whereas Griggs's novel anticipated developments of the 1940s and 1960s, when highly politicized and confrontational aesthetics were developed, Hopkins's novels drew on “the strategies and formulas of the sensational fiction of dime novels and magazines” (Carby, 145). Chesnutt's novel tells another version of the tragic
story, in which the protagonist is able to live neither in the Black world nor in the White one and dies as a result; its heroine achieves a greater moral complexity than Clotel's but does not undertake the work of racial uplift that Iola Leroy's does.
The dramatic changes that took place in the African American novel during the period loosely designated as the Harlem Renaissance may be
measured in part by the fact that one of its major inspirations,
's Cane (1923), bore little resemblance to a conventional novel but was instead a highly innovative, stylish novel‐in‐stories that also included poetry. Toomer's own term for his aesthetic was “poetic realism,” which cast his work in contrast to the sentimental and romantic works of the antebellum and post‐Civil War authors (Rusch). Cane does not have a unifying plot. Instead, it is a lyrical blend of poems, short stories, and one dramatic piece. In Bernard W. Bell's words, it is “an incantational collection of thematically related writings” (97). The book explores themes such as African Americans’ rootedness in a rural past and their rapid urbanization, the rise of a Black middle class, and a mystical vision of sexuality. Toomer's experimental forms, which placed an unprecedented premium on the aesthetic possibilities for Black literature, immediately struck readers as the herald of a new literary era. Though previous African American authors had, to be sure, developed distinctive styles and voices, authors of the Harlem Renaissance excelled at putting the mark of their individual style on their works as they experimented with fictional and poetic forms. As a result, it becomes more difficult to generalize about novelistic production during this period.
It is clear, however, that a sense of “newness” marks the period, as
's volume The New Negro (1925) announced. In the opening essay of that volume, Locke declared a rupture with past modes of representation, especially those that drew on popular forms such as the sentimental novel that relied on stock characters: “In art and letters, instead of being wholly caricatured, [the
] is being seriously portrayed and painted” (9). This new, serious representation was as interested in ambiguity, irony, and difficulty as antebellum and post‐Civil War literature had been in clear, effective, and popular means of communicating messages about slavery and racial uplift. Following the work of Toomer and Johnson, Harlem Renaissance novels by men typically participate in a realistic aesthetic. Like Toomer,
represented rural Black folk as rooted and stable, and their urban counterparts as struggling to adapt to materialism and industrialization; his Home to Harlem (1928) aroused controversy for its apparently primitivist view of Black rural origins. Not Without Laughter (1930), by
, is a coming‐of‐age novel set in the Midwest and counterbalances McKay's primitivist view of Black rural America. Arna Bontemps's work of
, Black Thunder (1936), like Imperium in Imperio, is a revolutionary tale, but Bontemps draws on an actual slave revolt, and the novel's debt to slave narratives is apparent. The title of
's The Blacker the Berry (1929) ironically refers to the folk saying, “The blacker the berry, the sweeter the juice.” Far from living out this saying, the novel's female protagonist encounters constant discrimination because of her dark skin and internalizes others’ negative attitudes about her complexion.
A number of women novelists emerged during the Harlem Renaissance.
Zora Neale Hurston
, for instance, devoted herself not only to the fictional representation of strong, independent women who feared neither men nor
their own sexuality, but also to the anthropological study of African American and Haitian life, study that informed her portrayal of the Black South. Whereas depictions of women, often passing mulattoes, had been tightly constrained by the traditions of the sentimental and seduction novels, Hurston's Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937) tells the story of a Black woman at the center of several Black communities in Florida, describing these with the care of an anthropological eye. Hurston's protagonist survives first an abusive marriage and then a passionate affair with a younger man whom she must shoot after he contracts rabies. The novel closes as it opens, with the woman telling her story to a friend. Similarly ambitious in opening new possibilities for representing women were
Jessie Redmon Fauset
. Bell has called Hurston's work “folk romance,” contrasting it with Fauset's and Larsen's, which he names “genteel realism.” Like Hurston, Fauset and Larsen were concerned to address the limitations put on women, though the women are not always successful in overcoming such hurdles and are especially unsuccessful in Larsen's work. Unlike Hurston's, their settings were middle‐class and urban. Fauset's There Is Confusion (1924) reverses tradition and attributes the mulatto's problems to his White blood. Fauset's Plum Bun (1929) is an intricate, somewhat underappreciated novel of passing set in
, and New York City. The Black woman narrator of Larsen's Passing (1929) subtly reveals a lesbian attraction to a woman who is passing, an attraction that ends in the other woman's death, perhaps at the hands of the narrator.
The Harlem Renaissance set new standards of literary quality for Black literature and produced an astonishing number of enduring novels in a relatively short period. In some cases the success of the Harlem Renaissance has had the effect of obscuring the careers of writers whose work was in a popular mode or that otherwise violated the expectations of readers.
, for instance, wrote a number of significant detective and prison novels that show America's seamier side (see
Crime and Mystery Fiction
). His first novels present a tragic vision of how racism determines Black men's lives. Cast the First Stone (1952) was published in bowdlerized form because it did not conform to the hard‐boiled template that was expected of Himes and because of its depiction of situational homosexuality and tenderness among men in prison; republished in Himes's original form as Yesterday Will Make You Cry (1998), the novel focuses on a White convict who struggles unsuccessfully to overcome his grim circumstances. In his promotion of a deterministic vision, Himes was in step with the most prominent Black writer of the 1930s and 1940s,
. Wright's “Blueprint for Negro Writing” (1937), one of the most influential literary manifestos of the twentieth century, represented a return of the repressed propaganda tradition in Black letters, demanding a sociological focus on the confrontation between Black and White cultures and a rejection of modes of representation that might entertain rather than instruct. Whereas it could be argued that many Harlem Renaissance writers were concerned
primarily with aesthetic quality, Wright viewed their works as compromised by White patronage and middle‐class values. Partly because of the influence of Wright's protest novel, brilliant work by women such as Hurston, whose novels did not conform to the model, were eclipsed for decades, only to be rediscovered in the 1970s. Wright's model is epitomized by Native Son (1940), in which the accidents of circumstance drive the protagonist, Bigger Thomas, to a tragic end. There is little to endear Bigger to the reader, and the novel's mechanistic plot clearly dooms him from the outset. However, after he is sentenced to death for murder, Bigger comes to a kind of psychological closure, understanding how his environment has determined who he is.
As the Civil Rights Movement began, Wright's preeminence as a novelist found challengers in
, both of whom appeared to reject Wright's didacticism and determinism. A former protégé of Wright's, Ralph Ellison seemed to be more interested in the aesthetics of the novel than in producing
. Arguably, however, the plot of Invisible Man (1952) is nearly as deterministic as Wright's. Nonetheless, the style and structure of the novel are extraordinary and original. Its unnamed narrator eventually comes to understand that he has a “socially responsible role to play” (Ellison, 581). At of the end of the novel, he has yet to undertake such a role.
Baldwin's work launched additional challenges to Wright's preeminence. Perhaps his most admired novel, Go Tell It on the Mountain (1953) thoroughly eschewed Wright's sociological Black‐White conflict in favor of a nuanced psychological exploration rendered in richly literary language that owed equal parts to the Black church and to Henry James. For Baldwin, the novel was an exercise in coming to terms with his sexuality and his relationships with his father and the church. Its protagonist finds a kind of secular salvation in suffering, and Baldwin would return to this theme frequently. Baldwin's modern adaptation of the Black church's oral traditions is perhaps his most enduring stylistic contribution to African American literature. Giovanni's Room (1956), set mainly in Paris, tells the story of a White American man who falls in love with an Italian man but ultimately is unable to love anyone. With Another Country (1962), which is set in New York City and concerns interracial relationships, among other things, Baldwin earned both critical and popular acclaim. His reputation as an essayist probably still overshadows his reputation as a novelist, and his later works of fiction are arguably as protest‐oriented as Richard Wright's work.
As the Civil Rights Movement continued into the 1960s, the
Black Arts Movement
promoted an aesthetic to complement the greater militancy of the
Movement. Reasserting politics as the most important dimension of literary production, some members of the movement rejected figures such as Ellison and Baldwin as assimilationists whose work was too invested in European literary models. Because their forms lent themselves to performance, poetry and drama are more characteristic of the Black Arts Movement's literary activism. However, novelists such as John Williams in The Man Who Cried I Am (1967), did represent African Americans successfully countering
discrimination with strategic anger. The nonlinear narrative of Williams's novel underscores the historical determination of both collective and individual destinies. Other novelists of the period, such as
Margaret Abigail Walker
in Jubilee (1966) and
Ernest James Gaines
in The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman (1971), included clear critiques of racism in their work while maintaining a focus on the individual voice and psychology. Walker's novel, which was based on the life of her grandmother, and Gaines's, which is told in the voice of a 110‐year old ex‐slave, returned once again to the tradition of the slave narrative. Other supporters of the Black Arts Movement, such as
John Edgar Wideman
in A Glance Away (1967), did not strictly adhere to the movement's exclusive focus on African American politics.
The publication of
's The Third Life of Grange Copeland and
's The Bluest Eye in 1970 marked a revival of interest in Black women's literature. Thanks to Morrison's position as a senior editor at Random House for a number of years and recovery work such as Walker's on Hurston, new novels by Black women and the republication of relatively unread works from previous decades permanently transformed the field of the African American novel. This transformation was not simply a restoration of
parity; on the contrary, women novelists such as Morrison espoused an approach to storytelling that rejected anything like Wright's protest novel, which had usually foregrounded male characters and focused exclusively on Black communities in conflict with White communities. Instead, women novelists have encouraged fictional portrayals of Black families’ and communities’ interiors, leaving aside the violence of interracial conflict. Moreover, these novelists have confronted problems within the Black community, including spousal abuse, drawing criticism from those who prefer that art promote a positive, empowering image of African Americans. For instance, Morrison explores Black family dynamics, some of them dysfunctional, and Black women's internalization of White beauty standards in The Bluest Eye; in this exploration, her novel was anticipated by
's Maud Martha (1953), a novel about an ordinary Black woman that was long eclipsed by fiction about men with extraordinary experiences. The epistolary novel The Color Purple (1982), which also concerns issues of gender and women's self‐determination, is Alice Walker's most critically acclaimed work. Other significant women novelists include
Toni Cade Bambara
. Jones's Eva's Man (1976) provoked controversy over its explicit sex and violence and excited readers with its experimental narrative style, which took the form of an unreliable female narrator. The novel's depiction of sexuality is bleak and violent; its protagonist is sent to prison after she kills and castrates a lover. It closes with the woman's cellmate making love to her, the novel's only moment of possible redemption.
Naylor's The Women of Brewster Place (1982), Linden Hills (1985), and Mama Day (1988) are subtle, inventive narratives that explore women's issues, questions of identity, and conflicts within both the African American working
class and middle class. McMillan's novel Waiting to Exhale (1992) was critically acclaimed and also enormously popular; it was adapted to the screen, as were Walker's The Color Purple and Morrison's Beloved.
Today the African American novel is richly informed by a variety of traditions and is breaking new ground in innovative forms and in genres such as science fiction, to which
Samuel R. Delany
in Dhalgren (1974) and
Octavia E. Butler
in Patternmaster (1976) have made important contributions. For both Delany and Butler, race remains a concern, but the conventions of science fiction allow them to address race in less literal and more conceptually creative ways than the traditional novel might.
, among others, have contributed original novels to the crime fiction genre. Writers such as
James Earl Hardy
E. Lynn Harris
Randall Garrett Kenan
Ann Allen Shockley
have expanded the possibilities for gay and lesbian representation in the Black novel, ground that was first broken by James Baldwin and Nella Larsen (see
). In 1993 Toni Morrison became the first African American to win the Nobel Prize for Literature. Finally, the popular success of works by Baldwin, Walker, Morrison, McMillan, and Harris, among others, has meant that the African American novel now reaches a much larger audience than ever before without sacrificing any of its commitment to the representing African American experiences (Graham).
James Baldwin, Early Novels and Stories: Go Tell It on the Mountain, Giovanni's Room, Another Country, Going to Meet the Man (New York: Library of America, 1998); Arna Bontemps, Black Thunder (1936; repr. Boston: Beacon, 1997); William Wells Brown, Clotel; or, The President's Daughter: A Narrative of Slave Life in the United States (1853; repr. New York: Collier, 1970); Octavia Butler, Patternmaster (New York: Warner, 1976); Charles W. Chesnutt, The House Behind the Cedars (1900; repr. New York: Collier, 1969); Martin Delany, Blake; or, The Huts of America (1859; repr. Boston: Beacon, 1970); Samuel R. Delany, Dhalgren (1974; repr. Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1996); Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man (New York: Vintage, 1952); Ernest Gaines, The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman (1971; repr. New York: Bantam, 1982); Sutton Griggs, Imperium in Imperio: A Study of the Negro Race Problem (1899; repr. Miami: Mnemosyne, 1969); Frances E. W. Harper, Iola Leroy; or, Shadows Uplifted (1892; repr. Boston: Beacon, 1987); Chester Himes: Cotton Comes to Harlem (New York: Putnam, 1965); If He Hollers, Let Him Go (New York: Doubleday, 1946); Yesterday Will Make You Cry (1953; repr. New York: Norton, 1998); Pauline E. Hopkins, The Magazine Novels of Pauline E. Hopkins (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); Langston Hughes, Not Without Laughter (1930; repr. New York: Scribner's, 1995); Zora Neale Hurston, Their Eyes Were Watching God (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1937); Harriet A. Jacobs, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl, Written by Herself (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988); James Weldon Johnson, The Autobiography of an Ex‐Colored Man (1912; repr. New York: Vintage, 1927); Nella Larsen, Quicksand and Passing (2 novels), ed. Deborah E. McDowell (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1986); Alain Locke, ed., The New Negro (1925; repr. New York: Atheneum, 1992); Claude McKay, Home to Harlem
(1928; repr. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1987); Toni Morrison: Beloved (New York: Knopf, 1987); The Bluest Eye (New York: Plume, 1970); Gloria Naylor: Linden Hills (New York: Penguin, 1985); Mama Day (New York: Vintage, 1993); The Women of Brewster Place (New York: Penguin, 1982); Wallace Thurman, The Blacker the Berry (1929; repr. New York: Collier, 1970); Jean Toomer, Cane (1923; repr. New York: Norton, 1988); Alice Walker, The Color Purple (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982); The Third Life of Grange Copeland (New York: Pocket, 1970); Margaret Walker, Jubilee (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1966); John Williams, The Man Who Cried I Am (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967); Harriet E. Wilson, Our Nig; or, Sketches from the Life of a Free Black, in a Two‐Story White House, North, Showing That Slavery's Shadows Fall Even There (1859; repr. New York: Vintage, 1983); Richard Wright, Early Works: Lawd Today!, Uncle Tom's Children, Native Son (New York: Library of American, 1991).
Bernard W. Bell, The Afro‐American Novel and Its Tradition (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1987); Robert Bone, The Negro Novel in America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1958); Hazel V. Carby, Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the Afro‐American Woman Novelist (New York: Oxford Universty Press, 1987); Barbara Christian, Black Women Novelists: The Development of a Tradition, 1892–1976 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1980); Maryemma Graham, ed., Cambridge Companion to the African American Novel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004); Frederik L. Rusch, “Form, Fuction, and Creative Tension in Cane: Jean Toomer and the Need for the Avant‐Garde,” MELUS 17, no. 4 (Winter 1991–1992), 15–28; Robert B. Stepto, From Behind the Veil: A Study of Afro‐American Narrative, 2nd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1991); Ian Watt, The Rise of the Novel: Studies in Defoe, Richardson, and Fielding (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957).
Nugent, Richard Bruce (1906–1987)
Writer and artist. Nugent is often referred to as little more than an eyewitness to the
, yet he played a far more significant role, contributing to the movement as a prolific writer and artist. In
, where he was born on July 2, 1906, Nugent became a member of
Georgia Douglas Johnson
's artistic circle and befriended
. After settling in New York City in 1925, he was initiated into the Harlem Renaissance's inner circle and contributed his African‐themed short story “Sahdji” to what was to become the “bible” of the Harlem Renaissance—
's famous collection of Renaissance writing, The New Negro (1925).
While this could have been the starting point of a successful career involving critical appraisal and awards, Nugent opted for the bohemian life. Unusual for a Renaissance member, he displayed great interest in the contemporary White avant‐garde and regularly visited Greenwich Village. His open display of homosexual interests contributed to his special position within the movement: Nugent could be described as having embraced a “queer” identity. As one of the youngest Renaissance members, he delighted in playing the part of the extravagant bohemian and was famous for his informal
way of dressing and his outrageous manners. Befitting this bohemian lifestyle, Nugent always lacked financial stability. He depended on friends’ generosity and spent some of the Harlem Renaissance years on the floor of
's residence at 267 West 136th Street—which Thurman and others dubbed “Niggeratti Manor,” a pun on literati—and was well known for outrageous partying (Lewis).
Nugent's creative process seemed to seemed to fit his chaotic environment: He wrote on paper bags and toilet paper, and occasionally, as was the case with the poem “Shadow”—eventually published in
in 1925—his work had to be retrieved from the trash can where it had been discarded, mistaken for garbage. Many of Nugent's artistic creations were similarly endangered because he often lost, destroyed, or gave away his drawings. This, however, does not mean that his contributions to the Harlem Renaissance were negligible. Apart from “Sahdji” and a number of poems, Nugent's fame during the Harlem Renaissance rested on his extraordinary stream‐of‐consciousness tale “Smoke, Lilies and Jade,” the first openly homoerotic story published by an African American, which appeared in the highly provocative magazine
In Nugent's work,
often plays only an incidental role because his focus was on aesthetics. Appropriately, he favored a decadent style as established by artists such as Aubrey Beardsley, to which he added African motifs. His range of literary subject material was wide, reaching from African themes to his late 1920s Bible stories, the undated Japanese‐themed novel Geisha Man, and Gentleman Jigger (n.d.), Nugent's autobiographical account of the Harlem Renaissance. Since Nugent frequently featured male same‐sex attraction in his works, few of his creations were published during the Harlem Renaissance.
Nugent's contribution to African American culture went far beyond the creation of literature and works of art. For instance, he proved himself a talented actor in Porgy (1927–1930) and was involved in the Negro Ballet Company in the late 1940s. In 1952, Nugent married Grace Marr, who died in 1969. In the early 1970s, Nugent was discovered as an expert on the Harlem Renaissance and, in the early 1980s, as a source of information on gay history. A film clip featuring him is used in the stylish quasi‐documentary film by Issac Julien, Looking for Langston (1989). He died of congestive heart failure on May 27, 1987. In 2002, a collection of Nugent's works was published, finally enabling an appropriate appreciation of this artist and writer whose multifaceted literary and artistic heritage had been unknown to the public for decades. (See
Richard Bruce (pseudonym of Nugent): “Cavalier,” in Caroling Dusk: An Anthology of Verse by Negro Poets, ed. Countee Cullen (New York: Harper & Bros., 1927), 205–206; “The Dark Tower,” Opportunity Oct. 1927, pp. 305–306; “Sahdji,” in The New Negro, ed. Alain Locke (New York: Boni, 1925), 113–114; “Sahdji: An African Ballet,” in Plays of Negro Life: A Sourcebook of Native American Drama, ed. Alain Locke (New York: Harper & Bros., 1927), 387–400; “Shadow,” Opportunity, Oct. 1925, p. 296; “Smoke, Lilies and Jade,” Fire!! 1 (1926), 33–39;
“What Price Glory in Uncle Tom's Cabin,” Harlem, Nov. 1928, pp. 25–26; Jean Blackwell Hutson, interview with Richard Bruce Nugent, videotape (Apr. 14, 1982), Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York City; Richard Bruce Nugent: “ ‘… and More Gently Still': A Myth,” Trend: A Quarterly of the Seven Arts 1 (1932), 53–54; Gay Rebel of the Harlem Renaissance: Selections from the Work of Richard Bruce Nugent, ed. Thomas H. Wirth (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002); “Lighting FIRE!!,” insert to Fire!! (1926; Metuchen, NJ: Fire!!, 1982); “Marshall's: A Portrait,” Phylon 5 (1944), 316–318; “My Love,” Palms, Oct. 1926, p. 20; Richard Bruce Nugent Papers, private collection of Thomas H. Wirth, Elizabeth, NJ; Thomas H. Wirth, interviews with Richard Bruce Nugent, tape recordings (June 19, 1983–Sept. 5, 1983), collections of Thomas H. Wirth, Elizabeth, NJ, and Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, New York City.
Michael L. Cobb, “Insolent Racing, Rough Narrative: The Harlem Renaissance's Impolite Queers,” Callaloo 23 (2000), 328–351; Rodney Evans, dir., Brother to Brother (Miasma, 2003); Eric Garber, “Richard Bruce Nugent,” in Afro‐American Writers from the Harlem Renaissance to 1940, ed. Trudier Harris and Thadious Davis (Detroit: Gale, 1987), 213–221; James V. Hatch, “An Interview with Bruce Nugent—Actor, Artist, Writer, Dancer,” Artists and Influences 1 (1982), 81–104; Isaac Julien, dir., Looking for Langston (New York: Waterbearer Films, 1992); Jeff Kisseloff, You Must Remember This: An Oral History of Manhattan from the 1890s to World War II (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1989); David Levering Lewis, When Harlem was in Vogue (New York: Knopf, 1981); A. B. Christa Schwarz, Gay Voices of the Harlem Renaissance (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003); Seth Clark Silberman: “Lighting the Harlem Renaissance aFire!!: Embodying Richard Bruce Nugent's Bohemian Politic,” in The Greatest Taboo: Homosexuality in Black Communities, ed. Delroy Constantine‐Simms (Los Angeles: Alyson, 2001), 254–273; “Looking for Richard Bruce Nugent and Wallace Henry Thurman: Reclaiming Black Male Same‐Sexualities in the New Negro Movement,” In Process 1 (1996), 53–73; Charles Michael Smith, “Bruce Nugent: Bohemian of the Harlem Renaissance,” in In the Life: A Black Gay Anthology, ed. Joseph Beam (Boston: Alyson, 1986), 209–220; Thomas H. Wirth: “FIRE!! in Retrospect,” insert to Fire!! (1926; Metuchen, NJ: Fire!!, 1982); “Introduction,” in Gay Rebel of the Harlem Renaissance: Selections from the Work of Richard Bruce Nugent, ed. Thomas H. Wirth (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002), 1–61.
A. B. Christa Schwarz
Núñez, Elizabeth (born c. 1950)
Novelist, editor, and educator. Elizabeth Núñez, best known for her critically acclaimed novels, was born in Cocorite, Trinidad. When she was seven years old, her short story won a local newspaper's tiny tot contest, and she decided that she wanted to be a novelist. Núñez completed secondary school at St. Joseph's Convent in Port of Spain; she received a B.A. (1967) from Marian College in Wisconsin and an M.A. (1971) and a Ph.D. (1977) from New York University. In 1972, Núñez joined the faculty at Medgar Evers College of the City University of New York, where she is a CUNY Distinguished Professor of English. A former fellow at the Yaddo and MacDowell colonies and the Paden Institute, she founded the
National Black Writers Conference with
John O. Killens
in 1986; served as the conference's director from 1986 to 2000; was executive producer of Black Writers in America, a television series hosted by
; was a member of a committee commissioned by President Clinton to review the Public Programs Division of the National Endowment for the Humanities; and was a member of the White House Roundtable on Women's Initiatives and Outreach.
Núñez is the author of five novels: When Rocks Dance (1987); Beyond the Limbo Silence (1998), which received the Independent Press Award for Multicultural Fiction; Bruised Hibiscus (2000), which won an American Book Award; Discretion (2003); and Grace (2003). She edited a collection of essays, Defining Ourselves: Black Writers in the 1990s (1999), with Brenda M. Greene. Núñez's writing has appeared in publications including Black Scholar, Essence, the New York Times Book Review, and the Philadelphia Inquirer. She received an honorary Doctorate in Humane Letters from Marian College in 1999 and has garnered additional awards for her contributions to the arts and education.
“Elizabeth Núñez,” African American Literature Book Club,
http://aalbc.com/authors/elizabet.htm; Elizabeth Núñez: Beyond the Limbo Silence (Seattle, WA: Seal Press, 1998); Bruised Hibiscus (Seattle, WA: Seal Press, 2000); Discretion (New York: One World/Ballantine, 2003); Grace (New York: One World, 2003); When Rocks Dance (New York: Ballantine, 1987); Elizabeth Núñez and Brenda M. Greene, eds., Defining Ourselves: Black Writers in the 90s (New York: Peter Lang, 1999).
Linda M. Carter
Nuyorican Poets Café
Miguel Algarín and Miguel Piñero opened the Nuyorican Poets Café on Manhattan's Lower East Side in 1975, when poetry gatherings at Algarín's apartment became too crowded. A performance space for poetry, live music, and theater, the café first concentrated on the Nuyorican (New York Puerto Rican) experience, and participants, including Puerto Rican immigrants Pedro Pietro and
, performed autobiographical narratives about immigrant life in New York City and about immigrants’ disillusionment with the American Dream. The café thrived during the mid‐1970s, drawing attention to Nuyorican writing, including Piñero's award‐winning play Short Eyes and the anthlology Nuyorican Poetry, which Algarín and Piñero edited. Nuyorican poetry, written in a wide range of styles, makes extensive use of code‐switching, mixing English and Spanish. Code‐switching had been used before as a linguistic tool, but the Chicano writer Alurista is generally credited with popularizing it in the 1960s. Later, Nuyorican poets employed code‐switching as a method for establishing a middle ground between the United States and Puerto Rico. Many of these poets based their poems on street
and rhythm, which contributed to their fluid approach to language.
Tackling themes of homosexuality, drugs, and disaffection with the mainstream, the first wave of Nuyorican writers followed in the footsteps of the
a decade before, some of whom frequented the café. Allen Ginsberg and
William Burroughs were often sighted at the café, as was
. After moving in 1980, the café closed its doors in 1983. Five years later, Piñero died from drug and alcohol use at the age of forty. Soon after, Algarín and the poet Bob Holman reopened the café as a memorial to their friend. Algarín, who has taught Shakespeare at Rutgers University for two decades, has enlarged the definition of “Nuyorican” to encompass a multicultural mind‐set—he has even claimed that Shakespeare was a Nuyorican. The café in its latest incarnation has become inclusive of all races, bound together as a community by the performative, trovador aspect of their writing and by their intense language play. The poets often self‐identify as a vanguard, bringing a new poetic language to the masses via performance, MTV, and other popular media. Rather than celebrating art for art's sake, the Nuyorican poets find an almost Marxist use value to their poetry; it is polemical, the voice of the disaffected. Several notable contemporary poets have read at the café, including the late Pedro Pietro, Piri Thomas, Rudolfo Anaya, Maggie Estep, and
, as have many first‐time performers and beginning writers. Aloud: Voices from the Nuyorican Poets Café, edited by Algarín and Holman, won the American Book Award in 1994. Algarín, with Lois Griffith, also edited Action: The Nuyorican Poets Café Theater Festival (1997). The café's Friday night slams are still held each week at the East 3rd Street location and are broadcast in
San Francisco, California
, and Tokyo, Japan. (See
Miguel Algarín, Love Is Hard Work: Memorias de Loisaida (New York: Scribner's, 1997); Miguel Algarín, and Lois Griffith, Action: The Nuyorican Poets Café Theater Festival (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1997); Miguel Algarín, Bob Holman, and Nicole Blackman, Aloud: Voices from the Nuyorican Poets Café (New York: Owl Books, 1994); Miguel Algarín and Miguel Piñero, Nuyorican Poetry: An Anthology of Puerto Rican Words and Feelings (New York: Morrow, 1975); Carmen Delores Hernández, Puerto Rican Voices in English: Interviews with Writers (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997); Bob Holman, Bob Holman's The Collect Call of the Wild (New York: Henry Holt, 1995); Nuyorican Poets Café Web page, http://www.nuyorican.org/; Miguel Piñero: Short Eyes: A Play (New York: Hill and Wang, 1975); The Sun Always Shines for the Cool; A Midnight Moon at the Greasy Spoon; Eulogy for a Small Time Thief (Houston, TX: Arte Público Press, 1984).
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http://testaae.greenwood.com/doc_print.aspx?fileID=GR2972&chapterID=GR2972-6547&path=encyclopedias/greenwood
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2013-05-22T21:46:01Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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en
| 0.943553
| 58,728
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Agriculture always has been and will continue to be the strength
of North Dakota. North Dakota produces more barley, sunflower seeds,
and flaxseed than any other state; ranks number two in wheat production;
and ranks among the leading producers of oats, rye, and sugar beets.
Beef cattle also are important to the economy. Cropland and pastures
cover about 90 percent of the state's total land area.
state has tried to diversify its economy. In the early 1950s oil was
discovered in the western part of the state. By the 1970s oil wells
were operating in 14 western counties, and today it still remains
an important export. The state also has been using more of its coal
resources since the 1950s. Lignite coal is used to generate over 90
percent of the state's electric power. Today, North Dakota holds 80
percent of all lignite resources in the United States. In 1957 North
Dakota established an economic development commission that has worked
to attract industry to the state. Industry has grown and created thousands
of jobs for North Dakotans, but attracting industry remains difficult
because the state lies so far from the nation's urban centers.
In July of 1997, a report based on FBI crime statistics ranked North
Dakota as the safest state in the nation, with the lowest violent
crime rate. Another report in July of 1997, from the Children's Rights
Council, ranked North Dakota as the best state to raise children.
Their rating was based on nine factors, including rates of high school
graduates, crime and divorce.
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<urn:uuid:6ea7558e-920a-485c-9c2c-ce5a34fffaf1>
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http://lcweb2.loc.gov/ammem/award97/ndfahtml/ngp_nd_contemp.html
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2013-05-25T05:58:37Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368705559639/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516115919-00050-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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en
| 0.961253
| 339
|
Globally, forests cover nearly one third of the land area and they contain over 80% of terrestrial biodiversity. Both the extent and quality of forest habitat continue to decrease and the associated loss of biodiversity jeopardizes forest ecosystem functioning and the ability of forests to provide ecosystem services. In the light of the increasing population pressure, it is of major importance not only to conserve, but also to restore forest ecosystems.
Ecological restoration has recently started to adopt insights from the biodiversity-ecosystem functioning (BEF) perspective. Central is the focus on restoring the relation between biodiversity and ecosystem functioning. Here we provide an overview of important considerations related to forest restoration that can be inferred from this BEF-perspective.
Restoring multiple forest functions requires multiple species. It is highly unlikely that species-poor plantations, which may be optimal for above-ground biomass production, will outperform species diverse assemblages for a combination of functions, including overall carbon storage and control over water and nutrient flows. Restoring stable forest functions also requires multiple species. In particular in the light of global climatic change scenarios, which predict more frequent extreme disturbances and climatic events, it is important to incorporate insights from the relation between biodiversity and stability of ecosystem functioning into forest restoration projects. Rather than focussing on species per se, focussing on functional diversity of tree species assemblages seems appropriate when selecting tree species for restoration. Finally, also plant genetic diversity and above - below-ground linkages should be considered during the restoration process, as these likely have prominent but until now poorly understood effects at the level of the ecosystem.
The BEF-approach provides a useful framework to evaluate forest restoration in an ecosystem functioning context, but it also highlights that much remains to be understood, especially regarding the relation between forest functioning on the one side and genetic diversity and above-ground-below-ground species associations on the other. The strong emphasis of the BEF-approach on functional rather than taxonomic diversity may also be the beginning of a paradigm shift in restoration ecology, increasing the tolerance towards allochthonous species.
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http://pubmedcentralcanada.ca/pmcc/solr/reg?pageSize=25&term=jtitle_s%3A(%22Ann+Bot%22)&sortby=score+desc&filterAuthor=author%3A(%22Honnay%2C+Olivier%22)
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2013-05-25T19:34:39Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706153698/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516120913-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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en
| 0.914281
| 427
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- Grades: 6–8
- Unit Plan:
- Develop a written timeline of their lives.
- Analyze important events in sequential order.
- Create a graphic timeline organizer.
- Timeline Organizer (PDF)
- Drawing supplies, glue
- Old magazines, photos, and clippings from home
- Digital camera, scanner, computer, and printer, if possible
- A 6' x 10" strip of paper for each student
- Overhead projector, transparency of the Timeline Organizer
- Paper towel rolls, folders, or other items to store the timelines
Set Up and Prepare
- Cut long strips of paper, or connect sheets of paper to provide long, thin strips approximately 6’ x 10".
- Create your own graphic timeline for modeling. Display it in a visible location.
- Arrange art materials for easy access.
- Make copies of the Timeline Organizer (PDF).
Discuss what is meant by sequential order.
Demonstrate use of the Timeline Organizer by modeling on the overhead projector. Refer to students' completed Who Am I? handout for ideas. (Allow students to add more information, if they want to.) Explain that they may need more than one organizer to complete their timelines. It’s not necessary for them to include dates, as long as their entries are in order.
Give students sufficient time to complete the timeline.
Explain that they are going to make a graphic display of their timeline by choosing illustrations, photographs, drawings, clippings, computer clip art, magazine pictures, etc to represent the information on the graphic organizer.
Model your graphic timeline and discuss why you chose the graphics. Invite students to suggest alternative images. Discuss the use of captions on the timeline to describe events. These should come from the Timeline Organizer. Remind and encourage students to bring materials from home for the timeline.
PART 2 and 3:
Distribute timeline paper.
Allow students to use the computer to locate clip art. If you have access to a digital camera and printer, use these to create photographs. You can copy pictures with a scanner.
Create the graphic timelines, adding captions to describe the events.
Display the completed graphic timelines in the classroom. They provide a big visual impact for an Open House.
Supporting All Learners
- Pair students who struggle with ideas with a partner.
- ESL students can use captions in their first language. It's interesting to other students to relate the language to the illustrations.
Students can preserve their timelines by creating a timeline capsule. Decorated paper towel rolls or folders work well. These can be easily stored in the classroom, and used again at the end of the year for a reflection writing exercise.
Students can take the graphic timelines home and request a family member to add their own memories to the captions. For a successful graphic timeline, students must spend time at home locating illustrations, photographs, etc.
- Develop a timeline graphic organizer putting important life events in sequential order.
- Choose appropriate visual representations of important events on the timeline.
- Assemble a graphic lifeline using photographs, illustrations, clippings, etc.
- Explain events on the timeline with captions.
- Do you think any part of the lesson was unclear?
- What can you do to improve the overall effectiveness of the lesson?
- How would you evaluate student enthusiasm for the project?
Observe students’ work on the Timeline Organizer to check for understanding. Since this is a get-acquainted, pre-writing activity, it's not necessary to award a grade, but you could give participation points.
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<urn:uuid:feca434f-ff3b-4c16-a6fe-ee6d62df5da5>
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http://www.scholastic.com/teachers/lesson-plan/graphic-timeline
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2013-05-24T09:17:22Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704433753/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516114033-00052-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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en
| 0.883992
| 753
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Question: "What is moral government theology?"
Answer: Moral government theology traces its roots back to a 16th-century Dutch jurist named Hugo Grotius. Moral government theology cannot truthfully be called a Christian doctrine as it is based on the unbiblical and erroneous idea that both God and man have a form of freedom known as the “power of contrary choice.” For man, this power enables all men to act and make choices free from the tyranny of our sin nature. Moral government theology claims that man is born morally neutral and is always capable of choosing whether or not to sin, and his moral character is determined by his choices.
For God, the power of contrary choice means He cannot know His own future choices for, if He did, He would in effect be restricted by those plans and no longer be able to make those choices freely. It also means His moral character is determined by His choices, meaning His will and His nature are changeable. Among its other detrimental effects, moral government theology is the basis of the “open theism” heresy which is currently gaining popularity in evangelical circles.
First, let’s examine the idea of the power of contrary choice in regard to mankind. The proponents of moral government theology claim that humans are able to fulfill the law, and we are not bound by a sin nature that continually wants to sin. Further, through our good choices and an iron will, mankind can turn away from sin, and we can achieve perfection if we work hard enough to make good choices. All these ideas directly contradict the Bible, which sets forth a completely different picture of man in his natural state. We are, by nature, objects of wrath (Ephesians 2:3) and dead in our transgressions and sins (Ephesians 2:1). A dead person cannot make choices of any kind, and a spiritually dead person most certainly cannot make a choice for God and His righteousness until he has been made a new creature in Christ (2 Corinthians 5:17). While we are still in our old sin nature, we are at war with God and we can’t choose to stop warring. Romans 8:7-8 tells us that “the sinful mind is hostile to God. It does not submit to God's law, nor can it do so. Those controlled by the sinful nature cannot please God” (italics added).
Further, even if we could make a choice to fulfill all of God’s laws—which we can’t—it still wouldn’t be enough to enable us to stand before Him because we are not justified by the law, but by faith in Christ (Galatians 2:16). The law was given to mankind by God to prove to us that we cannot fulfill it so that we stand hopelessly before Him, devoid of any way to appease His wrath against our sin. At this point, God’s grace and mercy were manifested in the person of His Son, whose death on the cross fulfilled the law (Matthew 5:17) and exchanged His righteousness for our sin (2 Corinthians 5:21).
So we see that the “power of contrary choice” does not exist. Until we are made new in Christ, we are slaves to sin (Romans 6:17), and a slave has no choice but to obey his master. Once Christ has given us a new nature, we are no longer slaves to sin, but to righteousness, and we can then made good choices, but only because the Savior now indwells us in the form of the Holy Spirit (2 Timothy 1:14).
Second, the moral government theology impugns God’s character and recreates Him in the likeness of man. Contrary to moral government theology’s claims, the Bible declares that God does not change His mind, He is not surprised by anything that happens, and what He has foreordained will come to pass (Isaiah 14:24). God is—by His very nature:
omniscient (all-knowing): “Oh, the depth of the riches of the wisdom and knowledge of God! How unsearchable his judgments, and his paths beyond tracing out!” (Romans 11:33);
omnipotent (all-powerful): "Ah, Sovereign LORD, you have made the heavens and the earth by your great power and outstretched arm. Nothing is too hard for you” (Jeremiah 32:17);
immutable (unchanging): “I am the Lord; I change not” (Malachi 3:6); and
sovereign (in complete control of every atom in the universe): “For from him and through him and to him are all things. To him be the glory forever! (Romans 11:36).
To suggest that God is as the moral government theology proponents describe Him is completely without biblical foundation. In fact, it contradicts God’s own description of Himself—revealed to us in His Word—which is tantamount to calling Him a liar or at least accusing Him of being out of touch with His own reality.
Moral government theology also distorts the doctrines of sin, justification, and the atonement, which is the natural consequence of beginning with an incorrect view of the nature of man and the nature of God. Suffice it to say that when these two things are wrong, it follows that any doctrine involving man and/or God will also be wrong, and this is certainly the case with moral government theology.
© Copyright 2002-2013 Got Questions Ministries.
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In 2009 the U.S government dubbed January 28 "Data Privacy Day." Four years later, it's the government's own actions to obtain personal information that are in the spotlight, thanks to new reports from Google and Twitter.
The goal of Data Privacy Day is to educate people and companies on the vulnerability of personal data, including information shared on social networks, financial data and anything stored on cloud services. The holiday is spearheaded by the National Cyber Security Alliance (NCSA), a nonprofit organization that works with government agencies and major tech companies including Intel, Google, Microsoft and Facebook.
"We want to raise universal awareness about people respecting the privacy of others and safeguarding their data," said Michael Kaiser, NSCA's executive director.
To mark the occasion, Twitter released its latest transparency report, which breaks down government requests for user data as well as copyright complaints and "take down" requests. Google followed up on its own transparency report, released last week, with a blog post explaining how it fields government requests and a new section on its transparency report that addresses common questions about the process.
The numbers from the two companies show a steady increase in requests from the U.S. government for personal data. Usually these requests are part of criminal investigations or court cases, according to the two companies. The majority of requests from U.S. agencies are subpoenas, followed by search warrants, court orders and some emergency requests. Search warrants are more difficult to obtain than a subpoena and require a higher standard of probable cause.
In the past six months, Google received 21,389 requests for data, a 70% increase since the company first started releasing the report in 2010. The largest single entity requesting information continued to be the U.S. government, which submitted 8,438 of the requests. Google turned over some or all of the requested information 88 percent of the time, Twitter 57 percent of the time.
Twitter received 1,858 requests for information about 1,433 accounts, 815 of which were from the U.S. government. The social network added a new home for its transparency reports, transparency.twitter.com, and expanded the report to include more details about the requests and an expanded entry to cover the activity in the United States.
"It's our continued hope that providing greater insight into this information helps in at least two ways: first, to raise public awareness about these invasive requests; second, to enable policy makers to make more informed decisions," Twitter's legal policy manager Jeremy Kessel said in a blog post.
Transparency and education about what the government can access and how are important, but the companies also want to change the laws to better protect user privacy in the first place.
"We're a law-abiding company, and we don't want our services to be used in harmful ways. But it's just as important that laws protect you against overly broad requests for your personal information," said Google's chief legal officer David Drummon in a blog post on Monday.
Under the 1986 Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA), a file stored on a hard drive in your home has greater protection than information stored with a third-party. Whereas the government would require a search warrant for anything in your house, it can request access to e-mails older than 180 days or information stored in the cloud with a subpoena, which is easier to obtain. Twitter and Google are both members of the Digital Due Process Coalition, an organization that is lobbying to update the act.
Drummon explained Google's process for handling requests, which involves notifying users of the requests when legally allowed, and requiring a search warrant for search query and private information from agencies conducting criminal investigations.
"We believe a warrant is required by the Fourth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, which prohibits unreasonable search and seizure and overrides conflicting provisions in ECPA," says Drummon.
These kinds of reports and posts are important tools for educating the public about how and when government agencies can access information, but government requests are only one sliver of data privacy fluency. People can also take steps to better control what they share online on social networks or apps that collect location data. Kaiser recommends people familiarize themselves with privacy policies and regularly update privacy settings on sites such as Facebook.
The day isn't just to raise awareness among consumers. Business are also key players in data privacy, and while big names like Google and Twitter have large legal and security teams, smaller companies that also have access to personal data might not.
"We want them to be aware of their responsibility to be stewards of the data people entrust to them," said Kaiser.
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Lipoproteins are molecules made of proteins and fat. They carry cholesterol and similar substances through the blood.
A blood test can be done to measure a specific type of lipoprotein called lipoprotein-a, or Lp(a). A high level of Lp(a) is considered a risk factor for heart disease.
A blood sample is needed. For information on how this is done, see: Venipuncture
You will be asked not to eat anything for 12 hours before the test.
Do not smoke before the test.
A needle is inserted to draw blood. You may feel moderate pain, or only a prick or stinging sensation. Afterward, there may be some throbbing.
High levels of lipoproteins can increase the risk of heart disease. The test is done to check your risk of atherosclerosis, stroke, and heart attack.
Normal values are below 30 mg/dL (milligrams per deciliter).
Note: Normal value ranges may vary slightly among different laboratories. Talk to your doctor about the meaning of your specific test results.
The example above shows the common measurements for results for these tests. Some laboratories use different measurements or may test different specimens.
Higher than normal values of Lp(a) are associated with a high risk for atherosclerosis, stroke, and heart attack.
Veins and arteries vary in size from one patient to another and from one side of the body to the other. Obtaining a blood sample from some people may be more difficult than from others.
Other risks associated with having blood drawn are slight but may include:
Lp(a) measurements may provide more detail about your risk for heart disease, but the added value of this test beyond a lipid panel is unknown.
Genest J, Libby P. Lipoprotein disorders and cardiovascular disease. In: Bonow RO, Mann DL, Zipes DP, Libby P, eds. Braunwald's Heart Disease: A Textbook of Cardiovascular Medicine. 9th ed. Philadelphia, PA:Saunders Elsevier; 2011:chap 47.
