Daily Papers

This paper presents TurnTurk-GPT, a text-based turn-taking predictor for Turkish obtained by fine-tuning a Turkish GPT-2 model with the TurnGPT objective on synthetic and real dialogue, and evaluates it on real Turkish conversation against rule baselines, a zero-shot Turkish language model and a widely used multilingual end-of-turn detector. Evaluation uses word-level decision points on unpunctuated, lower-cased text approximating the output of streaming speech recognisers, recording-disjoint and speaker-disjoint folds, nested threshold selection and paired cluster bootstrap tests. TurnTurk-GPT outperforms the multilingual detector under both recording-disjoint and speaker-disjoint evaluation. It outperforms the zero-shot language model only when the test speakers occur in training; on unseen speakers the two are statistically indistinguishable. Removing the suffixes of the turn-final word reduces AP by up to 44%, against 2% for a sentence-internal word, locating the Turkish end-of-turn cue in verb-final morphology. Synthetic dialogue alone yields the weakest trained model, and when a speaker pauses the zero-shot and multilingual baselines remain close to chance. The model and the evaluation protocol are publicly released.

Languages can encode temporal subordination lexically, via subordinating conjunctions, and morphologically, by marking the relation on the predicate. Systematic cross-linguistic variation among the former can be studied using well-established token-based typological approaches to token-aligned parallel corpora. Variation among different morphological means is instead much harder to tackle and therefore more poorly understood, despite being predominant in several language groups. This paper explores variation in the expression of generic temporal subordination ('when'-clauses) among the languages of Latin America and the Caribbean, where morphological marking is particularly common. It presents probabilistic semantic maps computed on the basis of the languages of the region, thus avoiding bias towards the many world's languages that exclusively use lexified connectors, incorporating associations between character n-grams and English when. The approach allows capturing morphological clause-linkage devices in addition to lexified connectors, paving the way for larger-scale, strategy-agnostic analyses of typological variation in temporal subordination.

The Sejong dictionary dataset offers a valuable resource, providing extensive coverage of morphology, syntax, and semantic representation. This dataset can be utilized to explore linguistic information in greater depth. The labeled linguistic structures within this dataset form the basis for uncovering relationships between words and phrases and their associations with target verbs. This paper introduces a user-friendly web interface designed for the collection and consolidation of verb-related information, with a particular focus on subcategorization frames. Additionally, it outlines our efforts in mapping this information by aligning subcategorization frames with corresponding illustrative sentence examples. Furthermore, we provide a Python library that would simplify syntactic parsing and semantic role labeling. These tools are intended to assist individuals interested in harnessing the Sejong dictionary dataset to develop applications for Korean language processing.

We present a system that uses LLMs as a tool in the development of Constructed Languages. The system is modular in that one first creates a target phonology for the language using an agentic approach that refines its output at each step with commentary feedback on its previous attempt. Next, a set of sentences is 'translated' from their English original into a morphosyntactic markup that reflects the word order and morphosyntactic feature specifications of the desired target language, with affixes represented as morphosyntactic feature bundles. From this translated corpus, a lexicon is constructed using the phonological model and the set of morphemes (stems and affixes) extracted from the 'translated' sentences. The system is then instructed to provide an orthography for the language, using an existing script such as Latin or Cyrillic. Finally, the system writes a brief grammatical handbook of the language. The system can also translate further sentences into the target language. Our goal is twofold. First, we hope that these tools will be fun to use for creating artificially constructed languages. Second, we are interested in exploring what LLMs 'know' about language-not what they know about any particular language or linguistic phenomenon, but how much they know about and understand language and linguistic concepts. As we shall see, there is a fairly wide gulf in capabilities both among different LLMs and among different linguistic specifications, with it being notably easier for systems to deal with more common patterns than rarer ones. An additional avenue that we explore is the application of our approach to translating from high-resource into low-resource languages. While the results so far are mostly negative, we provide some evidence that an improved version of the present system could afford some real gains in such tasks. https://github.com/SakanaAI/IASC

This article analyzes BPE tokenization in Polish as a test case for the limits of statistical segmentation in an inflectional language. It asks whether frequency-based tokenization preserves linguistically relevant units, including orthographic form, phonemic and syllabic segmentation, derivational structure, inflectional endings, grammatical form, and the speaking subject. The material includes diagnostic words, a children's text, selected forms from the Preamble to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, word-family tests, and examples with Polish diacritics and nasal vowels. BPE tokenizers may produce segments that coincide with syllabic or morphologically interpretable divisions, but remain dependent on the frequency of written forms. They do not systematically map orthographic representation onto phonemic structure or context-dependent phonetic realization. The results show that BPE stabilizes frequent surface fragments of grammatical exponents rather than grammatical categories themselves. A form such as ustanawiamy is not merely a sequence ending in -y, but a verbal form anchored in conjugation, person, number, tense, mood, and aspect. The article develops the concept of grammatical form anchoring. In Polish, forms such as poszlam, zrobilam, or bylam can establish the position of the speaking subject without an explicit pronoun. In interaction with AI, this exposes a further problem: a language model does not possess a stable grammatical "I", but reconstructs it contextually and may mirror the user's forms or shift grammatical gender. Roclawski's segmentation-flexional forms are proposed as a diagnostic framework for evaluating tokenization boundaries. More stable modeling of Polish may require sublexical stabilization, anchoring grammatical form in the inflectional system, representing sentence patterns and verbal valency, and maintaining the grammatical "I" in dialogue.