Semenkovich, CF. Disorders of lipid metabolism. In: Goldman L, Schafer AI, eds. Cecil Medicine. 24th ed. Philadelphia, PA: Saunders Elsevier; 2011:chap 213.
Updated by: David Zieve, MD, MHA, Medical Director, A.D.A.M. Health Solutions, Ebix, Inc. David C. Dugdale, III, MD, Professor of Medicine, Division of General Medicine, Department of Medicine, University of Washington School of Medicine. Also reviewed by David Zieve, MD, MHA, Medical Director, A.D.A.M. Health Solutions, Ebix, Inc.
The information provided herein should not be used during any medical emergency or for the diagnosis or treatment of any medical condition. A licensed physician should be consulted for diagnosis and treatment of any and all medical conditions. Call 911 for all medical emergencies. Links to other sites are provided for information only -- they do not constitute endorsements of those other sites. Copyright 1997-2013, A.D.A.M., Inc. Duplication for commercial use must be authorized in writing by ADAM Health Solutions.
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The Mesozoic extinction event
The Mesozoic came to an abrupt end 65 million years ago in a dramatic extinction event.
Death. Destruction. Devastation. What an ending. We know the outcome, but what was the cause? Can we really know what happened 65 million years ago? And why does it matter today?
The Mesozoic came to an abrupt end 65 million years ago in a dramatic extinction event. An estimated 70 per cent of plant and animal species perished.
Many theories have been suggested for its cause. The few that are accepted as scientifically valid are placed into two opposing groups. The ‘catastrophists’ believe the mass extinction happened suddenly due to a meteorite impact. The ‘gradualists’ consider it was prolonged and caused by climate change or volcanic activity, with the meteorite only providing the final blow.
Many scientists believe that the impact of one or more meteorites was the major cause of the end-Mesozoic extinction. The idea was first proposed by Alvarez and Alvarez in 1979 based on their analysis of a clay layer in Italy (known as the Gubbio clay layer). This layer yielded extensive amounts of the mineral iridium. Iridium is scarce on Earth and considered to be meteoric in origin as it can be formed from the impact and vaporisation of a meteorite.
This theory gained momentum as further research turned up a variety of supportive evidence from rock layers dating to about 65 million years old. These include possible impact craters, numerous sites with iridium, tsunami sediments, shocked quartz, carbon soots and extra terrestrial amino acids.
A large meteorite (about 10-kilometre-wide) hitting the Earth would be catastrophic. Research shows that the effects would include global firestorms, high magnitude earthquakes, tsunamis, acid rain, heating of the atmosphere, and debris and dust that cause nuclear winter. All these would devastate the biosphere, with massive initial fatalities followed by collapse of food chains and halting of plant photosynthesis.
A number of crater sites around the world date to the end of the Mesozoic. The Chicxulub Crater in Mexico is the most likely site of the extinction meteorite impact. This 200-kilometre wide crater was accidentally discovered in 1991 by geologists drilling for oil.
The Shiva Crater has also been proposed. This crater is found at the India-Seychelles rift. It would have been about 600 kilometres long and 450 kilometres wide when first formed, but has separated due to sea-floor spreading. If the original meteorite broke into fragments, one could have formed the Shiva Crater while the other impacted at Chicxulub.
It is estimated that a meteorite with a diameter of 10 kilometres would have been needed to create a 200-kilometre-wide crater, like the one at Chicxulub. The energy released from a meteorite this size would be about a million times the power of the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima in 1945.
Shocked quartz has a crystal structure altered by sudden extreme pressure from either violent volcanic eruptions or meteorite impacts. Samples from the end-Mesozoic extinction layer are most likely caused by a meteorite impact.
This rock sample from New Zealand shows the layer formed during the end-Mesozoic extinction event. Over 200 extinction layer sites around the world have produced elevated levels of the metal iridium. Iridium is rare in the Earth’s crust but relatively common in meteorites.
Not all scientists believe that a meteorite impact caused the end-Mesozoic extinction. Some believe that the extinction occurred over an extended period of time due to massive volcanism and that much of the evidence put forward to support the meteorite impact theory could have been due to volcanic activity instead.
The end of the Cretaceous was one of the most intense periods of volcanic activity in Earth's history with a number of sites showing evidence of large scale eruptions. In particular, the Deccan Traps in India cover an area of 800,000 square kilometres. They were formed over a few million years near the end of the Cretaceous when huge volumes of lava were released in a series of eruptions. Other sites of possible massive volcanic eruptions have been found in Cameroon and the Coral Sea.
Large scale eruptions would have resulted in several trillion tonnes of ash and toxic gases, such as sulphur dioxide and carbon dioxide, being pumped into the air. These could cause catastrophic changes to the climate including 'nuclear' winters, seasonal changes, global warming and aridity, along with other impacts such as acid rain, chemical changes to the ocean surfaces and depletion of the ozone layer.
The Deccan eruptions certainly affected local flora and fauna, but evidence suggests that it may have had little direct affect on global extinctions. Fossils found around the Traps show that life was resilient in this environment, including dinosaur life.
A mixing pot of causes
Another possibility suggested by some scientists is that a variety of factors, none of which were individually decisive, caused the mass extinctions at the end of the Mesozoic. The extinction 'event' took millions of years with the final extinction coinciding with a small meteorite impact.
Fossil and geological evidence indicates gradual changes on a global scale were taking place before the end of the Cretaceous. These changes included volcanic activity, shifting continental plates that altered the climate and environment, falling sea levels and mountain building. Significant plant extinctions were occurring at this time and the fossil record in some areas suggests that dinosaur populations were also in decline.
Why the difference of opinion?
Scientists agree in a number of areas. For instance, they agree that at the end of the Cretaceous the global climate was changing, that there was major continental plate movement and ocean regression, that increased volcanic activity was occurring, that dinosaur diversity was declining and that a meteorite impacted.
However, they differ in their assessment of the evidence and the degree to which each factor contributed to the mass extinction event. Part of the reason they interpret the evidence differently is due to the lack of fossils and sample sites from the end of the Mesozoic (only the northwest USA has been extensively studied). In addition, a lack of knowledge about dinosaur physiology and its role in their extinction, along with why some animal groups died while others survived, makes definitive answers almost impossible.
Finding out what caused the mass extinction is one thing. How and why some groups of animals survived when others did not is another. Unfortunately, gaps in the fossil record and our knowledge about the extinction event mean we may never have all the answers. Even finding a dinosaur under a lump of meteorite only explains what happened to that individual.
A few patterns do emerge. Life in the seas was hardest hit. Many groups of land animals that were either large or warm-blooded, such as non-avian dinosaurs, pterosaurs and primitive birds, also suffered severe losses. Those that survived tended to live in freshwater rivers or lakes, were small, had widespread distributions or were cold-blooded.
Crocodiles and alligators are often viewed as the great survivors from the dinosaur age, and also mistakenly as living dinosaurs. The question is often asked as to why and how they survived this mass extinction when non-avian dinosaurs did not. Firstly, not all crocodile families did survive - in fact, quite a number did become extinct, particularly the large-bodied ones.
A number of reasons have been suggested to explain why the other groups of crocodiles did survive. These include:
- a cold-blooded ability to continue to function at low body temperature and so require less food
- as modern crocodiles have immune systems that can sustain terrible injuries, ancient crocodiles may also have had this ability
- living crocodiles can tolerate long periods of darkness and poor conditions
- many species appeared to live in freshwater environments which were less impacted by the extinction event
- most animals either produce lots of offspring that are left to rear themselves or a small number of offspring that they expend enormous energy raising. Crocodiles are among the few animals that do both, as females lay up to 60 eggs and often protect the nest and young. In some species, both males and females protect the young.
A final thought…
Can we use our fascination with dinosaurs and their ‘extinction’ and be inspired by those that survive today? Birds are a highly successful group with about 10,000 living species but their continued survival, along with that of many other animals, depends largely on us. We are currently contributing to another mass extinction event.
Fran Dorey , Exhibition Project Coordinator
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Science Fair Project Encyclopedia
The Mayflower was the ship which transported the Pilgrim Fathers from Plymouth, England to "North Virginia" (in what was later to become the United States of America) in 1620, leaving Plymouth on September 6 and dropping anchor near Cape Cod on November 11.
The ship Mayflower was used as a cargo ship trading between England and other European countries, principally France but also Norway, Germany and Spain. At least between 1609 and 1623 it was mastered by Christopher Jones , who was Captain on the trans-atlantic voyage, and based in Rotherhithe. He was buried in the graveyard of St Mary's Rotherhithe following his death in March 1623, and it is likely that the ship was broken up for scrap lumber there in the following year.
Details regarding the size and overall dimensions of the ship are unknown, but it has been estimated from its load weight and the usual size of 180-ton merchant ships in the period to be 90 - 110 feet in length and about 25 feet in width. Careful research went into designing a replica, the Mayflower II (launched on September 22, 1956), to make it as much like its namesake as possible.
Initially the plan was for the voyage to be made in two vessels (the other being the Speedwell), however, due to problems after setting out both ships were forced to return and after some reorganisation the voyage was made in the Mayflower alone. Their intended destination was a section of land in the area near the Hudson River. Forced off course by poor weather, the Mayflower arrived at Cape Cod after 65 days at sea.
As a result of the delay, the settlers did not arrive until the onset of winter, which made for a difficult time for them.
Before disembarking, the settlers wrote and signed the Mayflower Compact.
The passengers on the Mayflower were the earliest permanent settlers in New England, and so later many members of society took great interest in tracing their ancestry back to one of these. See list of passengers on the Mayflower for a complete accounting. See some of the descendants of these Mayflower Pilgrims in this Mayflower Descendants Chart at http://www.familyforest.com/Mayflower_Descendants.html
Mayflower in culture
The voyage and the ship later became famous, virtually an icon of a perilous one-way trip to a new life, and many different kinds of things have been named after it.
The Mayflower is the emblem of the English football club Plymouth Argyle F.C., who are known by the nickname of "The Pilgrims".
- Mayflower II at Plimoth Plantation Museum
- Mayflower passengers from MayflowerHistory.com
- Mayflower history from MayflowerHistory.com
- Pilgrim Hall Museum of Plymouth, Massachusetts
- General Society of Mayflower Descendants
- The Mayflower And Her Log; Azel Ames , Project Gutenberg edition.
- The First Ships Discussion List Homepage
The contents of this article is licensed from www.wikipedia.org under the GNU Free Documentation License. Click here to see the transparent copy and copyright details
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All this talk about SB 1070 and its potential impact on Mexican and/or Hispanic/Latino Americans has made me research the history of Arizona. Here’s some information from wikipedia about the Mexican period of Arizona:
In 1821, Mexico won its independence from Spain after a decade of war. The revolution had destroyed the colonial silver mining industry and had bankrupted the national treasury. Along the northern frontier, funds that had supported missions, presidios and trading routes were reduced. As missions began to wither without military protection, Mexico began auctioning off more land (land grants). The revolution also impacted the relationship between the Europeans, Pueblos and non-pueblo natives such as the Apache and Navajo.
The Mexican period came to a close with the influx of Americans. In 1846, the annexation of Texas led to the Mexican-American War, ultimately resulting in the Mexican Cession, in which the United States acquired the region of Arizona north of the Gila River in 1848. The California gold rush brought more Americans through Arizona. The Mexican period closed with the Gadsden Purchase in 1854 and the last of the Mexican army leaving Tucson in 1856.
Arizona officially became the U.S. Territory of Arizona from February 24, 1863 until February 14, 1912, when it was admitted to the Union as the 48th state.
That was almost 100 years ago.
Arizona state flag
Currently about 30.8% (2009 estimate) of the State of Arizona has individuals claiming to be of Hispanic origin, but we are awaiting the official 2010 Census results. Many local Mexican-American families here in Tucson are 5th generation Americans, like District 5 Pima County Supervisor Richard Elias‘ familia.
Blogger Hugh Holub has a recent report on Arizona’s 6.4 million population. “Hispanics are the fastest-growing demographic group in the state, as well as in the country.”
Other Hispanic politicians in Southern Arizona: Congressman Raul Grijalva (CD 7), Pima County Supervisor Chair Ramon Valadez (District 2), Pima County Recorder F. Ann Rodriguez, Tucson Councilmembers Regina Romero (Ward 1) and Richard Fimbres (Ward 5), LD 27 Senator-elect Olivia Cajero Bedford, LD 27 House Rep.-elect Dr. Macario Saldate, TUSD Governing Board members Adelita Grijalva (Raul’s daughter), & Miguel Cuevas.
So therefore, based on Arizona’s history as having been once Spanish-speaking Mexico and the current increasing ethnic population figures, my Christmas message this year is “Feliz Navidad”. I always sing along when I hear Jose Feliciano‘s popular song with that title (written by him in 1970) on the radio.
Happy holidays everyone.
Feliz Navidad, prospero año y felicidad.
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A colleague recently emailed me with the question “What do we mean by theory?”
The question is difficult because the word is quite ambiguous. I think that it is one of those terms where it helps to think of what is being opposed to theory. As J. L. Austin pointed out, many words are contextually defined by what they exclude. “Theory” is one of them. There are several oppositions for “theory” in both the scientific and philosophical literature, not to mention casual speech. This partly accounts for our confusion about it.
1. Theory vs. observation.
In the philosophy of science, this is the standard meaning of theory. Observation statements are things like “The water is 5 degrees centigrade.” Observations are the product of direct experience, measurement, or interaction. Any kind of statement that goes beyond what is observable is “theoretical:” e.g. “water is H2O”. On this conception of theory, any scientific paper must be presenting a theory, if it is doing anything more than presenting a table of data or raw interview transcripts. Notice that both “qualitative” and “quantitative” research produces theory in this sense. And to report a correlation between two variables is theory, since that there is a correlation is an inference from the data. This brings us to the second distinction…
2. Theory vs. “mere” correlation.
In scientific work, this contrast is often in play because there is plenty of research that seems to simply fish for correlations. For instance, we ask whether massage reduces pain, and then go see whether those who receive massages report lower pain. It is not guided by any larger or deeper understanding, that is to say, theory. Theories would be more systematic or postulate some mechanism that accounts for the correlations. One might say here: the theory would explain why massage reduces pain.
3. Grand theory vs. middle range theory.
This is a nursing-specific usage. When people complain about the lack of theory in nursing, this is sometimes what they mean.
4. Theory vs. fact.
This contrast is common in ordinary speech (at least among English speakers),and I find that it is often in the background of student thinking about theory. The contrast is a bit unsystematic and vague. Evolution is a theory, my students will say, but gravity is a fact. That contrast will not support much weight…
5. Theory vs. philosophy.
Science produces theories, philosophy doesn’t. In this sense, theory is used in something like sense (2) above; it postulates deeper mechanisms. Also, theory is systematically tested in ways that philosophies are not. Philosophy has a different goal than science. I use something like this distinction when I argue in Nursing Knowledge that grand theories are not theories at all. They are really philosophies of nursing.
6. Theory vs. practice.
We often invoke this in ordinary speech, and it has a deep resonance in fields like nursing, education, public health, business, etc., where there is an important practice component to the field.
7. Theory vs. Interpretation.
I noted that in sense (1), both qualitative and quantitative research produces “theory.” Many qualitative researchers will reject this claim and insist that they aim at interpretation, not theory. In this use, theory is (like sense 2) being thought of as postulating causes, mechanisms, or laws.
I’m sure that with a little more creativity we could come up with more. (Think about what theory means in ethics, for instance.) The most important point is that these senses are not distinct in our usage. They tend to get all mashed up. What counts as theory in one sense doesn’t count in another. So, for instance, a correlation is theory in sense (1), and probably in sense (7), but not in senses (2) or (3).
So, we need to answer the question “what do we mean by theory?” by another question: what is the context in which we are using “theory,” and what contrast(s) do we intend to draw?
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Pages 1 2 34 5
Chapter Five - page 1
ENERGY MAKES THE WORLD GO ROUND
The provision of an adequate supply of energy from local resources is fundamental to greater self-reliance. Fortunately, most communities are able to develop such supplies.
Just as the human body adapts itself to the regular intake of hard drugs, its systems coming to depend on them to such an extent that the user goes through a period of acute distress if they are suddenly withdrawn, so the use of hard, fossil, energy alters the economic metabolism and is so highly addictive that in a crisis situation, a user-community or nation will be prepared to export almost any proportion of its annual output to buy its regular fix. Even in normal conditions, a community in an industrialised country can devote a fifth of its external income to buying energy1, an expense which not only constitutes a serious drain on its resources but locks the community into the unpredictable gyrations of the world trading system. Consequently, any community which wishes to be more self-reliant has, at some stage, to turn its attention to the slow process of reducing the extent to which it depends on whatever fuels, renewable or fossil, it brings in from elsewhere.
Stable, sustainable communities cannot be based on imported energy for three reasons. One is that fossil fuel use on any substantial scale - and most energy imports are of the fossil variety - is not itself sustainable because it cannot continue for thousands of years without consuming its resource base and producing harmful environmental side-effects. The best estimates are that if world fossil energy consumption continues at its present rate - an optimistic assumption since human numbers might well double over the next fifty years and the average amount of fuel used by each person is likely to increase - the world's currently-proven reserves of oil will be exhausted at present rates of extraction in 43 years, those of gas in 65 and of coal in 232 2. Although it is reasonable to expect that large additional sources of fossil energy will be discovered, extraction rates may well go up and, in any case, it is impossible to believe that adequate supplies of these three fuels will be available for millennia, which is what any reasonable definition of sustainability requires. Moreover, even if fossil fuel supplies were limitless, the capacity of land plants and the oceans to absorb the carbon dioxide released when they are burned is not and fuel consumption cannot continue at anything like its present level without bringing about highly-damaging and potentially catastrophic changes in the world's climatic regime.
The second reason to aim for community energy self-reliance is that imported fuel supplies are unreliable. British North Sea oil output has been declining since 1987 and at present rates of extraction proven reserves will be exhausted by 2004 and imports will have to start again in 1996 or 1997. As a result, life in the UK will come to depend again on stability in the Middle East which holds over 65% of the world's known oil reserves. Since 1950 there have been five serious disruptions to oil supplies from the area: the Suez Crisis (1956), the Yom Kippur War (1973), the Iranian revolution (1979), the Iran/Iraq war (1980-8) and the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait and the subsequent Gulf War (1990-1). Gas supplies are even less secure than those of oil although the enthusiasm British and Irish electricity producers have recently shown for switching to it to generate electricity might lead one to think otherwise. British gas reserves are expected to be exhausted by 2002 if 1992 extraction rates are maintained. Click for 2003 update. Consequently, if the government forecast that UK gas consumption will double over the next 25 years and 60% of electricity will be generated from gas by 2020 proves correct, massive imports will be required. These imports will be piped in from Russia and the Middle East as transporting liquefied gas by sea is very expensive. As a result, Britain will be exposed to the risk of its supplies being cut by civil unrest, local military conflicts and international disputes in any of the territories along the pipelines' route.
Ireland's position is no better. Kinsale Head, its only known major gas field3 (and, indeed, its only significant domestic fossil fuel source apart from peat) will be exhausted around the year 2000 and the country is already importing gas from Britain through an undersea pipeline opened in 1995. "We would envisage imported gas supplying almost all our requirements" a Bord Gáis spokesperson told me.Click for 2003 update.
The third reason for phasing out fuel imports is that energy prices are very erratic. The graph below shows just how much oil prices have changed since the fuel started being put into widespread use in the last century. Swings since the early 1970s have been particularly wide and violent. Each substantial change affected the prices of all other fuels, even those which cannot easily be moved from place to place, because of the ease with which oil can often be substituted for them. In New England, for example, the price and supply of local firewood is entirely determined by the price of imported oil because people switch to burning oil to warm their houses in winter whenever it is cheaper.
Graph 5.1 Although fluctuations in oil prices since the early 1970s have been wild compared with their previous stability, they have been even more extreme for people outside the US who, because oil is priced in dollars, have had exchange-rate instabilities to cope with too. Communities depending on fuel from the outside are therefore running great but unquantifiable risks.
Whenever energy prices change significantly, the whole structure of price relationships in the economy changes as well. This is because each product requires a different amount of energy for its production and distribution and so needs to be raised or lowered in price by a different amount. Energy price movements therefore make some goods and services relatively cheaper and people begin to use more of them in place of the more costly ones, thus affecting the entire make-up of an economy's output, encouraging expansion in some areas and contraction in others. This can be wasteful if machinery is scrapped and factories demolished before the end of their useful lives. New energy price levels make new ways of manufacture commercially viable as well. For example, if the price of fuel falls, transport costs drop in comparison with other prices because the sector is relatively more energy-intensive. This makes it profitable to produce on a larger scale and to use additional energy in a transport fleet distributing the extra output over a wider area. Small, local manufacturers are driven out of business, and since it would be a long time before they re-emerged if energy prices rose again, we can see why higher levels of energy use are so addictive: a one-way rachet effect is in action and it is very hard for an economy to revert to using less energy whatever prices do.
No stable, sustainable community can therefore exist without a secure. sustainable supply of energy at a stable price and the only way that both security and price stability can be guaranteed is by having energy sources within community boundaries and under community control. But is energy self-sufficiency technically feasible for most communities? And, if so, does it carry a heavy cost penalty? After all, if it did, this would seem to impede a community's efforts to produce a much wider range of goods and services for itself at prices which matched those from outside, the strategy we considered in Chapter Two. In fact, however, moderately higher local energy prices are unlikely to create a competitiveness problem because the production techniques used in a community economy will generally require much less energy than those in the industrial system. Moreover, electricity, the price of which will receive most attention in this chapter, is too high quality power to be used except in special circumstances for anything but very limited range of applications including lighting, microwave ovens, electronic equipment, motors, and methods of applying heat to limited areas such as welding. If local electricity is priced a few pence more per unit more than that from outside it will make little difference to a community's overall cost levels provided its use is confined to these applications. Certainly, no-one supplying electricity to a distribution grid or taking it from one should ever use it for warming rooms or heating water, applications which a US energy expert, Amory Lovins, once referred to as equivalent to using a chainsaw to cut butter because of the waste of energy involved in generating electricity from fossil fuels.
In any case, what do we mean by the cost of an activity within a community? One aspect is obviously the amount of external currency which has to be earned to enable it to continue. When electricity is supplied through the national grid, apart from the wages of electricity workers living in the area plus any rents, dividends and supply invoices the power companies pay locally, 100% of whatever the consumers are charged leaves the area. With locally-generated power from a renewable source, however, the only inescapable national currency cost once the equipment has been installed is that of any spares too complex to be made within the community area. Interest payments - a substantial part of the cost of power from most renewable sources - rents and wages could and should all go to local people. The external currency cost of locally-generated renewable power can therefore be very small. This does not necessarily mean that the price of power to the consumer would be low because local costs might be heavy but there is no need for these costs to be paid in national currency. A wind-farm, for example, could adopt Robert Swann's idea and issue its own currency notes expressed in kilowatt hours to pay its staff and to cover the interest due to locals who had invested their national-currency savings to enable it to be built. If it then accepted these notes back in payment for its power, everyone in the community would be happy to use them as money, either settling their own electricity bills with them or spending them in shops.
The only real way in which locally-produced energy can cost more than that from outside is in terms of what economists refer to as its opportunity cost, the cash value of the opportunities the community has to give up to bring its own power sources about. For example, it could be that the capital used to build a windfarm would have brought a higher financial return if it had been invested in something else, or that the farmers growing willow to burn would have earned more cultivating another crop. Communities will rarely find these circumstances arise, however, because energy projects should be give as good a return on capital as any other scheme to serve the community's needs and because more profitable uses for a community's labour can only arise when it has achieved full employment. Even if community members compare returns with those on investment opportunities in the outside economy, local energy projects should be an attractive place for their savings because of the low rate of interest mainstream banks, pension funds and building societies generally pay the small saver. Moreover, they will be aware that funds placed with institutions operating in the international economy are at risk if that economy breaks down whereas an investment in a local power supply is about as safe as they can get. Nevertheless, if circumstances do arise in which there are substantial opportunity costs, people are going to have to decide what their priorities are: is a higher income stream from the external economy in the short term preferable to long-term community energy security?
A factor which should make the decision to invest in local energy sources rather easier is that world fossil energy prices are almost certain to rise sharply soon despite the fact that in early 1994 the price of oil was down to only $14 a barrel, much the same level in real terms as it was between 1930 and 1970. In fact, this low price was part of the problem - oil markets have been so weak for most of the period since 1982 because of the depressed state of the world economy that very little capital has been invested in developing new fields and there is now almost no capacity to accommodate even a modest increase in demand. When they come, these higher fossil energy prices will raise the amount of national currency communities need to find to develop renewable power supplies. It therefore makes sense to develop those types of renewable energy now where the technologies are already so well-established that their capital costs cannot be expected to fall much further. Windpower, small-scale hydro and some types of biomass (plant-matter derived) energy fall into this category. With other energy sources - photovoltaics, for example - huge capital cost reductions are likely within the next decade and it is better to delay their exploitation.
The table in the next panel shows estimates of the national currency and local currency costs of the various methods of energy provision which communities might have open to them calculated on the assumption that they are to be carried out on a community scale as opposed to a household or industrial one.Click for panel from original text on balancing external costs against local ones
One column of the table shows that even if all costs are treated as being in national currency, electricity from some forms of renewable energy is already entirely competitive with that from gas, oil and coal. This is despite the fact that fossil fuels are heavily subsidised since the full cost of the environmental damage caused by their combustion is not reflected in the prices power stations pay. Anyone who is surprised by these figures was in good company until recently because it was only in 1994 that the Irish Department of Energy learned how low renewable energy costs actually were. The Department had asked companies to submit bids saying how big government grants they would need to induce them to sign contracts to supply electricity from non-fossil sources if they were guaranteed an inflation-proofed average price of 4p per unit power for 15 years. £15m. was set aside to cover the grants but in the event, not a penny was paid because more than enough proposals were submitted which were commercially viable without them. The Department, which had obviously been under a seriously false impression about the true cost of renewable power, signed contracts for 50% more capacity than it had intended.
No settlement anywhere is without some source of renewable energy it can develop - indeed, very few will find they have only one. Most will have several, like Hatherleigh, a small market town near Okehampton in Devon whose energy prospects were assessed in 1993 by two firms of consultants, Pell Frischman Water and Terence O'Rourke plc under contract to the British Government and the EU4. The consultants found that the town would have no problem meeting all its electricity and heating needs entirely from renewable sources but only if several were exploited and consumers were prepared to pay somewhat higher prices for their power. The area's most abundant renewable energy resource was the solar radiation falling on its walls and roofs. Very little of this was exploitable, however, because the installation of solar heating panels or arrays of photovoltaic cells on buildings 'would conflict with the historic character of the town' most of which is a conservation area. The fact that many buildings were listed for preservation and could not be changed also meant that there was little scope for using passive solar energy since this involves designing and constructing buildings so that the sun's rays are used in ways which reduce the need for artificial heating and lighting.
The next most abundant resource - wind energy - was also judged to be of limited potential because the area's average windspeed was below 6.5 metres/sec, the minimum currently considered commercially viable if high rates of interest have to be paid to outside investors. If local savings had been available to finance the project, however, this cut-off point could have been reduced because the interest rates would have been able to have been lower while remaining attractive to local people and the payments would have stayed in the area. "The ability of renewable energy projects to facilitate the local retention of wealth is a potentially significant indirect benefit and worthy of further research in its own right" the report says in its recommendations. Local involvement would also perhaps overcome a second problem with wind energy in Hatherleigh - a wind farm's visual impact. The town's windiest site is the Moor, a prominent ridge to its east, and objections would undoubtedly be raised if an outside company ever proposed to erect windmills there. The reaction might be different if a community company suggested the same thing but, with no sign of one emerging, the consultants decided that the only contribution the wind could make to Hatherleigh's needs was to drive small individual turbines on isolated farms to supply their electricity.
Hydropower was considered to offer poor prospects too: "Without significant civil works, only schemes at existing mills and weirs dating from the 19th century and earlier would offer sufficient potential energy" and even on those sites - there were six with a total capacity of 230kW - projects were "unlikely to be cost effective".
So where was Hatherleigh to get its power? From agricultural sources - the coppicing of willow trees specially grown on farms, plus the production of gas from farm slurries, sewage sludge and abattoir waste. The report states that the conversion of a tenth of the 7,944 hectares of farmland to coppice would produce almost 8,400 tonnes of dry wood chip each year, more than enough to fire a power station producing 9.6 GWh/year, the total electricity requirement of the town, as well as a considerable amount of hot water which could be used to warm workshops, greenhouses, homes and offices. The consultants estimated that if the energy in the hot water was distributed free rather than being sold, the cost of the electricity would be around 10p per unit. Electricity from the biogas digester would be more expensive - upwards of 16p per unit - unless a use could be found for the hot water and an allowance made for the fact that the digester disposed of what would otherwise be problem wastes.
The consultants stress that Hatherleigh is not unusual in the abundance of its renewable energy resources. "A not-dissimilar volume and variety of accessible resources would be found in the hinterland of many rural settlements. This conclusion applies not only to West Devon and other parts of the West Country but to other areas of the European Union such as Brittany and much of the Irish Republic". Two other findings of the Hatherleigh study would apply elsewhere too. One is that the scope for the large scale, centralised, commercial development of renewables is limited and that the available resources can best be developed on a community basis. "Options for community engagement in the development, ownership and operation of a renewable energy project in Hatherleigh should be kept under review" the report says. "With the two most promising renewable energy resources both being farm-based, the farming community and its associated business and co-operative structures are likely to form a focus for specific projects in the locality. The other finding was that renewable energy can provide an important means of rural renewal. "A higher aspiration for renewable energy production would ..... make a significant contribution to the European Union's efforts to promote sustainable development, diversify rural economies and improve the effectiveness of the Common Agricultural Policy."
At a national level, there is no doubt that the long-term potential of renewable energy is considerable. "In principle, renewables could supply all the energy needs even of advanced industrial nations assuming that there is a serious commitment to energy conservation" Dave Elliott of the Network for Alternative Technology and Technology Assessment (NATTA) at the Open University wrote in his 1993 report 'Towards a Renewable Energy Strategy for the UK'.5 "The [British] Government's Renewable Energy Advisory Group recently suggested that in theory, renewables could supply 1,100TWh/annum, two or three times the UK's electricity requirements, at a cost of less than 10p/kWh. To that must be added a heat contribution. A more ambitious scenario produced by Cambridge University's Department of Applied Economics suggests that we might expect up to 50% total energy contribution by 2040 in the UK while a scenario produced by the Stockholm [Environment] Institute for Greenpeace has renewables supplying 62% of West Europe's energy by 2030, rising to 100% by 2100"
Let us look, then, in more detail, at the forms of renewable energy most likely to be suitable for community-scale exploitation in the British Isles.
1. WATER POWER
During the past twenty years, electricity from small hydropower plants - that is, under 5MW - has become entirely price competitive with that from fossil-fuelled power stations even by conventional accounting standards. And, while several community-scale projects have recently been carried out in Britain and Ireland, there is considerable scope for many more. Over 20,000 sites in the British Isles had waterwheels at some time in the past, and very few of these are still used.
The Republic of Ireland, for example, once had 1,800 watermills. In the early 1980s when experts searched 2,000 six-inch maps covering the entire country looking for their locations and for other places where waterpower might be developed they found that only 85 sites of 3,500 they considered worthy of visiting were still used for power. A report published by the Department of Energy in 1985 gives the experts' assessments of the head, flow rate and power potential of the operational sites together with the best 483 unexploited ones.6 According to this study, a total of 38MW of capacity could be developed, which Fiacc O'Brolchain, the secretary of the Irish Hydro Power Association7 , thinks is about right. "I've been going around the country for some time saying that we've about 10MW of hydro power installed and there's another 30MW we could develop unless the price of electricity went much higher and made a lot more sites feasible" he says. "However, there are a lot of sites which are in the report which ought to have been left out and a lot more which ought to be in." My own experience bears this out: there were five water mills within a mile of my house, not one of which is mentioned in the report. Three of these stood together in a small valley to which water was channelled from a nearby river and, after a preliminary survey, a friend who is a waterpower engineer estimated that if the canal was re-opened and a modern high-pressure turbine was installed it could generate 250kw.
The key determinants of a good waterpower site are the volume of water, the proportion of the year it flows and the distance through which it falls: 9.8kW is generated by a cubic metre of water falling down a metre in a second, provided the turbine or waterwheel though which it passes is 100% efficient. In practice, of course, this is never the case. Also, although low head turbines such as the Kaplan in which the moving water pushes round propellers can convert as much of the water's energy into useful power as those for higher heads such as the Pelton wheel in which a high-pressure jet of water is directed into cups mounted on a spinning wheel, they are more expensive because they need to be bigger in order to cope with a much larger volume of water to give the same amount of power. They also need to be built to closer tolerances and shaped more carefully to suit the speed of the water passing through because if turbulence develops it wastes a lot of the water's energy. Obviously, one cannot decide whether to fit a high-head or low-head turbine - that depends on the site. The traditional overshot mill wheel is surprisingly efficient - it can extract 70% of the water's power - but is unsuited to generating electricity because of the slow rate at which it turns. One could, of course, fit a gearbox to speed the rotation up but this would waste energy itself, and if one tried to speed up the wheel, the water would be thrown out of the buckets by centripetal force, also leading to inefficiency.
Electricity was not generated from waterpower until the 1880s and there was almost no technological development of small-scale systems between 1930 and the oil crisis in 1973 because the market for turbine sets in industrialised countries collapsed when people who might have ordered them found it cheaper and easier to get their power from the national power grid when that reached them. Many manufacturers went out of business or began making pumps. Even before 1930, small-scale hydropower was at a serious price disadvantage in relation to larger waterpower schemes because of the cost of the control system required for a reliable AC output. According to Micro-Hydro Power8, the best book I know for anyone considering a small-scale system, in the old days the controls for a 15-20kW water turbine often cost more than all the rest of the installation and, on a 10kW system, might have consumed 10% of the output. DC control systems were cheaper and simpler but meant that the power was unsuitable for the most readily-available electrical appliances.
It is only within the past twenty years that this control problem has been overcome and electronic systems are now available at a reasonable cost for even the smallest system. Progress has also been made on standardising small, low head turbines - and most sites offer only a limited head - and presenting them in such a way that the construction work needed to house the turbine and channel the water is greatly simplified. For example, a Dublin firm of engineers has developed the Polyturbine which is suitable for sites with heads from 1.5 to five metres9. The beauty of the Polyturbine, which was thought up by a Swede, Evald Holmen, is that the contractor building the turbine house and the water channels running to and from it needs to erect very little shuttering before casting them in mass concrete. Instead, the correct shapes are made up in glassfibre at the factory, placed in position on site and concrete is poured around them to hold, strengthen and stiffen them up. This cuts sitework costs considerably. Moreover, because the channels and turbine chamber have the smooth side of the glassfibre reinforced resin lining them rather than concrete, the water moves through with very little friction.
The Polyturbine - like similar systems from several other makers - is modular: only one size of turbine is made. This is capable of handling between one and 3 cubic metres of water a second and if the amount of water available is greater than that, an identical turbine is installed alongside the first rather than a bigger model. Adjustments to suit the differing heads from site to site are made by adding extra sections to the water intake channel. As a result, the standard turbine and generator for a site with a 1.5 metre head costs £30,000 and produces 25kW from a 2.5 cubic metre flow while that for a 5 metre head site costs only £8,000 more and delivers 114kW, a much better bargain.
Page 2 of Chapter 5
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|Epilogue||2002/3 Updates||Links||Site Map|
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Chronic kidney disease (CKD) is a slow and permanent loss of kidney function. With CKD, physical injury or disease damages the kidneys so that they do not remove wastes and extra water from the blood in the way they should. Diabetes and high blood pressure are the most common causes of CKD.
Early kidney disease has no symptoms. Many people don't know about kidney disease until their kidneys have almost stopped working. This can take months or years. If the kidneys fail, you will need medical help to live. The two ways to treat kidney failure are:
Dialysis – Special equipment cleans waste from the blood.
Kidney transplant – A donated kidney is put in your body.
CKD has no cure. But medicine and lifestyle changes can prevent further kidney damage and slow down the disease. Living with kidney failure can be stressful and affect quality of life. The need for routine dialysis can interfere with work and family schedules. And waiting for a transplant can be extremely stressful. Sticking with treatment and good support help people with kidney failure maintain good quality life.
Financial Help for Treatment of Kidney Failure - This fact sheet briefly describes the federal government's insurance program that covers much of the cost of dialysis treatments and kidney transplantation expenses. It also lists additional sources of financial help and explains the role of the nephrology social worker.
Kidney Failure: Choosing a Treatment That's Right for You - This booklet provides a broad overview of the treatment options for a person with kidney failure. It introduces hemodialysis, peritoneal dialysis, and kidney transplantation with a general description of each method and a list of pros and cons. It concludes with a list of resources for more information.
Kidney Failure: Eat Right to Feel Right on Hemodialysis - This publication explains which vitamins to take and which foods to avoid for someone on hemodialysis. It explains hemodialysis-related terms, such as "dry weight," and offers a checklist to use when preparing to speak with a dietitian.
Treatment Methods for Kidney Failure: Transplantation - This booklet gives a step-by-step account of the transplant process from the initial medical evaluation to surgery, recovery, and finally maintenance with antirejection medicines. It also covers issues of organ donation and matching.
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Plight of the Bumblebee
Bombus franklini, a North American bumblebee, was last seen on August 9, 2006. Professor Emeritus Robbin Thorp, an entomologist at UC Davis, was doing survey work on Mt. Ashland in Oregon when he saw a single worker on a flower, Sulphur eriogonum, near the Pacific Crest Trail. He had last seen the bee in 2003, roughly in the same area, where it had once been very common. “August ninth,” Thorp says. “I’ve got that indelibly emblazoned in my mind.”
Thorp had been keeping tabs on the species since the late 1960s. In 1998, the US Forest Service, the Fish and Wildlife Service, and the Bureau of Land Management supported an intensive monitoring project to determine whether the bee should be listed as an endangered species, in part because of its narrow endemism. The total range of B. franklini is only 190 miles north to south, from southern Oregon to northern California, and 70 miles east to west between the Coast and Sierra-Cascade Ranges.
Are Commercial Greenhouses to Blame for the Disappearance of Native Pollinators?
When Thorp began to monitor the bee, populations were robust, and he even estimated their range to be slightly further to the north and southwest than previously believed. The study was, in part, an attempt to find out why franklini’s range is so restricted and other western bumblebees, such as its close relative Bombus occidentalis, are not. Thorp was investigating that question when something else occurred: Populations of both bees began to decline precipitously. “All of a sudden the bees disappeared out from under me,” he says.
Bees, and particularly the European honeybee, Apis mellifera, have come to symbolize a deepening ecological crisis in North America. Colony Collapse Disorder, first reported in 2006, has been described as “an insect version of AIDS,” ravaging honeybee colonies throughout North America. It has become a cause célèbre of sorts, embraced by Häagen-Dazs, which features the bee on some of its pints of ice cream and asks consumers to imagine a world without pears, raspberries, and strawberries. In fact, the US has become so dependent on honeybees for agricultural purposes that in 2005, for the first time in 85 years, the US allowed for the importation of honeybees to meet pollination demands. Although millions of dollars have been invested in an effort to pinpoint the cause, the honeybee lobby and some environmental organizations say it’s not enough, and argue that if dairy cows were disappearing, the response would be slightly more engaged.
The decline of bumblebees has received far less attention, though in the public imagination their plight has often been conflated with that of the honeybee. Not only do bumblebees pollinate about 15 percent of our food crops (valued at $3 billion), they also occupy a critical role as native pollinators. Plant pollinator interactions can be so specific and thus the loss of even one species carries with it potentially severe ecological consequences. As E. O. Wilson writes, “If the last pollinator species adapted to a plant is erased … the plant will soon follow.” There are close to 50 bumblebee species in the United States and Canada that have evolved with various plants and flowers over the course of millions of years; our knowledge of those species, however, is incredibly weak.
In recent years, there has been much loose talk about the overall decline of pollinators, and the causes are manifold: habitat loss, pesticides, the spread of disease, and, without fail, global warming. The tendency to make sweeping claims about the demise of all pollinators has led to a lack of specificity when it comes to why particular species have declined, or in the case of B. franklini, disappeared. One of the only news stories to highlight the plight of bumblebees, published in The Washington Post last August, noted that “the causes of bumblebee decline are not scientifically defined and might be a combination of factors.”
A crucial factor, according to Thorp and other scientists, was the rise of the commercial bumblebee rearing industry in the early 1990s, largely for greenhouse tomato pollination. Captive bees, they say, played a key role in spreading disease, which has led to the decline of several North American species, all of which belong to the same subgenus. If their theory proves to be correct, the rapid growth of the greenhouse tomato industry over the last two decades may have inadvertently wiped out a number of important native pollinators.
Around the same time that Thorp noticed a decline in B. franklini, John Ascher, a research scientist in the division of invertebrate zoology at the American Museum of Natural History, was having trouble finding samples of Bombus occidentalis, a common western bumblebee, for his personal collection in California. When Ascher went to graduate school in Ithaca, New York, he was able to find samples of Bombus affinis, B. terricola, and B. ashtoni without difficulty. (BB. affinis, terricola, franklini, and occidentalis belong to the same subgenus. B. ashtoni is a social parasite that specializes on members of this group). But in 2001, the bees began to disappear. B. terricola became rare, Ascher says, and BB. affinis and ashtoni nonexistent. The declines that Ascher, Thorp, and others observed were not site specific. A recent study carried out by Sheila Colla and Laurence Packer at York University in Toronto compared surveys of B. affinis – the species most closely related to B. franklini – from 1971-73 and 2004-06 both in Ontario and throughout its native range (18 sites in Canada and 35 in the US). From 2004 to 2006, they found only one individual of B. affinis, foraging on a woodland sunflower in Ontario’s Pinery Provincial Park. None were found in the US.
“It would be like if you went out one day and there were no cardinals, or there were no mockingbirds anymore,” Ascher says. “It’s that obvious to bee people.”
In 1997, just months before he began his monitoring project, Thorp attended a symposium of the Entomological Society of America during which he learned that an outbreak of Nosema bombi – a fungus that lives in the bees’ intestinal tract – had wiped out commercial populations of B. occidentalis in North America. Breeders couldn’t get rid of the disease and were suffering a shortage of colonies. In an e-mail to a bombus list-serv in 1998, Adrian Van Doorn, then head of the pollination department at Koppert Biological Systems, a commercial breeder, noted that they had been rearing B. occidentalis for several years with few problems, but that in 1997 the rearing stock had “become infected with N. bombi.” There was no treatment for the disease, and the breeders were unable to eradicate it. A competing company, Biobest, suffered similar losses, and both companies would eventually phase out production of B. occidentalis altogether. Today they produce only one bee for distribution in all of North America: Bombus impatiens, an eastern bumblebee whose range extends from Maine to southern Florida. After observing sharp declines of B. franklini and B. occidentalis, Thorp began to wonder if there was a possible connection to the disease outbreak that had swept through the commercial facilities.
Thorp knew that the USDA Animal Plant Health Inspection Service (APHIS) had allowed Biobest to ship queens of both B. occidentalis and impatiens to Belgium, where they were reared in facilities that likely housed the European bee Bombus terrestris, the preferred species of commercial breeders. The colonies were then shipped back to North America and distributed for use in greenhouse and possibly open field pollination in the US. This went on from 1992 to 1994 until APHIS, under pressure from scientists, conservation groups, and even some industry representatives, terminated the practice.