The Universal Morphology (UniMorph) project is a collaborative effort providing broad-coverage instantiated normalized morphological inflection tables for hundreds of diverse world languages. The project comprises two major thrusts: a language-independent feature schema for rich morphological annotation and a type-level resource of annotated data in diverse languages realizing that schema. This paper presents the expansions and improvements made on several fronts over the last couple of years (since McCarthy et al. (2020)). Collaborative efforts by numerous linguists have added 67 new languages, including 30 endangered languages. We have implemented several improvements to the extraction pipeline to tackle some issues, e.g. missing gender and macron information. We have also amended the schema to use a hierarchical structure that is needed for morphological phenomena like multiple-argument agreement and case stacking, while adding some missing morphological features to make the schema more inclusive. In light of the last UniMorph release, we also augmented the database with morpheme segmentation for 16 languages. Lastly, this new release makes a push towards inclusion of derivational morphology in UniMorph by enriching the data and annotation schema with instances representing derivational processes from MorphyNet.

The quality of subword tokenization is critical for Large Language Models, yet evaluating tokenizers for morphologically rich Uralic languages is hampered by the lack of clean morpheme lexicons. We introduce SampoNLP, a corpus-free toolkit for morphological lexicon creation using MDL-inspired Self-Referential Atomicity Scoring, which filters composite forms through internal structural cues - suited for low-resource settings. Using the high-purity lexicons generated by SampoNLP for Finnish, Hungarian, and Estonian, we conduct a systematic evaluation of BPE tokenizers across a range of vocabulary sizes (8k-256k). We propose a unified metric, the Integrated Performance Score (IPS), to navigate the trade-off between morpheme coverage and over-splitting. By analyzing the IPS curves, we identify the "elbow points" of diminishing returns and provide the first empirically grounded recommendations for optimal vocabulary sizes (k) in these languages. Our study not only offers practical guidance but also quantitatively demonstrates the limitations of standard BPE for highly agglutinative languages. The SampoNLP library and all generated resources are made publicly available: https://github.com/AragonerUA/SampoNLP

We investigate whether neural models trained exclusively on modern morphological data can recover cross-lingual lexical structure consistent with historical reconstruction. Using BantuMorph v7, a transformer over Bantu morphological paradigms, we analyze 14 Eastern and Southern Bantu languages, extract encoder embeddings for their noun and verb lemmas, and identify 728 noun and 1,525 verb cognate candidates shared across 5+ languages. Evaluating these candidates against established historical resources-the Bantu Lexical Reconstructions database (BLR3; 4,786 reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms) and the ASJP basic vocabulary-we confirm 10 of the top 11 noun candidates (90.9%) align with previously reconstructed Proto-Bantu forms, including *-ntU 'person' (8 languages), *gombe 'cow' (9 languages), and *mUn (9 languages). Extending to verbs, 12 verb cognates align with reconstructed Proto-Bantu roots, including *-bon- 'see' and *-jIm- 'stand', each attested across wide geographic ranges. Cross-model validation using an independent translation model (NLLB-600M) confirms these patterns: both models recover cognate clusters and phylogenetic groupings consistent with established Guthrie-zone classifications (p < 0.01). Cross-lingual noun class analysis reveals that all 13 productive classes maintain >0.83 cosine similarity across languages (within-class > between-class, p < 10^-9). Our dataset is restricted to Eastern and Southern Bantu, so we interpret these results as recovering shared Bantu lexical structure consistent with Proto-Bantu rather than definitively distinguishing Proto-Bantu retentions from later regional innovations.

We describe the NYU-CUBoulder systems for the SIGMORPHON 2020 Task 0 on typologically diverse morphological inflection and Task 2 on unsupervised morphological paradigm completion. The former consists of generating morphological inflections from a lemma and a set of morphosyntactic features describing the target form. The latter requires generating entire paradigms for a set of given lemmas from raw text alone. We model morphological inflection as a sequence-to-sequence problem, where the input is the sequence of the lemma's characters with morphological tags, and the output is the sequence of the inflected form's characters. First, we apply a transformer model to the task. Second, as inflected forms share most characters with the lemma, we further propose a pointer-generator transformer model to allow easy copying of input characters. Our best performing system for Task 0 is placed 6th out of 23 systems. We further use our inflection systems as subcomponents of approaches for Task 2. Our best performing system for Task 2 is the 2nd best out of 7 submissions.