Thorp argues that while the bees were in European facilities that housed B. terrestris, they acquired an exotic strain of N. bombi. When the colonies were shipped back to the US and distributed, the commercial bees, which can easily escape from greenhouses if they aren’t equipped with insect screens (and few were at the time), were able to infect related wild populations. The disease spread from there, carried by impatiens on the East Coast and B. occidentalis on the West.
“Basically, these two species in the West were declining while other bee species were thriving very well in the same areas,” Thorp says. “It was not obvious habitat alteration or pesticides or global warming or other things that could potentially, and have on record, gotten rid of local bumblebee populations in various areas and are threats to bumblebees. This seemed to be very unique and very specific. And then it turned out that people in the East began noticing that two other very closely related species, which were at one time quite common, had also disappeared.”
The evidence to support Thorp’s hypothesis is circumstantial. A sudden and dramatic decline of several species belonging to the same subgenus points to the introduction of an exotic disease. The timing coincides with the outbreak of N. bombi within commercial rearing facilities, and there is an established point of entry via the importation of colonies from European rearing facilities during the early years of the industry. The big question is whether a European strain of N. bombi ever entered the country and whether scientists will ever be able to figure that out.
Both Koppert and Biobest strongly dispute Thorp’s hypothesis and argue that the pathogen entered their facilities from wild bees collected for the purpose of replenishing genetic stock. In the early 1990s, Koppert helped to establish a joint venture, Bees West Inc., which had a rearing facility near Watsonville, California. Tom Kueneman, the founder of Bees West and one of those who opposed the trans-Atlantic shipment of bumblebees, says the company used only three collection sites within about 50 miles of Watsonville, and that there was only one small commercial greenhouse nearby; otherwise, the nearest facilities were at least 150 miles from the company’s headquarters. Kueneman adds that Koppert and Bees West had close to 99 percent of the market share west of the Rockies and that Biobest had a very small presence there. “It’s really a non-story if you want to look at scientific facts,” he says.
Kueneman and Rene Ruiter, Koppert’s general manager, argue that the very wet El Niño years and high humidity of the mid-1990s led to a higher prevalence of N. bombi among native populations of B. occidentalis. When those bees were collected and housed at high density, the disease spread quickly and wiped out the commercial stock.
“Back in the ‘90s, we collected B. occidentalis in California … and it had a lot of nosema,” Ruiter says. “That was the reason why we discontinued B. occidentalis. The bee itself contained nosema and we were unable to stamp it out.”
But at the time, there were few regulations governing what was then a young industry, and no one was keeping a close eye on where the bees were being shipped once they entered the US, if they were housed in facilities with insect screens, and if colonies were properly disposed of after use.
Indeed, the commercial bumblebee industry has grown so rapidly in the last two decades that it is hard to remember what life was like before cherry and grape tomatoes were available in supermarkets year round. Although certain species were exported from England to New Zealand in the 1870s and 1880s for red clover pollination, and attempts to rear bumblebees were made in the early 1900s, their use on a commercial scale is relatively new.
Dr. R. De Jonghe first used B. terrestris for tomato pollination in the mid-1980s and launched Biobest in 1987. “Within a few years in the Low Countries,” writes Hayo H. W. Velthuis in a brief history of the domestication of the bumblebee, “there was hardly a tomato grower left that still used pollination through artificial vibration.” (Artificial vibration refers to the costly practice of hand pollinating tomatoes, the industry norm before the use of bumblebees.) Koppert soon followed suit and began to rear bees for crop pollination on a commercial scale.
Since then, the greenhouse tomato industry has continued to expand – it represents roughly 17 percent of US fresh tomato supply – and with it the use of commercially reared bumblebees. “You can’t grow them on that scale without the bees,” says Martin Weijters, head grower at Houweling Nurseries, a large greenhouse facility in California. Mexico has far outpaced the US and Canada in greenhouse tomato production in recent years, and the use of bumblebees for blueberry and cranberry pollination has become increasingly popular.
In the early 1990s, few had heard of the commercial bumblebee industry and it remains unclear precisely how many colonies were imported from Europe and where they were sent. At the time, there were greenhouse facilities in British Columbia, Oregon, Washington, and California. Biobest’s general manager, Richard Ward, who was not with the company at the time, says they probably imported no more than a few thousand colonies and that most if not all were B. impatiens. Ruiter says that since Koppert never sent queens to Europe, it would have been virtually impossible for an exotic strain of Nosema bombi to enter their rearing facilities.
“It would be like if you went out one day and there were no cardinals or mockingbirds anymore. It’s that obvious to bee people.”
Thorp argues, however, that the fact that Koppert never sent queens to Europe misses the point. They could have collected bees carrying a nonnative strain of N. bombi when they were replenishing their breeding stock. “If the disease organisms had gotten out into the field, they could easily have picked it up in their collections for replenishing their genetic stock,” he says.
Although there is a trail of evidence establishing the shipment of queens to Europe and colonies back to North America, there is little documentation of the path the bees took once they returned. In a 2004 article, Robert V. Flanders, former USDA senior entomologist, said that the imported bees were distributed “throughout the United States with courtesy permits issued by APHIS.”
According to Flanders, the bees were to be received by the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture – the company distributing the bees, Beneficial Resources Inc., now defunct, was based in Pennsylvania – where they would be checked for parasites and pathogens. They were also to be accompanied by a zoosanitary certificate from the host country ensuring that the production facilities had been inspected and that the bees were free of pathogens.
Karl Valley, chief of the division of entomology at the Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture at the time (and currently chief of the division of plant protection), says that the inspection involved removing a single bee from each package, placing it in alcohol, and examining the exterior portions of the body for mites. They did not look for pathogens or other diseases specific to bumblebees. He doesn’t recall how many shipments they received, where the bees were sent after they were examined, or if records from that period still exist.
Additional specimens were also sent to the Bee Laboratory in Beltsville, MD. According to a permit issued in 1992 and obtained by Dr. Thorp through a Freedom Of Information Act request, some of the bees were quarantined at the Maryland facility. “When cleared,” the document states, “Dr. Shumanuki [sic] will release the bees to you and notify this office.”
Dr. Hachiro Shimanuki was the research leader at the Beltsville Lab at the time and now lives in Florida. He recalls having examined only one sample of bumblebees from Europe over a three-year period and says that the company provided the sample.
“We certainly couldn’t tell you whether it was a one percent sample or a one-thousandth of a percent sample,” he told me. “It was just something that they sent to us as being typical of the kind of shipment they would like to make.”
“There was really no request to look for any particular disease,” Shimanuki adds. “As I recall, I think all it was was: Would the importation endanger our honeybees? That was really the question I guess that we tried to resolve in some way. That was our concern. But other than that, we didn’t know what to look for.”
There’s another note on the permit record. It states that Dr. De Jonghe, a veterinarian and founder of Biobest, is the largest producer of bumblebees in the world and that the bees are “certified to be free of pathogens.”
Leamington, Ontario (the “Tomato Capital of Canada”) until recently had the highest concentration of commercial greenhouses in all of North America. (That honor now goes to Mexico, where Koppert has had a rearing facility since 2004 and produces B. impatiens, a bee that is not native to Mexico or the West Coast, for crop pollination.) The number of bumblebees needed for greenhouse pollination can reach into the tens of thousands. Houweling Nurseries in southern California, with 124 acres under glass, introduces roughly 20 hives with between 50 and 70 bees twice a week. That comes close to 30,000 bees a year.
Although Houweling installed insect screens on all of its vent windows in 2000 (to keep other insects out, not to prevent bees from escaping), they are not required by law and, without them, worker bees can easily escape, forage for pollen in the wild, and then return to the greenhouse. (According to Kueneman, during the early years of the industry, less than half of all greenhouses were using insect screens.) Hives sent to the West Coast, far outside the native range of B. impatiens, must be equipped with queen excluders – a very narrow rectangular opening large enough only for workers to get out. When the growers are through with the hives, they are required by law to destroy them either by drowning the bees or freezing them overnight.
Michael Otterstatter has studied the interaction between wild bees and pathogens for more than two decades and, five years ago, with a team of scientists from the University of Toronto, decided to look at whether commercial bees had higher rates of disease and if those diseases were spilling into wild populations. Otterstatter conducted a straightforward study that compared the prevalence of four pathogens among bees foraging in close proximity to commercial greenhouses with bees foraging in areas where there were no greenhouses. They sampled from six sites in southwestern Ontario, including Leamington, and found that bees near commercial greenhouses had a much higher rate of disease than those collected elsewhere. In fact, the presence of Crithidia bombi, a gut pathogen that lives within the intestinal tract of bumblebees (like Nosema bombi) and can spread between bees at flowers, was found only in bees foraging near greenhouses.
“It actually turns out to be present in almost 90 percent of the [commercial] colonies we looked at,” Otterstatter says. “Nearly all of them. And the other place that you find this pathogen is in populations of bees right around greenhouses, within a few kilometers….It really looked like a disease that you only find around greenhouses.”
Otterstatter’s research team also found that the prevalence of N. bombi was three times higher at the Leamington site than elsewhere and that the infections tended to be more intense. Otterstatter notes that every study of commercially reared bees conducted in North America, Europe, and elsewhere has revealed very high levels of parasitic organisms, many of which are rare or entirely absent from most wild populations.
The commercial bumblebee industry is relatively young. As greenhouse production has expanded, so has the need for pollinators.
Koppert’s Ruiter points out that his company’s bees were not used in Otterstatter’s study and says that the unusually high rate of disease is not a reflection of the industry at large. “It’s appalling that something like that happens,” he says. “I’m embarrassed for my industry. On the other hand, when I called him about his study, he was forthright in admitting that he didn’t use our material, which is a good sign for us that we are doing what we’re supposed to be doing, which is keeping things disease free.”
According to Ruiter, Koppert’s bees are inspected every two weeks by the Michigan Department of Agriculture and annually by Michigan State University. Ward, of Biobest, says that their facility is inspected on a regular basis without warning and that every shipment of bees made to the US or Mexico must have a health certificate signed by the Canadian Food Inspection Agency (CFIA).
The rise of the commercial bumblebee industry reveals the limits of APHIS’s regulatory authority. Prior to 1997, when Koppert’s bees were infected with N. bombi, there was a gentleman’s agreement that B. occidentalis would be used only in the western United States and B. impatiens in the east, roughly within their natural ranges. In 1994, when the importation of bees from Europe was discontinued, Secretary of Agriculture Mike Espy spelled out the agency’s policy in a letter addressing concerns raised by Congressman Sam Farr (D-CA). “Risk assessments conducted by APHIS officials indicate that this type of movement could result in the introduction of bumblebee pests and diseases into new areas, such as eastern species of parasitic nematodes into Western States,” he wrote. Therefore APHIS would not be issuing permits for the movement of eastern species west of the 100th meridian and vice versa.
But now that B. occidentalis has been removed from the market, B. impatiens is shipped freely to western states. When I asked Wayne Wehling, senior entomologist at the USDA, if APHIS still agreed with its earlier risk assessments he said, “Well, yes. That’s the simple answer.
“Certainly we have been all over the board with that,” he acknowledged. “And I think we’ve been all over the board largely because of the lack of clarity in the regulatory authority as to what our capacities really are.”
Although the same concerns apply today, there are few restrictions (other than the use of queen excluders) on the interstate shipment of B. impatiens in the US. The largest greenhouse tomato-producing states – Arizona, Texas, and Colorado – are all states in which the bee is not native, and while the companies are happy to abide by the law, they do not share the concern about the shipment of bees outside of their native ranges.
For conservationists and many scientists, the movement of an eastern species to the West is reckless. If a queen did somehow escape and the bee became naturalized, it could compete with local species for floral resources, and close relatives of B. impatiens would be susceptible to nonnative diseases. “The diseases that are in B. impatiens could be virulent in things out here. We just don’t know and I don’t think we want to risk trying,” Thorp says.
Globally, the issues and potential problems are perhaps even more pressing. B. terrestris has been introduced to Japan and Chile, where it is not native, and has become naturalized. Two parasites previously unknown in Japan, including N. bombi, have entered the country along with the commercial bumblebees. There are reports that B. terrestris has migrated from Chile into Argentina and that the bee may have been spotted in Uruguay as well. It is only in the last few years that the importation of B. terrestris into Mexico has been stopped. According to Wehling, the bee has already established itself in areas surrounding greenhouse production in the state of Michoacan, west of Mexico City.
In Canada, a laissez-faire approach rules. The greenhouse industry in southwestern British Columbia relies heavily on commercial bumblebees and, although queen excluders must be present on all hives shipped west of the 100th meridian, most greenhouses do not have screens covering the vents, so worker bees would have no trouble escaping. Given the urgency of a memo from Agriculture Canada’s Central Plant Health Laboratory to APHIS in 1993, this is even more surprising:
“We really must get together to discuss a plan of action,” it reads. “It appears that attempts to limit the movement of Bombus is not working. Bombus impatiens is being moved into California. Perhaps there is a need to review the whole policy of Bombus importations into North America before all hell breaks loose.”
The battle over the bees echoes other controversies that have erupted around domestication of previously wild species. One example cited frequently in the literature on bumblebees is the spread of sea lice among farmed salmon in the Pacific Northwest, which led to the decimation of wild populations. Many fishermen, conservationists, and activists warned early on that the proliferation of disease among farmed, nonnative Atlantic salmon could spread to wild fish. They were largely ignored and told that no evidence had been found to prove such a hypothesis and that in fact the pathogens had migrated from wild salmon to farm stock.
Large fish die-offs were observed as early as 1989. In 2001, an outbreak of sea lice in Broughton, British Columbia led to one of the most dramatic declines of wild salmon ever seen. In a single generation, local pink salmon runs fell from 3.6 million spawners to 147,000.
Bumblebees, of course, are not salmon, but some of the same principles apply. “Feedlot farming attempts to break immutable laws of nature by overcrowding animals, lowering their genetic diversity and putting them where they do not belong,” wrote Alexandra Morton in an essay on salmon farming published in 2004. The titles of many such essays and books are becoming all too familiar: “Silent Spring of the Sea,” Fruitless Fall, etc. In the case of bumblebees, there is a wealth of evidence pointing to the risks associated with the importation of nonnative species and of pathogen spillover. Yet, according to Otterstatter, Thorp, and others, the regulations in place are hardly adequate to ensure that risks are minimized. Discontinuing the shipment of bees beyond their native ranges and requiring all greenhouses to install insect screens would be a start, they say.
“Bumblebees are marvelous pollinators and I really wouldn’t want to see the industry come to a halt,” Thorp says. “But I would like to see a lot more protection of the potential environmental risk.”
Adam Federman is a contributing writer to Earth Island Journal. His last article for the magazine was on illegal logging in Siberia.
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Plate Tectonic processes
Since the 1950s, several discoveries have led to a new understanding of how the Earth works. This includes Plate Tectonics, which explains the structure of the Earth's lithosphere (outer shell) and the forces that drive changes in its structure.
Tectonics comes from the Greek word tekton, meaning builder. The first scientist to propose that continents drift (a key to later Plate Tectonics) was the German meteorologist, astronomer and geophysicist, Alfred Wegener in 1912. Other important geologists who helped develop present theories were the two South Africans Alex du Toit and Lester King, and the Australian Samuel Carey. The theory of sea-floor spreading was outlined by Harry Hess of Princeton University, USA, and confirmed by F.J. Vine and D.H. Mathews from the UK.
Evidence for Plate Tectonics
When geologists in the late 1800s began to explore different areas of the Earth, they learnt that many stratigraphic successions had similar rock types, ages, fossils and depositional settings. After the 1950s, geologists realised that this also applied to the oldest parts on Earth that formed the stable cratons and metamorphic rock belts. Evidence of rocks forming in the same place and time and then being widely split apart, led to the ideas of cycles of super continents and new oceans. Evidence for ocean-spreading episodes includes symmetrical magnetic anomalies parallel to mid-ocean ridges, zones of large earthquakes, active volcanoes at some ocean margins, and the distribution of animals in the world (e.g. the restriction of certain mammal groups to Australia).
Based on mechanical properties, especially resistance to shearing force, the Earth can be subdivided into three main outer layers:
- Lithosphere: is the colder rigid, more resistant outer shell of the Earth. If it wasn't rigid, then mountains would simply level themselves out. It is made of both the crust and the uppermost part of the upper mantle. Under oceanic crust it extends down to 70 km, while under continental crust it extends down to 150 km. The word lithos is Greek for rock.
- Asthenosphere: this starts with a sharp decrease in shear strength known as the Low Velocity Zone (LVZ). The lower strength in Earth's mechanical properties means that this layer can flow more under stress. Within the asthenosphere, the Low Velocity Zone extends down to 250 km, below which shear strength increases progressively as a result of compression, until at 400 km depth there is a sudden rapid increase. The base of the asthenosphere is defined by the deepest known earthquakes (approximately 700 km) and is where descending lithospheric plates most likely bottom. The word astheno comes from the Greek combination of a - (means without) and stheno (which means strength).
- Mesosphere: Below the asthenosphere is the mesosphere which extends down to the outer core (at a depth of 2900 km). The mesosphere is composed of strong dense material and shear wave velocities increase rapidly with depth.
What are plates?
The lithosphere consists of rigid plates on a non-rigid subsurface (from approximately 70 km - 700 km in depth). Tectonic processes mostly take place at the plate edges. A plate moves as a single entity along the surface of the Earth over a plastic mantle. There are two types of plate:
- Oceanic plates form at the mid-ocean ridges. They thicken as they move away (at about 1 km for every million years) and have a basaltic composition.
- Continental plates are much more complex as their rocks vary in composition and thickness.
The differences between oceanic and continental plates go down to a few hundred kilometres.
The plates move under horizontal forces that cause them to collide, combine, break up, or, in the case of oceanic plates, to be drawn down (subducted). The forces that act on or near mid-oceanic ridges are called ridge-push force. It is driven by upwelling magmas from mantle regions that drive the plates away on either side of the ridge. Another driving force (particularly where oceanic plates are being subducted beneath continental plates) is slab-pull. This is produced by oceanic plates being significantly cooler and hence denser than the underlying mantle. They get pulled below the adjoining continental plate, dragging the remaining ocean plate after it. At the base of the plate, drag occurs as it moves over the underlying mantle.
Continental land masses and major ocean floors contrast strongly. For example, Mount Everest, the highest bit of continent, is 8 848 m, yet the Marianas Trench with a depth of 10 912 m, is vertically greater.
The oceans cover over 70% of the surface of the Earth and occupy large flat-bottomed basins traversed by 2 km high oceanic ridge systems. On their active margins, they have trenches adjacent to destructive plate margins (e.g along the Pacific Ocean) while on passive margins they have broad continental slopes up to 200 km wide (e.g along the Atlantic Ocean).
Because oceanic crust spreads away from the mid-oceanic ridges, the oldest oceanic floor is found at the ocean margins. The oldest oceanic rocks are only 200 million years old but most are less than 100 million years old. This comes from older oceanic crust being subducted at destructive plate margins. In rare cases, some older ocean floor was pushed up (obducted) onto the adjacent continental crust forming alpine-type serpentinite and ophiolite belts (e.g. in the Alps across Europe).
In contrast to oceanic crust, continental crust has constantly formed throughout much of the Earth's history, with the oldest rocks from Greenland dating back to 4.2 billion years, and the oldest known mineral, a zircon from the Pilbara region of Western Australia dating at 4.5 billion years. Three main types of continental crust are:
- Exposed continental shields (or cratons) of mainly Precambrian (older than 570 million years) crystalline igneous and high-grade (formed at high temperatures and pressures) metamorphic rocks.
- Continental platforms mainly of gently folded younger low-grade (formed at low temperatures) metamorphic rocks overlying Precambrian basement rocks.
- Young, mainly Cenozoic (less than 65 million years old) mountain belts that contain deformed metamorphic rocks and later igneous (both volcanic and plutonic) rocks.
Heat in the Earth
Heat flows outward from the interior of the Earth. Most of the heat generated at present results from decay of long-lived radioactive isotopes (especially of the elements potassium, uranium and thorium). However, early on (greater than four billion years ago), some of the heat may have come from decay of short-lived radioactive isotopes, meteorite impacts and gravitational compaction.
As potassium, uranium and thorium are concentrated in the upper continental crust, the heat produced by their decay accounts for some 40% of the average continental heat flow. In contrast, heat flow within oceanic regions largely comes from the mantle (i.e. through the magmatism along mid-oceanic ridges).
Heat flow measurements are given as milliwatts per square metre (mWm2) and at the surface of the Earth vary from 30 to over 200, with an average of 80 mWm2. Heat flow is highest in volcanic areas, such as mid-oceanic ridges (especially in areas of rapid sea-floor spreading) and young volcanic areas on continents (e.g. the East African Rift). The lowest heat flows occur on old ocean floor and trenches, and in rapidly subsiding basins on continental crust. Continents have an average heat flow of 55, whereas oceans have an average heat flow of 95. Over 60% of heat flow loss from the Earth escapes from new oceanic crust at mid-oceanic ridges.
Most heat in the Earth is transferred by convection. This comes about when heating from below decreases the density so that heated material rises. When it reaches the top of the heated column the heat spreads sideways and cooling occurs. On cooling, density increases once more and the material sinks. The materials that have the greatest influence on convection within the Earth are sea-water, groundwater in the crust, and magmas.
The Geothermal Gradient
As heat wells up from the interior of the Earth, the temperatures must increase with depth. This rate of heat flow with depth is the Geothermal Gradient. It is usually calculated from measurements in mines and drill holes and ranges from 8° C / km up to 65° C / km but average some 35° C / km in continental crust. These figures only apply to the top part of the Earth as lower down, calculations become complex because of changes in composition and physical properties. Geothermal gradients are lower under old cratonic regions and higher in fold belts (thicker crust) and volcanic regions.
Pressure within the Earth
Pressure within the Earth increases with depth. The standard unit for pressure is the Pascal (Pa) which is too small for geological purposes. Instead, bars are used, with one bar being almost equal to one atmosphere ( 1 atm = 101 325 Pa). A common measurement of pressure within the Earth is the kilobar (kb or 1000 bars).
Pressure comes from the weight of overlying rocks. As the density of crustal rocks averages 2.8 gm / cm3, so pressure within them increases downwards by 0.28 kb / km. Mantle rocks have higher density, which further increases pressure downwards.
Although relatively rigid and strong, the outer shell of the Earth (lithosphere) cannot support the stresses imposed upon it by either the positive weight of a mountain belt or the more negative weight of an ocean basin. For these features to exist, a compensating mechanism is required. The principle of isostasy is that below the depth of compensation, the pressures from overlying materials are equal everywhere.
Isostasy was recognised by French scientists working in the Peruvian Andes during the eighteenth century while trying to determine the shape of the Earth. They had to make a correction to their vertical measurements to take into account the horizontal deflection caused by the gravitational attraction of the Andes. However, they also found this correction was less than the calculated deflection. This discrepancy (called Bouguer anomalies) arises from a negative mass anomaly below the Andes which compensates the positive mass of the mountains.
Similar observations were made in the Himalayas in the nineteenth century and this subsurface compensation has been confirmed by variations in the Earth's gravitational field over broad regions. Anomalies are generally negative over elevated continental areas, and positive over ocean basins.
These transect the major ocean basins of the world and are active sites for generating new crust from magmas rising from the mantle below these linear fractures. On a bathymetric map, they form topographic highs within the deep oceans. Most volcanism on Earth occurs here and they are also sites of copper-zinc-lead-gold mineralisation. Because of complex interactions of the different plates, spreading ridges have different spreading rates, as do the plates themselves. In general, mid-oceanic ridges divide into those with high spreading rates, and those with low spreading rates. These differences in the rates of magma rise cause unique patterns of rock types.
As all the new crust created at the mid-oceanic spreading ridges does not seem to expand the Earth, the older crust must somehow be returned back into the mantle. This occurs at the plate edges along subduction zones. As oceanic crust cools down, it becomes denser so that on its boundary with adjacent continental crust, it sags below the continental crust under the push from the spreading ridges. Subduction zones also occur between oceanic plates, particularly oceanic plates of differing age. In some regions behind the oceanic plate, spreading starts when new magmas well up from the subduction of the down-going oceanic plate to give back-arc basins. The back-arc basins themselves influence the down-going plate and deflect it towards the back-arc spreading. Down-going oceanic crust contains hydrous minerals (and some trapped oceanic water), and these are released at depth. This released water initiates more melting so that new magmas rise up through the plate and produce large volcanoes along an arc, forming island arcs.
Earthquakes and large faults
Robert Hooke in 1705 recognised that earthquakes came from land movements and Mallet (1810-1881) realised earthquake damage resulted from waves (called seismic waves) generated by the movement.
A wave propagates strain through a material, which then tends to become restored to its original state (Newton's Law of Equilibrium in the Universe). Earthquakes simply release strain built-up within the Earth, from plate tectonic movement or movements of molten rock.
Although seismic waves spread out from disturbances of the ground, only earthquakes and nuclear explosions are large enough sources of waves to be detected around the world.
There are two types of waves that can be used to study the Earth's interior:
- P-waves are Primary or Compressional Waves. Faster waves that have speeds of 5 km/s at the top of the crust, 8 km/s at the top of the mantle, and 14 km/s at the bottom of the mantle. They can travel through liquids and so can pass through Earth's liquid outer core.
- S-waves are Shear or Transverse waves. Slower than P-waves, they cannot travel through liquids and do not pass through the Earth's core.
Movement of Seismic Waves through the Earth
When seismic waves are generated, they spread out spherically but become distorted by regions of different density or elastic properties. The faster P-waves are the first to arrive at recording stations and the time delays between P- and S-wave arrivals help determine where the earthquake originated. It takes several such seismic stations to determine the location and size of an earthquake accurately.
When two tectonic plates converge, huge frictional forces build up with time until at a critical point rupturing occurs, producing a fault and an earthquake. Earthquakes within the ocean basins produce tsunamis but those on the continents also devastate by releasing energy in rebounding waves. The largest earthquakes are often along the collision zone of two continental plates. Most large earthquakes around the world occur along plate margins, particularly around the edges of the Pacific Plate. A well-known fault is the San Andreas Fault of the western USA.
Many of the world's volcanoes occur along the plate margins (e.g. Pacific Rim of Fire), but some occur wholly in isolated pockets within plates (e.g. Yellowstone National Park in the USA). The latter form from hotspots of upwelling magma that pierce the crust, forming voluminous volcanic outpourings. These stationary upwellings underlie the plate movements, so they form a line of volcanoes that migrate in the opposite direction to the plate movement. Perhaps the best known hotspot chain is the Hawaiian Islands, in which the older volcanoes finally disappear below sea level as subsided mounts. Some of the hotspots seem to come from the Earth's core, others from less deep layers in the mantle. At present about 50 hot spots are known on Earth. Hotspots have erupted along the margin of eastern Australian and in the Tasman Sea.
Tectonics and mineral deposits
Because plate tectonics is a large-scale process that transfers heat, water and magmas, it underpins the formation of many mineral deposits. Since these deposits form in special plate tectonic settings, we can use our knowledge of present plate tectonic processes to search for deposits formed in the past in similar tectonic settings.
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Rake And Trail Explained!
Understanding motorcycle geometry, or rake and trail, can seem confusing at first. As you study motorcycle trail, you probably think of all those high school or college math classes you skipped and wonder if you can even understand all the factors that go into a good, safe, comfortable chopper or stock motorcycle design.
The good news is that, unless you plan to become a from-scratch frame and suspension designer, you won't need a university degree and a keen understanding of tangents, sines, and cosines to comprehend the basic concepts you need to understand how your motorcycle functions as a synergistic creation of many parts. But knowing motorcycle trail (and fork rake) is something you should 'get'...
The front suspension of any motorcycle is made up of six key variables. Fork rake is the degrees of angle which the neck is angled from true vertical. Fork rake works in most cases with the triple trees which create the fork rake; however, triple trees with raked steering stems have additional adjustments, usually of 3 to 7 degrees rake, which are used to adjust trail.
Fork length is simply the measurement, usually in inches, from the top of the fork tubes to the center-line of the front axle. Diameter of the front tire is another variable. But trail is often the most difficult to understand. Trail is the distance determined when an imaginary vertical line is drawn from the front axle to the ground and that line intersects with another imaginary line going from the center-line of the steering neck to the ground. See why it is the most difficult to understand?
Let's break trail down so you can really envision what it means. Well, better yet, print this out, walk out to your shop or garage, get a tape measure and some chalk and perform these measurements so you can really see how it works.
Place your motorcycle in a fully upright position by putting it on the center stand in the case of a rigid frame. If you have a rear suspension, ask someone to sit on the bike, holding it upright so that their weight simulates the trail when the motorcycle is being ridden. Hold on, we're not done with rake and trail quite yet...
Hold a tape measure so that it forms a straight line from the front axle to the floor and place a chalk mark at the point where the tape measure touches the floor. Next, hold the tape measure next to the steering next and follow the angle of the steering neck down to the floor. Add another chalk mark at this point. With the tape measure, determine the distance between the two chalk marks. That is your trail measurement. It is most likely somewhere between 2 and 4 inches.
Motorcycle Rake Side Bar: To understand exactly what the picture below is describing read the question about changing rake from 30 to 40 degrees here. And then read our answer here.
Trail has a lot of do with how well the bike steers. Having ridden, you know what is meant by "leaning into a curve". You don't actually move the handlebars to make small turns; you simply lean in the direction you want to go and the motorcycle moves with you. When the trail measurement is within normal limits, the cycle will move through these types of turns without any wobble or sway. In fact, the ride feels almost as if it is a part of your body, responding instantly to your every movement.
Rake And Trail Part 4: Negative Trail...
In a negative trail configuration the steering axle mark would be behind the front axle mark. In this situation, the motorcycle would handle great at low speed but would be nearly impossible to control at higher speeds. It would likely wobble so badly that a crash could occur at normal street speeds. If a motorcycle has too much trail, the high speed handling will be very steady, too steady in fact. But slower speeds will be, at best, very clumsy and most likely uncontrollable.
When designing a custom chopper, you must delve a bit deeper into the rake and trail concepts presented here in order to ensure that your design turns into a safe bike after you've turned the paper design into reality. Don't use trial and error when dealing with rake and trail, fork extension, offset, and tire diameter.
Motorcycle Frame Neck Tube Adjustments
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This short school week (Monday/Tuesday), the 3-5 grade students that have art looked at the painting "Freedom from Want" by Norman Rockwell. Norman Percevel Rockwell (February 3, 1894 – November 8, 1978) was a 20th-century American painter and illustrator. His works are popular for their reflection of American culture. Rockwell is most famous for the cover illustrations of everyday life scenarios he created for The Saturday Evening Post magazine for more than four decades. We talked about how Rockwell's paintings tell stories without words; every detail is important to the story. We talked about how Rockwell achieved a sense of depth in his artwork by using two different techniques: Overlapping and placement. The people at the bottom of the painting appear to be in front because they are not blocked by other people. As the people get farther away, they are overlapped and they move higher up the paper. We attempted to use these two techniques to create cartoon versions of our Thanksgiving dinners. These examples are from 3A.
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There are plenty of ways to cool off during August, but camping out on glaciers might not be most people’s choice. That’s just what Nichols Environmental Science Professor Mauri Pelto has been doing for almost three decades.
On August 1st, Pelto set out on his annual three-week study of the glaciers in Washington state’s Cascade Mountains, a pursuit that has helped establish him as one of the world’s leading experts on how glaciers are changing. Besides his work at Nichols, Pelto directs the North Cascade Glacier Climate Project.
Hiking boots and crampons for ice are standard attire for Pelto on these treks. “I actually work on at least 10 glaciers each summer and spend most of my time hiking to get to them or moving around on top of them,” he explains. But that’s just the start of his activities.
Pelto spends the rest of his time measuring the snow depth atop those glaciers compared to previous years and makes meticulous notes in any change of their “terminus positions”—that is, whether they’ve advanced or retreated over the past 12 months.
When it comes to measuring snow accumulation, Pelto uses a steel probe that extends as far as five meters. He takes measurements in hundreds of different locations along the glaciers. He also makes frequent and somewhat hazardous use of the deep crevasses dotting the glacial surface.
“You can see the snow layers in the crevasses just like rings inside of trees,” Pelto points out. “We don’t rope up, so the key for us is not falling in.”
The “us” in Pelto’s life on the glaciers can vary. This year, he’s working with representatives from the Wilderness Society and the North Cascades Conservation Council. In the past, he’s brought his children along as part of their summer vacation. Two summers ago a documentary film crew followed Pelto in his glacial rounds.
The glaciers in the Cascades are shrinking, according to Pelto, who notes that he has come up with the first way of forecasting whether a glacier will survive. “About 20 percent of the volume of these glaciers is gone,” he reports. “Several glaciers have disappeared altogether.”
Pelto does not confine his environmental measurements to water in its frozen state. Back at Nichols, he regularly monitors the flow of rivers in central Massachusetts and last spring discovered that most of the rivers were at historically low flow rates.
Pelto also involves his environmental science students in making those measurements. “They’ll analyze 60 different rivers and come back with the numbers,” Pelto says, adding that the activity provides students with a window into his scientific world. “You’re a part of this moving amoeba of science that’s always changing and advancing.”
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Emilie and Marie Stapp Archive
the turn of the century when most women were
expected to stay home, Emilie and Marie Stapp
chose a different path. Working for rival newspapers
in Des Moines, Iowa, the Stapp sisters were
role models not only for women and young girls,
but young citizens--boys and girls alike.
In 1908 Emilie published The Trail of the
Go-Hawks, the first in a series of popular
children's novels. It's success led to the founding
of the Go-Hawks, an international organization
for children dedicated to doing good deeds and
making the world a better place.
1915 the Go Hawk tribe was featured in an article
by Frank G. Moorhead for Today's Magazine.
Impressed that poet James Whitcomb Riley
had agreed to become the tribe's Big Chief of
All the Go-Hawks, Moorhead wanted to know more
about the organization. He discovered that the
idea to create a national organization came
to Emilie Stapp, author of the Go-Hawk series
books, when she received a letter from a young
boy named Jimmie in 1913.
Hawk doll (1930)
Today's Magazine, 1915. Emilie Stapp,
founder of the Go-Hawks tribe, is pictured in
the circle on the right next to poet, James
Witcomb Riley, Big Chief of All the Go-Hawks.
ill and confined to a wheel chair, Jimmie wrote that
he wanted to be part of the fun "but no one would
choose him to be part of their tribe." Using
her position as Literary page editor at the Des
Moines Capital newspaper, Stapp added a daily
feature for children entitled "The Happy Tribe."
in the club was open to anyone who performed at least
one act of kindness per day. "To make the world
a better place" was chosen as the group's motto.
Tribe would eventually gain a membership of 80,000
children and adults with Rudyard Kipling joining his
fellow poet, James Witcomb Riley, as
Big Chief of All the Go-Hawks in England. The
Emilie Stapp answering children's fan mail
extension of the club overseas came about as result of the
Tribe's efforts to help Belgian refugees (see above, center)
who had fled across the English Channel to escape the German
invasion. On July 4, 1917, the governor of Iowa sent out
a proclamation for the "Happy Tribe Million Penny War
Fund." It was followed by similar proclamations in
Texas and Alabama. By 1921, more than $43,000 or 4,300,892
pennies had been collected for orphans of the war. Following
her retirement from
Big Secret (1946) tells
the story of Isabella's war work.
Mifflin in 1925, Emilie moved to Wiggins, Mississippi
to be closer to relatives and to pursue her writing
career. During the height of the Depression, Emilie
reprised the story of the Goose that lay the Golden
Isabella, the Wise Goose became more than just a new
folktale, however. Like all patriotic Americans, Isabella
was drafted as part of the nation's war effort in
October 1942. Once again, Emilie Stapp and her Penny
Patriots went into action.
October 28, 1942 the United States Treasury Department
and the Holy Cathedral Book Club of Chicago sponsored
an autographed book party. That night with such dignitaries
as Carl Sandberg and Alvin C. York in attendance,
a copy of Isabella the Goose sold for $800. Along
with Isabella and other books, an original Lincoln
letter and an autographed Kipling book sold to raise
$283,000 in war bonds and stamps.
after, Isabella was commissioned to sell war
bonds on her own and Isabella's Victory Flight was launched.
From her small cottage in rural Mississippi, Emilie Stapp
raised a total of $3,339,429 for the war effort.
the closing of his Today's Magazine article, Frank
Moorhead wrote, "There is so much good that can be
done in the world; there are so many boys and girls to do
good deeds if only they can think of them and see them.
Emilie Stapp turned the natural juvenile longing for play
into the channels of unselfish service to others...."
archive was processed by Mary H. Hamilton, M.L.S.
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While learning has always expanded beyond the walls of the classroom, the proliferation of devices and applications, which have greatly expanded when, where and how information can be accessed and stored, brings this issue to the fore. How have such devices had an impact in learning, and what role may they play in the future? This issue hopes to showcase practical examples and generate serious reflection on an emerging topic.
Today’s youth are growing up in a world very different from the world their teachers or parents knew when they were young. Where and how they learn is changing as mobile learning and social networking become part of their every day life. Ubiquitous access to social media, tools and knowledge resources is taken for granted, while passive teacher-directed work dominates life at school.
Open, social and participatory media have significant potential to transform learning and teaching. They offer numerous ways to communicate, collaborate and connect with peers. The range of free educational resources and tools is rapidly increasing. Cloud computing has enabled free or inexpensive access to applications that were once available only to those who were willing to pay premium license fees.
The gap between the potential and actual use of technology in education is a paradox. eLearning Papers seeks to facilitate the sharing of innovative and creative uses of technology to support learning among its readers. The upcoming 32nd issue focuses on mobile technology applications and their potential to enhance learning within the broad spectrum of education and training. Papers are welcome on any aspects related to the use of open, social and participatory media, cloud computing or mobile learning. Some suggested focus areas are listed below.
- How do mobile devices enhance learning and creativity?
- Mobile learning and creative classrooms
- OER for mobile learning
- Mobile learning management models and strategies
- Learning design for mobile learning
- Mobile learning platforms, devices and operating systems
- Authoring tools and technologies for mobile learning
- Content design and development for mobile learning
- Platform specific applications for learning
- Augmented reality in education
- Mixed reality and mobile devices supporting learning
- Mobile devices and schoolwork, in classrooms and beyond
- Mobile devices supporting performance and learning at work
- Low-tech mobile learning, e.g. the power of SMS
The article submission deadline is November 19th, 2012. The provisional date of publication is December, 2012. For further information and to submit your article, please contact: firstname.lastname@example.org
Guest editor: Prof. Dr. Martin Wolpers, Fraunhofer-Institut für Angewandte Informationstechnik FIT
The consultation on "Opening up Education - a proposal for a European Initiative to enhance education and skills development through new technologies", will explore the perceived need for EU action to promote the use of open educational resources (OER) in education.
From 13 August 2012 to 13 November 2012.
New technologies, in particular the internet, together with globalisation and the emergence of new education providers, are radically changing the way people learn and teach. Open access to education resources offers an unprecedented opportunity to enhance both excellence and equity in education. The EU aims to help both individual learners and education and training institutions in Member States to benefit from these opportunities and to increase their contribution to society.
In the last quarter of 2012, the Commission will present a Communication on Rethinking Skills aiming to increase the quantity, quality and relevance of skills supply for higher economic and social outcomes. This will, among other actions, announce a new EU Initiative on "Opening up Education": a proposal to exploit the potential contribution of ICTs and Open Educational Resources (OER) to education and skills development. This new EU initiative on "Opening up Education" will be the topic of a subsequent Communication in mid-2013.
View the consultation document [45 KB]
SpeakApps Open Educational Resources (OER) consists of a set of online tools for practising oral production and interaction when learning foreign languages.
The SpeakApps openly licensed tools are directed at different types of activities and are suitable for all students, regardless of the level they have reached in a particular language.
The platform's OER repository allows teachers to find a growing amount of activities and experiences to be carried out in their classrooms. Moreover, and since the repository is build in a wiki environment, users are able to actively contribute to the project by modifying and adapting activities to their needs.
Net Texts is a free app which organises and delivers the wealth of Open Educational Resources available on the Internet.
Net Texts helps schools replace or supplement printed textbooks with customized multimedia courses delivered to students' iPads, Android tablets and laptops.
- Teachers use the app’s Content Management Website to select existing courses or to create new courses by mixing and matching items from the library with their own educational material.
- Students use the Next Texts iPad or Android or web app to download and view these courses, filled with videos, slideshows, e-books, PDFs, text, audiobooks and links.
The European Commission's Institute for Prospective Technological Studies leads the debate on ICT and Education
The Institute for Prospective Technological Studies (IPTS) of the European Commission's Joint Research Centre (JRC) has guest-edited the March 2013 special issue of the European Journal of Education on “ICT and Education: taking stock of progress and looking at the future.”
The issue of the European Journal of Education provides a critical review of evidence and opens the discussion on identifying and implementing major changes in education systems to meet the challenges of 21st century learning and society. In-house research by JRC provided 3 of the 7 articles of this special number.
Continuing on this research line, the learning and skills JRC-IPTS research team is working on European Commission's recent Communication on Rethinking Education, and the initiative “Opening-up Education”. Through the Open Educational Resources in Europe project (OEREU), JRC is to provide empirical evidence to policy makers in order to guide policies on the field of Open Education.
The OEREU project is managing a call for visionary papers, several workshops, and an online debate around a dedicated blog, to come up with visions and scenarios on how Open Education in 2030 in Europe might be for Lifelong Learning, School Education, and Higher Education. It is an opportunity for the Educational community to be involved in a European expert network that could have a direct impact on European Policies, especially now when MOOC's (Massive Open Online Courses) have become a hot topic for debate.
Patrick McAndrew, professor at the UK’s Open University and author of the article “Learning from Open Design: Running a Learning Design MOOC”, published in the latest issue of eLearning Papers, talks to us about his experience with Massively Open Online Courses (MOOCs).
Strongly involved in Open Education (OE) for the last 10 years, professor McAndrew believes MOOCs “are only a part of what's happening” in this field and there are still “lots of interesting developments to see”. He also points out that universities are currently feeling the pressure “to change”, but there is no doubt that they are also being “innovators”, trying to find new ways to “help learners and engage with people.”
Regarding the OLDS-MOOC (Open Learning Design Studio-MOOC) project which he introduces in his paper published in eLearning Papers 33, professor McAndrew says it has been a “rather stressful” but “rather exciting” nine-week rich experience, and invites the OE community to explore the material used to run this initiative, available online under a Creative Commons license.
The report “Open Educational Resources: The value of reuse in higher education” outlines the range of online resources that are being used and how, when, where and why they are being incorporated into learning.
In 2010, the Joint Information Systems Committee (JISC) commissioned the University of Oxford to undertake a study to assess the impact of the use of OER in the UK higher education sector. The OER Impact Study ran from November 2010 to June 2011. This report is a summary of the findings of the research, written primarily for teaching staff and those supporting curriculum delivery processes who may not have considered the potential value of OER before.
The approach of the study was broad and highly qualitative; focusing on what motivates the reuse (or rejection) of digital resources found on the web, and exploring factors that staff and students value in educational content, such as provenance, quality, context and format.
The report begins by highlighting some key themes of the use and reuse of OER. It then outlines the study’s findings of current practice within the sector and suggests some of the attributes of educational content that are most valued by stakeholders in a range of contexts. It also describes approaches taken by staff when searching for educational content online and some of the ways in which they incorporate resources into the curriculum. The report concludes with the study’s recommendations around enhancing teaching practice, supporting learners, improving services and further research.
The Scholarly Publishing and Academic Resources Coalition (SPARC) is a library membership organisation that promotes expanded sharing of scholarship.
SPARC believes that faster and wider sharing of outputs of the research process increases the impact of research, fuels the advancement of knowledge, and increases the return on research investments. Hence, the coalition is promoting changes in both the infrastructure and culture needed to make Open Access the norm in scholarly communication.