In this paper, we introduce a new distributional method for modeling predicate-argument thematic fit judgments. We use a syntax-based DSM to build a prototypical representation of verb-specific roles: for every verb, we extract the most salient second order contexts for each of its roles (i.e. the most salient dimensions of typical role fillers), and then we compute thematic fit as a weighted overlap between the top features of candidate fillers and role prototypes. Our experiments show that our method consistently outperforms a baseline re-implementing a state-of-the-art system, and achieves better or comparable results to those reported in the literature for the other unsupervised systems. Moreover, it provides an explicit representation of the features characterizing verb-specific semantic roles.

Large language models (LLMs) can reliably distinguish grammatical from ungrammatical sentences, but how grammatical knowledge is represented within the models remains an open question. We investigate whether different syntactic phenomena recruit shared or distinct components in LLMs. Using a functional localization approach inspired by cognitive neuroscience, we identify the LLM units most responsive to 67 English syntactic phenomena in seven open-weight models. These units are consistently recruited across sentences containing the phenomena and causally support the models' syntactic performance. Critically, different types of syntactic agreement (e.g., subject-verb, anaphor, determiner-noun) recruit overlapping sets of units, suggesting that agreement constitutes a meaningful functional category for LLMs. This pattern holds in English, Russian, and Chinese; and further, in a cross-lingual analysis of 57 diverse languages, structurally more similar languages share more units for subject-verb agreement. Taken together, these findings reveal that syntactic agreement-a critical marker of syntactic dependencies-constitutes a meaningful category within LLMs' representational spaces.

While multilingual large language models (LLMs) perform well on high-level tasks like translation and question answering, their ability to handle grammatical gender and morphological agreement remains underexplored. In morphologically rich languages, gender influences verb conjugation, pronouns, and even first-person constructions with explicit and implicit mentions of gender. We introduce MORPHOGEN, a morphologically grounded large-scale benchmark dataset for evaluating gender-aware generation in three typologically diverse grammatically gendered languages: French, Arabic, and Hindi. The core task, GENFORM, requires models to rewrite a first-person sentence in the opposite gender while preserving its meaning and structure. We construct a high-quality synthetic dataset spanning these three languages and benchmark 15 popular multilingual LLMs (2B-70B) on their ability to perform this transformation. Our results reveal significant gaps and interesting insights into how current models handle morphological gender. MORPHOGEN provides a focused diagnostic lens for gender-aware language modeling and lays the groundwork for future research on inclusive and morphology-sensitive NLP.

When a transformer learns an irregular morphological pattern, what has it learned? Our test case is the Spanish L-shaped morphome, a complex irregular pattern in which the verb's stem alternates in exactly the first-person singular indicative and all subjunctive forms, and whose membership no phonological, semantic, or syntactic feature predicts. Prior studies have shown that character-level transformers can reproduce this pattern, but that evidence describes what models produce, not what they represent. Probing five architectures, twelve trained models each, under lemma-disjoint cross-validation with controls and surface baselines, we show that the models encode the L-shaped class itself, not just its visible alternations. It is decodable above every surface baseline, survives instances in which every form shows the same stem, and probes trained on alternating instances still classify non-alternating ones. The encoding is localized where the stem choice is made, at the stem-final consonant position of the middle decoder, before the alternant is read. And it is item-specific: which verbs a model learned matters far more than which architecture it is. The models store the morphome as an item-specific lexical abstraction, sufficient to reproduce the pattern but not to generalize it as humans do.

This study investigates the impact of morphological typology on tokenization and language modeling performance. We focus on languages with synthetic and analytical morphological structures and examine their productivity when tokenized using the byte-pair encoding (BPE) algorithm. We compare the performance of models trained with similar amounts of data in different languages. Our experiments reveal that languages with synthetic features exhibit greater subword regularity and productivity with BPE tokenization and achieve better results in language modeling tasks. We also observe that the typological continuum from linguistic theory is reflected in several experiments. These findings suggest a correlation between morphological typology and BPE tokenization efficiency.

Large language models (LLMs) have recently reached an impressive level of linguistic capability, prompting comparisons with human language skills. However, there have been relatively few systematic inquiries into the linguistic capabilities of the latest generation of LLMs, and those studies that do exist (i) ignore the remarkable ability of humans to generalize, (ii) focus only on English, and (iii) investigate syntax or semantics and overlook other capabilities that lie at the heart of human language, like morphology. Here, we close these gaps by conducting the first rigorous analysis of the morphological capabilities of ChatGPT in four typologically varied languages (specifically, English, German, Tamil, and Turkish). We apply a version of Berko's (1958) wug test to ChatGPT, using novel, uncontaminated datasets for the four examined languages. We find that ChatGPT massively underperforms purpose-built systems, particularly in English. Overall, our results -- through the lens of morphology -- cast a new light on the linguistic capabilities of ChatGPT, suggesting that claims of human-like language skills are premature and misleading.