Developed by the Association of Research Libraries, SPARC activities aim to advance acceptance and long-term sustainability of an open system for scholarly communication, with a primary focus on advancing open-access models for publishing and archiving the results of scholarly research.
The three key programme areas of the coalition are:
- Educating stakeholders about the problems facing scholarly communication and the opportunities for change;
- Advocating policy changes that advance the potential of technology to advance scholarly communication and that explicitly recognize that dissemination is an essential, inseparable component of the research process;
- Incubating real-world demonstrations of business and publishing models that advance changes benefiting scholarship and academe.
Membership in SPARC currently numbers nearly 800 institutions in North America, Europe, Japan, China, and Australia.
Issue number 33 of eLearning Papers focuses on the challenges and future of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs), a trend in education that has skyrocketed since 2008.
Guest edited by Dr Yishay Mor, Senior Lecturer at the Open University's Institute of Educational Technology (UK), and Tapio Koskinen, Director of the eLearning Papers Editorial Board, MOOCs and Beyond seeks to both generate debate and present a variety of perspectives about this new popular learning model.
The emergence of MOOCs poses a set of challenges to the educational community. This new special issue of eLearning Papers aims to shed light on the way these online courses affect both education institutions and learners, and tries to find answers to some of the questions confronted by teachers and researchers.
Among other topics, eLearning Papers 33 explores whether MOOCs may be a viable solution for education in developing countries and analyses the role of these emerging courses in the education system, especially in higher education. Furthermore, valuable examples from the field are presented, such as the quad-blogging concept and a game-based MOOC developed to promote entrepreneurship education.
This issue includes 4 In-Depth articles and 6 From the Field ones:
- The Impact and Reach of MOOCs: A Developing Countries’ Perspective by Tharindu Liyanagunawardena, Shirley Williams and Andrew Adams
- MOOCs and disruptive innovation: Implications for higher education by Li Yuan and Stephen Powell
- The Next Game Changer: The Historical Antecedents of the MOOC Movement in Education by David T. Boven
- MOOC Design Principles. A Pedagogical Approach from the Learner’s Perspective by Lourdes Guàrdia, Marcelo Maina and Albert Sangrà
From the field articles
- MOOCs are More Social than You Believe by Jan Blom, Himanshu Verma, Nan Li, Afroditi Skevi and Pierre Dillenbourg
- Realising the Potential of Peer-to-Peer Learning: Taming a MOOC with Social Media by Emily Purser, Angela Towndrow and Ary Aranguiz
- Learning from Open Design: Running a Learning Design MOOC by Patrick McAndrew
- Quad-blogging: Promoting Peer-to- Peer Learning in a MOOC by Angela Towndrow, Ary Aranguiz, Emily Purser and Madhura Pradhan
- Game Based Learning MOOC. Promoting Entrepreneurship Education by Margarida Romero
- The AlphaMOOC: Building a Massive Open Online Course One Graduate Student at a Time by Carmen McCallum, Stephen Thomas and Julie C. Libarkin
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Glycemic Index, or the GI Diet, is regularly discussed in the media, but did you know that for diabetics it can be a useful way of gaining control of blood sugar levels, and also helping you achieve a healthy weight?
What is Glycemic Index?
The Glycemic Index is a measure of the rise in our blood sugar levels, in the two to three hour period, after eating a specific food. In order to ‘score’ foods scientists use pure glucose as a reference point, giving it a GI score of 100. Foods that cause blood glucose (sugar) levels to rise quickly are given a higher GI score. Foods that cause a slow increase in blood glucose levels are considered to be low GI foods. The image below demonstrated this.
Why is Glycemic Index useful?
Most of us have experienced a drop in blood sugar levels at one time or another, when we start to feel tired, irritable, and increasingly hungry. Our bodies perform best when blood sugar levels are kept relatively constant, the Glycemic Index can help us to maintain these levels.
What are the limitations of the Glycemic Index?
While the Glycemic Index provides a very valuable tool for ranking carbohydrate foods, it does have it’s limitations, and I feel that it should merely be used as a useful aid to healthy eating, not the main focus of our eating habits.
There are a number of other factors which effect blood glucose levels, and this is one of the reasons why the Glycemic Index can appear complicated. These include:
- The other foods that are eaten at the meal.
- How ripe the foods are.
- Origin or variety of the food.
- Different makeup of our bodies and digestive systems.
- Apple – GI of 38, weight 138g, Glycemic Load of 6 (low GL), calories 72
- Peanuts – GI of 14, weight 4oz, Glycemic Load of 2 (low GL), calories 500+
Most people would consider the apple to be a very healthy snack. However, if we look at the peanuts in terms of Glycemic Index, a serving not only weighs less than the apple, but has a much lower Glycemic index (14), and provides an even lower Glycemic Load (2). Based on Glycemic Load alone, you may be led to believe that the peanuts were a better dietary choice than the apple.
However, if you take a look at the calories contained in these foods, the apple contains approximately 72 calories, while the peanuts contain more than 500. Particularly, if you are trying to loose weight, choosing the peanuts would not be the best choice. Therefore, it is clear that Glycemic Index does have its limitations.
How can Glycemic Index help control your diabetes?
Choosing foods that have a low GI can help to reduce the rise in blood sugar levels after eating a meal. Particularly, if you are controlling your diabetes without medication, it is important to choose the correct foods in order to keep your blood sugar levels within the target range. Choosing more low GI foods can be a very helpful way to do this.
Foods with a low GI score have the added benefit of helping us feel more satisfied for longer (due to the higher fibre content), therefore reducing the likelihood of snacking on foods which are unhealthy, and causing the blood sugar levels to rise too rapidly.
Final thoughts on the Glycemic Index
Personally, I feel that the Glycemic Index can be difficult to use, as it is somewhat complicated, and does vary from person to person. However, using it in conjunction with a healthy balanced diet can assist your management of diabetes and/or controlling weight. My advice would be to use it as a guide to assist in your healthy eating plan, not another diet!
If you have any questions please contact me, I’ll do my best to answer them!
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Feb. 24, 2011 Early in the formation of Earth, some forms of the element chromium separated and disappeared deep into the planet's core, a new study by UC Davis geologists shows.
The finding, to be published online by the journal Science Feb. 24, will help scientists understand the early stages of planet formation, said Qing-Zhu Yin, professor of geology at UC Davis and coauthor on the paper.
Yin, former postdoctoral scholar Frederic Moynier and Edwin Schauble of the Department and Earth and Space Sciences at UCLA used specialized equipment at UC Davis to make very exact measurements of chromium isotopes in meteorites, compared to rocks from Earth's crust, and use modern high performance computers to simulate early Earth environment.
They studied a class of meteorites called chondrites, which are leftovers from the formation of the solar system over four and half billion years ago.
As well as adding shiny, rust-proof surfaces to metalwork, chromium adds color to emeralds and rubies. It exists as four stable (non-radioactive) isotopes with atomic masses of 50, 52, 53 and 54.
It has been known for decades that chromium isotopes are relatively underrepresented in Earth's mantle and crust, Yin said. That could either be because they were volatile and evaporated into space, or got sucked into Earth's deep core at some point.
By making very accurate measurements of chromium isotopes in the meteorites compared to Earth rocks and comparing them to theoretical predictions, the researchers were able to show for the first time that the lighter isotopes preferentially go into the core. From this the team inferred that some 65 percent of the missing chromium is most likely in Earth's core.
Furthermore, the separation must have happened early in the planet building process, probably in the multiple smaller bodies that assembled into Earth or when Earth was still molten but smaller than today.
Moynier is now assistant professor at the Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences and McDonnell Center for the Space Sciences, Washington University in St Louis. The work was funded by grants from NASA and the National Science Foundation.
Other social bookmarking and sharing tools:
Note: Materials may be edited for content and length. For further information, please contact the source cited above.
- Frederic Moynier, Qing-Zhu Yin and Edwin Schauble. Isotopic Evidence of Cr Partitioning into Earth’s Core. Science, 24 February 2011 DOI: 10.1126/science.1199597
Note: If no author is given, the source is cited instead.
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Frequently Asked Questions
Have a question you don't see here? Feel free to contact us at firstname.lastname@example.org and we'll do our best to answer!
- What are neutrinos?
- What are you hoping to find?
- Why is IceCube important?
- Why build IceCube at the South Pole?
- How big is IceCube?
- How much did it cost to build?
- How do you maintain the sensors?
- Who is in charge of the detector?
- How many people are involved?
- How many people actually winter over?
- How many people go to the South Pole for just the summer?
Neutrinos are invisible, nearly massless subatomic particles that are electrically neutral. They can travel at nearly the speed of light from the edge of the universe without being deflected by magnetic fields or absorbed by matter. They travel in straight lines from their source. This makes them excellent messengers of information about the objects or events in which they originate.
Neutrinos originate in some of the most violent and least understood events in the universe. Events like supernovas and objects like active galactic nuclei and black holes are just a few possible sources of high-energy neutrinos. Other than particles of light, called photons, neutrinos are the most common particle in the universe.
IceCube detects light emitted by charged particles that are produced when a single neutrino crashes into a proton or neutron inside an atom. The resulting nuclear reaction produces secondary particles travelling at high speeds (faster than light in the ice!) that give off a blue light called Cherenkov radiation. The neutrinos we detect are like fingerprints that help us understand the objects and phenomena where the neutrinos are produced.
IceCube is fundamental research, and pure exploratory research usually leads to other astounding discoveries. As IceCube gives us new ways to study the mysteries of our universe, it is likely to uncover or lead to the discovery of things we couldn’t have anticipated.
For example, roughly 5% of our universe is made up of regular matter like atoms and molecules. The other 95% of our universe is made of a material we can’t see and that we barely understand. It is comprised of dark matter (23%) and dark energy (72%). Neutrinos may give us a better understanding of dark matter and dark energy.
In order to detect the light given off by the secondary particles produced by neutrino interactions, we needed a large volume of transparent material. That basically meant water or ice. Because these interactions are rare and produce light that can extend over a kilometer, IceCube requires a lot of ice atoms to capture one event. The South Pole is the one place on Earth that holds such large quantities of clear, pure, and stable ice and has the infrastructure to support scientific research
Most ice contains air bubbles that would distort IceCube’s measurements, but the South Pole ice sheet is very thick and tightly compressed. As snow and ice piled up, it compressed the lower layers of ice. The immense pressure forced out air bubbles, making the deep ice ultra-transparent.
IceCube not only needs clear, pure, and stable ice to make its discoveries; it also needs to be shielded from radiation at the Earth’s surface. IceCube’s individual sensors, called digital optical modules, or DOMs, are buried in the ice beginning at a depth of about 1,500 meters (4,920 feet, almost a mile) below the surface. The 1,500 meters of ice above the detector help to shield it from natural radiation at the Earth’s surface.
The South Pole station, constructed on three kilometers of clear ice, presented an opportunity to satisfy all the requirements needed to build the detector.
IceCube covers one cubic kilometer. It has an area of approximately 1000 square meters and is 1000 meters deep, with the top of the detector array buried in the ice at a depth of about 1,500 meters (4,920 feet).
The total cost of the project was $271 million USD. The National Science Foundation provided the majority of the money for construction, about $242 million. Another $30 million came from our collaborators in Germany, Sweden, and Belgium.
The sensors that make up the detector are called digital optical modules, or DOMs, and were carefully tested before they were deployed. Once they are frozen in the ice, they can no longer be physically accessed. We can, however, troubleshoot electronic problems and update software remotely, because all DOMs are wired to the IceCube Lab at the South Pole.
The IceCube Collaboration runs the project and the University of Wisconsin–Madison (UW) is the lead institution. UW led construction of the IceCube proof-of-concept project called AMANDA, and in evaluating proposals from several institutions, the National Science Foundation determined that UW had the experience and success to oversee IceCube.
About 250 physicists, computer scientists, and engineers make up the IceCube Collaboration, from 38 institutions in 10 countries.
IceCube has two people that spend the entire year (winter over) at the South Pole. Their jobs are to maintain the data acquisition computers and collect data. About 50 people in other science and support positions stay at the South Pole station for the long, dark winter.
During IceCube’s construction from 2004 to 2011, about 100 people working on IceCube would be at the South Pole between November 1 and February 15. However, they were not all there at the same time. Only about 48 people from IceCube were there at any one time during its construction. The average population of all scientists and support personnel at the South Pole during the austral summer is about 150 people.
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September 03, 2012
“We wanted to know how the foreseeable rise in CO2 would affect cloud formation in temperate climate zones and what part the vegetation plays in this,” says Jordi Vilà-Guerau de Arellano from the University of Wageningen in the Netherlands. Working with colleagues from the Max Planck Institutes for Chemistry and Meteorology, the geophysicists made use of, for the first time, a computer model that takes account of the soil, water cycle, atmosphere and growth processes of plants. The model results highlight how local and daily variable processes, through turbulence, can influence the atmosphere on larger scales.
The scientists simulated three scenarios for their analysis: a doubling of the CO2 in the atmosphere from the current 0.038% to 0.075%, an increase in the average global temperature by two degrees Celsius and a combination of both. The calculations represent the conditions expected for the year 2100 and compared to 2003 values based on scenarios from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).
The researchers established that some land-vegetation-atmosphere exchange processes respond more strongly to increasing CO2 and climate change than others. Doubling the CO2 in the atmosphere actually starts a cascade of processes beginning with the physiological response of plants to the higher CO2 concentration. The trigger of the chain of events is that plants regulate the exchange of water vapor and carbon dioxide with the atmosphere by the opening and closing of the leaf pores - the stomata.
The cascade starts harmless: in the double CO2 scenario, the stomata close earlier since the plants can assimilate the necessary CO2 for photosynthesis more optimally. As a result, less moisture is evaporated by the plants and there is overall less water vapour introduced into the atmosphere.
Consequently, fewer cumulus clouds are formed, which means that the Earth's surface becomes warmer, as the sun's rays hit it directly and are not reflected by clouds. Then, warmer air creates more turbulence in the atmosphere near the surface, and in consequence there is more heat and less moisture transported. The earth and the atmosphere thus heat up through the plants' response to the higher CO2 levels.
The researchers have thus found another feedback mechanism in the climate system, a self-reinforcing process. This feedback mechanism did not develop in the second scenario, in which the atmosphere only warms by two degrees Celsius without the effect of higher concentrations of the greenhouse gas CO2 on plants.
The researchers then simulated a third scenario in which they increased both the CO2 levels and the temperature. “Positive effects on cloud formation include the ability of the warmer atmosphere to hold more water or increase the growth of biomass. However, they are only partly able to compensate for the reduction in cloud formation,” according to Jordi Vilà. “Evaporation will fall by 15%. The atmospheric boundary layer dries out, and fewer clouds form,” adds Jos Lelieveld, Director at the Max Planck Institute for Chemistry in Mainz.
The study thus shows that diminished evaporation from plants has a direct impact on cloud formation. Chiel van Heerwaarden from the Max Planck Institute for Meteorology emphasizes: “The calculations show an important feedback mechanism between the vegetation and physical climate processes.” In future, the researchers want to extend their analysis to the Amazon to test the effects of increasing CO2 levels on tropical regions.
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You may have entertained the idea of an improbable civilization ending events such as a ‘global killer’ asteroid, earth crust displacement or massive solar storms, but what if there existed a situation right now that was so serious that it literally threatened our very existence?
According to a host of scientists, nuclear experts and researchers, were are facing exactly such a scenario – and current efforts may not be able to stop it.
When the Fukushima nuclear plants sustained structural damage and a catastrophic failure of their spent fuel cooling systems in the aftermath of the Japanese earthquake and Tsunami in 2011, it left the government of Japan, Tokyo Power and nuclear regulatory agencies around the world powerless to contain the release of deadly radiation. A year on, the battle for control of Fukushima continues to no avail.
It’s estimated that tens of thousands of people in Japan and the whole of North America have been affected, with reports indicating that children in Japan and the U.S. are already being born with birth defects, as well as thousands who have already succumbed to radiation related illness. As we initially followed the breaking news during the first thirty days of the accident, we suggested the Fukushima disaster would be worse than Chernobyl. Not even we could have imagined how much worse it would be.
If current estimates are correct, Fukushima has already released as much radiation into the atmosphere and Pacific Ocean as Chernobyl, and the potential for a disaster at least ten times worse is highly probable in the event of another earthquake or accident that leads to a collapse of the cooling structures which are above ground and have already suffered significant damage.
According to U.S. Army General Albert N. Stubblebine (ret.) of the Natural Solutions Foundation, the situation is extremely serious and poses a significant danger to our entire civilization. Since TEPCO and the Japanese government have refused the entombment option (as the Russians did with Chernobyl) the world is at the mercy of nature. A mistake here would cause the deaths of tens of millions of people across the globe.
If there ever existed a threat that could cause the end of the world as we know it, it’s the ongoing and unresolved nuclear saga in Japan:
When the highly radioactive Spent Fuel Rods are exposed to air, there will be massive explosions releasing many times the amount or radiation released thus far. Bizarrely, they are stored three stories above ground in open concrete storage pools. Whether through evaporation of the water in the pools, or due to the inevitable further collapse of the structure, there is a severe risk. United States public health authorities agree that tens of thousands of North Americans have already died from the Fukushima calamity. When the final cataclysm occurs, sooner rather than later, the whole Northern Hemisphere is at risk of becoming largely uninhabitable.
Fact. On March 11, 2011, Fukushima Daichi nuclear power station with six nuclear reactors suffered cataclysmic damage that some believe was a man made event,and the resulting Tsunami. Hydrogen explosions…at least one nuclear explosion… and then subsequent deterioration of the visible plants at five of those reactors have created a threat situation unparalleled in human history.
Fact. Despite denial and cover-up, the reality has emerged, that enormous amounts of radioactive material has been spewing into the atmosphere, polluting the groundwater, and the food of Japan, and entering by the tens of millions of gallons the waters of the Pacific.
There’s no way to sugarcoat these facts. Denying them, blocking them out, pretending that they are not real is of no help to you and your family, and it leaves you totally unprepared for a danger that the Natural Solutions Foundation has been warning about since the first day. As of three weeks ago the levels of radiation inside of the spent fuel pools of unit no. 2 are too high to measure. Get that… too high to measure. And, the water there is evaporating, meaning that heat and radiation could easily build to very high levels.
Very simply put, if this much Cesium 137 is released, it will destroy the world environment and our civilization. This is not rocket science, nor does it connect to the pugulistic debate over nuclear power plants.
This is an issue of human survival.
We can play the denial game all day long and pretend that, because the mainstream media is not reporting on it, there is no threat, but the facts are quite clear.
This is, without a doubt, the most immediate threat faced by the world. It’s so serious, in fact, that the Japanese government has considered and put into place evacuation plans for the whole of Tokyo – some 40 million people. Reports are also emerging that suggest a collapse of the spent fuel pools would be so serious that the entire country of Japan may have to be evacuated. The entire country – that’s 125 million refugees that will cause an unprecedented humanitarian disaster.
Before you argue that these are the ravings of just alternative media conspiracy theorists and fearmongers, consider the assessment put forth by Robert Alvarez , a senior policy adviser to the Secretary for National Security and the Environment for the US Department of Energy:
The No. 4 pool is about 100 feet above ground, is structurally damaged and is exposed to the open elements. If an earthquake or other event were to cause this pool to drain this could result in a catastrophic radiological fire involving nearly 10 times the amount of Cs-137 released by the Chernobyl accident.
The infrastructure to safely remove this material was destroyed as it was at the other three reactors. Spent reactor fuel cannot be simply lifted into the air by a crane as if it were routine cargo. In order to prevent severe radiation exposures, fires and possible explosions, it must be transferred at all times in water and heavily shielded structures into dry casks.. As this has never been done before, the removal of the spent fuel from the pools at the damaged Fukushima-Dai-Ichi reactors will require a major and time-consuming re-construction effort and will be charting in unknown waters.
The total spent reactor fuel inventory at the Fukushima-Daichi site contains nearly half of the total amount of Cs-137 estimated by the NCRP to have been released by all atmospheric nuclear weapons testing, Chernobyl, and world-wide reprocessing plants (~270 million curies or ~9.9 E+18 Becquerel).
It is important for the public to understand that reactors that have been operating for decades, such as those at the Fukushima-Dai-Ichi site, have generated some of the largest concentrations of radioactivity on the planet.
Regulatory agencies all over the world are warning of the potentiality of a further degradation of the Fukushima nuclear reactors and spent fuel pools, and the subsequent nuclear fallout that would follow.
If these reactors go – and they could at any moment for any number of reasons – we’re looking at a situation for which you simply cannot stock enough food, or water, or supplies. Radiation would spread across the entire northern hemisphere and would be impossible to contain.
While we’ve argued in the past that there is no place we’d rather be than in the United States of America in the event of a socio-economic collapse or global conflict, if these spent fuel pools collapse, then an international exit strategy may be the only option.
Because details are sparse and research limited, it is difficult to predict what nuclear fall out from Japan may look like. The following map may be of some help, as it details the estimated fallout pattern resulting from a nuclear war between Russia and the United States. You’ll note that, while most of the world would be irradiated, the southern hemisphere would be your best bet to avoid the brunt of it:
Beachfront property in Antarctica sounds quite appealing right about now.
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The line fastened to the log (q.v.), and wound round a reel in the ship's gallery. The whole line (except some five fathoms next the log, called stray line) is divided into equal lengths called knots, each of which is marked with a piece of coloured tape or bunting. Suppose the captain wishes to know the rate of his ship; one of the sailors throws the log into the sea, and the reel begins to unwind. The length of line run off in half a minute shows the rate of the ship's motion per hour.
Source: Dictionary of Phrase and Fable, E. Cobham Brewer, 1894
More on Log-line from Infoplease:
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An affiliated website was created specifically for the 2009 National Climate Assessment so that the report would be more accessible to a variety of interested readers.
Visit the "Executive Summary" page on the 2009 National Climate Assessment website to find more information on the following key findings from the report:
Click here to download the "Executive Summary" chapter from the report
- Global warming is unequivocal and primarily human-induced.
- Climate changes are underway in the United States and are projected to grow.
- Widespread climate-related impacts are occurring now and are expected to increase.
- Climate change will stress water resources.
- Crop and livestock production will be increasingly challenged.
- Coastal areas are at increasing risk from sea-level rise and storm surge.
- Threats to human health will increase.
- Climate change will interact with many social and environmental stresses.
- Thresholds will be crossed, leading to large changes in climate and ecosystems.
- Future climate change and its impacts depend on choices made today.
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NaxçıvanArticle Free Pass
Naxçıvan, also called Nakhichevan, exclave and autonomous republic of Azerbaijan, in the southern part of the Transcaucasian plateau. It is bounded by Armenia to the north and east, Iran to the south and west, and Turkey to the west. The republic, which is mostly mountainous except for a plain in the west and southwest, lies to the east and north of the middle Aras River, which forms the frontier with Iran and Turkey.
The region is subject to earthquakes; that of 1931 was particularly severe. Winter temperatures in the dry continental climate average in the mid- to low 20s F (−7° to −4 °C), and summer temperatures range from the mid-70s to the mid-80s F (mid- to high 20s C). The scarcity of precipitation on the plain (less than 20 inches [500 mm] annually) produces a steppe type of vegetation. In the mountains, where precipitation averages 25 to 30 inches (630 to 760 mm) annually, the flora is mountainous steppe, with dwarf oak and Iberian maple occurring in the upper valleys. Gray alluvial soils prevail in the plain, giving way above 3,300 feet (1,000 metres) to brown and chestnut soils.
The republic, especially the capital city of Naxçıvan (Nakhichevan), has a long history dating back to about 1500 bce. Historically, the Persians, Mongols, and Turks competed for the area, but it passed to Russia in 1828, and in 1924 it became an autonomous republic of the Soviet Union. Naxçıvan became part of independent Azerbaijan in 1991.
Azerbaijanis constitute virtually the entire population, though there are also small numbers of Armenians and Russians. Chief cities, besides the capital, are Ordubad and Culfa (Dzhulfa). Agriculture, the principal economic activity, is carried on with the aid of irrigation in the plains. The most important crops are grains (winter wheat, some spring wheat, and barley), cotton, tobacco, mulberries for silkworms, and fruits. Sheep raising provides wool for the Azerbaijan carpet industry. Cattle and goats also are raised. There are mineral-water springs in the foothills. Industrial activity is limited to mining (salt, molybdenum, and lead), cotton ginning, silk textile production, and food processing. The Yerevan-Baku railway follows the Aras valley through the republic, and motor roads link the capital to Yerevan, to Culfa on the Iranian frontier, and to Yevlax in Azerbaijan proper. Area 2,100 square miles (5,500 square km). Pop. (2008 est.) 384,400.
What made you want to look up "Naxcivan"? Please share what surprised you most...
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Each student's progress toward professionalism is inextricably related to his or her understanding of music. The School's music curriculum (for levels B1, B2, C1 and Intermediate Men) develops and strengthens not only students' musical skills but begins effectively to cultivate musical sensitivity and understanding. In the first year, students learn basic rhythm training and the harmonic system. In the second and third years, students begin developing musical sensitivity by listening, learning musical terminology and history; and they become familiar with composers, especially those associated with dance.
Photo © Michael Halsband
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WHAT IS LEPTIN?
Leptin is a hormone that plays a role in various parts of the body, including the brain, lungs, kidneys, spleen, heart and liver. Primarily, leptin tells your body when you are full. It signals the brain to stop eating based on the expansion of your stomach. The more food in your stomach, the harder leptin signals you to put down the fork.
WHAT EFFECTS LEPTIN LEVELS?
Weight and food consumption are two controllable factors that affect the amount of leptin in your body. Since fat cells produce leptin, body mass index (BMI) has been linked to high levels of leptin in the blood. The more you weigh, the more leptin in your body. Thus, obesity (BMI >30) leads to increased leptin levels.
Also, diet has been shown to affect the levels of leptin in the body. Since leptin and the immune system work together, consuming anti-inflammatory alkaline foods make you more sensitive to leptin levels. This can potentially lead to weight loss and a healthier body.
INCREASED LEPTIN LEVELS
What are the downfalls of increased leptin levels? Firstly, the pro-inflammatory nature of leptin leads to inflammation in your organs and tissues. This inflammation causes disruption and leads to various diseases, such as heart disease, rheumatoid arthritis and inflammatory bowel disease. Chronic inflammation can cause a multitude of painful and debilitating diseases.
Secondly, chronically high levels of leptin may lead to leptin resistance. This means your body does not respond as well to the normal levels of leptin. More leptin is required to signal your brain to tell you to stop eating. Also, emotional eating can be a trigger of leptin resistance if you stop listening to your body’s cues.
The pH scale is used to determine acidity and alkalinity. The scale is from 0 to 14 with 0 to 6.9 being acidic, 7.1 to 14 being alkaline and 7 being neutral. Most diseases live in an acidic environment, so your body’s goal is to be between 7.3 and 7.4, which is slightly alkaline.
Limiting consumption of acid-forming foods and eating more of the alkaline-forming foods can protect your body from disease by decreasing leptin levels and inflammation. Since alkaline-forming foods are anti-inflammatory, it gives your body a chance to achieve normal leptin levels.
Most alkaline foods are plant-based proteins, fresh fruits and fresh vegetables. These are avocado, summer black radish, alfalfa grass, barley grass, cucumber, kale, jicama, wheat grass, broccoli, oregano, garlic, ginger, green beans, endive, cabbage, celery, red beet, almonds, navy beans, lima beans, watermelon, tomato, figs and ripe bananas. (See the Healing Foods Diet).
Acid-forming foods include refined sugar, hydrogenated oil, dairy, grain and animal fat. Foods to limit are beer, coffee, liquor, sweetened fruit juice, conventional beef, pork veal, canned tuna, canned sardines, artificial sweeteners, oats, cold cuts, milk, pasta, rice and bread.
For more on anti-inflammatory foods and recipes, check out my Real Food Diet Cookbook.
1. Fei, H., et al. “Anatomic Localization of Alternatively Spliced Leptin Receptors (Ob-R) in Mouse Brain and Other Tissues.” Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 94.13 (1997): 7001-5. Print.
2. Barr, V. A., K. Lane, and S. I. Taylor. “Subcellular Localization and Internalization of the Four Human Leptin Receptor Isoforms.” The Journal of biological chemistry 274.30 (1999): 21416-24. Print.
3. Apolzan, J. W., and R. B. Harris. “Rapid Onset and Reversal of Peripheral and Central Leptin Resistance in Rats Offered Chow, Sucrose Solution, and Lard.” Appetite (2012)Print.
6. Ahren, B., et al. “Regulation of Plasma Leptin in Mice: Influence of Age, High-Fat Diet, and Fasting.” The American Journal of Physiology 273.1 Pt 2 (1997): R113-20. Print.
7. Ahren, B. “Plasma Leptin and Insulin in C57BI/6J Mice on a High-Fat Diet: Relation to Subsequent Changes in Body Weight.” Acta Physiologica Scandinavica 165.2 (1999): 233-40. Print.
8. de Heredia, F. P., S. Gomez-Martinez, and A. Marcos. “Obesity, Inflammation and the Immune System.” The Proceedings of the Nutrition Society 71.2 (2012): 332-8. Print.
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Natural gas is considered the queen of the fossil fuels mainly because it is the cleanest of them all and the world is in transit to a low carbon economy. This has led to an abnormally high increase in gas production as energy demand shifts towards this resource for power generation and natural gas vehicles. This is particularly true in the industrialized countries, partly because there is a perception that there are abundant supplies of natural gas. In fact, natural gas is the world’s fastest growing fossil energy source, contributing almost 50 million barrels a day of oil equivalent and acting as the principal supplier to industry, petrochemical feedstock, agriculture, and residential and commercial uses. These sectors now account for two-thirds of the natural gas consumed.
On a global scale, however, this valuable resource stands for less than one-fifth of the total oil and gas resources discovered so far, making it more compelling that we have to conserve it as much as possible.
Supply and demand of natural gas have increased a sizzling 30 per cent in the last 10 years, from a little more than 220 bcfd to 287 bcfd today and, according to the latest demand models, is expected to further increase 50 per cent, to reach 337 bcfd by 2015 and 425 bcfd by 2030. The Big Three producers: Russia (63 bcfd), US (51 bcfd) and Western Europe (28 bcfd) account for half of the world’s natural gas output. The issue is: Can natural gas reserves meet this growing demand? Remember that reserves are the foundation of production capacity. We must also bear in mind that produced oil provides roughly 16% of the world’s output of natural gas (through associated gas) while natural gas provides (through NGLs) 12% of the total petroleum liquids supply pool of 84 million b/d. So there is a strong interdependence between the outputs of crude oil and natural gas. They nurture each other significantly even though they have different market drivers. In other words, we need to look at future oil & gas supply from a coupled or integrated point of view. This is the uniqueness of our report.
Although nature might have bestowed us with comparable amounts of ultimate reserves of natural gas and crude oil, we have already seen the effects of stretching the limits of oil supply – oil prices at $147. The following Table exemplifies the future supply quandary with natural gas.
Future Global Natural Gas Production Capacity by Region bcfd for 2006 2015 2030
E.Europe/Eurasia: 81, 92, 103♦♦
N.America : 73 , 76 , 73↓
Asia-Pacific: 37 , 50, 52♦
Middle East: 31, 46 , 96♦♦♦♦♦
W.Europe: 29, 27, 21↓
Africa : 18 , 27 , 43♦♦
L. America : 13 17 27♦
WORLD : 284, 337, 425
Source: IEA. ♦ Indicates rank of volume increase, 2006-2030.
Production from North America and Western Europe, the two largest consumers, will be dropping off by 2030 and the key to meet a world demand of 425 bcfd lies in the Middle East. They would have to triple their current production capacity. This is a 5-star increase that would come primarily from Qatar and Iran. Eurasia, mainly Russia and Turkmenistan, would have to increase its capacity by 30 per cent. The Middle East and Eurasia would jointly account for half of the world’s gas production by 2030. More importantly, they would have to provide more than 60 per cent of the increase in demand expected of 141 bcfd. Contrary to the case of oil wherein reserves are dwindling, all of the above regions already have sufficient gas reserves to attain the future production capacities required. However, developing them would require massive investments to develop them and therefore it is almost safe to say that in the not too distant future, the world could experience supply/demand imbalances with gas, and prices will inevitably move towards more symmetry with those of oil, thereby removing the customary price attractiveness of natural gas.
For more of Dr Rafael Sandrea’s work on global oil and gas resources see: “An In-Depth View of Future World Oil & Gas Supply – A Quantitative Model” which is available online through PennEnergy: http://www.pennenergy.com/index/oil-model.html
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2013-05-24T08:42:45Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704392896/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113952-00052-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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Here are a few things I have discovered while teaching my child to read:
1.) Have Patience!
Remember that while reading words may be super easy for you, your child has only been at it for a few months. When we read, sounds and images pop into our head instantly. But children have to memorize a bunch of squiggly lines and the different sounds that are associated with each one. And on top of that, when two or more are together, they produce an altogether different sound. Yikes! How easy would it be for you to read an alphabet in a foreign language?
2.) Timing Matters
Watch to see when your child performs best. You may find that practicing reading at the beginning of the school day is better than at the end. Try to avoid reading lessons right before lunch and dinner when your kids are really hungry and before a nap or bedtime when they are tired and sleepy.
3.) Supply Brain Food
What your kids are eating really makes a difference because reading is hard work and the brain uses up so much energy. Just as you supply your body with a good diet before working out at the gym, the same holds true for your brain. Sneak in a good breakfast or a snack high in protein before you sit down to read.
4.) Use Appropriate Materials
There’s nothing wrong with using easy material to help boost your child’s confidence, but be sure to space it out in between books that gently challenge your child. Using material that is too hard for their level will only discourage and frustrate your child. To find out if the books you are using are appropriate for your child’s skill level, or to test their reading fluency, check out this simple test on the Homeschool Parent.
5.) Keep It Positive
Take time to praise and encourage your child as he or she reads to you. Don’t hesitate to help them with words that are not easily sounded out (such as sight words or those with letter combinations which produce different sounds that your child hasn’t learned yet). Chances are after helping with the same word just a few times, your child will begin to recognize it and learn to read it. NEVER belittle, chastise, or get angry at your child for struggling to read. This just makes a difficult situation worse. And try not to get impatient (see point #1). In order for your child to enjoy learning, they should not be made to feel bad or ashamed for their efforts.
6.) Review Difficult Words
When you notice your child struggling over certain words or word groups (sight words or words that produce multiple sounds) review the words in a fun way. Make up flashcards and invent a game using them. Or have your child practice writing them out on a dry erase board. But try not to use more than four and five at a time or it can be overwhelming.
7.) Shorter is Better
Keep you sessions to 10 or 15 minutes at a time. Your child will probably get tired if you go any longer. And it is better to end on a positive note, than a cranky one!
8.) Don’t Be Afraid to Stop!
If the session just isn’t working out, end it. You can always try again later, but if you try to force your child to read when he or she is having difficulty, then they won’t be learning anything anyway.
9.) Reward, Reward, Reward!
Always take the time to celebrate your child’s accomplishments.
Help your child create a reward poster that they can add stickers to for each book they finish reading. You write the titles down and let them make a path and/or decorate the page. Hang it in a spot that your child can easily reach. When he or she completes the work and fills in the poster, get creative and think of a big way to celebrate as a family. Possibilities include going to the movies, bowling, baking a favorite meal or dessert, or taking a trip down to your local bookstore so your child can choose the book of their choice.
Learning to read isn’t easy and the road to literacy is long. Keeping these tips in the back of your mind can go a long way towards making the journey more pleasant.
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://www.mommymaestra.com/2010/07/tips-for-teaching-your-child-to-read-in.html
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2013-05-27T02:55:54Z
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Academics at the University of Alaska have discovered evidence for genetic change in pink salmon populations as a response to the environmental pressures of climate change.
In 2010, spawning pink salmon in Auke Creek, Alaska, swam upstream nearly two weeks earlier than they did forty years ago. During this time, the average temperature of the water rose by more than one degree.
The research indicates a genetic basis for this behavioural change. It appears that natural selection has acted against late-migrating individuals in the population, resulting in earlier overall migration as well as fewer late-migrating salmon.
The research provides rare evidence in support of an evolutionary response to climate change.
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://theconversation.com/salmon-migrate-earlier-in-evolutionary-response-to-climate-change-8267
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2013-05-24T01:36:58Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368704132298/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516113532-00053-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
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en
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Child and Youth
Restorative Justice in Everyday Life: Beyond the Formal Ritual
Punishment in response to crime and other wrongdoing is the prevailing practice, not just in criminal justice systems, but throughout most modern societies. Punishment is usually seen as the most appropriate response to crime and to wrongdoing in schools, families, and workplaces. Those who fail to punish naughty children and offending youths and adults are often labeled as "permissive."
This Punitive-Permissive Continuum (Figure 1) reflects the current popular view, but offers a very confined perspective and limited choice-to punish or not to punish. The only other variable is the severity of the punishment, such as the amount of the fine or the length of the sentence. However, we can construct a more useful view of social control by looking at the interplay of two more comprehensive variables: control and support.
We define control as discipline or limit setting and support as encouragement or nurturing. Now we can combine a high or low level of control with a high or low level of support to identify four general approaches to social control: neglectful, permissive, punitive (or retributive), and restorative (adapted from Glaser, 1969).
We subsume the traditional Punitive-Permissive Continuum within this more inclusive framework. The permissive approach (lower right of Figure 2) is comprised of low control and high support, a scarcity of limit setting and an abundance of nurturing, Opposite permissive (upper left of Figure 2) is the punitive (or retributive) approach, high on control and low on support. Sadly, schools and courts in the United States and other countries have increasingly embraced the punitive approach, suspending and expelling more students and imprisoning more citizens than ever before. The third approach, when there is an absence of both limit setting and nurturing, is neglectful (lower left of Figure 2).
The fourth possibility is restorative (upper right of Figure 2). Employing both high control and high support, the restorative approach confronts and disapproves of wrongdoing while supporting and valuing the intrinsic worth of the wrongdoer. In using the term" control," we are advocating high control of wrongdoing, not control of human beings in general. Our ultimate goal is freedom from the kind of control that wrongdoers impose on others.
This social control window can be used to represent parenting styles. For example, there are neglectful parents who are absent or abusive and permissive parents who are ineffectual or enabling. The term "authoritarian" has been used to describe the punitive parent, while the restorative parent has been called "authoritative" (Baumrind, 1989). Further, we can apply John Braithwaite's (1989) terms to the window: "stigmatizing" responses to wrongdoing are punitive, while "reintegrative" responses are restorative.
A few key words-NOT, FOR, TO, and WITH-have helped clarify these approaches for our staff at the Community Service Foundation's schools and group homes. If we were neglectful toward the troubled youth in our agency's programs, we would NOT do anything in response to their inappropriate behavior. If permissive, we would do everything FOR them and ask little in return. If punitive, we would respond by doing things TO them. But responding in a restorative manner, we do things WITH them and involve them directly in the process. A critical element of the restorative approach is that, whenever possible. WITH also includes victims, family, friends, and community-those who been affected by the offender's behavior.
Although the restorative approach to social control expands our options beyond the traditional PunitivePermissive Continuum, the implementation of restorative justice to date has been narrowly restricted. Our concept of restorative justice is confined to a few programs, like community service projects designed to reintegrate offenders, and formal rituals, such as victim-offender mediation, sentencing circles, and family group or community accountability conferences.
John Braithwaite (1998), in his keynote address at the first North American Conference on Conferencing, asserted that "restorative justice will never become a mainstream alternative to retributive justice unless long-term R[esearch] and D[evelopment] programs show that it does have the capacity to reduce crime." If that is so, then I fear that restorative justice is doomed to a peripheral role at the fringes of criminal justice and school disciplinary systems. We have all sorts of evidence that victims, offenders, and their respective supporters find restorative justice rituals satisfying and just, but we have yet to conclusively demonstrate that any restorative justice ritual significantly reduces re-offense rates or otherwise prevents crime.
Although a conferencing advocate, I would be naive to think that a single restorative intervention can change the behavior and mindset of the delinquent and high-risk youths who participate in our agency's counseling, educational, and residential programs. Yet we do experience significantly positive behavior change from these young people when they attend our programs. This is because, as Terry O'Connell, the police officer who developed the scripted model of conferencing, remarked when he first visited one of our schools in 1995. "You are running a conference all day long." It has taken me several years to fully appreciate his comment. Although we had never used the term "restorative justice," we now recognize that we have created an environment characterized by the everyday use of a wide range of informal and formal restorative practices.
The term "restorative practice" includes any response to wrongdoing which falls within the parameters defined by our social control window as both supportive and limitsetting. Once we examine the possibilities, we see that they are virtually unlimited. To illustrate, we offer examples from everyday life in our schools and group homes and place them along the Restorative Practices Continuum (Figure 3). Moving from the left end of the continuum to the right, the restorative interventions become increasingly formal, involve more people, more planning, more time, are more complete in dealing with the offense, more structured, and due to all of the those factors, may have more impact on the offender.
On the far left of the continuum is a simple affective response in which the wronged person lets the offender know how he or she feels about the incident. For example, one of our staff might say, "Jason, you really hurt my feelings when you act like that. And it surprises me, because I don't think you want to hurt anyone on purpose." And that's all that is said. If a similar behavior happens again, we might repeat the response or try a different restorative intervention, perhaps asking. "How do you think Mark felt when you did that?" and then wait patiently for an answer.
In the middle of the continuum is the small impromptu conference. I was with our residential program director a few weeks ago, awaiting a court hearing about placing a 14 year-old boy in one of our group homes. His grandmother told us how on Christmas Eve, several days before, he had gone over to a cousin's house without permission and without letting her know. He did not come back until the next morning, just barely in time for them to catch a bus to her sister's house for Christmas dinner. The program director got the grandmother talking about how that incident had affected her and how worried she was about her grandson. The boy was surprised by how deeply his behavior had affected his grandmother. He readily apologized. Close to the far right of the continuum is a larger, more formal group process, still short of the formal conference. Two boys got into a fistfight recently, an unusual event at our schools. After the fight was stopped, their parents were called to come and pick them up. If the boys wanted to return to our school, each boy had to phone and ask for an opportunity to convince the staff and his fellow students that he should be allowed back. Both boys called and came to school. One refused to take responsibility and had a defiant attitude. He was not re-admitted. The other was humble, even tearful. He listened attentively while staff and students told him how he had affected them, willingly took responsibility for his behavior, and got a lot of compliments about how he handled the meeting. He was readmitted and no further action was taken. The other boy was put in the juvenile detention center by his probation officer. Ideally, he will be a candidate for a formal family group conference.
We often create informal restorative interventions simply by asking offenders questions from the scripted formal conference. "What happened?" "What were you thinking about at the time?" "Who do you think has been affected?" "How have they been affected?" Whenever possible, we provide those who have been affected with an opportunity to express their feelings to the offenders. The cumulative result of all of this affective exchange in a school is far more productive than lecturing, scolding, threatening, or handing out detentions, suspensions, and expulsions. Our teachers tell us classroom decorum in our schools for troubled youth is better than in the local public schools. But interestingly, we rarely hold formal conferences. We have found that the more we rely on informal restorative practices in everyday life, the less we need formal restorative rituals.
Restorative justice is a philosophy, not a model, and ought to guide the way we act in all of our dealings. In that spirit, the Community Service Foundation uses restorative practices in dealing with its own staff issues. As director, I strive for an atmosphere in which staff can comfortably express concerns and criticisms of me and other supervisors. I also take ownership for inappropriate behavior on my part and address problems with staff in a restorative way. Last year, several employees became engaged in a squabble that was disrupting our workplace. I felt removed enough from the situation to act as facilitator in a conference to deal with the spiraling conflict. In this conference, there was no clearly identified wrongdoer. Rather, when I invited the participants to the conference, I asked each of them to take as much responsibility as possible for their part in the problem and assured them that I was asking everyone else to do the same. I was pleased to find a lot of self-disclosure and honesty in my preliminary discussion with each participant and felt confident that the conference would go well. In fact, it exceeded my expectations. Not only did a great deal of healing taking place while we met, but several individuals made plans to get together one-to-one to further resolve their differences. To the best of my knowledge, the conflict is now ancient history and no longer a factor in our workplace.
Restorative practices are contagious, spreading from our workplace to our homes. A new staff member recently told me how she, her husband, and her younger son restoratively confronted her young adult son, who had just entered the world of work. They told him how annoyed they were with his failure to get himself up on time in the morning. Mom and Dad expressed their embarrassment that their son had been late to work at a company where they knew a lot of his co-workers. They insisted that they were stepping back. If their son lost his job, it was not their problem, but his. As a result of the informal family group conference, the young man now sets three alarm clocks and gets to work on time.
Restorative justice is a philosophy, not a model, and ought to guide the way we act in all of our dealings.
A police officer who was trained in conferencing shared how he confronted his little boy, who had torn off a piece of new wallpaper, with questions from the conference. The youngster became very remorseful and acknowledged that he had hurt his mother, who loved the new wallpaper, and the workman he had watched put up the new wallpaper. Dad felt satisfied that the intervention was far more effective than an old-fashioned scolding or punishment.
A police officer ran a variation on a family group conference with a dispute between neighbors about a barking dog; another held an impromptu conference on the front porch between a homeowner and an adolescent prankster who stole a lawn ornament. Still another police officer held a conference for the families of two runaways, helping the teenagers' understanding of how hurtful their actions were, although they had not committed a criminal offense that would typically require the officer's involvement. An assistant principal made two teenagers, on the verge of a fight, tell each other how they were feeling and brought them to quick resolution. A corrections officer addressed an inmate's angry outburst with a conference. A social worker urged family members to talk to each other in a real way about a teenager's persistent truancy and the youth began going to school. Beyond the formal criminal justice ritual, there are an infinite number of opportunities for restorative interventions.
For restorative practices to be effective in changing offender behavior, we try to do the following:
I am not speaking theoretically or hopefully. I am speaking about my direct experience with our schools and group homes. Juvenile courts and schools from four counties 3end us 250 of their more troublesome young people at my one time. Thanks to restorative practices, they change their behaviors, cooperate, take positive leadership roles, and confront each other about inappropriate behavior.
I lacked an adequate way of expressing why these changes occur until I encountered the concept of restorative justice. We are currently undertaking a research project to evaluate more specifically how our agency's restorative practices impact young people, what specifically changes and to what extent those changes are sustained after our students and clients leave us. But I can assure you that something positive is happening as a result of systematic implementation of restorative practices in what might otherwise be a very negative and challenging environment.
The Community Service Foundation is the sponsoring agency for the Real Justice program internationally and has subsidized its efforts for the last four years. Having trained more than 3 000 people in conferencing, we find that many trainees never actually conduct conferences. Some hesitate to facilitate a formal conference because they are afraid. Many do not have the authority to bypass existing procedures and sanctions, like zero tolerance policies in schools. So a large number of people have implemented restorative practices informally in the ways I have described above.
In recent months, Real Justice has added the concept of restorative practices to its trainings, specifically encouraging people to try less formal interventions when they cannot do conferences. The idea has been well received. For example, educators who claim that they do not have time to pull together a full-blown conference are enthusiastic about more spontaneous restorative strategies. Real Justice is also working directly with a local school district to train teachers in informal restorative practices that they might use with daily classroom disciplinary problems.
We all know that the world will change only very slowly and very imperfectly. We cannot afford to be unrealistic or utopian. We must be flexible and experimental. Some people think that police officers should not be facilitating conferences as part of their professional role, and others believe that volunteers are the only ones neutral enough to facilitate criminal justice conferences or mediations. Surely these people hold such views for what they believe are the best of reasons, but our experience with restorative justice has been too brief to adopt such fixed boundaries. We must allow ourselves to move beyond the limited framework of the formal ritual and recognize the wider possibilities, allowing everyone to use restorative practices freely in their work.
If systems are not innately restorative, then they cannot hope to affect change simply by providing an occasional restorative intervention. Restorative practices must be systemic, not situational. You cannot have just a few people running conferences and everybody else doing business as usual. You cannot be restorative with students but retributive with faculty. You cannot have punitive police and restorative courts. To reduce the growing negative subculture among youth, to successfully prevent crime, and to accomplish meaningful and lasting change, restorative justice must be perceived as a social movement dedicated to making restorative practices integral to everyday life.
Baumrind, D. (1989). Citing B. Bower. (1989, August 19). Teenagers reap broad benefits from" authoritative" parents. Science News, 136.
Braithwaite, J. (1989). Crime, shame and reintegration. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Braithwaite, J. (1998, August). Linking Crime Prevention to Restorative Justice. Presented at the First North American Conference on Conferencing, Minneapolis, Minnesota, August 6-8.
Glaser, D. (1969). The effectiveness of a prison and parole system. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill.
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http://www.cyc-net.org/cyc-online/cycol-1005-wachtel.html
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2013-05-22T00:09:48Z
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Historic Preservation in Lowell
Lowell has proven that historic preservation and urban economic development can work hand-in-hand for the betterment of a community. Urban disinvestment and decline were a familiar sight in America’s older cities in the mid-twentieth century. Lowell was no exception to this phenomena as the collapse of Lowell's once-thriving textile industry in the 1920s and 1930s resulted in empty mill buildings and a decaying central business district. During the 1950s and 1960s, federal urban renewal funding became available to Lowell. Unfortunately, these efforts did not stimulate economic renewal and resulted in the demolition of some of the city's most significant millyards and tore apart several ethnic neighborhoods.
However, some in the community saw the city's history as a means to its revitalization. In the early 1970s, city planning efforts began to focus on preservation as a core element of its revitalization strategy. The establishment of the Lowell Heritage State Park in 1974 added credibility to Lowell's efforts to establish a National Park in the city. The first Historic District Commission and two local design review districts were created downtown by the City in the1970s. Much of the downtown, millyards, and canal system were placed on the National Register of Historic Places. The City invested in pedestrian improvements downtown that reinforced the area’s 19th century flavor and provided design assistance for owners of historic properties. Finally, Lowell National Historical Park was established in 1978 in a federal law that also established the Lowell Historic Preservation Commission, which during its existence assisted with much of the historically sensitive building rehabilitation that took place between 1979 and 1995.
For the past quarter century, the Lowell National Historical Park (LNHP) and the City of Lowell have served as stewards of Lowell’s historic and cultural resources, systematically assisting in the rehabilitation of its many historic downtown buildings so that they once again contribute to the city’s character and economy. The LNHP has played a leadership role in making historic preservation the theme of the community’s economic development program. The City’s comprehensive economic development program likewise, has been dedicated to fostering community pride in its industrial and working heritage and providing new hope for and commitment to its economic future. In doing so, the LNHP and City in concert with a host of public and private partners have created a vibrant living, learning, and working environment that respectively preserves and tells the story of the industrial revolution in Lowell.
The City’s numerous historic districts contain a critical mass of structures from the nineteenth century when Lowell was America’s textile capital. Lowell contains a total of 13 districts listed on the National Register of Historic Places and 22 individually-listed National Register properties scattered throughout the community in the downtown and neighborhoods. Lowell has the fifth highest number of properties in Massachusetts included on the state’s inventory of historic resources. The Lowell Canal System, which provided the framework that shaped the entire development of Lowell, is listed as a National Historic Landmark and is also been designated a Civil and Mechanical Engineering Landmark. Efforts are currently underway to seek World Heritage Site designation for the canal system. Also included in the city are two local architectural and design review districts. Lowell’s physical resources include the original 5.6 mile power canal system, major cotton textile millyards, and evolutionary streetscapes of commercial and residential structures.
The LNHP and City have been part of an active public/private partnership that has been responsible for the rehabilitation of over 250 structures downtown and the creation of extensive public programs to preserve and interpret the city’s cultural resources. Several major mill complexes have been successfully renovated into housing and office space. Aluminum and stucco facades have been removed from downtown buildings revealing attractive 19th century commercial storefronts. The banks of Lowell’s canals have been largely reclaimed providing areas of recreational enjoyment and interpretation of the city’s rich history. Streetscape improvements including brick pavement, granite pavers, and period lighting and benches grace the downtown, enhancing the 19th century urban character of the city.
Strengthening and expanding historic preservation review and regulations in Lowell was a requirement of the federal law creating Lowell National Historical Park in order to ensure community actions would not be inconsistent with the preservation goals of the Park. Since the establishment of the Lowell Historic Board by the Massachusetts Legislature in 1983, over 1,700 permits have been issued within the Downtown Lowell Historic District indicating an extraordinary level of change within the downtown. A second design review district also overseen by the Board, the Acre Neighborhood District, was created in 1999 to assist in the implementation of the Acre Neighborhood Revitalization & Development Plan. Eight additional design review districts under the purview of the Board were created in 2005 in the already existing neighborhood National Register districts for purposes of demolition and new construction.
Extensive public programming, interpretive and educational programs, waysides, and public art add to the vibrancy of the city and reinforce Lowell’s history and culture. Waysides and public art help to weave together the significant areas, vistas, and structures along the Canalway and throughout the downtown historic district. Cultural events such as the Lowell Folk Festival, Boardinghouse Park Summer Music Series, Doors Open Lowell, and Winterfest encourages the community to celebrate its rich heritage while participating both as actors and audience in the midst of Lowell’s most historic buildings and sites.
Lowell’s revitalization is a tribute to the highly successful public/private partnerships that have been a central ingredient in every project undertaken by the City. The Lowell Heritage State Park played a key role in preserving Lowell’s history by securing the recreational and air rights to the canal system as well as much of the right-of-way needed to develop the Canalway. The Lowell Historic Preservation Commission, the Park’s former sister agency, also played a pivotal role in the city’s impressive revival. The Commission provided over $5 million in preservation grants and loans for façade rehabilitation during its 17 year tenure. This investment generated over $50 million in private investment in 63 nationally significant historic structures. The Commission set the standard for high quality rehabilitation and restoration within the downtown historic district and creatively invested its cultural funding to help bring the district alive.
Within Lowell’s neighborhoods an active historic home marker and brochure program has been established by the Lowell Historic Board. Other efforts have included survey and identification of historic resources and National Register listings as well as technical assistance and outreach to homeowners regarding preservation. The City has been instrumental in the preservation and rehabilitation of historic landscapes including Tyler Park and Rogers Fort Hill Park through partnerships with neighborhood groups and various state grant sources.
Very little could have been accomplished in Lowell without the consistent support of the community’s business and governmental leadership. Effective leadership through the years was delivered by seven city managers; numerous city council members; Lowell’s bankers; and officials from the nonprofit banking consortium, the Lowell Development and Financial Corporation. Of critical importance has been the advocacy and support of the Lowell Plan, Inc., the community’s prominent business advocacy organization. Together, these entities have been responsible for implementing the urban cultural park vision.
For its efforts, Lowell was recognized by the National Trust for Historic Preservation with one of its distinguished National Preservation Honor Awards in 2002 as well as one of America’s initial Dozen Distinctive Destinations in 2000. In 2004, Lowell was designated a Preserve America community by the White House and Advisory Council on Historic Preservation. Lowell has succeeded where many other communities have failed in reclaiming the attributes that make communities special places. One important lesson Lowell has learned is that insistence upon quality rehabilitation and historic integrity can pay off. Through this practice, Lowell has set a standard and model of excellence that other communities have sought to follow. The Lowell model emerged out of a clear vision and has been kept alive through multi-agency support and commitment to promoting quality of life issues in the city. This vision and commitment will ensure the continued focus over the coming years necessary to complete and maintain the accomplishment of the city’s reclamation of its historic and cultural resources.
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http://www.lowellma.gov/depts/historic-board/preserving-lowell/historic-preservation-in-lowell
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2013-05-22T14:46:40Z
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Good dental hygiene begins before the baby even has a tooth. Getty images
Parents usually just have to try, and then try again, to figure out the best way to get their children to brush their teeth. The most important thing, though, is consistency and brushing them at least once a day. That alone dramatically reduces the risk of cavities.
Good dental hygiene begins before the baby even has a tooth. Parents can start regularly massaging the baby's maxillary crest with soft tooth brushes, a nubs brush or their finger.
"That makes teething easier," said Johanna Kant, chairwoman of the German Association of Paediatric Dentists.
As soon as the baby can begin grasping objects, it can hold its own toothbrush and play with it. If parents begin with dental care early, they avoid their children fighting back against brushing, according to Andrea Thumeyer, chairwoman of the Hessen State Workgroup on Youth Dental Care.
Once the first baby tooth breaks through, the actual cleaning begins. Parents should lay their child on the changing table so their head is well supported or hold the baby in their lap.
"Pull their lips slightly to the side, put the brush on the tooth and brush it lightly back and forth," said Kant.
Fluoride is an effective protection against cavities.
"Fluoride protects the enamel from acids," said Dietmar Oesterreich, vice president of the German Dental Association.
Paediatricians recommend parents that give their children tablets with 0.25 milligrams of fluoride from their birth until three years of age. Parents should also brush their children's teeth - albeit without toothpaste, as too much fluoride can hinder the growth of permanent teeth, according to the Institute for Quality and Efficiency in Health Care (IQWiG).
Dentists know of the risks of so-called fluorosis. But as opposed to paediatricians, dentists recommend using toothpaste containing fluoride even for babies.
Parents should brush their children's teeth from the time the first tooth appears until they turn two years once a day with a touch of toothpaste, which should contain 500 ppm (parts per million) of fluoride.
When children turn two, they can brush their teeth twice a day. A toothpaste with between 1,000 and 1,500 ppm of fluoride can be used when the children start school.
Parents often ask how to keep their children still with their mouth open. "My husband does jumping jacks while I brush the teeth," said Thumeyer. If the child still refuses, then there's really only one option: holding the child and brushing the teeth.
When children turn two, they can then brush their teeth in the morning as well - at best after breakfast. But it's better to wait if the child eats fruit.
"The acids can lead to the dissolving of materials from the tooth surfaces," said Oesterreich. It's then possible that minerals can be brushed away before they penetrate the tooth.
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http://www.thenewage.co.za/76195-12-53-Consistency_regular_brushing_key_to_childrens_dental_care
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2013-05-24T09:18:18Z
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NEW YORK -- It was a provocative finding: strange bacteria in a California lake that thrived on something completely unexpected – arsenic. What it suggested is that life, a very different kind of life, could possibly exist on some other planet.
The research, published by a leading scientific journal in 2010, led to overheated speculation about how life might exist elsewhere – and quickly some dissent about the original finding.
On Sunday, that same journal, Science, released two papers that rip apart the original research. They "clearly show" that the bacteria can't use arsenic as the researchers claimed, said an accompanying statement from the journal.
The saga began when scientists led by Felisa Wolfe-Simon of NASA's Astrobiology Institute published a paper that said the bacteria, found at Mono Lake in eastern California, could grow by substituting arsenic for phosphorus. The researchers had looked at Mono Lake because of its high arsenic levels, and they reported their conclusions from lab experiments.
Their paper raised eyebrows because phosphorus was considered essential to life, while arsenic, while chemically similar, is a poison.
If the bacteria can break the rules like this, some argued, who knows what kinds of life may be possible beyond Earth?
But not everybody bought the conclusions of the paper. Last year, Science published a bunch of challenges from other scientists, and the paper has long been an object of skepticism.
For both new papers, scientists did their own tests of the bacteria. One team, led by Rosemary Redfield of the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, Canada, reports that arsenic does not contribute to the bacteria's growth. Maybe the original results came from some sort of undetected contaminant in the arsenic the researchers used, they suggest.
The other paper, from Swiss researchers, finds the bacteria to be highly resistant to the poisonous effects of arsenic but still dependent on phosphorus to grow. They concluded that in the original experiment, trace contamination with phosphorous may have let the bacteria grow.
As the Science statement summarizes the results, the new work shows the bacterial species "does not break the long-held rules of life, contrary to how Wolfe-Simon had interpreted her group's data."
Nevertheless, Wolfe-Simon, now at Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, stands by her research. In an email to The Associated Press, she said "there is nothing in the data of these new papers that contradicts our published data." She said her team continues to build upon its finding of the extreme resistance to arsenic poisoning.
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MISSIONS OF SPANISH ERA HAD WIDE INFLUENCE
By F. GORDON ONEILL
Editor, Catholic Monitor
Frederic Gordon ONeill, born 1894, wrote Ernest Reuben Lilienthal and His Family published in 1949 by Stanford University Press.
The history of the Catholic Church in California of chief interest to Americans is that of Alta California as distinguished from Lower California.
The history of Christianity in our own California began with the founding of the first mission at San Diego on July 16, 1769. The founder of this mission, as of many others in this state, was Father Junipero Serra, a Majorcan and superior of the Franciscan Fathers.
He and his Franciscan brethren were sent by the Spanish government not merely to serve as chaplains to the Spanish expeditionary forces, but also to preach Christianity to the natives.
The problem before Father Serra was not merely the study of many distinctly different tribal languages and the teaching of the Gospel in those languages, but the necessity of training the most degraded of all American Indians to work consistently and form centers of population where the missioners could reach them.
He therefore organized a series of centers in good agricultural lands, around which he gathered the reluctant and lazy savages. At these centers the buildings that are known to us as the missions were built. The original missions were not only churches, but also a group of buildings serving for workshops, granaries and dwellings.
The most notable of the missions were built before the death of Father Serra, which occurred on August 28, 1784. His life is the best story of early California. Read Palous Life of Father Junipero Serra.
It is impossible in so short a space to go into the details of his work. He was one of the great apostolic men of the world, a fact which will be more appreciated as the glory of California is recognized throughout the world.
LIST OF MISSIONS.
In the short span of years before 1769 and 1798 this man was the prime mover in the founding of the following mission: San Diego, San Carlos, San Gabriel, San Antonio, San Luis Obispo, San Juan Capistrano, San Francisco, Santa Buenaventura, Santa Barbara, La Conception, La Soledad, Santa Cruz, San Juan Bautista, San Jose, San Miguel, San Fernando and San Luis Rey.
In 1798 these missions claimed 15,562 converts to Christianity. By 1822 the following missions had been added: Santa Catarina and San Rafael, and the existing congregations numbered 20,958.
From 1800 on until the end of the Mexican rule the missions suffered from the troubles of Spain, first in a war with France, breaking down Spanish discipline in Mexico, and then from the Mexican government after separation from Spain.
Because the missioners had selected practically the sites of the future cities of California and had them made prosperous by educating the Indians to work, the properties became a great temptation to the revolutionary rules of Mexico, to whom California was then subject.
INDIANS OWNED ALL.
The Franciscans owned nothing; the Indians owned the results of their labors. The technicality of the maneuvers which led to the breaking up of the missions only confuses the issue.
The fact is that the missions were broken up in 1834 under a decree for secularization passed by the Mexican assembly in Mexico City. The Franciscans were persecuted, the Indians were dispersed and the officers of the Mexican government secured most of the plunder.
In 1834, before the decree of secularization was enforced, there were 21 missions attended by 30,600 Indians. In 1842 the number of Indians left was 4450. In 1834 the Indians owned 424,000 head of horned cattle; in 1842 there were left 38,220.
The driving of the Indians away from the missions was like the driving of orphans out of an orphan home would be.
The mission period of California brought out the best and worst of Spanish character. The missions in the days of their building and peace were an idyllic Arcadia.
The Mexican government by destroying the California missions destroyed the basic organization of the country. A period of squabbling followed among the plunderers. Mexican rule weakened, so that a small force of Americans were able to take over California.
In 1840 Don Francisco Garcia Diego was appointed Bishop of California. He was a Franciscan. He died in 1846 and was able to accomplish little toward the rebuilding of the church. The Spanish days had passed.
In 1846 and 1847 several hundreds of families entered California from the United States. In 1848 gold was discovered and by 1849 thousands had rushed to California.
Many of these gold seekers were Catholic. Speaking English they had little contact with the few scattered Spanish priests. A few
English-speaking priests from Oregon came to California.
In 1850 a Dominican Father, the Very Rev. J.S. Alemany, provincial of his order of the State of Ohio, was consecrated Bishop in Rome and sent out as Bishop of California.
He was a Spaniard by birth, but had been long enough in the United States to serve as a link between the old order and the new in California.
Previous to his return, a shanty church had been built for immigrant Americans on the site of the present St. Francis church on Vallejo street. The North Beach was the center of American population; the old Mission Dolores was then out of reach.
ORGANIZED FOR AMERICANS.
Bishop (later Archbishop) Alemany, with assistance of Rev. H.P. Gallagher, started to organize for American needs. The Sisters of Notre Dame had already been established in San Jose. He brought in 1852 the Sisters of Charity. They were needed because of the great number of children orphaned by the cholera epidemic of 1850 in San Francisco.
On his arrival in California Bishop Alemany made his residence at Monterey, but the growth of population required the division of California for effective spiritual administration.
As archbishop of San Francisco, the Most Reverend Alemany moved to this city in 1853. The country south of Santa Cruz was placed under the diocese of Los Angeles and Monterey, of which the Right Reverend Dr. Amat was named bishop in 1854.
The Sisters of the Presentation were brought to San Francisco in 1854 and immediately started at this time their work of education. The Sisters of Mercy soon followed.
A seminary for the education of secular priests was started at this time near the Mission Dolores under the title of St. Thomas. St. Marys Hospital was founded in 1856.
The division of the archdiocese into parishes proceeded with the growth of the city. The results are apparent.
In 1850 Dr. Alemany found himself at the head of 15 priests; in 1871 he was assisted by 170. He had by 1871 7 orphanages, 4 hospitals, 5 colleges, 13 convents and academies, 165 parish churches and 60,000 Catholic people.
SOUTHERN DIOCESE GROWS.
The diocese of Los Angeles and Monterey had grown to a population of 30,000 by 1870 and was sufficiently organized for its need up to that time.
In 1883, his Grace, Patrick William Riordan, a native of New Brunswick and later a priest of the Chicago archdiocese, was appointed coadjutor bishop with the right of succession to the See of San Francisco.
In December, 1884, Archbishop Alemany resigned the See and retired to a monastery of the Dominican Order.
Archbishop Riordan started his work by subdividing and creating new parishes that priests and people might have closer contact.
Under him many new churches were erected, the great St. Patricks Seminary at Menlo Park, and the [St. Marys] Cathedral on Van Ness avenue, and numerous parish schools, several hospitals and charitable institutions.
HUGE FIRE LOSS.
His administration effect not only the building of new churches and institutions, but also the replacement of wooden structures with brick and stone.
In 1906 the loss to the San Francisco archdiocese by fire amounted to $2,000,000. The buildings damaged were rebuilt and paid for.
Archbishop Riordan died December 27, 1914. The Most Rev. Edward J. Hanna was appointed to the See of San Francisco June 1, 1915.
Notable among the achievements of Archbishop Hanna is the new junior seminary, St. Josephs College, at Los Altos. It is a marvelous building from the standpoint of situation and beauty.
There are now 43 churches in the city of San Francisco, 17 in Oakland, 161 outside these two cities in the archdiocese. There are 48 parochial schools, 34 schools of high-school rank, and seven colleges, beside the most charitable organizations well known to the public.
The buildings mentioned indicate the spiritual and temporal progress of the Catholic church.
The bishop of Los Angeles is the Right Reverend John J. Cantwell, D.D. The progress made in his diocese is shown by the 320 church parishes, a Catholic population of 285,000, and 68 parochial schools.
Due to the growth of the Catholic church in California, the diocese of Sacramento was erected in 1886. The bishop at Sacramento is the Right Reverend Patrick J. Keane, D.D. In his diocese there are 242 Catholic churches and a Catholic population of 56, 000.
In 1922 the diocese of Monterey-Fresno was instituted and the Right Reverend John B. McGinley, D.D., is its bishop. There are 70 parishes in his diocese and a Catholic population of 50,000.
The future growth of the Catholic church in California will, it is anticipated, be more rapid during the next 75 years than during the last. The most difficult pioneer work is past.
Return to the top of the page.
Diamond Jubilee Edition
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Anna Eleanor Roosevelt (1884-1962), wife of the thirty-second president of the United States, was a philanthropist, author, world diplomat, and resolute champion of liberal causes.
Eleanor Roosevelt was born in New York City on Oct. 11, 1884, into an economically comfortable but troubled family. Her father was Elliott Roosevelt, the younger brother of Theodore Roosevelt, a future president of the United States. Although handsome and charming, Elliott was plagued by frequent mental depressions and by alcoholism. Her mother, beautiful but neurotic, was preoccupied with the family's image in upper-class society and embarrassed by Eleanor's homeliness. Eleanor's father entered a sanitarium for alcoholics when she was a child. When Eleanor was 8 years old, her mother died, and she and two younger brothers went to live with their maternal grandmother in New York. Shortly thereafter the older brother died, and when Eleanor was not yet ten, she learned that her father was dead. Her grandmother sheltered her from all outside contacts except for family acquaintances.
Eleanor Roosevelt began discovering a world beyond the family at Mademoiselle Souvestre's finishing school at South Fields, England, where she went at 15. Mademoiselle Souvestre taught a sense of social service and responsibility, which Eleanor began to act upon after her return to New York. She plunged into social work, but soon her tall, handsome cousin, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, began courting her. They were married in March 1905. She now had to contend with a domineering mother-in-law and a gregarious husband who did not really understand his wife's struggle to overcome shyness and feelings of inadequacy.
Between 1906 and 1916, the Roosevelts had six children, one of whom died in infancy. The family lived at their estate at Hyde Park, from which Franklin pursued his political ambitions in the Democratic party. He served a term in the New York State Senate before President Woodrow Wilson appointed him assistant secretary of the Navy in 1913. Although Eleanor did much Red Cross relief work during World War I and even toured the French battlefields shortly after the armistice, she remained obscure.
A major turning point in Eleanor's life came in 1921, when Franklin contracted polio and permanently lost the use of his legs. Finally asserting her will over her mother-in-law (who insisted that Franklin quietly accept invalidism), Eleanor nursed him back into activity. Within a few years he had regained his strength and political ambitions. Meanwhile, she entered more fully into public life. Speaking and working for the League of Women Voters, the National Consumers' League, the Women's Trade Union League, and the women's division of the New York State Democratic Committee, she not only acted as Franklin's "legs and ears" but began to acquire a certain notoriety of her own. During Franklin's New York governorship she saw the last of her children off to boarding school and kept busy inspecting state hospitals, homes, and prisons for her husband.
Roosevelt's election to the presidency in 1932 meant, as Eleanor later wrote, "the end of any personal life of my own." She quickly became the best-known (and also the most criticized) First Lady in American history. She evoked both intense admiration and intense hatred but almost never passivity or neutrality.
Besides undertaking a syndicated newspaper column and a series of radio broadcasts (the income from which she gave to charity), she traveled back and forth across the country on fact-finding trips for Franklin. She assumed the special role of advocate for those groups of Americans— working women, blacks, youth, tenant farmers—which Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal efforts to combat the Depression tended to neglect. Holding no official position, she felt she could speak more freely on issues than could Roosevelt, and she also became a key contact within the administration for officials seeking the President's support. In short, Eleanor became an intermediary between, on the one hand, the individual citizen and his government and, on the other, the President and much of his administration.
Of particular concern to her was securing equal opportunities for women under the New Deal's work relief projects; ensuring that appropriate employment for writers, artists, musicians, and theater people became an integral part of the Works Progress Administration (WPA) program; promoting the cause of Arthurdale, a farming community built by the Federal government for unemployed miners in West Virginia; and providing work for jobless youth, both white and black (accomplished under the National Youth Administration, set up in 1935). Much more than her husband, she denounced racial oppression and tried to aid the struggle of black Americans toward full citizenship. Largely because of her efforts, African Americans, for the first time since the Reconstruction years, had reason to feel that the national government was interested in their plight.
As the United States moved toward war in the late 1930s, Eleanor Roosevelt spoke out forcefully in favor of the adminstration's policy of aiding antifascist governments. She accepted an appointment as deputy director in the Office of Civilian Defense. She applied herself diligently to her new job but proved inefficient as an administrator and resigned in 1942 in the face of growing congressional criticism. That was her first and last official position under Roosevelt. Once the United States formally entered the war, she made numerous trips to England, Europe, and the Pacific area to boost troop morale and to inspect Red Cross facilities.
After Roosevelt's death in April 1945, Eleanor was expected to retire to a quiet, uneventful private life. By the end of the year, however, she was back in public life. President Harry S. Truman appointed her American delegate to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights. As chairman of the Commission, she worked the other delegates overtime to complete the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1948. She remained in her post at the UN through 1952. She became the target for virulent right-wing attacks during the presidential campaign of that year. After the election of Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower, she gave up her UN post, but continued to work for international understanding and cooperation as a representative of the American Association for the United Nations.
During the last decade of her life Eleanor Roosevelt traveled to numerous foreign countries, including two trips to the Soviet Union, and authored several books. She continued to articulate a personal and social outlook which, while never profound and sometimes banal and obtuse, still inspired millions. But by the early 1960s, although she had accepted three new government appointments from President John F. Kennedy (delegate to the U.N., adviser to the Peace Corps, and chairman of the President's Commission on the Status of Women), her strength was waning. She died in New York City on Nov. 6, 1962.
Her candid autobiographical writings are invaluable: This Is My Story (1937); This I Remember (1949); and On My Own (1958). These works are combined with an additional updated chapter in Autobiography (1961). An even more intimate view of Eleanor can be gained from Joseph P. Lash, Eleanor and Franklin: The Story of their Relationship Based on Eleanor Roosevelt's Private Papers (1971) and Eleanor: The Years Alone (1972). Also helpful is Tamara K. Hareven, Eleanor Roosevelt: An American Conscience (1968). James R. Kearney, Anna Eleanor Roosevelt: The Evolution of a Reformer (1968), is less a biography than a topically organized analysis of various facets of Roosevelt's public life. Less critical though useful are Alfred Steinberg, Mrs. R. (1959); Joseph P. Lash, Eleanor Roosevelt: A Friend's Memoir (1965); and Archibald MacLeish, The Eleanor Roosevelt Story (1965). Information about Roosevelt's role in relation to her husband's career is in Frank Freidel's uncompleted biography Franklin D. Roosevelt (3 vols., 1952-1956); Alfred B. Rollins, Roosevelt and Howe (1962); and James MacGregor Burns, Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (1963). □
Learn more about Eleanor Roosevelt
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Dana, the classroom early childhood teacher, shares information with the classroom and support teams about the children in her class. She explains that the children are asking questions about the new garden outside. Team members use this information to plan activities together based on the children’s interests and the early childhood curriculum.
Joseph may need some additional support to actively join his classmates during these activities. The team decides to add pictures to the discussion planned for circle time, so that children could either point to or say the name of their favorite vegetable that is growing in the garden. The children’s answers will be recorded on a chart in the classroom as part of a math lesson. Joseph and his classmates will then use the chart to count how many children like carrots and how many like green beans.
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WENATCHEE, WAWhen it comes to apples, consumers like a crisp bite. Apple breeders know that crispness is one of the most important "sensory attributes" in apples. Because new apple varieties must be tested for these attribute before being introduced to consumers, breeders are constantly searching for methods to accurately measure traits like taste and crispness. Most breeders test the "old-fashioned" wayusing panels of experts who taste-test each fruit. This method, called sensory analysis, can have a downside; panel members can become fatigued and less accurate when scoring multiple varieties.
Testing for crispness using instruments instead of people is notoriously difficult for apple breeding programs. Currently, programs use either a fruit penetrometera tool used to measure a fruit's hardnessor a non-destructive method such as acoustic resonance technology. Although data acquired using these methods correlates well with attributes such as firmness, hardness, or fruit maturity, the methods are not good indicators of crispness. Therefore, most breeders still rely on human panels for testing apple crispness.
In an attempt to find an alternate method that could be practicable for screening large numbers of apples for crispness, researchers from the Tree Fruit Research and Extension Center at the Washington State University tested a new computerized penetrometer to assess firmness and texture of apples from the Washington State University's apple breeding program and 16 standard apple varieties. They then compared the instrumental data with sensory data from an expert panel. The research, published in HortTechnology, will be useful for apple breeders looking for ways to reduce errors and give apple-weary human testers a rest.
"The computerized penetrometer, the Mohr Digi-Test (MDT-1), is a new tool for measuring firmness and potentially crispness", explained corresponding author Kate Evans. "In addition to the expected high
|Contact: Michael W. Neff|
American Society for Horticultural Science
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Lectures on the Harvard Classics. The Harvard Classics. 190914.
IV. Introduction to Kant
By Professor Ralph Barton Perry
IT is generally admitted that Kant is one of the great epoch-making philosophers, like Socrates and Descartes. There are two things that are universally true of intellectual epoch-makers: first, they embody in themselves certain general tendencies of their age, which are usually due to a reaction against the more pronounced tendencies of the previous age; second, their thought is peculiarly germinal, and among their followers assumes a maturer form, in which the originators would scarcely recognize it as their own. Let us consider these two aspects of the philosophy of Kant.
REVOLT AGAINST PURE EMPIRICISM AND PURE RATIONALISM
From among the pronounced tendencies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries I shall select two for special emphasis. In the first place, it was characteristic of these two centuries to isolate and over-emphasize either one or the other of the two great sources of human knowledge, sense-perception or reason. Locke and his followers attempted to convert reason into a mere echo of sense; while for Descartes and his followers, sense was always viewed with suspicion as confusing the intellect, or as supplying only an inferior sort of knowledge which must yield precedence to rational science. Extreme sensationalism or empiricism seemed to have reached an impasse in Hume; while rationalism degenerated into formalism and word-making in Wolff. Thus Kants greatest work, the Critique of Pure Reason (1789), was an attempt to correct these extreme views by making the necessary provision for both sense-perception and reason. Perception without conception, he said, is blind; while conception without perception is empty. Kants critique was aimed first at excessive emphasis on sense-perception. He showed that the bare sequence of sense-impressions can never yield the connections, necessities, unities, laws, etc., which are required for science. The intellect must supply these itself. They constitute what Kant called categories, the instruments which the mind must use when it works in that peculiar way which is called knowing. But it follows that they are not by themselves sufficient for knowledge. They cannot themselves be known in the ordinary way because they are what one knows with. And since they are instruments, it follows that they require some material to work upon; they cannot spin knowledge out of nothing. Hence the data of sense are indispensable also. In short, to know is to systematize, by the instrumentalities native to the mind, the content conveyed by the senses. This is the Kant of the first Critique, the Kant of technical philosophy who numbers many faithful devotees among the thinkers of to-day.
A second and more general tendency of seventeenth and eighteenth century philosophy was its comparative neglect of what are vaguely called the spiritual demands. These centuries themselves may be regarded as a reaction against what was thought to be the excessive anthropomorphism of earlier times. Man had erred by reading himself into his world; now he was to view it impersonally and dispassionately. He might prefer to record the findings of perception, or the necessities of reason, but in either case he was to repress his own interests and yearnings. Of course at the time it was confidently expected that morality and religion would in this way be served best. Men believed in the possibility of a natural religion, without mystery or dogma, a rational morality without authority, and a demonstrable theology without either revelation or faith. But gradually there developed a sense of failure. Man had left himself too much out of it, and felt homeless and unprotected. Early in the seventeenth century Pascal had announced the religious bankruptcy of the mathematical rationalism of Descartes.1 Natural religion was readily converted into atheism by Hume. The most vigorous and stirring protest against the whole spirit of the age was made by Rousseau, who urged men to trust their feelings, make allowance for the claims of the heart, and return to the elemental and spontaneous in human nature. The same note was caught up by Jacobi and Herder. Finally Lessing, in his Education of the Human Race (1780),2 turned the attention of philosophy to the history of culture, to the significance of human life in its historical unfolding. It is a strange paradox that Immanuel Kant, valetudinarian and pedant that he was, should have represented this rising revolt of sentiment and faith. But such was the fact. Let us, then, view him in this light.
One of the most famous of Kants remarks was that he proposed to effect a Copernican Revolution in thought. As Copernicus had established a new center for the planetary system, so he proposed to establish a new center for knowledge. This new center was to be the mind itself. The errors of the earlier period had been largely due, he thought, to the attempt to make knowledge center in the object, it being expected that the mind should reflect, either by perception or reason, the nature of an outward and independently existing thing. This method leads inevitably, said Kant, either to scepticism or to what is just as bad for philosophical purposes, dogmatism. The new way is to expect that the object shall conform to the mind. Thus nature, which in the earlier view was construed as an external order by which the mind is affected, or which the mind is somehow to reproduce by its own ratiocination, is now construed as the original creation of the mind. It owes all of its arrangements and connections, even its very distribution in space and time, to the constitution of the knower. The mind imposes its conditions on the object, and thus gets out of nature what it has already put into it. The bearing of this on mans spiritual claims is apparent. It is now nature that is creature; and man, in virtue of his intelligence, that is creator. The fatal world of fact and necessity, that seemed so alien to spirit, turns out to be but an expression of the intellectual part of spirit.
But a Rousseau might still complain that this victory of spirit over matter was dearly bought, since it left the rest of spirit in harsh subjection to the intellectual part. What guarantee is there that the intellect, thus clothed with authority, will make due allowance for the claims of sentiment and conscience? Kants answer lies in his famous doctrine of the primacy of the practical reason.3 Nature, he says, is indeed the work of the theoretical faculties; and the theoretical faculties can recognize only facts and laws. But the theoretical faculties are themselves but the expression of something deeper, namely, the will. Thinking is a kind of action, and action in general has its own laws, revealed in conscience, and taking precedence of the rules that govern any special department of action, such as knowing. This does not mean that conscience over-rules the understanding, or that the will can violate nature; but that conscience reveals another world, deeper and more real than nature, which is the proper sphere for the exercise of the will. This is the world of God, freedom, and immortality. It cannot be known in the strict sense, only nature can be known; but it can and must be believed in, because it is presupposed in all action. If one is to live at all, one must claim such a world to live in. So Kant, who began by justifying science, ended by justifying faith.
I have said that it was the fate of epoch-makers to have their ideas promptly converted into something that they never meant. Kant was a cautious, or as he terms it, a critical thinker. He concerned himself with questions regarding the possibility of knowledge and the legitimacy of faith; and avoided so far as possible making positive assertions about the world. But his followers were fired with speculative zeal, and at once passed over from criticism to metaphysics.
In the idealistic movement the Kantian theory of knowledge is united with a pantheistic tendency that may be traced continuously back even to Plato himself. According to this pantheistic view, nature and God are the same thing viewed differently. God, foreshortened shortened and taken in the limited perspectives defined by mans earth-bound intelligence, is nature; nature, consummated, seen in its fullness and harmony, is God.
For all we have power to see, is a straight staff bent in a pool;
And the ear of man cannot hear, and the eye of man cannot see;
But if we could see and hear, this Visionwere it not He?4
Nature, on Kantian grounds, is the work of intelligence, and intelligence, in turn, obeys some deeper spiritual law. That law, when interpreted according to the Platonic-pantheistic tradition, is the perfection of the whole. There are many possible variations of the view. The perfection of the whole may be regarded as a moral perfection, the ideal of the moral will, as suggested by Kant, and more positively and constructively maintained by Fichte; or as the ideal of reason, as was maintained by Hegel and his followers; or as a general realization of all spiritual values, a perfection transcending moral and rational standards, and more nearly approached in the experience of beauty, or in flashes of mystical insight, as was proclaimed by the sentimentalists and romanticists. In the popular literary expressions of the view, these varieties have alternated, or have been indiscriminately mingled. But it is this view in some form that has inspired those English poets and essayists, such as Coleridge, Wordsworth, Carlyle, Emerson, Tennyson, and Browning, who so profoundly influenced the men of the last generation. There is thus a continuous current of thought from the closest philosophy of the sage of Königsberg to the popular incentives and consolations of to-day.
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Here's a directory listing as produced by ls -l:
-rw-r--r-- 1 mythtv users 1706 2005-10-13 14:01 release.keys
Here, the various columns mean the following:
|1||number of links|
|2005-10-13 14:01||creation time|
This page concentrates on the first bit.
UNIX file permissions are made up of three groups: the user who owns the file, the group that the file belongs to, and other people. These letters are important as you can use them to instruct chmod(1) change the permission of the file.
For each part, you have read, write, and execute access. These are displayed as rwx.
Typically, system data files as well files served from a WebServer or such have -rw-r--r--, ie. they're readable for everyone but writable only for their owner; files with private data have -rw-------: readable and writeable only for their owner and noone else. Directories and executable files generally have -rwxr-xr-x: they're readable and executable for everyone but writable only for their owner.
It's easy to understand what a particular set of permissions means for a file. On directories, it's less intuitive, so here are some explanations:
Having read permission on a directory means that you can see the list of files in that directory. It doesn't mean anything else; in particular, it doesn't mean that you can open the files, or get information about them via stat(2). Being able to read a directory means being able to list the files contained in the directory – no more, no less.
Having write access on its own means nothing. But together with execute access, it allows you to modify the directory. That means you can create or delete files or directories in it. You can delete a file even if you do not have any permissions to write or even read the file as long as you have write and execute permission for the directory in which the file resides.
The executable permission on directories means that you may use it as part of a path. F.ex., if user bob does not have execute permission for /var/queue/joe, he will not be able to read or stat /var/queue/joe/msg.371, even if he has read permission on the file itself.
If the /var/queue/joe directory from the last example has the execute permission set, but not the read permission, then bob will not be able to get a directory listing. (Remember? Read permission means you can get a directory listing.) However, if he knows the name of a file in that directory, eg. he knows that /var/queue/joe/msg.371 exists, and he has read permission for the file itself, then he can still read the file. Also, if he has write permission to the directory, he will be able to delete /var/queue/joe/msg.371, even though he cannot get a directory listing.
Generally, the fewer permissions you grant, the better. Most importantly, there's almost never a good reason to grant write permission to "other people".
chmod(1) has a potentially very convenient switch: -R, which, as you'll suspect if you've used other UNIX tools, means "recurse into directories and apply the change to the entire directory tree." However, because directories need to be executable before you can refer to any of the files inside them, it would sometimes seem that this convenient switch cannot be used. F.ex., saying chmod -R a-x ./foo/ isn't very useful because that will make everything inside foo non-executable, including directories, which means you can't access any of it.
However, modern chmod(1)s understand a special pseudo-permission, called X (eg. uppercase X as opposed to x). It means "executable, but only when operating on a directory; no change otherwise". That way, you can say chmod -R a-x,a+X ./foo/, which will make chmod(1) remove the executable bit from every file but then also set the executable bit if it's a directory.
Before this feature was added, it was sometimes necessary to go through inconvenient contortions involing find(1) in order to operate only on files or only on directories. While that's still occasionally necessary, those occasions are now much rarer.
There are actually two more permissions that are almost never useful outside of system files.
The setuid bit is shown with an s in directory listings. It specifies that when you execute the file, you assume the identity of the owner of the file. For example, if a file is owned by root and has the setuid permission set, it will run as root when you execute it, regardless of what your identity is. This is a way to allow regular users to do priviledged things; however it can easily lead to gaping security holes.
The sticky bit is shown with a t in directory listings is used for some widely shared system directories. It specifies that only the owner of a file can delete it. Normally, anyone who can create a file in a directory can delete any file in that directory. (To be precise, the owner of a directory with the sticky bit set can also delete any of the files in it.)