The relationship between language model tokenization and performance is an open area of research. Here, we investigate how different tokenization schemes impact number agreement in Spanish plurals. We find that morphologically-aligned tokenization performs similarly to other tokenization schemes, even when induced artificially for words that would not be tokenized that way during training. We then present exploratory analyses demonstrating that language model embeddings for different plural tokenizations have similar distributions along the embedding space axis that maximally distinguishes singular and plural nouns. Our results suggest that morphologically-aligned tokenization is a viable tokenization approach, and existing models already generalize some morphological patterns to new items. However, our results indicate that morphological tokenization is not strictly required for performance.

Syntactic bootstrapping (Gleitman, 1990) is the hypothesis that children use the syntactic environments in which a verb occurs to learn its meaning. In this paper, we examine whether large language models exhibit a similar behavior. We do this by training RoBERTa and GPT-2 on perturbed datasets where syntactic information is ablated. Our results show that models' verb representation degrades more when syntactic cues are removed than when co-occurrence information is removed. Furthermore, the representation of mental verbs, for which syntactic bootstrapping has been shown to be particularly crucial in human verb learning, is more negatively impacted in such training regimes than physical verbs. In contrast, models' representation of nouns is affected more when co-occurrences are distorted than when syntax is distorted. In addition to reinforcing the important role of syntactic bootstrapping in verb learning, our results demonstrated the viability of testing developmental hypotheses on a larger scale through manipulating the learning environments of large language models.

Lemmatization is a natural language processing (NLP) task which consists of producing, from a given inflected word, its canonical form or lemma. Lemmatization is one of the basic tasks that facilitate downstream NLP applications, and is of particular importance for high-inflected languages. Given that the process to obtain a lemma from an inflected word can be explained by looking at its morphosyntactic category, including fine-grained morphosyntactic information to train contextual lemmatizers has become common practice, without considering whether that is the optimum in terms of downstream performance. In order to address this issue, in this paper we empirically investigate the role of morphological information to develop contextual lemmatizers in six languages within a varied spectrum of morphological complexity: Basque, Turkish, Russian, Czech, Spanish and English. Furthermore, and unlike the vast majority of previous work, we also evaluate lemmatizers in out-of-domain settings, which constitutes, after all, their most common application use. The results of our study are rather surprising. It turns out that providing lemmatizers with fine-grained morphological features during training is not that beneficial, not even for agglutinative languages. In fact, modern contextual word representations seem to implicitly encode enough morphological information to obtain competitive contextual lemmatizers without seeing any explicit morphological signal. Moreover, our experiments suggest that the best lemmatizers out-of-domain are those using simple UPOS tags or those trained without morphology and, finally, that current evaluation practices for lemmatization are not adequate to clearly discriminate between models.

We present a novel metric for the evaluation of the morphological plausibility of subword segmentation. Unlike the typically used morpheme boundary or retrieval F-score, which requires gold segmentation data that is either unavailable or of inconsistent quality across many languages, our approach utilizes morpho-syntactic features. These are available in resources such as Universal Dependencies or UniMorph for a much wider range of languages. The metric works by probabilistically aligning subwords with morphological features through an IBM Model 1. Our experiments show that the metric correlates well with traditional morpheme boundary recall while being more broadly applicable across languages with different morphological systems.

What mechanisms underlie linguistic generalization in large language models (LLMs)? This question has attracted considerable attention, with most studies analyzing the extent to which the language skills of LLMs resemble rules. As of yet, it is not known whether linguistic generalization in LLMs could equally well be explained as the result of analogical processes, which can be formalized as similarity operations on stored exemplars. A key shortcoming of prior research is its focus on linguistic phenomena with a high degree of regularity, for which rule-based and analogical approaches make the same predictions. Here, we instead examine derivational morphology, specifically English adjective nominalization, which displays notable variability. We introduce a new method for investigating linguistic generalization in LLMs: focusing on GPT-J, we fit cognitive models that instantiate rule-based and analogical learning to the LLM training data and compare their predictions on a set of nonce adjectives with those of the LLM, allowing us to draw direct conclusions regarding underlying mechanisms. As expected, rule-based and analogical models explain the predictions of GPT-J equally well for adjectives with regular nominalization patterns. However, for adjectives with variable nominalization patterns, the analogical model provides a much better match. Furthermore, GPT-J's behavior is sensitive to the individual word frequencies, even for regular forms, a behavior that is consistent with an analogical account of regular forms but not a rule-based one. These findings refute the hypothesis that GPT-J's linguistic generalization on adjective nominalization involves rules, suggesting similarity operations on stored exemplars as the underlying mechanism. Overall, our study suggests that analogical processes play a bigger role in the linguistic generalization of LLMs than previously thought.

Formal and distributional semantic models offer complementary benefits in modeling meaning. The categorical compositional distributional (DisCoCat) model of meaning of Coecke et al. (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) combines aspected of both to provide a general framework in which meanings of words, obtained distributionally, are composed using methods from the logical setting to form sentence meaning. Concrete consequences of this general abstract setting and applications to empirical data are under active study (Grefenstette et al., arxiv:1101.0309; Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh, arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]). . In this paper, we extend this study by examining transitive verbs, represented as matrices in a DisCoCat. We discuss three ways of constructing such matrices, and evaluate each method in a disambiguation task developed by Grefenstette and Sadrzadeh (arXiv:1106.4058v1 [cs.CL]).