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Science Fair Project Encyclopedia
Direct broadcast satellite
Direct broadcast satellite, or DBS, is a relatively recent development in the world of television distribution. "Direct broadcast satellite" can either refer to the communications satellites themselves that deliver DBS service or the actual satellite television service. DBS systems are commonly referred to as "minidish" systems.
The first commercial DBS service, Sky Television, was launched in 1989. Sky TV originated as a four-channel service on the Astra satellite. Sky TV is a Europe DBS service and is now owned by News Corporation.
Although PrimeStar transitioned to a digital system in 1994, it was ultimately unable to compete with DirecTV, which required a smaller satellite dish and could deliver more programming. DirecTV eventually purchased PrimeStar in 1999 and migrated all PrimeStar subscribers to DirecTV equipment.
In 1996, Echostar's DISH Network went online in the United States and went on to similar success as DirecTV's primary competitor. In 2003, Echostar attempted to purchase DirecTV, but the U.S. Department of Justice denied the purchase based upon monopoly concerns.
In addition there are dozens of satellite television stations that broadcast to specialized ethnic communities.
DBS uses special high-powered Ku-band satellites that send digitally-compressed television and audio signals to 18- to 24-inch (45 to 60 cm) fixed satellite dishes. DBS systems transmit signals to Earth in what is called the Broadcast Satellite Service (BSS) portion of the Ku band between 12.2 and 12.7 GHz. Thanks to digital compression technologies, DBS systems can deliver hundreds of cable TV-style programming channels, as well as local network television affiliates.
DBS services offer many advantages over traditional analog services such as cable TV. DBS services generally offer a better picture quality and more channels than analog cable. DBS services also offer additional features like an on-screen guide , DVR functionality, HDTV, Pay-Per-View, and 5.1 sound. Cable companies have responded by introducing digital cable, which offers more channels and many of the same features as DBS.
DirecTV and Echostar both offer DVR units. These units integrated the digital-recording of a DVR with the capabilities of a traditional receiver/decoder. DirecTV's unit is powered by technology licensed from TiVo Inc.
Hughes (the parent company of DirecTV) and Echostar also offer high-speed internet access, mostly to rural customers who cannot access broadband via ADSL or cable modem. Service is generally spotty and expensive, but it generally superior to dial-up service and is often the only option.
The contents of this article is licensed from www.wikipedia.org under the GNU Free Documentation License. Click here to see the transparent copy and copyright details
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(Mongɣul) Spoken in: Mongolia, China, People's Republic of, Kyrgyzstan, Russia Region: All of Mongolia, Buryatiain Russia, Issyk-Kulin Kyrgyzstan, and Inner Mongolia, Liaoning, Jilin, and Heilongjiangprovinces in China Total speakers: 5.7 million Language family: Altaic
Mongolian Official status Official language in: Mongolia
People's Republic of China(Inner Mongolia) Regulated by: no official regulation Language codes ISO 639-1: mn ISO 639-2: mon ISO 639-3: variously:
mon – Mongolian (generic)
khk – Khalkha Mongolian
mvf – Peripheral Mongolian Note: This page may contain IPAphonetic symbols in Unicode.
The Mongolian language ( , Mongɣul kele, Cyrillic: Монгол хэл, Mongol khel) is the best-known member of the Mongolic language family and the primary language of most of the residents of Mongolia, where it is officially written with the Cyrillic alphabet. It is also spoken in some of the surrounding areas in northern China, the Russian Far East and Kyrgyzstan. The majority of speakers in Mongolia speak the Khalkha (or Halh) dialect, while those in China speak the Chahar, Oyirad, and Barghu-Buryat dialect groups.
- 1 Classification
- 2 Geographic distribution and dialects
- 3 Grammar
- 4 Sound system
- 5 Writing systems
- 6 Historical Mongolian
- 7 Notes
- 8 References
- 9 Further reading and resources
- 10 See also
- 11 External links
Mongolian is a Mongolic language. The Altaic theory proposes that the Mongolic family is a member of the larger Altaic family, which would also include the Turkic and Tungusic languages. Related languages include Kalmyk spoken near the Caspian Sea and Buryat of East Siberia, as well as a number of minor languages in China along with the Nikudari and Mogholi languages of Afghanistan.
Geographic distribution and dialects
Mongolian is the national language of Mongolia, where there are over two million speakers. There are also up to three million speakers in Northern China, mostly Inner Mongolia; however, some of them are bilingual with Chinese, and use of Mongolian is declining among younger people and in urban areas.
Dialects of Mongolian differ in pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary to the point of creating difficulties in comprehension. The most widely recognized one is Khalkha, which is the official standard dialect in Mongolia and is spoken in most of the country, including the capital city. In China, the recently instituted official pronunciation standard is the dialect of the Plain Blue Banner in central Inner Mongolia, which belongs to the Chahar group.
The following description is based primarily on urban Khalkha Mongolian, but much of it is also valid for Southern Central Mongolian, including Chahar.
The Mongolian vocabulary includes historic loanwords especially from Old Turkic, Sanskrit (often through Uigur), Tibetan, Chinese and Tungusic and keeps adopting more recent ones from Russian, Chinese and English. Commissions in the Mongolian state have been busy translating new terminology into Mongolian, so that Mongolian words such as 'president' <jerönhijlögč> ("generalizer") and 'beer' <šar ajrag> ("yellow kumys") exist (though this one is second to Russian <pivo>). There are quite a few loan translations, e.g. ‘population’ <hün am> (“person mouth”) from Chinese rénkŏu (人口; 'population').
Modern Mongolian is an agglutinative, exclusively suffixing language; the suffixes are most often composed of a single morpheme. It has a rich number of morphemes to build up more complex words from simple roots. For example, the word <bajguullagynh> consists of the root <baj-> ‘to be’, an epenthetic <-g->, the causative <-uul-> (then ‘to found’), the derivative suffix <–laga> that forms nouns created by the action (‘organisation’) and the complex suffix <–ynh> denoting something that belongs to the modified word (<-yn> would be genitive).
Nominal compounds are quite frequent. Some derivational verbal suffixes are rather productive, e.g. <jar’-> 'to speak', <jarilts-> 'to speak with each other'. Formally, verbal suffixes that create independent words can roughly be divided into three classes: final verbs, which can only be used sentence-finally, i.e. <-na> (mainly future or generic statements) or –ø (second person imperative); participles (often called “verbal nouns”), which can be used clause-finally or attributively, i.e. <-san> (probably perfective, otherwise past) or <-maar> (‘want to’); and converbs, which can link clauses or function adverbially, i.e. <-ž> (qualifies for any adverbial function or neutrally connects two sentences) or <-tal> (the action of the main clause takes place until the action expressed by the suffixed verb begins).
Roughly speaking, Mongolian has eight cases: nominative (unmarked), genitive, dative, accusative, ablative, instrumental, comitative and directional. In addition, a number of postpositions exist that usually govern genitive, ablative or comitative case or an oblique form, that is, the stem plus sometimes -Vn either for lexical historical reasons or analogy (thus maybe becoming an attributive case suffix). Nouns can take reflexive-possessive clitics indicating that the marked noun is possessed by the subject of the sentence: <Bi najz(-)aa alsan> I friend-[reflexive-possessive] kill-[perfective] ‘I killed my friend’. There are also rather noun-like adjectives that will be converted into nouns when taking any case suffix, but cannot function nominatively without the multifunctional clitic <n’>. Plural does not need to be marked, but plural suffixes are becoming more and more common.
Personal pronouns exist for the first and second person, while the old demonstrative pronouns have come to form third person (proximal and distal) pronouns. Other word (sub-)classes include interrogative pronouns, conjunctions (which take participles), spatials and quite a few particles. (Word classes are treated with some simplification here. For a more precise treatment, see Sechenbaatar 2003.)
Negation is mostly expressed by <-güj> after participles and by the negation particle <biš> after nouns and adjectives; negation particles preceding the verb (for example in converbal constructions) exist, but tend to be replaced by analytical constructions.
The nominal phrase has the order: demonstrative pronoun/numeral, adjective, noun. Attributive sentences usually precede the whole NP. Titles or occupations of people, low numerals indicating groups and focus clitics are put behind the head noun. Possessive pronouns (in different forms) may either precede or follow the NP. E.g. <bidnij uulzsan ter sajhan zaluugaas č> we-genitive meet-perfective that beautiful young_man-ablative focus ‘even from that beautiful young man that we have met’, <Dorž bagš maan’> Dorj teacher our ‘our teacher Dorj’.
The verbal phrase consists of the predicate’s complements and the adverbials modifying it in front of it and, mainly if the predicate is sentence-final, modal particles behind it. E.g. <Ter helehgüjgeer ünijg bičsen šüü> S/he without_saying it-accusative write-perfective particle ‘She wrote it without saying [i.e. that she would do so] (so I can assure you).’ In this clause the adverbial should precede the complement as it is itself derived from a verb and could take ‘it’ as its complement. If the adverbial was an adjective à la <hurdan> 'fast', it could immediately precede the predicate. There are also instances in which the adverb must immediately precede the predicate.
The predicate itself may consist of a noun or an adjective with or without a copula, but if the subject isn’t marked by <bol> or <n'> as topic , a bare noun will look a little awkward. Participles will never take a copula. Consider this example: <aldag> 'kills regularly' <aldag bajna> 'kills regularly (as I have come to know by some time of observance)': though <bajna> would be a mere copula if put behind a noun, in this case it indicates referentiality. However, any participle can be followed by an auxiliary carrying additional information. For example, if the verbal noun expressing regularity is chosen, the information “perfective” will have to be encoded in an auxiliary: <aldag bajsan> 'killed regularly' If the speaker wished to express how s/he acquired such knowledge, an additional <bajna> could be added. Simple progressive aspect is built up by a verb, the neutral converb <-ž> and the auxiliary <baj->. In place of <baj->, some other verbs could express other aspects like completion: <uuž orhison> drink-CV leave-perfective 'drank up'. However, a few aktionsarten may be expressed adverbially: <ehelž uusan> begin-CV drink-perfective 'began to drink' (or <uuž ehelsen> with the same meaning).
Unmarked phrase order is subject, object, predicate (also referred to as SOV). While the predicate generally has to remain in clause-final position, the other phrases are free to change order or to wholly disappear. The topic tends to be placed clause-initially, new information rather before the predicate. Noun phrase heads modified by long attributive clauses will for the sake of understandability be placed clause-initially. Topic can form a phrase of its own (with <bol> or even <n’>), but this option isn’t extensively used.
Mongolian has passive and causative voice. In a passive sentence the entirely oblique agent takes either dative or instrumental case, the first of which is more common. The verb takes a suffix <-gd->. In the causative, the person caused to do something would take instrumental, or accusative, if the simple verb would have been intransitive, and the verb would take <-uul->. Causative morphology is also used in some passive contexts: <Bi tüünd čaduulsan> I s/he-dative fool-caustive-perfective ‘I was fooled by her/him’. Animacy is an important component, thus English 'The bread was eaten by me' would not be acceptable in Mongolian. <-ld-> (reciprocal), <-tsgaa-> (plurative) and <-lts-> (cooperative) are voice constructions as well.
One way to conjoin clauses is to have the first clause end in a converb. An example: <Bi üünijg olbol čamd ögnö> I it-accusative find-conditional_converbal_suffix you-dative give-future ‘If I find it I’ll give it to you’. Some verbal nouns in the instrumental or most often dative function very similar to converbs: above sentence with <olohod> find-imperfective-dative ‘When I find it I’ll give it to you’. Quite often, postpositions govern complete clauses. In contrast, conjunctions take verbal nouns without case: <jadarsan učraas untlaa> become_tired-perfective because sleep-witnessed_perfective 'I slept because I was tired'. Finally, there are usually clause-initial particles with relating meaning: <Bi olson, harin čamd ögöhgüj> I find-perfective but you-dative give-imperfective-negation ‘I’ve found it, but I won’t give it to you’.
Mongolian has a complementizer auxiliary verb <ge-> very similar to Japanese to iu. <ge-> literally means ‘to say’ and in converbal form <gež> precedes a verbum sentiendi et dicendi. As a verbal noun <gedeg> (with <n’> or case) it can form a subset of complement clauses. As <gene> it may function as an evidentialis marker.
Except for clauses governed by certain postpositions, attribute clauses, clauses with complementizer and some very short converbal clauses (which some speakers reject anyway), Mongolian clauses are in strictly paratactic order, such that a hypotactic sentence like 'We will, IF you help us, repair the damage.' could in this order with the same syntactic relations not be constructed in Mongolian.
In the subordinate clause the subject, if different from the subject of main clause, sometimes has to take accusative or genitive case. Subjects in either instrumental or ablative case marginally occur as well. Subjects of attribute clauses in which the head has a function (as is the case for all English relative clauses) demand that if the subject is not the head it has to take instrumental or rather genitive case, e.g. <tüünij idsen hool> that_one-genitive eat-perfective meal ‘the meal that s/he had eaten’.
One major feature of Mongolian phonology is vowel harmony. Mongolian divides vowels into two groups. For historical reasons, these have traditionally been labelled as "front vowels" (e, u, o) and "back vowels, "(a,ʊ,ɔ). However, Svantesson et al have analyzed the groups as what they term instead "non-pharyngeal" (formerly "front") and "pharyngeal" (formerly "back"). There is also one neutral vowel, /i/, which does not belong to either group.
All the vowels in a non-compound word, including all its suffixes, must belong to the same group. If the first vowel is pharyngeal, then every vowel of the word must be either /i/ or a pharyngeal vowel. Likewise, if the first vowel is a non-pharyngeal vowel, then every vowel of the word must be either /i/ or a non-pharyngeal vowel. In the case of suffixes, which must change their vowels to conform to different words, there are roughly two patterns. Some suffixes can occur with /a/, /ɔ/, /e/, or /o/, following the last phonemic vowel in the root word, in which case /ʊ/ and /u/ lead to [a] and [e] respectively. For example, /orx/ ‘household’ + /Ar/ ‘instrumental’ → /orxor/ ‘by a household’, /xarʊɮ/ ‘sentry’ + /Ar/ ‘instrumental’ → /xarʊɮar/ ‘by a sentry’. Others individual suffixes can occur in either /ʊ/ or /u/, in which case all pharyngeal vowels lead to /ʊ/ and all non-pharyngeal vowels lead to /u/. For example, /aw/ ‘to take’ + /Uɮ/ ‘causative’ → /awʊɮ/. If the only vowel in the root word is /i/, the suffixes will use the non-pharyngeal suffix forms.
Another major feature of Mongolian phonology is the distinction between long and short forms of vowels. This is expressed in word-initial syllables as a straightforward difference in length. In word-internal and word-final syllables, long vowels are not as long and short vowels are short to the point where, in many non-initial syllables, there is phonemically speaking no vowel at all. For example, <hojor> 'two', <ažil> 'work', and <saarmag> 'neutral' are, phonemically, /xɔjr/, /atʃɮ/, and /saːrmɡ/ respectively. In such cases, an epenthetic vowel is allophonically inserted so as to prevent disallowed consonant clusters. Thus, in the examples given above, the words are phonetically [xɔjɔ̆r], [atʃĭɮ], and [saːrmăɡ]. The phonetic form of the epenthetic vowel follows from that of the vowel in the preceding syllable. Usually it is a centralized version of the same sound, with the following exceptions: /u/ produces [e], /i/ will be ignored if there is a non-neutral vowel earlier in the word, and a postalveolar or palatalized consonant will be followed by an epenthetic [i], as in [atʃĭɮ].
Vowel chartFrontCentralBackShort Long Short Long Short Long Closei iː u uː Near-Closeʊ ʊː Close-Mide eː o oː Open-midɔ ɔː Opena aː
Mongolian also has four diphthongs, /ui/, /ʊi/, /ɔi/, and /ai/. Short /o/ is phonetically [ɵ].
Consonant chartLabialDentalPalatalVelarUvularPlain PalatalizedPlain PalatalizedPalatalizedPlain Nasalm mʲ n nʲ ŋ PlosiveVoicelessaspirated(pʰ) (pʲʰ) tʰ tʲʰ (kʲʰ) (kʰ) Voicelessp pʲ t tʲ Voicedɡʲ ɡ ɢ AffricateVoicelessaspiratedtsʰ tʃʰ Voiceless(f) ts tʃ Fricatives ʃ xʲ x Lateralfricativeɮ ɮʲ Trillr rʲ Approximantw̜ w̜ʲ j
Mongolian lacks a true phoneme /l/; instead, it has a voiced alveolar lateral fricative, /ɮ/. Syllable-finally, /n/ (if it doesn't precede another /n/) is realized as [ŋ]. The consonants in parentheses occur only in loanwords.
- Main article: Mongolian writing systems
Mongolian has been written in a variety of alphabets over the years.
The traditional Mongolian script was adapted from Uyghur script in 1208, although it has undergone transformations, and occasionally been supplemented by other scripts. The Mongolian alphabet was used in Mongolia until 1931, when it was temporarily replaced by the Latin alphabet, and finally by Cyrillic in 1937. The traditional alphabet was abolished completely by the pro-Soviet government in 1941, and a short-lived attempt to reintroduce the traditional alphabet after 1990 was abandoned after some years.
In the People's Republic of China, the Mongolian language is a co-official language with Mandarin Chinese in some regions, notably the entire Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. The traditional alphabet has always been used there, although Cyrillic was considered briefly before the Sino-Soviet split. There are two types of written Mongolian used in China: the classical script, which is official among Mongols nationwide, and the Clear script, used predominantly among Oirats in Xinjiang.
The modified Cyrillic alphabet used for Mongolian is as follows:Cyrillic Name IPATransliteration Cyrillic Name IPATransliteration Аа а a a Пп пэ (pʰ ), (pʰʲ ) ( p ) Бб бэ p,pʲ, b b Рр эр r,rʲ r Вв вэ w,wʲ v Сс эс s s Гг гэ ɡ,ɡʲ,ɢ´, k g Тт тэ tʰ,tʰʲ t Дд дэ t,tʲ d Уу у ʊ u Ее е jε~jɜ, e je Үү ү u ü Ёё ё jɔ jo Фф фэ~фа~эф ( f ) ( f ) Жж жэ tʃ ž Хх хэ~ха x,xʲ h Зз зэ ts z Цц цэ tsʰ ts Ии и i i Чч чэ tʃʰ č Йй хагас и i j Шш ша~эш ʃ š Кк ка ( k ), (kʲ ) ( k ) Щщ ща~эшчэ (stʃ ) ( šč ) Лл эл ɮ,ɮʲ l Ъ ъ хатуугийн тэмдэг " Мм эм m,mʲ m Ыы эр үгийн ы i y Нн эн n,nʲ n Ьь зөөлний тэмдэг ʲ ' Оо о ɔ o Ээ э e e Өө ө o ö Юю ю jʊ, ju ju Яя я ja, j ja
Үү and Өө are sometimes written as Vv and Єє, mainly when using Russian software or keyboards that don't support them.
The first surviving Mongolian text is the Stele of Yisüngge, a report on sports in Mongolian script on stone, that is most often dated at the verge of 1224 and 1225. Other early sources are written in Mongolian, Phagspa (decrets), Chinese (the Secret history), Arabic (dictionaries) and a few western scripts. These comprise the Middle Mongolian language that was spoken from the 13th to the early 15th or late 16th century. The documents in Mongolian script show some distinct linguistic characteristics and are therefore often distinguished by terming their language Preclassical Mongolian. The next distinct period is Classical Mongolian that is dated from the 17th to the 19th century. It is a written language with a high degree of standardization in orthography and syntax that sets it quite apart from the subsequent Modern Mongolian. The most notable documents in this language are the Mongolian Kanjur and Tanjur as well as a bunch of chronicles.
Changes in phonology
Middle Mongolian documents show only two velar plosives <g> and <k> (and one allophone for each), but in some instances the <g> disappeared and in others not. There is no hint as to how this might be related to contextual factors, and while there is a hypothesis that this is related to distinctive vowel length or stress , it is a matter of dispute whether there is any factual evidence for this. Now there is a word-initial <h> that disappeared during the Middle Mongolian stage. This might be the same phoneme as one of the instances of <g> (possibly [x]). Thus, it is likely that x > h > Ø. Eg Phagspa <haran>, Preclassical Mongolian <aran>, reconstructed in Proto-Mongolic as *haran ‘person’, became Modern Mongolian <aran>. Phagspa čaqa’an, Preclassical čaγaγan, reconstructed for Late Pre-Proto-Mongolic as *ʧʰagahan ‘white’, became Modern Mongolian /ʦʰaga:n/. As also apparent from this example, affricates were fronted in Northern Modern Mongolian dialects such as Khalkha. /kʰ/ was spirantized to /x/ in Ulaanbaatar Khalkha and the Mongolian dialects South of it, eg Preclassical Mongolian <kündü>, reconstructed as *kʰynty ‘heavy’, became Modern Mongolian /xunt/ (but in Erdenet many speakers will say / kʰunt/). Originally word-final <n> turned into <ŋ>; if *n was originally followed by a vowel that later dropped, it remained unchanged, eg *kʰen became /xiŋ/, but *kʰoina became /xɔin/. After i-breaking, *[ʃ] became phonemic. Consonants in words containing back vowels that were followed by *i in Proto-Mongolian became palatalized in Modern Mongolian. In some words, word-final *n was dropped with most case forms, but still appeared with the ablative, dative and genitive.
Proto-Mongolic had *i, *e, *y, *ø, *u, *o, *a. First, *o and *u were pharyngealized to /ɔ/ and /ʊ/, then *y and *ø were velarized to /u/ and /o/. Thus, the vowel harmony shifted from a velar to a pharyngeal paradigm. *i in the first syllable back-vocalic words was assimilated to the following vowel; in word-initial position it became /ja/. *e followed by *y was rounded to *ø. VhV and VjV sequences where the second vowel was any vowel but *i were monophthongized. Short vowels in any syllable but the first were deleted from the phonetic representation of the word; long vowels in these positions became short vowels.
Eg *imahan (*i becomes /ja/, *h disappears)> *jama:n (instable n drops; vowel reduction> jama(n) ‘goat’
and *emys- (regressive rounding assimilation)> *ømys- (vowel velaization)> *omus- (vowel reduction)> oms- ‘to wear’
Changes in morphology
While most case suffixes did change somewhat in form, ie were shortened, most of the modern case system remained intact. Important changes occurred with the comitative and the dative. The Middle Mongolian comitative <-luγ-a> could not be used attributively, but it was replaced by suffix <-taj> that originally derived adjectives denoting possession of the stem from nouns, eg <mori-tai> ‘having a horse’ became <mor’toj> ‘having a horse/with a horse’. As this adjective functioned parallel to <ügei> ‘not having’, it has been suggested that a “privative case” (‘without’) has been introduced into Mongolian. There have been three different case suffixes in the dative-locative-directive domain that are grouped in different ways: <-a> as locative and <-dur>, <-da> as dative or <-da> and <-a> as dative and <-dur> as locative , in both cases with some functional overlapping. As <dur> seems to be grammaticalized from <dotur-a> ‘within’, thus indicating a span of time, the second account seems to be more likely. Finally, the directive of modern Mongolian <-ruu> has been innovated. Gender agreement was abandoned.
Middle Mongolian had a greater set of final verb suffixes and a smaller number of participles which were less likely to be used as finite predicates. Their functional values seem to have shifted as well, but as the aspectual, temporal, modal and evidential nuances of Middle Mongolian verb forms are not well understood, it is impossible to state much about their semantic development. However, as several analytic forms to code imperfectivity have emerged that were not present in Middle Mongolian, final suffixes likely bore that burden then. The linking converb <n> became confined to stable verb combinations, while the number of converbs somewhat increased. The gender and number distinction exhibited by some final verbs got lost.
Changes in syntax
Word order in clauses with pronominal subject changed from Object-Predicate-Subject to Subject-Object-Predicate. The negation of verbs shifted from negation particles preceding final verbs to a negation particle following participles; thus, as final verbs could no longer be negated, their paradigm of negation was filled by particles.
- ^ The existence of the Altaic family is controversial. See Altaic languages.
- ^ eg Γarudi 2002: 7
- ^ Rybatzki 2003: 58
- ^ Rybatzki 2003: 57
- ^ Poppe 1964: 1
- ^ Rybatzki 2003: 57
- ^ Janhunen 2003a: 32
- ^ eg Tömörtogoo 2005
- ^ Svantesson et al. 2005: 113, 119-124
- ^ Today, /arn/ is somewhat unusual, but its plural /ard/ ‘people’ is common.
- ^ Adapted from Tömörtogoo 2002: 80
- ^ Svantesson et al. 2005: 133, 167
- ^ Svantesson et al. 2005: 124, 165-166, 205
- ^ Svantesson 2005: 181, 184, 186-187, 190-195
- ^ Janhunen 2003c: 27
- ^ Rybatzki 2003: 68
- ^ Γarudi 2002: 101-107
- ^ see Toγtambayar 2006: 18-35 for the detailed line of argumentation
- ^ The gender issue is fairly commonplace, see eg Rybatzki 2003: 75. A very convincing case for the numberus distinction between -ba and -bai is made in Tümenčečeg 1990: 103-108. She also argues that this has been the case for other suffixes.
- Γarudi (2002): Dumdadu üy-e-yin mongγul kelen-ü bütüče-yin kelberi-yin sudulul [The study of grammatical forms in Middle Mongolian]. Kökeqota: Öbür mongγul-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a.
- Janhunen, Juha (ed.) (2003): The Mongolic languages. London: Routledge.
- Janhunen, Juha (2003a): Written Mongol. In: Janhunen 2003: 30-56.
- Janhunen, Juha (2003b): Para-Mongolic. In: Janhunen 2003: 391-402.
- Janhunen, Juha (2003c): Proto-Mongolic. In: Janhunen 2003: 1-29.
- Poppe, Nicholas (1964 ): Grammar of Written Mongolian. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
- Rybatzki, Volker (2003): Middle Mongol. In: Janhunen 2003: 47-82.
- Sechenbaatar, Borjigin (2003): The Chakhar dialect of Mongol - A morphological description. Helsinki: Finno-Ugrian society.
- Svantesson, Jan-Olof, Anna Tsendina, Anastasia Karlsson, Vivan Franzén (2005): The Phonology of Mongolian. New York: Oxford University Press.
- Toγtambayar, M. (2006): Mongγul kelen-ü kele ǰüiǰigsen yabuča-yin tuqai sudulul [Grammaticalization in Mongolian]. Liyuuning-un ündüsüten-ü keblel-ün qoriy-a.
- Tömörtogoo, D. (2005): Mongol dörvölžin üsegijn durashalyn sudalgaa [Research on the Phagspa script]. Ulaanbaatar: IAMS.
- Tsedendamba, Ts., C. Möömöö (ed.) (1997): Orčin cagijn mongol hel [Contemporary Mongolian]. Ulaanbaatar.
- Tserenpil, D., Rita Kullmann (2005) : Mongolian grammar. Ulaanbaatar: Admon.
- Tümenčečeg (1990): Dumdadu ǰaγun-u mongγul kelen-ü toγačin ögülekü tölüb-ün kelberi-nügüd ba tegün-ü ularil kögǰil. In: Öbür mongγul-un yeke surγaγuli 1990/3: 102-120.
Further reading and resources
- Činggeltei (1999): Odu üj-e-jin mongɣul kelen-ü ǰüi. Köke qota: Öbür mongɣul-un arad-un keblel-ün qorij-a.
[The second edition of the most famous Inner Mongolian grammar. It shows a systematization that is typical for the Inner Mongolian grammar tradition.]
- Poppe, Nicholas (1951): Khalkha-Mongolische Grammatik. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner.
- Poppe, Nicholas (1964 ): Grammar of Written Mongolian. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
[Poppe 1964 is still the reference work in western Mongolian philology. Poppe 1951 applies this model to contemporary Mongolian. The approach disregards meaning in favour of a simplified model of distribution.]
- Luvsanvandan, Š. et al. (1966): Orčin cagijn mongol hel züj. Ulaanbaatar: Ulsyn hevlelijn hereg erhleh horoo.
[Luvsanvandan et al. 1966 and Tsedendamba and Möömöö 1997 represent the Outer Mongolian grammar tradition. It relies very heavily on literary examples.]
- Street, John (1963): Khalkha structure. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
[the single modern-style (structuralist) Khalkh Mongolian grammar that cares for the language and not the formalism]
Specialized research works
- Yümjiriin Mönkh-Amgalan (1998): Orčin tsagijn mongol helnij bajmžijn aj [The category of modality in Contemporary Mongolian]. Ulaanbaatar: Moncame.
[the most comprehensive work on modality in Mongolian]
- Yu, Wonsoo (1991): A study of Mongolian negation. Indiana University.
- Bjambasan, P. (2001): Mongol helnij ügüjsgeh har'caa ilerhijleh hereglüürüüd [The means to mark negation in Mongolian]. In: Mongol hel, sojolijn surguul: Erdem šinžilgeenij bičig 18: 9-20.
[Yu 1991 is a diachronic treatment of negation in Mongolian, Bjambasan 2001 describes a far greater range of forms in a very concise way.]
- Sečenbaγatur et al. (2005): Mongγul kelen-ü nutuγ-un ayalγun-u sinǰilel-ün uduridqal [Introduction to Mongolian dialect studies]. Kökeqota: Öbür mongγul-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a.
- Sečen (2004): Odu üy-e-yin mongγul bičig-ün kelen-ü üge bütügekü daγaburi-yin sudulul [Derivational suffixes in Modern Written Mongolian]. Kökeqota: Öbür mongγul-un surγan kümüǰil-ün keblel-ün qoriy-a.
- Bawden, Charles (1997): Mongolian-English dictionary. London: Kegan Paul.
- Ganhuyag, Ch. (2007): Mongolian English dictionary. Ulaanbaatar.
[the two most notable M-E dictionaries]
- Chinbat, E. (2003): English Mongolian dictionary. Ulaanbaatar.
- Amarsanaa, L. et al. (2006): Oxford Monsudar English Mongolian dictionary. Ulaanbaatar: Monsudar, Oxford University Press.
[Chinbat 2003 is the most comprehensive E-M dictionary, but requires command of Mongolian. Amarsanaa et al. 2006 doesn’t, contains fewer mistakes, but is comparably tiny. As a rule, it provides one single translation for any meaning of one English word.]
- Cevel, Ja. (1966): Mongol helnij tovč tajlbar tol’. Ulaanbaatar.
- Odontör, Š., Battögs, M. (2006): Mongol helnij tajlbar tol’. Ulaanbaatar. (CD)
- Norčin, Č. et al. (1999): Mongγul kelen-ü toil. Kökeqota: Öbür mongγul-un arad-un keblel-ün qoriy-a.
[Cevel 1966 is the first monolingual Mongolian dictionary; the most notable monolingual dictionaries today are Odontör and Battögs 2006 for Outer Mongolia and Norčin et al. 1997 for Inner Mongolia]
External linksMongolian language edition of Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- Subscription audio vocabulary course to learn Mongolian
- Ethnologue report for Khalkha Mongolian
- Monumenta Altaica. Grammars, Texts, Dictionaries, Bibliographies of Mongolian and other Altaic languages
- Webster's Mongolian English Dictionary
- Ganhuyag's Mongolian English dictionary
- Mongolian English Russian German dictionary
- "Mongolian dictionary with etymologies" by Andras Rajki
- Lingua Mongolia Information on classical Mongolian, including an online dictionary
- Omniglot - Mongolian Alphabets
- GB18030 Support Package for Windows 2000/XP, including Chinese, Tibetan, Yi, classical Mongolian and Thai font by Microsoft
- Mongolian bilingual dictionaries
- Bolor Mongolian English dictionary
Link former page on this page
Related word on this page
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There are many examples of Greek myths that explain why certain religious rituals were performed, why some peoples may be named what they are, or even why varying objects, plants and animals were symbols of their gods.
The gods were known for punishing mortals for offending them, but occasionally they punished each other. The gods were a vengeful folk, and they did not take kindly to being insulted, by mortal or god. Apollo made the mistake of insulting one of his fellow immortal.
Apollo was a great archer, but sometimes he was a little full of himself. One day he caught sight of Eros, the son of Aphrodite. Eros was also an archer, and his arrows were responsible for instilling the twists and turns of love and lust in a person's heart. Apollo teased young Eros, putting down his abilities as an archer, claiming that one so small could make no difference with his arrows.
Angry at this insult, Eros shot two arrows, one tipped in gold, one blunted and tipped with lead. The arrow dipped in gold had the power to create insatiable lust in a person, while the other created absolute abhorrence towards all things romantic and passionate. The unfortunate soul who was struck with that arrow would have no desire to love anyone. The arrow dipped in gold struck Apollo, but the arrow dipped in lead struck fair Daphne.
Daphne was the daughter of the river god Peneus. Apollo chased down the maiden, desperate for her love, but she wanted nothing to do with him, and she ran from him endlessly. Soon, she grew weary in her running and that Apollo would ultimately catch her. Fearful, she called out to her father for help. As all gods of water posses the ability of transformation, Peneus transformed his daughter into a laurel tree. Suddenly her legs took root, and her arms grew into long and slender branches.
Apollo reached the laurel tree, and, still enamored with Daphne, held the tree in a special place in his heart. He claimed the tree the as his special tree, and adorned himself with some of it's leaves. And that is why the laurel was, and still is, a symbol of the god Apollo.
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December 18, 2008
What is the malnutrition crisis?
Malnutrition is the underlying cause of death for between three and five million children under five every year. Images of starving children in emergency settings are part of the public conscious, but the reality is that the vast majority of children suffering from malnutrition do so in silence, far away from the public eye.
Insufficient diets are a fact of every day life for hundreds of millions of children. The signs of malnutrition are so common - a short child or a child who has lost some weight - that we don't see these children as sick or suffering. But they are. When a child's diet fails to give her/him all the nutrients the body needs to maintain normal functioning, not only does growth falter, but susceptibility to common diseases increases. This is why a common cold or bout of diarrhea can kill a malnourished child.
Malnutrition is a medical emergency. MSF teams see the devastating impact of childhood malnutrition every day, having treated more than 150,000 children per year in 2006 and 2007. Malnutrition weakens resistance and increases the risk of dying from pneumonia, diarrhoea, malaria, measles or AIDS - five diseases that are responsible for half of the nearly ten million deaths in children under five every year1. Persistent high rates of child mortality in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia will not be reduced if malnutrition is not addressed more aggressively.
Childhood malnutrition receives insufficient international attention. Despite its overwhelming contribution to child mortality and its impact on long-term health, the treatment and prevention of malnutrition has not been a high enough priority in international and national public health planning and programming.
Current approaches to address malnutrition have serious limitations. In places where highly-nutritious foods are not available, or where people do not have the money to buy such foods, behaviourchange approaches to malnutrition that focus on education about proper food choices, hand-washing and breastfeeding are not enough to address the problem.
Eating millet porridge every day is the equivalent of living off bread and water. With luck, toddlers here might have milk once or twice a week. Young children are so susceptible to malnutrition because what they eat lacks essential vitamins and minerals to help them grow, remain strong and fight off infections.
Dr. Susan Shepherd, MSF Medical Coordinator for the nutritional programme in Maradi, Niger, 2007.
Such strategies are insufficient because mothers in the Sahel, the Horn of Africa or Asia don't just need advice about how to feed their children. They need access to energy-dense, nutrient-rich foods, including animal-source foods to provide the 40 essential nutrients a young child needs to grow and be healthy. Exclusive breastfeeding meets nutritional needs until six months of age, and beyond that, young children need the addition of foods that include dairy, eggs, meat or fish.
Addressing the long-term challenges of poverty and food security is important - but addressing the needs of malnourished children today requires specific and targeted strategies to ensure children under two have access to the minimum nutrition they require. Existing interventions that fail to ensure the nutritional needs of children under two are met must be overhauled and new strategies that target these children need to be devised.
UN recommendations call for children with severe acute malnutrition to receive treatment through community-based nutrition programmes, without being admitted to a health facility or therapeutic feeding center, unless the child has a medical complication. These recommendations must not be allowed to remain a dead letter.
Simple, highly-nutritious ready-to-use foods (RUFs), specifically designed to address the nutritional needs of young children, have greatly expanded the potential for effective nutritional interventions. Therapeutic treatment programmes with ready-to-use foods (RUFs) allow the vast majority of seriously malnourished children to receive treatment at home, under the supervision of their mother or other caregiver, instead of in hospital. MSF and others have documented the successes that can be achieved through use of RUFs - high cure rates with high coverage, as well as low mortality and default rates.
However, according to MSF estimates, only 3% of the 20 million children suffering from severe acute malnutrition each year receive the treatment they need2.
RUFs also hold great promise for reaching children earlier, before their growth starts to falter, or to help them catch up after illness. Current programmes to prevent and address less-severe forms of malnutrition are inadequate, because they don't provide the right foods. Between six and 24 months of age, young children need energy-dense, nutrient-rich foods to support them during a period of rapid growth and development. This concentration and diversity of nutrients requires a diverse diet including animalsource foods, which are expensive and often not accessible, making children particularly vulnerable to food insecurity
However, international food aid continues to supply fortified blended flours that don't contain animal-source foods. The fact that milk was removed from these flours targeted at young children for economic reasons in the late 1980s indicates a deadly double standard in which nutritional science is ignored. Donors and UN agencies must revisit the food that is given as a part of food aid programmes.
New strategies of delivering essential nutrients must be developed, and scaled up. RUFs should be placed in the larger context of innovating strategies that can help families give the youngest children the nutrient-rich diets they need. Other strategies, such as providing income support to households should also be pursued.
“Starved for Attention”, MSF's malnutrition campaign is advocating for specific and targeted strategies to ensure children under two in malnutrition hotspots have access to the minimum nutrition they require. The campaign is calling on donor governments to change current food aid programmes to meet the nutritional needs of young children and develop approaches to providing food supplements. MSF is also highlighting the need for increased research and development into a range of supplemental foods adapted to young children's needs.
Why do children become malnourished?
© Ton Koene
Children become malnourished when they do not receive the adequate nutrients their bodies require to resist infection and maintain growth. When nutritional deficiencies become too significant, a child will begin to 'waste' - to consume his/her own tissues to obtain needed nutrients. Wasting is a sign of acute malnutrition.
In some regions of the world, such as in Africa's Sahel, wasting is particularly frequent among children during the 'hunger gap' period, between harvests.
The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that there are 20 million young children with severe acute malnutrition at any given point in time3.
What are the nutritional needs of a growing child?
Breast milk is the only food that a child younger than six months of age needs. After six months, children require more energy and essential nutrients than breast milk alone can provide. This includes proteins and essential fats, as well as about 20 different vitamins and minerals such as calcium, potassium, zinc and iron.
A World Health Organization (WHO) multicountry study leading to the development of the WHO Child Growth Standards (2006) has shown that all young children across all regions can attain a similar standard of height and weight and development with optimal nutrition, good healthcare and a healthy environment.4 Therefore the nutritional needs of rapidly-growing children everywhere in the world are essentially the same.
How are these needs met in developed countries?
In developed countries, young children eat a variety of nutrient-dense foods such as meat, dairy, fish and eggs, as well as fruits and vegetables to meet their nutritional requirements, as they continue to breastfeed. Even if infants don't eat meat, infant foods and cereals are fortified with vitamins and minerals, especially iron and zinc, in order to meet their nutritional needs.5
Milk is a good source of all essential nutrients (except iron) and is an important part of most children's diets after one year of age.
In resource-limited settings, diets consist primarily of breast milk in addition to plant-source foods, with little added fat. These diets lack iron, zinc and calcium in particular and nutrients are not as easily absorbed from plant foods as they are from meats, fish, poultry, eggs or dairy. However, these animal-source foods are usually prohibitively expensive or simply not available.
What are the limitations of fortified blended foods?
Fortified blended foods, such as corn soy blend (CSB) have long been used in food assistance programmes to prevent nutrient deficiencies. The composition has remained largely unchanged despite better knowledge about how to meet the nutritional needs of young children.6
Animal (dairy) protein is best suited to maximizing growth of young children. The composition of CSB, being an exclusively plant-based food without any dairy component, is not ideal to facilitate growth of children during the first few years of life.
CSB also contains a number of elements that limit the body's ability to absorb the nutrients that are present. Additionally, preparing CSB requires clean water, which is often not available in resource-limited settings. CSB also needs time for cooking and bears the risk of being over-diluted.
Why do ready-to-use foods work?
Experience by different organizations, including MSF, has shown that a very successful way to deliver essential nutrients to malnourished children is with ready-to-use foods (RUFs). This is an effective treatment because each packet delivers 500 calories in the form of a dense nutrient spread that contains fortified milk powder and delivers the 40 essential nutrients that a malnourished child needs to reverse nutrient deficiencies and gain weight.
Further, RUFs are simple to use in resourcelimited settings as an efficient and safe way to provide milk to young children: they contain no water and are thus resistant to bacterial contamination, they come in individually-wrapped airtight foil packets and have a long shelf life; they don't require preparation and are easy to transport and use in hot climates.
Most critically, the vast majority of malnourished children can take this treatment at home, under the supervision of their mother or caregiver, instead of in hospital. This allows programmes to reach many more children, while at the same time minimising the risk of contracting an infection in hospital.7
Malnutrition must be addressed before it reaches a life-threatening stage. The quality of complementary foods provided to children after six months of age in resource-limited settings requires reexamining. If any of the 40 essential nutrients are deficient in a young child's diet, the body's defences are weakened and the likelihood of falling seriously ill from a minor infection increases.
The 50 shaded countries have a high under-five mortality rate (greater than 50 per 1,000) and greater than 30% of stunting8 in under-fives.
The following legend represents wasting9 in the under-five population of these countries.
Countries with more than 15% acute malnutrition10
Countries with more than 10% acute malnutrition11
Countries with more than 4% acute malnutrition12
MSF’s experience in Maradi, Niger
Scaling up treatment of severe acute malnutrition since 2001
© Michael Goldfarb
MSF has been working intermittently in Niger since 1984, and in 2005, a year of exceptional food insecurity in Niger, MSF treated over 60,000 severely malnourished children using therapeutic ready-to-use foods (RUFs). 38,000 severely malnourished children were treated in Maradi alone, with a cure rate above 90%.13
Expanding outpatient care to moderately malnourished children (2006)
MSF extended the use of therapeutic RUFs through the outpatient strategy to moderately malnourished children in two different districts of Maradi region. Nearly 65,000 children were treated, 92.5% of whom suffered from moderate malnutrition and 7.5% from severe malnutrition. Recovery rates reached 95.5% amongst the moderately malnourished and 81.3% amongst the severely malnourished.14 The seasonal peak of admissions of severe cases observed every year since 2001 when the programme opened in Maradi, did not occur.
This experience suggests that treatment with therapeutic RUFs can prevent the development of severe malnutrition in a large cohort of moderately malnourished children.
Recorded weight gain (5.28 g/kg/day amongst the moderately malnourished) is markedly higher than that generally obtained in “classic” food supplementation programmes using blended flour (generally below 3 g/kg/ day).15 Similarly, defaulter rates were very low compared to classic programmes, with a 3.4% defaulter rate among the moderately malnourished and 10.3% amongst the severely malnourished.
Reaching more children with a two-tiered approach (2007)
© Michael Goldfarb
MSF began using the WHO 2006 growth standards16 to define admission criteria for treatment in 2007. This standard identifies more, and younger, acutely malnourished children. WHO standards allow us to better reach those malnourished children most at risk of death. Children suffering from severe acute malnutrition are treated with therapeutic RUFs in outpatient feeding centres. Only children with complicating conditions still need to be hospitalised.
© Michael Goldfarb
The second component of MSF's new approach involves distribution of supplemental RUFs, which complements regular meals and compensates for deficiencies in their regular diet. In 2007, MSF distributed supplemental RUFs to all 62,000 children from six months to three years of age in one district in Maradi on a monthly basis during the seasonal hunger gap.