Although we have witnessed impressive progress in Semantic Role Labeling (SRL), most of the research in the area is carried out assuming that the majority of predicates are verbs. Conversely, predicates can also be expressed using other parts of speech, e.g., nouns and adjectives. However, non-verbal predicates appear in the benchmarks we commonly use to measure progress in SRL less frequently than in some real-world settings -- newspaper headlines, dialogues, and tweets, among others. In this paper, we put forward a new PropBank dataset which boasts wide coverage of multiple predicate types. Thanks to it, we demonstrate empirically that standard benchmarks do not provide an accurate picture of the current situation in SRL and that state-of-the-art systems are still incapable of transferring knowledge across different predicate types. Having observed these issues, we also present a novel, manually-annotated challenge set designed to give equal importance to verbal, nominal, and adjectival predicate-argument structures. We use such dataset to investigate whether we can leverage different linguistic resources to promote knowledge transfer. In conclusion, we claim that SRL is far from "solved", and its integration with other semantic tasks might enable significant improvements in the future, especially for the long tail of non-verbal predicates, thereby facilitating further research on SRL for non-verbal predicates.

Social Media platforms have offered invaluable opportunities for linguistic research. The availability of up-to-date data, coming from any part in the world, and coming from natural contexts, has allowed researchers to study language in real time. One of the fields that has made great use of social media platforms is Corpus Linguistics. There is currently a wide range of projects which have been able to successfully create corpora from social media. In this paper, we present the development and deployment of a linguistic corpus from Twitter posts in English, coming from 26 news agencies and 27 individuals. The main goal was to create a fully annotated English corpus for linguistic analysis. We include information on morphology and syntax, as well as NLP features such as tokenization, lemmas, and n- grams. The information is presented through a range of powerful visualisations for users to explore linguistic patterns in the corpus. With this tool, we aim to contribute to the area of language technologies applied to linguistic research.

Subword-based tokenization methods often fail to preserve morphological boundaries, a limitation especially pronounced in low-resource, morphologically complex languages such as those written in the Geez script. To address this, we present MoVoC (Morpheme-aware Subword Vocabulary Construction) and train MoVoC-Tok, a tokenizer that integrates supervised morphological analysis into the subword vocabulary. This hybrid segmentation approach combines morpheme-based and Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) tokens to preserve morphological integrity while maintaining lexical meaning. To tackle resource scarcity, we curate and release manually annotated morpheme data for four Geez script languages and a morpheme-aware vocabulary for two of them. While the proposed tokenization method does not lead to significant gains in automatic translation quality, we observe consistent improvements in intrinsic metrics, MorphoScore, and Boundary Precision, highlighting the value of morphology-aware segmentation in enhancing linguistic fidelity and token efficiency. Our morpheme-annotated datasets and tokenizer will be publicly available to support further research in low-resource, morphologically rich languages. Our code and data are available on GitHub: https://github.com/hailaykidu/MoVoC

In natural language processing (NLP), lexical function is a concept to unambiguously represent semantic and syntactic features of words and phrases in text first crafted in the Meaning-Text Theory. Hierarchical classification of lexical functions involves organizing these features into a tree-like hierarchy of categories or labels. This is a challenging task as it requires a good understanding of the context and the relationships among words and phrases in text. It also needs large amounts of labeled data to train language models effectively. In this paper, we present a dataset of most frequent Spanish verb-noun collocations and sentences where they occur, each collocation is assigned to one of 37 lexical functions defined as classes for a hierarchical classification task. Each class represents a relation between the noun and the verb in a collocation involving their semantic and syntactic features. We combine the classes in a tree-based structure, and introduce classification objectives for each level of the structure. The dataset was created by dependency tree parsing and matching of the phrases in Spanish news. We provide baselines and data splits for each objective.

We present the first dataset targeted at end-to-end NLG in Czech in the restaurant domain, along with several strong baseline models using the sequence-to-sequence approach. While non-English NLG is under-explored in general, Czech, as a morphologically rich language, makes the task even harder: Since Czech requires inflecting named entities, delexicalization or copy mechanisms do not work out-of-the-box and lexicalizing the generated outputs is non-trivial. In our experiments, we present two different approaches to this this problem: (1) using a neural language model to select the correct inflected form while lexicalizing, (2) a two-step generation setup: our sequence-to-sequence model generates an interleaved sequence of lemmas and morphological tags, which are then inflected by a morphological generator.

We introduce The Benchmark of Linguistic Minimal Pairs (shortened to BLiMP), a challenge set for evaluating what language models (LMs) know about major grammatical phenomena in English. BLiMP consists of 67 sub-datasets, each containing 1000 minimal pairs isolating specific contrasts in syntax, morphology, or semantics. The data is automatically generated according to expert-crafted grammars, and aggregate human agreement with the labels is 96.4%. We use it to evaluate n-gram, LSTM, and Transformer (GPT-2 and Transformer-XL) LMs. We find that state-of-the-art models identify morphological contrasts reliably, but they struggle with semantic restrictions on the distribution of quantifiers and negative polarity items and subtle syntactic phenomena such as extraction islands.