MSF’s experience in Dinsor, Somalia
MSF has been operating a treatment programme for acute malnutrition in Dinsor, Somalia since 2002. The programme began with a classical approach of hospitalising children during treatment, regardless of their medical status. However, due to instability in the region, only those living in the town itself sought treatment. Many people in surrounding areas would not risk the journey to the hospital, resulting in a number of children dying at home, from a lack of care better adapted to the situation.
In 2006, drought resulted in a nutritional crisis. The hospital experienced a surge of patients. People infected with tuberculosis were placed next to patients suffering from malnutrition. An ambulatory strategy was therefore adopted, with the creation of four ambulatory centres in areas where malnutrition was detected. Children in Dinsor who did not have medical complications were treated at home with therapeutic RUFs under supervision of their mother/caregiver.
© Michael Goldfarb
What can be done to ensure effective treatment is accessible?
If the May 2007 UN recommendation of treating severe acute malnutrition with therapeutic RUFs is to be realised, there is a need for 258,000 tons of product per year.17 Production capacity in 2007 was less than 19,000 tons with orders placed for less than 8,000 tons.
Programs to treat severe acute malnutrition must increase in number, but as this happens, there will be an urgent need to increase RUF production capacity. The enabling factor will be international funding.
Currently one brand of therapeutic RUFs, known as Plumpy'nut® is manufactured in France by Nutriset and by its four franchises in Malawi, Ethiopia, Niger and the Dominican Republic.
Other international companies have stated their interest to begin production, however their initial investment will depend on receiving large secured orders. The not-forprofit company Valid Nutrition is active in developing local production capacities in a number of countries in Africa and Asia, each one based upon recipes that use locally available ingredients. To date, local production facilities exist in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, Malawi and Zambia.
Reducing the Price
At a current cost just below three euros per kilo, the total cost of producing enough RUFs to treat the 20 million children that WHO estimates are severely acutely malnourished would amount to 750 million euros.
Currently, the cost to treat one child is nearly 39 euros. The cost of existing products has increased because of the rising price of milk. The price of milk powder increased dramatically in 2007, from 2,000 euros to more than 4,000 euros per metric ton.
Despite the rising cost of raw materials, there are ways to bring down the price. These include the scaling up of production, the development of alternative packaging, the creation of a product based on alternative raw ingredients and the possibility of tax exemptions. Lowering the cost will have an impact on demand for therapeutic RUFs.
The development of high value nutritional products to complement the diets of vulnerable children between the ages of six months and two years must also become a priority. What is key is for the product to contain the essential nutrients that are required by rapidly-growing children. There is also a whole range of possibilities for the development of products to accompany the medical treatment of pathologies such as HIV and tuberculosis.
What is MSF calling for?
© 2013 Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF)
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- About Hunger
- U.S. Hunger
- Global Hunger
- The Bible and Hunger
- Hunger and the U.S. Budget
- Solutions to U.S. Poverty
- Foreign Assistance
- Maternal and Child Nutrition
- Trade and Agriculture
- Climate Change
Women and Climate Change
Listen: Bread's 2011 Offering of Letters
Family nutrition is directly affected by a woman’s ability to farm. Women farmers grow more than half of all the food in developing countries, and up to 80 percent in parts of Africa, generally in the form of small-scale crops for household consumption.
Climate change has already begun to affect agricultural production and, consequently, women’s livelihoods and their ability to support the nutritional needs of their families. Extension efforts need to reach women, who often do not have access to information that would help them make better decisions about how to adapt to climate change.
Women are also the primary collectors of wood for fuel and water for household use. As climate change exacerbates desertification, these resources will become increasingly scarce, and make these tasks more difficult and time-consuming. This may directly affect girls’ ability to attend school, as household chores consume more of their time.
Women are also highly vulnerable to climate change-related natural disasters, and, as recent research has shown, face a significant risk of disaster-related fatalities. Following the 2004 tsunami in Asia, Oxfam International reported that three-quarters of the fatalities in eight Indonesian villages were women and girls. In the second most affected district in India, Cuddalore, the proportion of female fatalities was nearly 90 percent.
Furthermore, many of the daily challenges facing women farmers in the developing world, such as the difficulty of accessing credit, tools, training, and technical advice, only increase their vulnerability to climate change.
A recent study by the International Food Policy and Research Institute (IFPRI) showed that it is the more prosperous African farmers, those with access to credit, agricultural extension services, reliable information, and secure title to property, who were more likely to use adaptation techniques. Adaptation policies and strategies should take these factors into account and address the many obstacles women and subsistence farmers already encounter.
Involve Women in Decision-Making
The reality is that women will likely be disproportionately affected by climate change yet remain under-represented in the decision-making bodies that are working to develop a sustainable path forward. It is critical that women be included in the development of climate change policies at the local, regional, and global levels. Women’s expertise and knowledge should be used in developing climate change mitigation, disaster reduction, and adaptation strategies.
Climate change will affect women and men differently, and these differences will have a direct effect on the lives of families and communities. The links between climate change, agriculture, and gender will continue to evolve and it’s important that gender be integrated into climate change research. Planning and strategy development must put gender at the forefront to avoid losing valuable time.
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<urn:uuid:8915663f-8802-4159-948b-ee1d64b3b065>
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://www.bread.org/hunger/climate-change/women-and-climate-change.html
|
2013-05-26T03:16:13Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368706578727/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516121618-00000-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.957149
| 614
|
Black Heritage Trail in Beacon HIll
The African Meeting House is considered the oldest surviving black church building in the United States. Built in 1806, the church was the hub of religious, social, political and educational activity in Bostons black community. The National Park Service notes that William Lloyd Garrison founded the New England Anti-Slavery Society here in 1832, Frederick Douglass delivered an anti-slavery speech here in 1860, and it was a recruitment station for the all-black 54th Regiment during the Civil War. At the end of the century, a Jewish congregation bought the building and used it as a synagogue. In 1972, the Museum of African American History bought the building. It was recently renovated $9.5 million renovation.
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<urn:uuid:8908341d-2c1d-4ed2-af1f-ac6ffdeee7c9>
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://www.boston.com/yourtown/boston/beaconhill/gallery/0211_african_american_?pg=10
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2013-05-21T10:42:13Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368699899882/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516102459-00001-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.967131
| 153
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The AREA element was first introduced in the Client Side Image Map
proposal (an HTML Working Draft from Spry.) It was very quickly adopted
in browsers and then in the HTML 3.2 recommendation. It specifies
destinations for regions of an image via an HTML encoding system
(instead of the older, more time consuming ISMAP method which requires
an extra HTTP request and server-side processing map file.) It has the
ability to specify the dimensions of a geometric shape within an image
along with a hyperlink destination to be used when the shape is
activated by the user.
An arbitrary number of AREA elements may be specified in a MAP structure,
and if two AREAs overlap, the one which appears first in the MAP definition
should take precedence in the region of intersection. Multiple AREAs may
share the same hyperlink destination to create composite shapes.
This is a method of giving access/focus to an active HTML element using
a keyboard character. This is a common GUI paradigm also known
as a "keyboard shortcut" or "keyboard accelerator"
A single character is used as the value of this attribute. In addition,
a platform-dependent key is usually used in combination with the
ACCESSKEY character to access the functionality of the active field.
[A single, case-insensitive character from a browser's character set.]
This specifies the coordinate values in pixels appropriate to the
accompanying SHAPE attribute to define a region of an image for
hyperlinking. The coordinate system for Client Side Image Maps
originates at the top, left corner of the image and values grow
larger as you move down and to the right.
These are the corresponding SHAPE types and COORDS definition schemes: RECT, RECTANGLE:
COORDS="left,top,right,bottom" CIRC, CIRCLE:
COORDS="center_x,center_y,radius" POLY, POLYGON:
[The Polygon values specify the successive coordinates of the polygon
and have no explicit limit on number of vertices, but HTML limits
attribute values to 1024 characters. If the first and last coordinates
of a Polygon reference are not the same, then a final segment is implied
to close it.]
[Positive integers given as a comma separated list of X-Y values]
This attribute indicates the URL to be loaded when the currently
defined region is chosen in the image. If the URL is relative, the
BASE is determined from the document containing the map (or from a
BASE specified in that file), not from the file containing the IMG
USEMAP tag that references the Map.
[Either an absolute or relative URL. All URLs should be URL encoded where required.]
For those times when you want a particular area of an image to not
point anywhere, the standalone NOHREF attribute is used INSTEAD
of the HREF attribute. Any region of an image map that is not defined
by an AREA tag is assumed to be NOHREF.
The SHAPE attribute defines the type of region to be defined for mapping
in the current AREA tag. The value specified here decides the number of
coordinates to list in the COORDS attribute. If the SHAPE attribute is
absent the shape is assumed to be of type RECT
Values: RECT [DEFAULT] |
RECTANGLE - Rectangular region CIRC | CIRCLE - Circular region POLY | POLYGON - Polygon region DEFAULT - Same as RECT (RECT coordinates are used),
but indicated HREF is used for all non-defined areas of image.
"Tabbing" is a method of giving access/focus to an active HTML
element using a standard keyboard sequence. All the active elements in a
document can be cycled through using this sequence (ex: Windows TAB key.)
The order of the active elements in this cycle is usually the order they
occur in the document, but the TABINDEX attribute allows a different order
to be established. The use of this attribute should create the following
tabbing order cycle if the browser supports the attribute:
Active elements using the TABINDEX attribute with positive integers are
navigated first. Low values are navigated first.
Active elements not specifying any TABINDEX attribute
Those elements carrying a DISABLED attribute or using negative TABINDEX
values do not participate in the tabbing cycle.
Values: Positive or negative integers.
In Transitional and Frameset HTML 4.x/XHTML DTDs only. Dropped in XHTML 1.1
This attribute specifies the named frame for the HREF hyperlink to jump
to when activated.
Historically, it has been a good idea to include an ISMAP as an alternative
to Client Side Image maps, but authors sometimes may not have access
to run binaries on their host machines and Client-side Image Maps now have
very wide historical support.
Authors should consider creating a THIRD alternative to allow
navigation via text links for users that do not have image capability.
DTD Note: HTML 3.2 lists these values for the SHAPE
attribute as valid: RECT, CIRCLE, POLY.
DTD Note: HTML 4.0 lists these values for the SHAPE
attribute as valid: RECT, CIRCLE, POLY, DEFAULT.
Text only browsers such as Lynx allow users to navigate a client-side
image map by using the ALT attribute for the AREA element. Aside from this
being a required attribute under the HTML 3.2 DTD, this accessibility
feature is a GREAT argument in the favor of ALWAYS
using this attribute.
The Internet Explorer online tag reference in the 3.0 timeframe
listed support for TABINDEX and TITLE for several elements. IE3 never
showed any signs that it actually supported these attributes in practice.
If an image is used as an image map in a document, the coordinates
specified in the AREA elements must represent the coordinates on
the image AS IT WILL BE USED in the document. Eg: if different
HEIGHT and/or WIDTH attributes are specified in the IMG element the
map coordinates must reflect this. Take care - if percentage heights
and widths are specified, it will be almost IMPOSSIBLE to
give accurate coordinates in the client side image map. This warning
applies to all browsers surveyed that support client-side image maps.
Netscape does not support the RECTANGLE and CIRC values for the SHAPE attribute.
Internet Explorer does not support the DEFAULT value for the SHAPE attribute.
Netscape DOES seem to allow the DEFAULT value for the SHAPE
attribute, but appears to require that it be placed at the END
of the list of AREA elements. If it is not, the HREF for the DEFAULT
area shape will be used for the entire image. Opera appears to allow
DEFAULT as a SHAPE attribute value anywhere in the list of AREA elements.
The Mosaic browsers only understood the RECT, RECTANGLE and POLYGON values
for the SHAPE attribute.
Creating "cut-out" shapes: If you wish to create a geometric shape,
and then have a region inside defined within as NOHREF, the NOHREF
region must occur FIRST - If it is placed after, the NOHREF
region will still be active. This appears to hold true for the browsers
that support CSIM. Internet Explorer 4.0, however, had a bug - "cut-out"
shapes did not work at all, whether the NOHREF occurred before OR after
the active region.
Linefeed and Carriage Return handling ( and
respectively) for the ALT attribute:
- Internet Explorer: All literal/unencoded or
encoded CR/LFs are maintained and displayed as intended.
- Netscape: All unencoded or encoded CR/LFs are
collapsed to nothing in ALT display (not the normal method for
spacing-character collapsing - usually it would collapse to a
Handling of ALT and TITLE attribute tooltip rendering for AREA element: IE 4+: ALT content rendered if present. TITLE
content rendered if present. If both present, only ALT is rendered. NS 3.x: TITLE and ALT ignored. NS 4.x: ALT attribute rendered, TITLE ignored. NS 6.x+: TITLE rendered, ALT ignored. O -4.x: TITLE and ALT ignored. O 5.x+: TITLE attribute content rendered as tooltip
and in status toolbar.
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<urn:uuid:974eee91-a545-4760-8e31-0a1aaaecad22>
|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://blooberry.com/indexdot/html/tagpages/a/area.htm
|
2013-06-20T09:36:09Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368711240143/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516133400-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.773104
| 1,849
|
By 1900 Providence was 25th in population in the United States and was an industrial powerhouse, boasting its “Five Industrial Wonders of the World.” The First Baptist Church in America had over 700 members on its rolls, but great changes were coming for the state, the city, and the church. The tides of immigration changed Rhode Island from a Protestant Yankee state to an immigrant Roman Catholic state. Not only had the composition of the population changed, the physical character of Providence itself was being transformed. Where once there had been houses and small shops, great factories, banks, commercial establishments, and big buildings stood in their place. First Baptist Church saw its residential neighborhood disappear in the changes in the twentieth century. In 1860 one could stand on any corner of the church yard and throw a stone that would hit the house of a member of the church. By 1940 no residences remained. The greatest changes came from the deindustrialization of Rhode Island and the substantial decline in the population of Providence itself.
Find it Fast
Sunday Morning Preaching
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<urn:uuid:365f6824-2016-4ede-a983-d6fcc2b367e7>
|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://www.firstbaptistchurchinamerica.org/?page_id=88
|
2013-05-19T18:58:41Z
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s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368697974692/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516095254-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.976671
| 208
|
This is another post on open standards, a concept that affects all aspects of the mobile experience, from the processors and operating systems to carriers and devices and finally to the end user. When creating web-based content, XHTML and CSS set standards for open sourced coding structure and help to create a consistent experience from desktop to mobile devices. Standards-compliant Scalable Vector Graphics (with a mobile variation known as the Mobile SVG Profiles – which include SVG Basic and SVG Tiny) is the standard for complex vector-based graphics and animation and are targeted to SVG-enabled third generation mobile phones which were announced in January 2006.
The following are the “languages” currently supported by the W3C and OMA for mobile authoring:
• XHTML (eXtensible HyperText Markup Language) is the official web markup standard, replacing HTML and Wireless Application Protocol (WAP 1.0) for mobile devices. XHTML is compliant with XML to support specific tags and structure. Variations such as XHTML basic and XHTML mobile profile are used extensively in combination with CSS to control web-based presentation, structure and layout.
• CSS (Cascading Style Sheets) controls many of the visual elements on a web page, including font sizes, colors and formatting. Stylesheets are also used to control presentation and layout in conjunction with XHTML for both web and mobile web content. Variations include CSS2, CSS-basic, etc.
• SVG-Tiny (Scalable Vector Graphics) is the standard for interactive and dynamic vector based graphics and animation on mobile devices. Based on XML, SVG-T allows for 2D graphics to be displayed and/or manipulated. Currently, SVG-Tiny is supported by many mobile browsers including Opera, Access, Openwave and Obigo. A current list (last updated in December 2005) is available showing SVG implementations is available (although confusing).
• SMIL (Synchronized Multimedia Integration Language) uses XML to create a timeline describing how graphics, text and sound should be displayed or how they will play together in a sequence. SMIL was developed by REAL when they realized there was a way to add animation and synchronize sound and images without having actual video. SMIL allows for multiple versions (playing on different bandwidths) as well as multiple languages to be displayed. MMS is a stripped down version of SMIL, with very similar capabilities.
For the mobile designer, the topic of open standards using XHTML and CSS is not new, as this initiative has been floating around for several years in the web-development world, highly promoted for accessibility purposes as well as cross browser compatibility. Separation of content from presentation using style sheets goes one step further when creating web-based content for mobile devices. Ideally, the content would remain static on a web page, and a user agent would apply the correct style sheet for either PC-based browsing, or mobile web browsing. However each mobile browser has its own quirks and display habits that cause mobile designers to spend a lot of time tweaking code and testing on various emulators and devices. Mobile designers generally need to determine up front if they are coding for one specific browser type (for example, a demo on a Symbian-based smartphone, such as Sony Ericsson P910a) or if they are creating an experience that needs to work on a number of devices and browser types. Usually, one or more specific browsers and devices are targeted for development, and then ported to other devices.
Obviously, this is all changing so quickly, I cannot keep up. Please feel free to post any updates and/or email me with newer considerations!
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<urn:uuid:ea62cf04-657d-469b-ae7e-b9e6bf37daa3>
|
CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://www.gotomobile.com/archives/mobile-web-and-open-standards
|
2013-05-23T18:30:43Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703682988/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112802-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.929407
| 746
|
"[O]ur fathers brought forth, upon this continent, a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that 'all men are created equal.' Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived, and so dedicated, can long endure." – Abraham Lincoln, Gettysburg Address
Americans have been fundamentally different from other peoples due to our devotion to individual liberty and equal treatment under the law. Our nation's unique character began with the early English settlers, who courageously left their homes, friends and way of life to hazard a perilous ocean voyage to a harsh and largely unknown wilderness. They made this sacrifice because they saw little opportunity for a better life in their native land, where government persecuted many of its subjects for their religious practices and favored the politically powerful with a life of privilege. The settlers were confident in themselves and came to American shores to be on their own, away from governmental persecution and exploitation.
Here is the earliest known of the five drafts of what may be the most famous American speech. Delivered by President Abraham Lincoln in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, at the dedication of a memorial cemetery on November 19, 1863, it is now familiarly known as "The Gettysburg Address."
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
As an isolated people living in untamed nature, life was severe, and survival was problematic. Their success required that they be self-reliant, responsible and hardworking, as well as cooperative among themselves to enhance the safety and development of their settlements.
The American Colonies prospered and exploitation again appeared when the English government, in the 1760s, demanded increased control, obedience, and tribute. Eventually, in 1776, "a long Train of abuses and Usurpations" – as they wrote in the Declaration of Independence – was too much for our founders to tolerate. They stood up to the most powerful empire in the world, declared their independence from it and won a desperate, eight-year war, pledging their lives, fortunes and sacred honor to the cause.
It is their Declaration that boldly states the self-evident truths of American Exceptionalism, which successor generations practiced with greater inclusiveness. Each person is equal before God and the law and possesses the unalienable right to live free, beyond the authority of legitimate government to obstruct or deny.
During the Civil War, when Abraham Lincoln referenced the Declaration of Independence in his Gettysburg Address, another American generation was making a momentous sacrifice for American Exceptionalism. The character and virtue of these early generations of Americans built an extraordinary civilization that created greater freedom, equality, opportunity, and prosperity than had been known before.
Today, it is our generation that will determine whether liberty and equality under the law will endure or whether the nation will fall further into a collectivist, impoverished state where our daily lives are increasingly controlled by authoritarian dictates. The challenge before us does not demand the great hardships endured by the early settlers, the American Revolutionaries or the Union forces of the 1860s. Nonetheless, we face a formidable test as America again finds itself a nation divided over the role of government.
The corrosive effects of changing government's role from securing liberty and equal treatment under the law to engaging in social engineering are clear. First, government has promised more than it can deliver as illustrated by Social Security and Medicare becoming unsustainable in their present forms.
Second, it has recklessly spent us into functional bankruptcy and is debasing the value of our money.
Third, it has become corrupt and discriminatory, serving as a favor-factory for politically active groups who are rewarded with bailouts, subsidies, waivers, and preferential legislation at the expense of the general public.
Fourth, the expansion of government has weakened the role of self-reliance and voluntary associations, leading to the decline of our society.
Fifth, government is becoming dictatorial. There is hardly an activity in modern life that is not subject to the discretion of unelected bureaucracy.
America's strength has always been the character and vigor of its citizens. We the People, either individually or cooperatively, can solve most problems. Our government has proven that it cannot. America has flourished as a sanctuary from governmental exploitation and discrimination and as a haven for freedom and happiness. Its survival as an exceptional society depends on us.
FOLLOW US @OCRegLetters
WRITE A LETTER TO THE EDITOR
Letters to the Editor: E-mail to firstname.lastname@example.org.
Please provide your name, city and telephone number (telephone numbers will not be published).
Letters of about 200 words or videos of 30-seconds
each will be given preference. Letters will be edited for length, grammar and clarity.
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<urn:uuid:5c803a6d-31db-42d4-a9a1-81c36b95d446>
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
|
http://www.ocregister.com/opinion/government-351378-american-nation.html
|
2013-05-18T17:40:45Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368696382584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516092622-00003-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.957699
| 971
|
Neutral point of view
Neutral point of view or Objectivity is a significant principle of journalistic professionalism, especially in the United Kingdom and United States. Journalistic objectivity can refer to fairness, disinterestedness, factuality, and nonpartisanship, but most often encompasses all of these qualities. Advocacy journalism is one alternative to objective journalism.
Journalists and the public often tend to identify objectivity in its absence. Few journalists would make a claim to total neutrality or impartiality. However, most strive toward a certain modicum of detachment from their own personal biases in their news work. In Discovering the News (1978), sociologist Michael Schudson argues that "the belief in objectivity is a faith in 'facts,' a distrust in 'values,' and a commitment to their segregation." In the United States, an objective story is typically considered to be one that steers a middle path between two poles of political rhetoric. The tenets of objectivity are violated to the degree to which the story appears to favor one pole over the other.
According to some, it refers to the prevailing ideology of newsgathering and reporting that emphasizes eyewitness accounts of events, corroboration of facts with multiple sources and "balance." It also implies an institutional role for journalists as a fourth estate, a body that exists apart from government and large interest groups.
Others hold it should mean reporting things without bias, as if one just came to Earth from another planet and had no preconceived opinions about our behavior or ways. This form of journalism is rarely practiced, although some argue it would lead to radical changes in reporting. (See, for example, Noam Chomsky, and The Journalist from Mars).
Still others hold it to mean that journalists should have something like a neutral point of view, not taking a stand on any issues on which there is some disagreement. Instead, journalists are simply to report "both sides" of an issue. Some even extend this standard to the journalist's personal life, prohibiting them from getting involved in political activities, which necessarily requires taking a stand. For example, Washington Post executive editor Leonard Downie, Jr. has stated that the Post maintains a code of ethics that forbids reporters and editors from all "political activities" except voting. Downie himself goes even further and "decided to stop voting when [he] became the ultimate gatekeeper for what is published in the newspaper" .
Advocacy journalists and civic journalists criticize this last understanding of objectivity, arguing that it does a disservice to the public because it fails to attempt to find the truth. They also argue that such objectivity is nearly impossible to apply in practice — newspapers inevitably take a point of view in deciding what stories to cover, which to feature on the front page, and what sources they quote. Media critics such as Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky (1988) have described a propaganda model that they use to show how in practice such a notion of objectivity ends up heavily favoring the viewpoint of government and powerful corporations.
Another example of an objection to objectivity, according to communication scholar David Mindich (Just the Facts: How "Objectivity" Came to Define American Journalism, 1998), was the coverage that the major papers (most notably the New York Times) gave to the lynching of thousands of African Americans during the 1890s. News stories of the period often described with detachment the hanging, immolation and mutilation of men, women and children by mobs. Under the regimen of objectivity, news writers often attempted to balance these accounts by recounting the alleged transgressions of the victims that provoked the lynch mobs to fury. David Mindich argues that this may have had the effect of normalizing the practice of lynching.
Some argue that a more appropriate standard should be fairness and accuracy (as enshrined in the names of groups like Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting). Under this standard, taking sides on an issue would be permitted as long as the side taken was accurate and the other side was given a fair chance to respond. Many professionals believe that true objectivity in journalism is not possible and reporters must seek balance in their stories (giving all sides their respective points of view), which fosters fairness.
Notable departures from objective news work include the muckraking of Ida Tarbell and Lincoln Steffens, the New Journalism of Tom Wolfe and Hunter S. Thompson, the underground press of the 1960s, and public journalism.
The term objectivity was not applied to journalistic work until the 20th century, but it had fully emerged as a guiding principle by the 1890s. A number of communication scholars and historians agree that the idea of "objectivity" has prevailed as a dominant discourse among journalists in the United States since the appearance of modern newspapers in the Jacksonian Era of the 1830s. The rise of objectivity in journalistic method is also rooted in the scientific positivism of the 19th century, as professional journalism of the late 19th century borrowed parts of its worldview from various scientific disciplines of the day.
Some historians, like Gerald Baldasty, have observed that "objectivity" went hand in hand with the need to make profits in the newspaper business by selling advertising. Publishers did not want to offend any potential advertising customers and therefore encouraged news editors and reporters to strive to present all sides of an issue. In a similar vein, the rise of wire services and other cooperative arrangements forced journalists to produce more "middle of the road" stories that would be acceptable to newspapers of a variety of political persuasions.
Ben H. Bagdikian, especially in his book "The Media Monopoly," (1983) writes critically about the consequences of the rise of "objective journalism." (One sample can be found in an online excerpt: "Democracy and the Media" .")
Others have proposed a political explanation for the rise of objectivity, which occurred earlier in the United States than most other countries; scholars like Richard Kaplan have argued that political parties needed to lose their hold over the loyalties of voters and the institutions of government before the press could feel free to offer a nonpartisan, "impartial" account of news events. This change occurred following the critical election of 1896 and the subsequent Progressive reform era.
- Herman, Edward and Noam Chomsky. 1988. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon.
- Kaplan, Richard. 2002. Politics and the American Press: The Rise of Objectivity, 1865-1920. New York: Cambridge University Press.
- Mindich, David T. Z. 1998. Just the Facts: How “Objectivity” Came to Define American Journalism. New York: New York University Press.
- Schudson, Michael. 1978. Discovering the News: A Social History of American Newspapers. New York: Basic Books.
- Schudson, Michael. 1997. "The Sociology of News Production." In Social Meaning of News: A Text-Reader. Dan Berkowitz, ed. Pp. 7-22. Thousand Oaks: Sage.
There is no pharmaceutical or device industry support for this site and we need your viewer supported Donations | Editorial Board | Governance | Licensing | Disclaimers | Avoid Plagiarism | Policies
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://www.wikidoc.org/index.php/Neutral_point_of_view
|
2013-05-23T19:21:30Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368703728865/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516112848-00002-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.948628
| 1,481
|
Vitamin D surfaces as a news topic every few months. How much daily vitamin D should a person get? Is it possible to have too much of it? Is exposure to the sun, which is the body's natural way of producing vitamin D, the best option? Or do supplements suffice?
In the July 2010 issue of Endocrine Today, a monthly newspaper published by SLACK, Inc., to disseminate information about diabetes and endocrine disorders, Anthony Norman, a distinguished professor emeritus of biochemistry and biomedical sciences and an international expert on vitamin D, notes that half the people in North America and Western Europe get insufficient amounts of vitamin D.
"Elsewhere, it is worse," he says, "given that two-thirds of the people are vitamin D-insufficient or deficient. It is clear that merely eating vitamin D-rich foods is not adequate to solve the problem for most adults."
Currently, the recommended daily intake of vitamin D is 200 international units (IU) for people up to 50 years old; 400 IU for people 51 to 70 years old; and 600 IU for people over 70 years old.
"There is a wide consensus among scientists that the relative daily intake of vitamin D should be increased to 2,000 to 4,000 IU for most adults," Norman says. "A 2000 IU daily intake can be achieved by a combination of sunshine, food, supplements, and possibly even limited tanning exposure."
While there is now abundant data on vitamin D and its benefits, Norman believes there is room for more study.
"The benefits of more research on the topic justifies why this field of research deserves additional governmental funding," he says. "Already, several studies have reported substantial reductions in incidence of breast cancer, colon cancer and type 1 diabetes in association with adequate intake of vitamin D, the positive effect generally occurring within five years of initiation of adequate vitamin D intake."
Because vitamin D is found in very few foods naturally (e.g. fish, eggs and cod liver oil) other foods such as milk, orange juice, some yogurts and some breakfast foods are fortified with it. The fortification levels aim at about 400 IU per day.
Norman, who holds the title of Presidential Chair in Biochemistry-Emeritus, has been researching vitamin D for nearly 50 years. In 1967, his laboratory discovered that the vitamin is converted into a steroid hormone by the body. Two years later, his laboratory discovered the vitamin D receptor (or VDR), an essential receptor for the steroid hormone form of vitamin D that is present in more than 37 target organs of the body that respond biologically to the vitamin.
"There is now irrevocable evidence that receptors in the immune, pancreas, heart-cardiovascular, muscle and brain systems in the body generate biological responses to the steroid hormone form of vitamin D," he says.
Explore further: Systematic screening of med adherence will ID barriers
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<urn:uuid:e5766670-7563-41e7-9958-d555b3d9329e>
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CC-MAIN-2013-20
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http://phys.org/news198433925.html
|
2013-05-22T21:38:41Z
|
s3://commoncrawl/crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2013-20/segments/1368702448584/warc/CC-MAIN-20130516110728-00050-ip-10-60-113-184.ec2.internal.warc.gz
|
en
| 0.944984
| 593
|
The average American child will see more than 40,000 television commercials every year, as well as product placements on TV and in other forms of media, according to background information in the article. Studies have shown that advertising influences children's preferences and requests beginning at a young age. "Since parents control family budgets, child requests are important forces for family spending and may negatively impact interactions between parents and children," the authors write.
Lisa J. Chamberlain, M.D., M.P.H., and colleagues at the Stanford University School of Medicine, Palo Alto, Calif., evaluated the connection between screen media exposure and requests for advertised products in a group of 827 third-graders at 12 elementary schools in Northern California. Children who enrolled in the study were interviewed on two weekdays during the fall of their third-grade year (September to October 1999), and again in the spring of third grade, the fall of fourth grade and the spring of fourth grade. They were asked how much time they spent watching television, watching movies or videos on a VCR and playing video games during one or two days of the previous week. They also reported whether, in the past week, they had asked someone to buy them food, drinks or toys they had seen on television. If they said yes, researchers had them write the names of up to four specific products.
Overall, children in the study logged more than 22 hours of total screen time per week, including more than 10 hours of TV. They reported making about one request each week for toys and more than one request every two weeks for food or drinks. Children who watched more TV and had more overall screen time requested advertised toys and food or drinks more often than those with less TV and screen time. For every extra hour per day that children watched television at the beginning of the study, they made on average one extra request for an advertised food or drink every six to 13 weeks at the end of the study, seven to 20 weeks later. Likewise, every extra hour of total screen time resulted in approximately one additional request for advertised food or drink every 13 to 24 weeks and one extra request for an advertised toy every 12 to 18 weeks.
The findings suggest that aiming to reduce television and total screen time could benefit children's health and help fight the current epidemic of obesity, the authors report. "Our study contributes support that reducing children's exposure to screen media may reduce their requests for advertised food and drinks, which are predominantly high in calories and low in nutritional density," they write.
"The current study does document that screen media exposure is a true prospective risk factor for subsequent consumeristic behavior, adding to the evidence supporting behavioral and policy interventions to reduce children's exposure to screen media and advertising, whether implemented at the individual family level, institutional level or the population level through legislation and changes in social norms," they conclude.
(Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med. 2006;160:363-368. Available pre-embargo to the media at www.jamamedia.org.)
Editor's Note: This study was supported in part by a grant from the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, Bethesda, Md.
AAAS and EurekAlert! are not responsible for the accuracy of news releases posted to EurekAlert! by contributing institutions or for the use of any information through the EurekAlert! system.
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The Book of Escomb
Things you find in Church
The Escombe Textile
Links for Escombe Saxon Church
How did you hear about Escombe Saxon Church
A font is a basin for the Holy water used in a baptism (christening), a ceremony of sprinkling water on a person’s (baby’s) forehead or of totally immersing the person in water. Baptism symbolises purification or regeneration and admission into the Christian church.
The octagonal font at Escombe is at least 800 years old but could be much older. It has been carved out of a single piece of sandstone and may have been part of a Roman fountain. In late Saxon times it was the custom for babies to be totally immersed in the Holy water in the font but earlier than this, adult baptism was the usual ceremony. This could be by total immersion in a place such as the nearby river or by standing in the font, which would have been on the floor in those days.
The water in the font, which was changed once a year, was blessed at the service on Easter Sunday to be used throughout the rest of the year.
In the 13th century, the Archbishop of York ordered that fonts should be locked. This was to prevent people stealing the baptismal water and using it for superstitious practices e.g. to counteract the effects of a neighbour’s curse or a witch’s spell. The problem was what to do with the unused Holy water the following Easter. It could not be thrown away as a witch hiding in the churchyard might catch it to use for spells. It had to stay in Holy ground.
The nave is the main part of the church building where people sit for services.
The chancel is the part of the church containing the altar and seats for the clergy (priests, vicars, ministers) and choir. It is separated from the nave by steps or a screen.
|The sanctuary is the most sacred part of the church and is where the altar is.
Because Escombe Saxon Church was built to a very simple plan, the sanctuary and chancel are the same place, separated from the nave by a step and the chancel arch. The arch is thought to have been re-assembled from a Roman arch, brought with the rest of the stone from Binchester. The original arch was probably much lower, having all the upright stones horizontal. This wouldn’t look right in such a tall building, so the Saxons put alternate stones on end to make it higher. It is a typical Anglo-Saxon arrangement, the first of its type and has been named ‘Escombe Fashion’ after this arch and is still called so by architects today.
|The table in the sanctuary in a Christian church at which the bread and wine are consecrated in communion services.|
These are the consecrated elements (bread and wine) of the Eucharist. They are used in the service of Holy Communion, commemorating the Last Supper (before Jesus was arrested) in which bread and wine are consecrated (made sacred) and consumed. The bread and wine represent the body and blood of Christ.
The lectern is a reading stand with a sloping top. It is tall enough for people to stand to read lessons from the Bible or to preach a sermon (a talk given by the priest or minister during the service.)
A sign signifying the Christian religion.
The stone cross behind the altar is probably older than the church and may have formed part of a preaching cross or grave cover. It is a ‘green cross’ or ‘living cross’ with rose-like flowers growing from it.
There is a ‘consecration cross’ cut into the stonework behind the lectern. We must remember that the stone for Escombe Church came from a Roman fort so when the church was finished, it needed to be consecrated (made sacred as a holy building.) There were originally 5 consecration crosses, the one behind the lectern and one on each corner of the church outside. Now only one of the outside crosses can still be seen.
This page has been visited times.
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Behind the buzz and beyond the hype:
Our Nanowerk-exclusive feature articles
Posted: Oct 11th, 2006
Molecular automaton plays tic-tac-toe
(Nanowerk Spotlight) DNA computing is a form of computing which uses DNA and molecular biology instead of the traditional silicon-based computer technologies. Molecular computation is currently focused on building molecular networks analogous to electrical engineering designs. These networks consist of logic gates, which perform Boolean logical operations such as AND, NOT, and OR on one or more inputs to produce an output. While individual molecular gates and small networks have previously been constructed, these gates are yet to be integrated at higher levels of complexity. Such integration in electrical engineering arises from massive parallelism and interconnections, rather than fundamental component complexity. The ability to truly integrate molecular components remains crucial for the construction of next-generation molecular devices. Researchers have now succeeded in building a medium- scale integrated molecular circuit, integrating 128 deoxyribozyme-based logic gates, 32 input DNA molecules, and 8 two-channel fluorescent outputs across 8 wells.
Automata are self-operating machines, or robots, that are able to analyze a series of "inputs" in a meaningful fashion. Researchers at Columbia University and the University of New Mexico are exploring DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) as a medium for building automata on a molecular scale.
"The significance of this is similar to the significance of early silicon chips and semi-conductors" says Joanne Macdonald, a virologist and molecular biologist in the Division of Experimental Therapeutics and Clinical Pharmacology, Department of Medicine, Columbia University. "By using these integrated gates to play tic-tac-toe we show that large-scale, higher level, computing using molecular logic gates is now a reality, and that even larger molecular computers are feasible."
Game playing is often used as an unbiased test of new computation media. Macdonald and her colleagues have focused on tic-tac-toe: one of the simplest games of perfect information, and yet a surprisingly complex combinatorial problem, with 2.65 x 10103 non-losing strategies for a complete version of tic-tac-toe.
A representative game. Inputs were added in sequence into each well to signal the human players move. Results are expressed as the slope of signal increase over time (dF min-1). (Source: Joanne Macdonald)
Macdonald explained to Nanowerk that they previously constructed a deoxyribozyme-based molecular automaton (MAYA, a molecular array of YES and AND gates) that plays a simplified symmetry-pruned game of tic-tac-toe encompassing 19 permissible game plays, using an array of 23 logic gates distributed over 8 wells.
"We now report the development of the first solution-phase molecular assembly comprising over 100 molecular logic gates, which more than quadruples the complexity performed by any previous system" says Macdonald. "Expanding from our original automaton, MAYA-II is a second generation molecular automaton capable of playing a complete game of tic-tac-toe against a human opponent, and encompasses 76 permissible game plays."
The success of MAYA-II indicates the maturity of deoxyribozyme-based logic gates as a plug and play integrated system. The increased complexity of MAYA-II has enabled refinement of this logic gate model, allowing the development of design principles for optimizing digital gate behavior and the generation of a library of known input sequences.
The researchers point out that they do not expect MAYA to compete with silicon computing. The speed of the reaction is comparatively slow - with MAYA-II taking 30 minutes between each move. However, MAYA-II has significant advantages over silicon computing in several applications where speed is not paramount. In particularly, the logic gates work in solution, and will be useful for any computing required to be performed in fluids – such as in a sample of blood or in the body, where decisions could be made at the level of a single cell.
"Moreover" Macdonald says, "since our gates are made of DNA, we expect them to be extremely useful in oligonucleotide analysis. The ability to detect and analyze combinations of multiple DNA sequences within minutes has direct applications in microarray style diagnostics. Based on MAYA-II, we are currently developing several systems for multiplex SNP (single nucleotide polymorphism) detection and viral lineage attribution."
The versatility of the input and output system allows coupling of logic gate processing to both upstream and downstream events, such as the detection and release of small molecules and the inhibition of enzymatic activity.
"We are investigating the depth to which serial connectivity can be achieved and are considering a reset function to allow gates to perform multiple tasks" says Macdonald. "These developments should allow for the application of deoxyribozyme logic gate technology in bidirectional signaling events and pave the way for the next generation of fully autonomous molecular devices."
The researchers envisage several more versions of MAYA. They are planning to develop "trainable" automata that can play any tic-tac-toe strategy, and MAYA versions that only require input to be added into the well the human player chooses, with a series of cascades sending the signal for responses in other wells. They would also like to develop a colorimetric output system where moves are displayed in a more visually appealing manner that is visible to the naked eye.
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condors (Gymnogyps californianus) are
the largest flying land bird in North America.
Condors are members of New World vultures,
Family Cathartidae, and are opportunistic
scavengers that feed primarily on large dead
mammals such as deer, elk, bighorn sheep,
range cattle, and horses. Condors have a
wingspan of 9 ½ feet, and can weigh up to
25 pounds as adults. Using thermal updrafts,
condors can soar and glide up to 50 miles
per hour and travel 100 miles or more per
day in search of food. California condors
are not sexually dimorphic like a majority
of raptors, i.e., males and females are identical
in size and plumage. Adult condors are primarily
black except for bleach white feathers in
a triangle-shape pattern beneath their wings
(underwing covert feathers). These patches
are highly visible when condors are flying
overhead and are a key identification characteristic.
Adult condors have pinkish-orange featherless
heads, ivory colored bills, and the sclera
of the eye is red. Juvenile condors are also
mostly black with underwing coverts that
are mottled gray in color also but triangular
shaped like adults. Juvenile condors have
dark colored heads until they are about 3
to 4 years old when the head starts to turn
pink. The juvenile bill is black and changes
to an ivory as the bird matures.
Condors are long-lived species with low reproductive rates. They can live
up to 60 years in the wild, and become sexually mature at six or seven
years of age. Condors mate for life and females lay a single egg, about
five inches in length and weighing around 10 ounces, every other year.
Male and female condors share incubation shifts. Condors are cavity-nesting
birds. Most nest sites have been found in caves, on rock ledges, or in
tree cavities. Condors do not build nests; instead, the egg is deposited
on the floor of the cave, ledge, or tree. The egg hatches after about 56
days of incubation and both parents share responsibilities for feeding
the nestling by regurgitation. Young condors fledge at five to six months
of age, but may stay in the nesting area for up to one year.
In prehistoric times, condors ranged from Canada to Mexico, across the
southern United States to Florida, and on the east coast in New York. During
this period, condors were a common resident of the Grand Canyon based on
bones, feathers and eggshells found in caves where they nested. A dramatic
range reduction occurred about 10,000 years ago, coinciding with the late
Pleistocene extinction of large mammals such as mastodon, giant sloth,
camels, and saber-toothed cats that condors fed on. By the time Europeans
arrived in western North America, condors had retreated to a stronghold
along the Pacific coast from British Columbia to Baja California. The birds
managed to maintain a strong population perhaps due to large sea mammals
that washed upon shore, however, the settlement of the west, shooting,
poisoning from lead and DDT, egg collecting, and general habitat degradation
began to take a heavy toll. Between the mid- 1880s and 1924, there were
scattered reports of condors in Arizona with the last sighting near Williams
Arizona in 1924. By the late 1930s, all remaining condors were found only
in California and by 1982, the total population had dwindled to just 22
birds. The only hope was to begin captive breeding of California condors
and to initiate reintroduction of the species. Reintroduction of captive
bred condors began in 1992 in California, and 1996 in Arizona.
| In order
to be downlisted from Endangered to Threatened,
The Recovery Goals of the California Condor
Program are as follows:
Maintenance of at least 2 wild populations
Maintenance of one captive population
Each population must:
at least 150 individuals
contain at least 15 breeding pairs
reproductively self sustaining
a positive rate of population growth
Non-captive populations must:
spatially disjunct and non-interacting
descendents from each of the 14 founders
cavity-nesting species that require caves,
ledges, or large trees in order to nest.
High perches are necessary for roosting,
as well as to create the strong updrafts
required for lift into flight. Open grasslands
or savannahs are important to condors while
searching for food. In Arizona, condors are
found at elevations between 2,000-8,000 feet,
and the reintroduction site is located in
the northern part of the state on Vermilion
The Vermilion cliffs are rugged sandstone cliffs located on public land
administered by the Bureau of Land Management. These cliffs are located
on the Paria Plateau and provide the necessary remoteness, ridges, ledges,
and caves favored by condors. The Paria Plateau is typified by Great Basin
Conifer Woodland, dominated by juniper (Juniperus spp.) and pinyon (Pinus
spp.) Great Basin Desertscrub occurs along the Vermilion Cliffs and is
dominated by sagebrush (Artemisia spp.) and rabbitbrush (Chrysothamnus
spp.). Species diversity is low, with shrubs occurring more frequently
than woodland or forest.
distribution is limited to three major reintroduction
sites. These include reserves in California
located in Ventura, Santa Barbara, Kern,
Monterey and San Luis Obispo counties. In
northern Arizona, condors are located primarily
near the Vermilion cliffs and Grand Canyon.
A third reintroduction area was added in
2002, which is located in a remote area of
Baja California, Mexico.