We focus on morphological inflection in out-of-vocabulary (OOV) conditions, an under-researched subtask in which state-of-the-art systems usually are less effective. We developed three systems: a retrograde model and two sequence-to-sequence (seq2seq) models based on LSTM and Transformer. For testing in OOV conditions, we automatically extracted a large dataset of nouns in the morphologically rich Czech language, with lemma-disjoint data splits, and we further manually annotated a real-world OOV dataset of neologisms. In the standard OOV conditions, Transformer achieves the best results, with increasing performance in ensemble with LSTM, the retrograde model and SIGMORPHON baselines. On the real-world OOV dataset of neologisms, the retrograde model outperforms all neural models. Finally, our seq2seq models achieve state-of-the-art results in 9 out of 16 languages from SIGMORPHON 2022 shared task data in the OOV evaluation (feature overlap) in the large data condition. We release the Czech OOV Inflection Dataset for rigorous evaluation in OOV conditions. Further, we release the inflection system with the seq2seq models as a ready-to-use Python library.

Cross-linguistically, native words and loanwords follow different phonological rules. In English, for example, words of Germanic and Latinate origin exhibit different stress patterns, and a certain syntactic structure, double-object datives, is predominantly associated with Germanic verbs rather than Latinate verbs. From the perspective of language acquisition, however, such etymology-based generalizations raise learnability concerns, since the historical origins of words are presumably inaccessible information for general language learners. In this study, we present computational evidence indicating that the Germanic-Latinate distinction in the English lexicon is learnable from the phonotactic information of individual words. Specifically, we performed an unsupervised clustering on corpus-extracted words, and the resulting word clusters largely aligned with the etymological distinction. The model-discovered clusters also recovered various linguistic generalizations documented in the previous literature regarding the corresponding etymological classes. Moreover, our model also uncovered previously unrecognized features of the quasi-etymological clusters. Taken together with prior results from Japanese, our findings indicate that the proposed method provides a general, cross-linguistic approach to discovering etymological structure from phonotactic cues in the lexicon.

DEMorphy is a morphological analyzer for German. It is built onto large, compactified lexicons from German Morphological Dictionary. A guesser based on German declension suffixed is also provided. For German, we provided a state-of-art morphological analyzer. DEMorphy is implemented in Python with ease of usability and accompanying documentation. The package is suitable for both academic and commercial purposes wit a permissive licence.

Named Entity Recognition (NER) is a fundamental NLP task, commonly formulated as classification over a sequence of tokens. Morphologically-Rich Languages (MRLs) pose a challenge to this basic formulation, as the boundaries of Named Entities do not necessarily coincide with token boundaries, rather, they respect morphological boundaries. To address NER in MRLs we then need to answer two fundamental questions, namely, what are the basic units to be labeled, and how can these units be detected and classified in realistic settings, i.e., where no gold morphology is available. We empirically investigate these questions on a novel NER benchmark, with parallel tokenlevel and morpheme-level NER annotations, which we develop for Modern Hebrew, a morphologically rich-and-ambiguous language. Our results show that explicitly modeling morphological boundaries leads to improved NER performance, and that a novel hybrid architecture, in which NER precedes and prunes morphological decomposition, greatly outperforms the standard pipeline, where morphological decomposition strictly precedes NER, setting a new performance bar for both Hebrew NER and Hebrew morphological decomposition tasks.

Morphological parsing is the task of decomposing words into morphemes, the smallest units of meaning in a language, and labelling their grammatical roles. It is a particularly challenging task for agglutinative languages, such as the Nguni languages of South Africa, which construct words by concatenating multiple morphemes. A morphological parsing system can be framed as a pipeline with two separate components, a segmenter followed by a tagger. This paper investigates the use of neural methods to build morphological taggers for the four Nguni languages. We compare two classes of approaches: training neural sequence labellers (LSTMs and neural CRFs) from scratch and finetuning pretrained language models. We compare performance across these two categories, as well as to a traditional rule-based morphological parser. Neural taggers comfortably outperform the rule-based baseline and models trained from scratch tend to outperform pretrained models. We also compare parsing results across different upstream segmenters and with varying linguistic input features. Our findings confirm the viability of employing neural taggers based on pre-existing morphological segmenters for the Nguni languages.

Domain-general semantic parsing is a long-standing goal in natural language processing, where the semantic parser is capable of robustly parsing sentences from domains outside of which it was trained. Current approaches largely rely on additional supervision from new domains in order to generalize to those domains. We present a generative model of natural language utterances and logical forms and demonstrate its application to semantic parsing. Our approach relies on domain-independent supervision to generalize to new domains. We derive and implement efficient algorithms for training, parsing, and sentence generation. The work relies on a novel application of hierarchical Dirichlet processes (HDPs) for structured prediction, which we also present in this manuscript. This manuscript is an excerpt of chapter 4 from the Ph.D. thesis of Saparov (2022), where the model plays a central role in a larger natural language understanding system. This manuscript provides a new simplified and more complete presentation of the work first introduced in Saparov, Saraswat, and Mitchell (2017). The description and proofs of correctness of the training algorithm, parsing algorithm, and sentence generation algorithm are much simplified in this new presentation. We also describe the novel application of hierarchical Dirichlet processes for structured prediction. In addition, we extend the earlier work with a new model of word morphology, which utilizes the comprehensive morphological data from Wiktionary.

Universal Dependencies is an open community effort to create cross-linguistically consistent treebank annotation for many languages within a dependency-based lexicalist framework. The annotation consists in a linguistically motivated word segmentation; a morphological layer comprising lemmas, universal part-of-speech tags, and standardized morphological features; and a syntactic layer focusing on syntactic relations between predicates, arguments and modifiers. In this paper, we describe version 2 of the guidelines (UD v2), discuss the major changes from UD v1 to UD v2, and give an overview of the currently available treebanks for 90 languages.

A challenge towards developing NLP systems for the world's languages is understanding how they generalize to typological differences relevant for real-world applications. To this end, we propose M2C, a morphologically-aware framework for behavioral testing of NLP models. We use M2C to generate tests that probe models' behavior in light of specific linguistic features in 12 typologically diverse languages. We evaluate state-of-the-art language models on the generated tests. While models excel at most tests in English, we highlight generalization failures to specific typological characteristics such as temporal expressions in Swahili and compounding possessives in Finish. Our findings motivate the development of models that address these blind spots.

Computational historical linguistics seeks to systematically understand processes of sound change, including during periods at which little to no formal recording of language is attested. At the same time, few computational resources exist which deeply explore phonological and morphological connections between proto-languages and their descendants. This is particularly true for the family of Italic languages. To assist historical linguists in the study of Italic sound change, we introduce the Proto-Italic to Latin (PILA) dataset, which consists of roughly 3,000 pairs of forms from Proto-Italic and Latin. We provide a detailed description of how our dataset was created and organized. Then, we exhibit PILA's value in two ways. First, we present baseline results for PILA on a pair of traditional computational historical linguistics tasks. Second, we demonstrate PILA's capability for enhancing other historical-linguistic datasets through a dataset compatibility study.

Darija Open Dataset (DODa) is an open-source project for the Moroccan dialect. With more than 10,000 entries DODa is arguably the largest open-source collaborative project for Darija-English translation built for Natural Language Processing purposes. In fact, besides semantic categorization, DODa also adopts a syntactic one, presents words under different spellings, offers verb-to-noun and masculine-to-feminine correspondences, contains the conjugation of hundreds of verbs in different tenses, and many other subsets to help researchers better understand and study Moroccan dialect. This data paper presents a description of DODa, its features, how it was collected, as well as a first application in Image Classification using ImageNet labels translated to Darija. This collaborative project is hosted on GitHub platform under MIT's Open-Source license and aims to be a standard resource for researchers, students, and anyone who is interested in Moroccan Dialect

We employ new tools from mechanistic interpretability in order to ask whether the internal structure of large language models (LLMs) shows correspondence to the linguistic structures which underlie the languages on which they are trained. In particular, we ask (1) when two languages employ the same morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using shared internal circuitry? and (2) when two languages require different morphosyntactic processes, do LLMs handle them using different internal circuitry? Using English and Chinese multilingual and monolingual models, we analyze the internal circuitry involved in two tasks. We find evidence that models employ the same circuit to handle the same syntactic process independently of the language in which it occurs, and that this is the case even for monolingual models trained completely independently. Moreover, we show that multilingual models employ language-specific components (attention heads and feed-forward networks) when needed to handle linguistic processes (e.g., morphological marking) that only exist in some languages. Together, our results provide new insights into how LLMs trade off between exploiting common structures and preserving linguistic differences when tasked with modeling multiple languages simultaneously.

Neural dependency parsing has achieved remarkable performance for low resource morphologically rich languages. It has also been well-studied that morphologically rich languages exhibit relatively free word order. This prompts a fundamental investigation: Is there a way to enhance dependency parsing performance, making the model robust to word order variations utilizing the relatively free word order nature of morphologically rich languages? In this work, we examine the robustness of graph-based parsing architectures on 7 relatively free word order languages. We focus on scrutinizing essential modifications such as data augmentation and the removal of position encoding required to adapt these architectures accordingly. To this end, we propose a contrastive self-supervised learning method to make the model robust to word order variations. Furthermore, our proposed modification demonstrates a substantial average gain of 3.03/2.95 points in 7 relatively free word order languages, as measured by the UAS/LAS Score metric when compared to the best performing baseline.

Lemmatization is still not a trivial task for morphologically rich languages. Previous studies showed that hybrid architectures usually work better for these languages and can yield great results. This paper presents a hybrid lemmatizer utilizing both a neural model, dictionaries and hand-crafted rules. We introduce a hybrid architecture along with empirical results on a widely used Hungarian dataset. The presented methods are published as three HuSpaCy models.