To view the condor release site in Arizona, drive north on Highway 89 out
of Flagstaff, Arizona. Turn left onto Highway 89A toward Jacob Lake and
the North Rim of the Grand Canyon. Drive approximately 40 miles (past Marble
Canyon, Vermilion Cliffs, and Cliff Dwellers), turn right onto House Rock
Valley Road (BLM Road 1065) just past the House Rock Valley Chain Up Area.
Travel approximately 2-3 miles to a condor kiosk and shaded viewing area
right. Atop the cliffs to your east is the location where condors are released,
and a good place to see condors year round. In winter months, condors frequent
the Colorado River corridor near Marble Canyon and in summer months, condors
are seen frequently at the South Rim of the Grand Canyon.
condors are one of the most endangered
birds in the world. They were placed on
the federal endangered species list in
1967. In Arizona, reintroduction was conducted
under a special provision of the Endangered
Species Act that allows for the designation
of a nonessential experimental population.
Under this designation (referred to as
the 10(j) rule) the protections for an
endangered species are relaxed, providing
greater flexibility for management of a
a result of the continued downward spiral
of the condor population in the 1980's,
one of the longest wildlife recovery efforts
ever attempted began. The U.S. Fish and
Wildlife Service began a captive breeding
program in 1980, teaming with the Los Angeles
Zoo and the San Diego Wild Animal Park.
In 1987, a controversial decision was made
to bring all remaining condors (22 individuals)
into captivity and the last wild bird was
captured on April 19, 1987.
All hope for condor recovery was now
placed on captive breeding programs,
and the task
was formidable. Because recruitment into
the population is very low, captive breeding
techniques were developed in which eggs
are removed as they are laid, usually
the captive condors to lay a second and
sometimes third egg. The extra eggs
are incubated and chicks are raised
using a hand puppet shaped like a parent
condor head. The puppet prevents the
condors from imprinting on people. Condor
chicks that are not raised by puppets,
raised by their parent birds. As a result
of captive breeding, condor populations
have increased dramatically from 22 birds
in 1987 to more than 270 birds in 2005.
Numbers (updated March 2011)
Captive bred condors were released back
into the wild in California beginning in
January 1992. Today, about 100 condors fly
free in designated California sanctuaries.
With recovery going well in California,
management efforts turned to the establishment
of a second geographically separate condor
population in Arizona. This effort would
offer insurance against loss of the species
through a single catastrophic event, and
return condors to an additional portion
of its historic range. Beginning in 1985,
discussions began in The Arizona Game and
Fish Department's Nongame Branch to determine
the feasibility of reintroducing California
condors in Arizona. By 1989, potential release
sites were being surveyed and regular scoping
meetings with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service had begun. In 1994, The Vermilion
Cliffs were identified as the best release
Reintroduction efforts were now in high
gear in Arizona, and another major project
partner joined; The Peregrine Fund, a private,
non-profit conservation organization headquartered
in Boise, Idaho. In 1993, The Peregrine
Fund was selected to conduct the on-the-ground
releases, daily monitoring and feeding of
condors, and provide a third captive breeding
facility. Other cooperators included the
Utah Department of Natural Resources, the
Phoenix, Los Angeles and San Diego Zoos,
the Hualapai Tribe, the Navajo Nation, Glen
Canyon National Recreation Area, Grand Canyon
National Park and the Kaibab National Forest.
Also involved were Parker Dairy, Rovey Dairy,
and Mountain Shadows Dairy that donated
stillborn calves for condor food.
In October 1996 six birds were transferred
from captive breeding facilities to an acclimation
pen on top of the Vermilion Cliffs. Before
release each condor was fitted with two
radio transmitters and individual number
tags. Transmitters and number tags were
affixed to the patagium (a section of skin
and tendons that lies along the leading
edge of the wing) of each condor's wing.
On December 12, 1996 six condors were released
atop the Vermilion cliffs. This was the
first time condors had been seen in Arizona
since the early 1900's.
Since December of 1996, program personnel
have soft-released approximately 6-10 birds
per year. Each condor carries two radio
transmitters (conventional and/or satellite
transmitters) and are monitored daily by
up to 10 field biologists. There are now
over 70 condors flying free in Arizona.
try to approach or feed condors. Use
binoculars and spotting scopes to observe
condors from a distance.
stop, excessively slow down, or view
condors on Highway 89A. Use pullouts
along the road to search for and view
observe anyone harassing or harming
a condor, immediately call:
The Arizona Game and Fish Department:(928) 774-5045
The Peregrine Fund: (928) 355-2270
Bureau of Land Management: (435) 688-3200
The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service: (602) 640-2720
Grand Canyon National Park:(928) 638-7779
Status of the Arizona program:
daily monitoring of condors.
2) Addition of more satellite and GPS transmitters.
3) Expansion of the 10(j) area.
4) Establish a medical treatment facility near the release site.
5) Continued education programs on condor reintroduction.
California Condor Project Coordinator
3500 South Lake Mary Road
Flagstaff, AZ 86001
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Documentary Celebrating Important Anniversary Raises Awareness for Hemophilia B
Hemophilia is a type of bleeding disorder that causes the blood to take a long time to clot, and occurs almost exclusively in males. People with hemophilia B have a deficiency in clotting factor IX, a specific protein in the blood.1 According to the World Federation of Hemophilia, approximately one in 50,000 people globally2 have hemophilia B, including nearly 4,110 people living with hemophilia B in the U.S.3
People with hemophilia face specific risks and need to be careful not to cause injury to their bodies, as injuries can prompt a bleed. Bleeding in hemophilia can be potentially life-threatening. While people with hemophilia do not bleed faster than people without hemophilia, they do tend to bleed longer because of their inability to clot, increasing their risk of internal injury.1
In the last century alone, the treatment of hemophilia has undergone many changes. In the 1950s, plasma was first used to treat people with hemophilia. 4 In the 1960s, researchers began experimenting with concentrates of factor, 4 and in the early 1990s, the first recombinant factor products became available. 4 Innovations continue to be explored in the manufacturing and purification processes of hemophilia treatments.
A documentary, titled “Pushing Boundaries: How Science Impacted the Treatment of Hemophilia B” presents a brief history of hemophilia B treatment and tells the story of the development of recombinant factor IX and the approval of BeneFIX® Coagulation Factor IX (Recombinant). BeneFIX is a recombinant coagulation factor IX product indicated for the control, prevention and perioperative management of bleeding episodes in adult and pediatric patients with hemophilia B. BeneFIX received FDA fast track approval in the U.S. on February 11, 1997. This year, BeneFIX celebrates its 15th anniversary.
The documentary also features interviews with researchers and hemophilia B patients, while illustrating the innovative science brought forth by researchers in developing BeneFIX.
BeneFIX was developed by Genetics Institute (now Pfizer) in Andover, Massachusetts, at a time when few people had ever manufactured and formulated a recombinant protein clotting factor. The development of BeneFIX pioneered many of the recombinant protein drug production techniques commonly used today. BeneFIX is currently marketed in 34 countries and has been used by more than 30,000 patients worldwide.5
Hemophilia B patient Phil H. began using BeneFIX following its approval in 1997. Patients like Phil and other members of the hemophilia B community have provided feedback over the years that has not only contributed to the development of BeneFIX, but also to its latest product offerings. These offerings include the development of the Rapid Reconstitution (R2) kit, the ability to store at room temperature, and the 3000 IU dosage strength.
“Growing up, it was challenging to deal with my bleeds,” said Phil. “I’m thankful that my voice and the voice of patients like me was heard.”
For more information about BeneFIX and to view the documentary, please visit www.benefix.com. To learn more about hemophilia B, please visit www.benefix.com.
BeneFIX is an injectable medicine that is used to help control and prevent bleeding in people with hemophilia B. Hemophilia B is also called congenital factor IX deficiency or Christmas disease.
BeneFIX is NOT used to treat hemophilia A.
Important Safety Information for BeneFIX
- BeneFIX is contraindicated in patients who have manifested life-threatening, immediate hypersensitivity reactions, including anaphylaxis, to the product or its components, including hamster protein.
- Call your health care provider right away if your bleeding is not controlled after using BeneFIX.
- Allergic reactions may occur with BeneFIX. Call your health care provider or get emergency treatment right away if you have any of the following symptoms: wheezing, difficulty breathing, chest tightness, your lips and gums turning blue, fast heartbeat, facial swelling, faintness, rash or hives.
- Your body can make antibodies, called “inhibitors,” which may interfere with the effectiveness of BeneFIX.
- If you have risk factors for developing blood clots, such as a venous catheter through which BeneFIX is given by continuous infusion, BeneFIX may increase the risk of abnormal blood clots. The safety and efficacy of BeneFIX administration by continuous infusion have not been established.
- Some common side effects of BeneFIX are nausea, injection site reaction, injection site pain, headache, dizziness and rash.
Please see full Prescribing Information for BeneFIX available at www.benefix.com.
1 National Heart Lung and Blood Institute. “What is Hemophilia.” Accessed 5 March 2012. Available at http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/health/health-topics/topics/hemophilia/
2 World Federation of Hemophilia. “Frequently Asked Questions.” Accessed 28 June 2012. Available at http://www.wfh.org/en/page.aspx?pid=637
3 Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “Summary Report of UDC Activity, National Patient Demographics (Hemophilia).” Accessed 11 July 2012. Available at https://www2a.cdc.gov/ncbddd/htcweb/UDC_Report/UDC_Report.asp
4 National Hemophilia Foundation. “History of Bleeding Disorders.” Accessed 5 August 2012. Available at http://www.hemophilia.org/NHFWeb/MainPgs/MainNHF.aspx?menuid=178&contentid=6
5Periodic Safety Update Report #19. Worldwide Marketing Authorization Status.
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- Many birds bred in captivity are hand-reared. Hand-rearing allows a
greater number of birds to be reared (initial clutches may be removed and hand-reared,
with the birds re-laying). The abnormal rearing environment may, however adversely
affect later behaviour. One potential problem is that birds reared in an abnormal
environment may not themselves exhibit normal parental behaviour as adults.
- A well-recognised problem, of more concern in some species than in
others, is that hand-reared birds may become imprinted on humans and not later recognise
their conspecifics as appropriate mates. This is less likely to occur if the birds are
reared alongside others of their own species. If reared together with chicks of another
species, they may preferentially mate with that species.
- Hand-reared birds may be less wary than parent-reared birds. This may be
useful or detrimental depending on the circumstances. It may increase vulnerability to
predation in birds intended for release, but may be useful in producing birds which are
less stressed in a captive situation, and therefore more likely to breed: this may be very
important in breeding endangered species.
- Hand-rearing also requires suitable equipment in the form of brooder
boxes, runs, heat lamps etc. and requires a considerable input of time and effort. Not all
species are easy to hand-rear and some require considerable experience and expertise.
- Hand rearing has the advantages of allowing good control over temperature
and food availability.
- Success with rearing, particularly of duck species, may be greatly increased with
hand-rearing. Losses due to predation and abandonment, in particular, may be decreased.
- Once downies have hatched and dried, they should be transferred from the hatching
incubator to a heated broody box. Broody boxes should have solid sides and a mesh top to
prevent active birds from jumping or climbing out.
- The most common method of providing heat is by an infra-red heat lamp. This is
usually suspended over the brooder box by means of a chain, allowing the lamp to be raised
or lowered as required to adjust the temperature inside the box. Incandescent bulbs may
also be used to provide heat, but are more vulnerable if knocked or splashed with water
(and may shatter), and do not allow for a period of darkness, which is important for all
except Arctic-breeding waterfowl.
- A thermal gradient should be present from directly under the lamp (warmest) to
the far end of the box, allowing the downies to chose for themselves the most comfortable
area. A sturdy thermometer may be placed inside the box to monitor the temperature, which
should initially be about 90-99F (32.2-37.2C) directly under the lamp, reducing to 65-70F
(18.3-21.1C) (or ambient temperature if higher) by about three weeks old.
- N.B. thermometer temperatures are a useful guide, but
behavioural monitoring should be used also: if the downies are all underneath the
lamp and huddling together, they are too cold and the lamp needs to be lowered. If they
are staying in the far corners of the box, as far away from the lamp as possible, panting
and appearing stressed, they are too hot and the lamp needs to be raised.
Substrate and Cleaning:
- Suitable substrates for young waterfowl should stay dry to avoid wetting and
chilling and a non-slip surface is preferred to avoid splay-leg. Newspaper is not very
suitable as it quickly becomes sodden and is also slippery when dry. Towels may be used
initially but quickly become soiled and wet. Hay and straw should be avoided as they may
be a source of Aspergillus spp. spores. Wood shavings, hay, straw and paper might
be eaten, which may lead to Impaction.
Rubber mats with a stippled surface have been used successfully, as has synthetic turf.
Plastic-covered weldmesh or stiff plastic mesh on a frame may be used and has the
advantage that spilled feed, water and droppings can fall though to a gutter area
underneath to be washed away. Good hygiene is very important and brooder boxes should be
cleaned daily to avoid bacterial and fungal growth and associated diseases.
- There are two main approaches to the provision of water for downy waterfowl.
Downies may be kept with full access to water for swimming from the first or second day.
In such conditions it is important to watch the birds carefully for the first few days and
ensure they are kept warm and dry when out of the water, as there is a risk of the birds
becoming too wet with resultant Chilling. It
is particularly important for the diving ducks (especially seaducks and stifftails) to
have access to water for swimming and diving from an early age (B29).
- Alternatively, downies may be maintained with only drinking water, provided in
small vessels or in shallow bowls partially filled with stones to prevent swimming; this
may be safer and requires less constant watching, and is often used for dabbling ducks and
geese, particularly for small delicate duck species. The amount of water is gradually
increased to allow paddling, and full access to water is allowed only after the first full
plumage of contour feathers has grown.
- If full water access is provided from an early age, a constant flow with
surface-level drainage should be used, and an area of stippled rubber matting or mesh must
be provided under the brooder lamp.
- If waterfowl have been reared without full access to water they must be watched
carefully when first let onto water as they may become water-logged and sink (see:
they are also at greater risk of Chilling
until the first plumage has become waterproof.
- Food should be provided once the birds are out of the hatcher. For most species
which normally peck at food, dry crumbs or small pellets may be provided in a bowl close
to water. For species which would sieve their food, food should be finely ground and made
up into a wet slurry. Initially, crumbs with a protein level of 19-20% may be given, with
this being changed to pellets of about 15-16% from two to three weeks old onwards. Fine
grit should also be provided.
- Some waterfowl are difficult to get feeding initially, and may fail to gain
weight and die, usually during their second week (see: Starveout). A
variety of techniques have been developed to encourage waterfowl downies to feed; see:
Stimulating Feeding of
- N.B. It is important to ensure that downies are actually eating,
not just appearing to eat. Daily weighing is a useful indication, although weights
normally decreases in the first two or three days as the yolk sac is absorbed. Careful
observation is required to ensure that food is actually being ingested, and tube feeding
may be required for some very difficult birds which are slow to begin to feed.
- For goslings and other grazing species access to growing grass (i.e. turf, not
just cut grass) is important.
- The number of hours of light provided should mimic the normal daylight hours of
the natural environment where the birds are reared. In the case or Arctic-breeding geese,
this would be constant daylight. Tropical species may be best maintained on a cycle of 13
hours daylight, 11 hours dark, while temperate species require something in between, such
as 16 hours of light, 8 hours dark. Temperate species given too many hours of daylight are
prone to overfeeding, with the attendant risk of the development of Angel Wing.
- Young waterfowl should be given access to an outside run in suitable weather as
young as possible, and may normally be moved outside at least in daytime by as early as
one to two weeks old, depending on the weather.
- The run should be placed on clean short grass in an area not used by waterfowl
(adults or juveniles) the previous year.
- Runs should provide sunny areas (weather permitting) and shade to avoid
sunstroke/heatstroke, and should be designed to exclude mice. Thought should be given to
the fact that the direction of the sun moves during the day, so that a board giving
adequate shade in the morning may need to be moved in order to continue to provide shade
later in the day.
- The young birds should be shut away at night until the down is being replaced by
the first proper feathers. Depending on climate, some heat may be required at night at
- Until birds are both fully feathered and waterproof it is advisable to ensure
that either the birds are shut in at night or the whole run is covered at night, to avoid
the risk of birds becoming soaked during a nightime downpour.
- Once fully feathered, juveniles may be placed in larger pens, with a good-sized
pool. At this stage, birds which have previously been maintained off water must be watched
and may need to be dried if they become to wet; waterproofing usually develops properly
within a couple of days. These pens should provide sun, dry spots for resting and shelter
from rain, as well as areas in sunshine.
- Ideally, birds are raised in broods of the same age and species. Juveniles of
different species but the same age and size may be reared together also; however some
birds reared with a different species may be prone to choose a bird of the wrong species
as a mate when adult. Every effort should be made to avoid rearing a youngster
without other waterfowl for company (except for Biziura
lobata - Musk duck ducklings).
B7, B13.46.w1, B29,
B41, B95, B97,
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2013-06-19T14:24:45Z
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An important feature of the 12-pack sampling system is that every 12-pack carries a log of sampling time, position and, when available, temperature and relative humidity. This means that once the flask has been analyzed for greenhouse gases, carbon isotopes, halocarbons and hydrocarbons the measurement value can be immediately recorded in the database and compared with surrounding sites and previous profiles.
For a good portion of the aircraft dataset a global positioning system (GPS) was not available. Without GPS the sampling time was derived from the individual 12-pack. To ensure that the 12-pack time closely matched the Greenwich Meridian Time (GMT) each 12-pack clock was reset before being shipped from Boulder to the site. Because the internal battery of the data logger was sensitive to being stored at low temperatures (<0C), times have been corrected manually based on the date and time of flight according to pilot records. In April 2006 a procedure was initiated to record the difference in time between the 12-pack clock and GMT when the 12-pack was returned to Boulder after a sampling flight. For more than 99% of the 12-packs returned to Boulder the offset has not been greater than 6 minutes. For the remaining 1% of samples collected, the offset after being manually corrected is likely to be less than 2 hours between the 12-pack clock and GMT.
For flights where the GPS was not available, the ground position and altitudes have been inferred from the original sample plan specific to each site (site list). Unless a pilot reported having been unable to reach a sampling location or altitude for a specified region, it is assumed that the original sampling plan has been followed. Because a typical profile is done by flying to the maximum altitude at the latitude and longitude of the sampling site followed by a slow downward spiral, leveling off at each sampling altitude, it is expected that the samples are taken within 0.1 degrees of the site location. GPS data collected more recently confirm this to be the case. It is also assumed that the pilots have used aircraft altimeters or pressure altitude to guide their sampling. Above 18,000 feet (5486 m) the pressure altitude is based on the American Standard Atmosphere (ASA, Sissenwine et al.), which assumes a constant sea level pressure of 101.325 kPa and constant lapse rate of 6.5 C/km up to 11,000 m. Below 5486 m the pressure altitude is determined using a sea level pressure, which varies with time and space and a constant lapse rate of 6.5 C/km. The local sea level pressure is estimated by ground control based on a local pressure measurement and an altitude correction, which assumes a lapse rate of 6.5 C/km down to sea level.
Although all sites now have GPS, much of the dataset described assumes that the pilot was guided by the sample plan and altitude measured by altimeter. To correct pressure altitude to geopotential height, we have utilized the NAM (Eta) Data Assimilation System (EDAS) (http://www.nco.ncep.noaa.gov/pmb/products/) for sites in the continental U.S., and the global NCAR/NCEP reanalysis (http://dss.ucar.edu/pub/reanalysis/) for sites outside the continental U.S. (PFA, RTA, HAA, ULB) to derive the geopotential height. For each sample the ambient pressure is derived based on the target altitude and standard FAA protocol for altimeters. Using the EDAS or global dataset, the ambient pressure is converted into geopotential height. Below 5486 m, the local sea level pressure is also derived from local ground pressure from EDAS and local ground elevation. This method was tested using two years of data at the Carr, CO site (CAR). As expected the pressure altitude was as much as 600 m below the GPS measured altitude during the hotter summer days; the offset increased with altitude. Below 5486 m the average offset between the pressure altitude and GPS was -80±80 m (Figure 1a). After the correction was made the offset was 8±27 m suggesting that the derived geopotential height was not significantly different from the measured (GPS) height (Figure 1b). Above 5486 m, the mean offset between the pressure altitude and GPS was 220±150 m. By using the meteorological re-analysis the offset between estimated and measured altitude was 7±21 m. Although there is less GPS data at other sites, similar trends have been documented when the GPS data can be compared with estimated altitude derived from pressure altitude and reanalysis data. This altitude correction has only been made to data with a sample date on or after January 1, 2004.
Figures 1a & 1b. Comparison between sampling plan pressure altitudes and GPS position. a) illustrates difference before altimeter heights were corrected by re-analysis data and b) figure illustrates variability (colored by month) in offset after corrections made by re-analysis data. Text illustrates the average offset between 2000masl and 5400masl and between 5400masl and 8500masl.
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2013-05-23T05:30:08Z
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Fish tapeworm infection
Diphyllobothriasis is an infection from a fish tapeworm.
The fish tapeworm (Diphyllobothrium latum), is the largest parasite that infects humans. Humans become infected when they eat raw or undercooked freshwater fish that contain tapeworm cysts.
The infection is seen in many areas where humans eat uncooked or undercooked fish from rivers or lakes. Diphyllobothriasis is seen in Eastern Europe, North and South America, African countries in which freshwater fish are eaten, and in some Asian countries.
After a person has eaten infected fish, the larva begin to grow in the intestine. They are fully grown in 3 - 6 weeks. The adult worm, which is segmented, may reach a length of 30 feet. Eggs are formed in each segment of the worm and are passed in the stool. Occasionally, parts of the worm may also be passed in the stool.
King CH. Cestode infections. In: Goldman L, Ausiello D, eds. Cecil Medicine. 23rd ed. Philadelphia, Pa: Saunders Elsevier; 2007:chap 375.
© 2011 University of Maryland Medical Center (UMMC). All rights reserved.
UMMC is a member of the University of Maryland Medical System,
22 S. Greene Street, Baltimore, MD 21201. TDD: 1-800-735-2258 or 1.866.408.6885
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Bisecting a Line Segment The instructor uses an electronic chalkboard to demonstrate how to bisect a line segment. One example is modeled using astep by step approach to walk the learner through the process of bisecting the line segment by using a compass and ruler.
The instructor uses an electronic chalkboard to demonstrate how to bisect a line segment. One example is modeled using astep by step approach to walk the learner through the process of bisecting the line segment by using a compass and ruler.
Constructing a Line Segment
This video explains how to construct a line segment. When constructing a line segment, we use a compass and straightedge to first draw a ray or line and then a point that will serve as an endpoint of the new segment. Next, we measure the given segment with a compass and make a mark with the pencil end. Without changing the spacing of the compass, place the sharp end of the compass on the point drawn on the new line/ray, and make a mark on the line/ray. This is our line segment.(2:02)
Constructing a Perpendicular Bisector
When looking at a line segment, there is only one line that will pass through the midpoint that will be a constant distance between the two endpoints. This line is called the perpendicular bisector. This video explains how to construct the perpendicular bisector by first finding the midpoint of the line segment and then using a compass and straight edge to draw the perpendicular line. (1:29)
The History of Print
A photo collage history of print, the printing press, and journalism. No narration. This was made for a project for UC Santa Cruz Performative Technologies.
The Five Themes of Geography
In this video, students will learn about geography terms--absolute and relative location (longitude and latitude), cultural and physical place characteristics, environment, and more. Very good visuals and examples are given. This is a great resource to help build background knowledge and to help make real world connections in the classroom. (2:31)
Facts of Congress - Lobbyists
Provides a brief description of the role lobbyists play in informing Congress on specific issues and the will of the people. Appropriate for classroom use, ...
Thinkwell Chemistry: Finding Empirical and Molecular Formulas, Part 1 of 2
This is a clip from a larger segment on how to find empirical and molecular formulas. (06:07)
Marbury v. Madison
This video is accompanied by text. "John Marshall was a lifelong Federalist dedicated to strengthening the power of the Federal government. He was appointed by John Adams during the last days of his presidency. The Judiciary Act of 1801, one of the final laws passed by Adams and the Federalist-controlled Congress, created sixteen new federal judgeships and other judicial offices. The appointment of these “midnight judges” enraged Republicans who claimed the action defied the will of the peop
Pie Chart - Virtual Manipulative
Explore percentages and fractions using pie charts. There are instructions on the right side of the Java applet.
Addition Strategy - Using Doubles and Doubles Plus 1 Facts to Add
This addition strategy shows students how to use the double fact (e.g., 3 + 3 ) or a doubles plus one strategy to add quickly. User clicks through the slides.
Using a Pattern to Solve a Problem
To help solve a word problem, students learn to find a pattern in the problem and make a table to solve the problem. Finding patterns is a key learning for Algebra.
Writing Good Essays. Part 1
This is a video lecture on how to write a good essay. The lecturer provides several steps.
The Body of the Points in Essays
The Body of the Points in Essays. Part of the series: How to Write an Essay. Learn how to write the body of the points in an essay in this free educational video on writing essays.
Colts Neck Community Band - Variations on America
Colts Neck Community Band performs Variations on "America" composed by Charles Ives trans by Wm E Rhoads. Conducted by Richard Grossman. Performed on Februarry 18, 2010. (7:17)
Colts Neck Community Band - Slaughter on Tenth Avenue - Richard Rodgers
Colts Neck Community Band plays Slaughter on Tenth Avenue composed by Richard Rodgers arranged by John Tatgenhorst. Conducted by Joseph Lawlor. (6:40)
From the Farm to Plate
RWU Planet Forward Team Brasso follows local angus beef from Blackbird Farm in Smithfield, RI to Persimmon Restaurant in Bristol, RI. Run time 02:43.
Careers in Agriculture
A short look at some careers at the Utah Department of Agriculture and Food. This video shows various career paths in the field of agriculture, such as seed analysts, veterinarians, dairy compliance officers, and microbiologists etc (Running Time 10:03).
How to Milk a Cow by Hand
This videos enables students to learn how to milk a cow by hand in this easy to follow, step by step instructional video. This video should be reviewed carefully to make sure students will understand its importance. Some may find it humourous and miss the message.
Will Allen: Agriculturalist
Urban farmer Will Allen describes how he established and built up an urban garden. It may be of some value in motivating students to look for opportunities and to expand their horizons.
Farming as a Career
A seven minute video on farmers and what they do. Video shows some of the jobs they perform in the course of the day and gives insights to students on what is required. A good video that provides students with a more realistic picture of farming than they might have if they don't reside in rural areas.
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http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/xpert/scoreresults.php?keywords=Depiction%20of%20terrorism%20in%20film%20and%20televis&start=2900&end=2920
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2013-05-19T18:35:25Z
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|
- EXPLORE DCU
- STUDY AT DCU
- RESEARCH AT DCU
Good practice in assessment also involves having strong criteria for marking or grading your assessment. Having criteria for marking ensures that all assessments are marked accurately and fairly. Communicating the marking scheme to students means they have an understanding of the quality of work that is expected of them.
Using a marking scheme also allows you to give more specific feedback to students on where marks were lost or gained which gives focus to feedback discussion and how they might improve in the future.
The following resources demonstrate the use of marking schemes or rubrics at university and offer examples across disciplines.
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A domain name can be used to host a web site (such as www.actrix.co.nz) or create customised E-mail addresses (such as firstname.lastname@example.org) and is basically a human language representation of an IP address.
What's an IP Address you ask? An IP Address is what every computer on the internet uses to address itself to the other computers on the Internet (using the network protocol called TCP/IP. IP (v4) Addresses look like 18.104.22.168.
When someone types in a domain name like www.actrix.co.nz, their browser communicates with a series of root domain name servers that act as a dictionary and provide the IP address associated with that domain name. Then the browser can use that IP to communicate with the server that the website is hosted on.
If you are planning on purchasing a domain (or already own one) there are a few technical terms you may want to understand which could make life easier when requesting changes or identifying problems.
Domain Name Registrar is the company used to register a domain. I.e. A customer (the registrant) contacts Actrix (the registrar) to register mydomain.co.nz.
Domain Name Registrant is the person defined as having registered and who owns a domain. I.e. A customer (the registrant) contacts Actrix (the registrar) to register mydomain.co.nz.
A-Records (or Address Record) is the basic and most important DNS (Domain Name System) record. A-records point to an IP address. Your short domain name (without the www), NS (Name Server), and FTP (File Transfer Protocol) should have A-records. Subdomains sometimes have A-Records too. A-records can point to any IP-address.
CNAME-Records (or Canonical Domains) include subdomains and Aliases, CNAMEs are used to point to a domain name or to a file in a domain. However, CNAMEs should always point to an A-record, not another CNAME. It is a common practice to create a CNAME for www and for subdomains that are actually hosted by your domain. CNAMES can also be used as temporary aliases to point your domain to another domain.
MX-Records (or Mail Exchange) point to the name of an email server and hold a preference number for that server. MX-records must point to an A-record or in some situations an IP-address.
FTP (File Transfer Protocol) is used to transfer data from one computer to another over the Internet, or through a network. The FTP server, running FTP server software, listens on the network for connection requests from other computers. The client computer, running FTP client software, initiates a connection to the server. Once connected, the client can do a number of file manipulation operations such as uploading files to the server, download files from the server, rename or delete files on the server and so on.
There are various types of domain names such as .co.nz, .com, .org.nz, .net.nz, etc. Domains that end in .nz are local to New Zealand and are generally cheaper to purchase, domains without a country code such as .com are considered international domains and generally cost a bit more.
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Hemophilia is a rare inherited genetic disorder of blood clotting factors that primarily affects males. Individuals living with hemophilia don’t have enough of , or are missing one of the naturally occurring blood clotting factors found in blood. Two most common forms of hemophilia are A and B. Individuals with hemophilia A (also called as classical hemophilia), lacks clotting factor VIII completely or may not be in sufficient amounts where in the individuals with hemophilia B (also called as Christmas disease) lacks clotting factor IX. People with hemophilia do not bleed more profusely or bleed faster than normal as well they bleed for very longer period of time.
Hemophilia was identified as early as bibilicial times. Doctors in medieval times were familiar with it as well. In 1803, a Philadelphia doctor published the first description of hemophilia in the United states. But it was not until 30years later that hemophilia became widely recognized. Hemophilia later developed a reputation as the “royal disease” because it passes from Queen Victoria of England to her descendants throughout the royal houses of Europe. There are approximately 5,000 hemophiliacs worldwide.
The most significant advances in hemophilia treatment have been made in the last four decades. Baxter health care corporation introduced the first commercially available plasma derived factor concentrate in the mid 1960s. This was a major advancement over earlier formulations, which contained much lower concentrations of anti-hemophilic factor. In early 1970s, home treatment of hemophilia became widely available, offering people with hemophilia greater independence and reduced hospital stays. Today, recombinant DNA technology and the discovery of genes that control production of factor VIII and factor IX have led to the development of recombinant factors concentrates that do not rely on plasma at all.
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2013-05-21T10:14:19Z
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|Product #: EMC3302012_TQ|
Little Drops of Water (Physical Science/Matter, Water) (Resource Book Only) eBookGrade 1|Grade 2
Please Note: This ebook is a digital download, NOT a physical product. After purchase, you will be provided a one time link to download ebooks to your computer. Orders paid by PayPal require up to 8 business hours to verify payment and release electronic media. For immediate downloads, payment with credit card is required.
This 'Read and Understand Science' unit for grades 1-2 investigates the concept 'Water vapor condenses when air strikes a cold surface.' The unit includes a minibook on water condensation, plus three student activities on comprehension, vocabulary & word families (-air), and a matching exercise. (Find additional units by searching 'Read Science 1-2')
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http://www.schoodoodle.com/page_86602_4951/little-drops-of-water-physical-sciencematter-water
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2013-05-23T04:26:58Z
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paticca-samuppadaArticle Free Pass
paticca-samuppada, ( Pali: “dependent origination”) Sanskrit pratitya-samutpada, the chain, or law, of dependent origination, or the chain of causation—a fundamental concept of Buddhism describing the causes of suffering (dukkha; Sanskrit duhkha) and the course of events that lead a being through rebirth, old age, and death.
Existence is seen as an interrelated flux of phenomenal events, material and psychical, without any real, permanent, independent existence of their own. These events happen in a series, one interrelating group of events producing another. The series is usually described as a chain of 12 links (nidanas, “causes”), though some texts abridge these to 10, 9, 5, or 3. The first two stages are related to the past (or previous life) and explain the present, the next eight belong to the present, and the last two represent the future as determined by the past and what is happening in the present. The series consists of: (1) ignorance (avijja; avidya), specifically ignorance of the Four Noble Truths, of the nature of humanity, of transmigration, and of nirvana; which leads to (2) faulty thought-constructions about reality (sankhara; samskara). These in turn provide the structure of (3) knowledge (vinnana; vijnana), the object of which is (4) name and form—i.e., the principle of individual identity (nama-rupa) and the sensory perception of an object—which are accomplished through (5) the six domains (ayatana; shadayatana)—i.e., the five senses and their objects—and the mind as the coordinating organ of sense impressions. The presence of objects and senses leads to (6) contact (phassa; sparsha) between the two, which provides (7) sensation (vedana). Because this sensation is agreeable, it gives rise to (8) thirst (tanha; trishna) and in turn to (9) grasping (upadana), as of sexual partners. This sets in motion (10) the process of becoming (bhava; bjava), which fructifies in (11) birth (jati) of the individual and hence to (12) old age and death (jara-marana; jaramaranam).
The formula is repeated frequently in early Buddhist texts, either in direct order (anuloma) as above, in reverse order (pratiloma), or in negative order (e.g., “What is it that brings about the cessation of death? The cessation of birth”). Gautama Buddha is said to have reflected on the series just prior to his enlightenment, and a right understanding of the causes of pain and the cycle of rebirth leads to emancipation from the chain’s bondage.
The formula led to much discussion within the various schools of early Buddhism. Later, it came to be pictured as the outer rim of the wheel of becoming (bhavachakka; bhavachakra), frequently reproduced in Tibetan painting.
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2013-05-21T11:16:57Z
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In a laboratory at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Md., scientists have created machines that can open and close, and can grab other objects. That may not seem like news, except for two things.
One, these machines don’t have batteries or any other source of power. Two, the machines are smaller than mosquitoes.
David Gracias led the recent study on how to make these tiny machines. He is an engineer at Johns Hopkins, and in his laboratory, miniaturization is the name of the game. Scientists who work on miniaturization build small and useful machines. Gracias’ new invention may be useful in medicine. It may be used to remove tiny bits of tissue, a procedure called a biopsy. Biopsies are often used to diagnose disease. The machines may also be able to deliver small amounts of drugs to disease sites in the body.
Gracias’ tiny tools have five extensions that look like fingers on a hand or arms on a starfish. When the device is exposed to a certain chemical or combination of chemicals, the fingers snap shut — and the device looks more like a closed fist.
The tiny tools use biology, rather than batteries, to open and close. Gracias is inspired by the natural world, where he sees many minimachines at work — like the snapping “jaws” of a Venus flytrap or the slow wave of sunflowers following the sun.
“In nature, and in us, these [machines] respond to chemistry,” Gracias told Science News.
His machine may be inspired by nature, but you’re not going to find it growing in a field. Gracias and his team worked hard to find just the right combination of materials to make the tiny tool work.
They started with a base layer of silicon — the same stuff used to make computer chips and some kinds of glass. (Silicon is called a metalloid, which means it shares some properties with metals.) To the silicon they added three thin layers of metals: chromium, nickel and gold. The scientists built hinges so the fingers could open and close.
Finally, they coated the layers with polymers. Polymers are big molecules made of many atoms (as many as millions). These atoms are joined together in repeating patterns into a long chain, like beads on a necklace. Some polymers are strong and don’t break easily, which is why they’re used to make materials like plastics.
Gracias didn’t use plastic. He used special polymers, called biopolymers, made from molecules that occur naturally in the body. These polymers fall apart when they mix with certain enzymes. Enzymes are proteins made by living cells to help with chemical reactions.
Gracias tested two polymers. One comes from collagen, which helps keep the human body together. It’s found in the skin and ligaments, among other places. The other polymer comes from cellulose, which is found in the cell walls of plant cells. Both of these natural polymers break down around certain enzymes.
When the machines find certain enzymes, the polymers fall apart and, because of the way it’s built, the machine snaps shut.
To test their machine, the scientists used resin to build a model of internal organs. Inside the model was a piece of tissue. Using a magnet, the scientists steered the machine through the model, to the tissue. An enzyme added to the mix activated the machine, and it clamped down — around the piece of tissue. The scientists then steered the machine out of the model. Success! The practice run was similar to a biopsy.
The first trial is promising — but it is still a first step. Scientists have a lot of work to do before these mini-movers can roam and help heal the human body. But one day, perhaps we’ll fight diseases like cancer with mini-machines.
enzyme Any of numerous proteins produced by living organisms and that help with chemical reactions.
polymer Any of numerous natural and synthetic compounds of high molecular weight consisting of up to millions of repeated linked units, each a relatively light and simple molecule.
collagen The fibrous protein constituent of bone, cartilage, tendon and other connective tissue. It is converted into gelatin by boiling.
cellulose A complex carbohydrate that forms the main part of the cell wall in most plants. It is also important in the manufacture of numerous products, such as paper, textiles, pharmaceuticals and explosives.
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Secretary of State
As a candidate for the presidency in 1824, Clay had the fourth largest number of electoral votes, and, with no candidate having a majority, the election went to the House, where the three highest were to be voted upon. It became Clay's duty to vote for one of his rivals. Despite the Western interests of Andrew Jackson and despite the instructions of the Kentucky legislature to vote for him, Clay's dislike for the military hero was so intense that he voted for John Quincy Adams. When President Adams appointed Clay Secretary of State, Jackson's friends cried "corrupt bargain" and charged Clay with political collusion. Evidence has not been found to prove this, but the accusation impeded Clay's future political fortunes. As Secretary of State (1825–29), he secured congressional approval—which came too late for the American delegates to attend—of U.S. participation in the Pan-American Congress of 1826.
The Columbia Electronic Encyclopedia, 6th ed. Copyright © 2012, Columbia University Press. All rights reserved.
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2013-05-18T08:51:18Z
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Particle beam weapons fire a stream of relativistic atoms or subatomic particles, causing damage both through direct heating and severe radiation exposure. They require long and bulky accelerators, limiting their use to large vehicles or fixed installations. The particle beams pose a radiation hazard to all bionts and non-radiation hardened electronics in the vicinity of the beam's point of incidence and, in atmosphere, near the path of the beam itself.
Categories of Particle Beam
Electron beams are used in atmosphere where radiation weapons are needed in an atmosphere. Highly relativistic electrons can penetrate relatively far through air, and by heating the air they pass through to a partial vacuum the leading edge of the beam can increase the range of the electrons that follow. The high currents cause the beam to self-pinch, reducing beam spread due to scattering off air molecules. Nevertheless, the beam constantly loses energy as it ionizes air molecules in the beam. This limits the range to a few hundred meters or a couple kilometers at best in earth-like atmospheres. At high altitudes or in thinner atmospheres, an electron beam's range is greatly extended.
An electron beam in air looks like a geometrically straight bolt of blue-white lightning, surrounded by a blue nimbus of Cerenkov radiation due to the electrons scattered from the primary beam. Scattered electrons and bremsstrahlung x-rays create a high radiation environment both near the beam path and in the vicinity of the point of incidence of the beam.
Electron beam weapons have a minimum length of over a meter. These minimal electron accelerators have a range of around 200 meters in air at the density of sea level on earth. Longer accelerators can produce higher energy electrons that can penetrate further through air. The upper limit is around one to two kilometers, for accelerators in excess of ten meters in length. Electron accelerators are typically long, linear structures.
Electron beams are easily steered with magnets. This enables the beam to be rapidly redirected without turning the entire accelerator.
In the vacuum of space, the highly charged electrons repel each other and the beam quickly loses focus. In addition, the electrons are deflected by planetary magnetic fields and the magnetic fields in the solar wind, causing their paths to veer erratically.
Proton beams are used for combat in vacuum. Individual protons are accelerated to ultra-relativistic velocities. As the beam exits the accelerator, it is neutralized by injecting an electron beam to cancel the charges. This prevents self repulsion from defocussing the beam and keeps the beam from veering in ambient magnetic fields.
The primary limit to the range of a proton beam is the thermal velocity of the protons. Neutralization of the beam unavoidably heats the beam due to the energy of recombination with the electrons. After exiting the accelerator, they begin to drift apart at roughly 15 km/s. The higher the proton energy, the farther the travel in the time it takes the beam to disperse.
Proton beam accelerators are typically circular tracks several hundred meters to several tens of kilometers in diameter. Even the largest proton accelerators do not give their protons enough energy to rival x-ray lasers in range, and thus x-ray lasers dominate for deep space combat. Proton beams are typically employed in craft designed for combat in planetary orbit, and find use in blockades and operations to achieve orbital superiority prior to a ground assault.
like electron beams, proton beams can be steered with magnets prior to neutralization. In addition, the beam can be emitted from several ports along the ring diameter, allowing rapid retargeting.
The relativistic protons in these beams can be extremely penetrating, typically punching through a meter or so of solid or liquid matter before disintegrating into a shower of radiation, which itself can penetrate many more meters of solid or liquid matter. These "cascade" radiation showers produce an extremely high radiation environment which will sterilize the area of all biological life and destroy unhardened electronics. The only defense against a proton beam is thick layers of inert shielding, or using only radiation hardened control systems. Proton rich shielding is most effective on a per-mass basis.
In an atmosphere, proton beams lose energy through ionization and direct collisions with the nuclei of air atoms, limiting their range to a few hundred meters in earth-like atmospheres. While this is comparable to the range of electron beams in air, an electron beam accelerator is much more compact.
Exotic particle weapons
There are controversial reports that transapient intelligences have used neutron and muon beams in conflicts. A neutron beam weapon, if it could be made, would pass through several tens of centimeters of solid matter with little interaction, but would rapidly interact with any material containing hydrogen (including water, wax, oil, and biological tissue), heating the hydrogenated material in the beam path. A neutron beam would also cause residual radioactivity where it struck heavy elements. There is little perceived benefit to a neutron beam over a proton beam, as the ranges in air and penetrating power would be about the same, unless the beam generator could be more compact or the thermal spread of the neutrons was lower (thus enabling a longer range in space).
Muon beams would be able to punch through kilometers of air, producing a very long range radiation weapon for use in an atmosphere. Muons are short lived particles, however, and would decay within several tens of kilometers in any environment, effectively preventing their use in space combat.
Modosophont technology can create uncollimated beams of neutrons or muons at low efficiency, and commonly use such beams for research, but there is no known method to produce highly collimated, efficient beams suitable for use as weapons.
It is also rumored that high transapients have efficient plasma accelerators that allow significantly more compact proton and electron beam weapons. Alternately, they may employ methods to cool the proton beam after neutralization, allowing significantly longer ranges. Again, while modosophonts have inefficient and poorly collimated plasma accelerators (such as wakefield accelerators) and have hypothesized about using laser cooling to reduce the spread of neutralized proton beams, there are no known methods of achieving these results.
Smart Weapons - Text by M. Alan Kazlev, from Anders Sandberg's Big Ideas Grand Vision Weapons with have varying amounts of intelligence in them (rarely more than turingrade). The simplest Smart Weapons link to a control-command subturing and give the owner the ability to shift between types of ammo, see through the aimpoint camera etc. This kind of connection is necessary for use in teamware, and is practically standard among even the simplest baselines. The scramjet bullets of the sabot pistols of Trillicon have built in cameras and some limited steering capabilities. Zetatech's Marksman Gun is equipped with a n expert system that can act as a point defence or drone if placed on a tripod or suitable vehicle (although the price tag deters most people).
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