Minimal pairs are a well-established approach to evaluating the grammatical knowledge of language models. However, existing resources for minimal pairs address a limited number of languages and lack diversity of language-specific grammatical phenomena. This paper introduces the Russian Benchmark of Linguistic Minimal Pairs (RuBLiMP), which includes 45k pairs of sentences that differ in grammaticality and isolate a morphological, syntactic, or semantic phenomenon. In contrast to existing benchmarks of linguistic minimal pairs, RuBLiMP is created by applying linguistic perturbations to automatically annotated sentences from open text corpora and carefully curating test data. We describe the data collection protocol and present the results of evaluating 25 language models in various scenarios. We find that the widely used language models for Russian are sensitive to morphological and agreement-oriented contrasts but fall behind humans on phenomena requiring understanding of structural relations, negation, transitivity, and tense. RuBLiMP, the codebase, and other materials are publicly available.

We investigate structural traces of language contact in the intermediate representations of a monolingual language model. Focusing on Persian (Farsi) as a historically contact-rich language, we probe the representations of a Persian-trained model when exposed to languages with varying degrees and types of contact with Persian. Our methodology quantifies the amount of linguistic information encoded in intermediate representations and assesses how this information is distributed across model components for different morphosyntactic features. The results show that universal syntactic information is largely insensitive to historical contact, whereas morphological features such as Case and Gender are strongly shaped by language-specific structure, suggesting that contact effects in monolingual language models are selective and structurally constrained.

Negative polarity items (NPIs), such as "anymore" and "ever", are grammatical only in select environments, predominantly in the context of negation. Because their grammaticality depends on both syntax and semantics, they have a rich, multilingual literature in theoretical linguistics, yet work on NPIs in language models is almost entirely confined to English. We introduce BLiMPPI, a multilingual evaluation suite of over 12,000 NPI minimal pairs in 33 languages, built by a pipeline that discovers NPIs in Universal Dependencies (UD) treebanks, labels their licensing environments, and perturbs these into minimal pairs. Evaluating 12 multilingual and 2 monolingual models alongside n-gram baselines, we find that multilingual models struggle most with lower-resource languages and with pairs that are not n-gram solvable. We further examine the effects of NPI typology, language family, licensing variability, and NPI-licenser distance. Data: https://github.com/arzuburcuguven/blimppi-data

Tokenization plays a pivotal role in natural language processing (NLP), shaping how text is segmented and interpreted by language models. While subword methods such as Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) and WordPiece have been effective, they often struggle with morphologically rich and agglutinative languages because they rely on frequency rather than linguistic structure. We introduce a hybrid tokenization framework that combines rule-based morphological analysis with statistical subword segmentation. The method uses phonological normalization, root-affix dictionaries, and a novel algorithm that balances morpheme preservation with vocabulary efficiency. It assigns shared identifiers to phonologically variant affixes (e.g., -ler and -lar) and altered root forms (e.g., kitap vs. kitab{\i}), reducing redundancy while maintaining semantic integrity. Special tokens are added for whitespace and case, including an UPPERCASE marker to avoid vocabulary inflation from capitalization. BPE is integrated for out-of-vocabulary coverage without harming morphological coherence. On the TR-MMLU benchmark, the tokenizer achieves the highest Turkish Token Percentage (90.29\%) and Pure Token Percentage (85.8\%). Comparisons with tokenizers from LLaMA, Gemma, and GPT show more linguistically meaningful and coherent tokens. Although demonstrated on Turkish, the approach is language-independent and adaptable to other languages, offering a practical path toward more interpretable and effective multilingual NLP systems.

Tokenization is a pivotal design choice for neural language modeling in morphologically rich languages (MRLs) such as Turkish, where productive agglutination challenges both vocabulary efficiency and morphological fidelity. Prior studies have explored tokenizer families and vocabulary sizes but typically (i) vary vocabulary without systematically controlling the tokenizer's training corpus, (ii) provide limited intrinsic diagnostics, and (iii) evaluate a narrow slice of downstream tasks. We present the first comprehensive, principled study of Turkish subword tokenization; a "subwords manifest", that jointly varies vocabulary size and tokenizer training corpus size (data and vocabulary coupling), compares multiple tokenizer families under matched parameter budgets (WordPiece, morphology level, and character baselines), and evaluates across semantic (NLI, STS, sentiment analysis, NER), syntactic (POS, dependency parsing), and morphology-sensitive probes. To explain why tokenizers succeed or fail, we introduce a morphology-aware diagnostic toolkit that goes beyond coarse aggregates to boundary-level micro/macro F1, decoupled lemma atomicity vs. surface boundary hits, over/under-segmentation indices, character/word edit distances (CER/WER), continuation rates, and affix-type coverage and token-level atomicity. Our contributions are fourfold: (i) a systematic investigation of the vocabulary-corpus-success triad; (ii) a unified, morphology-aware evaluation framework linking intrinsic diagnostics to extrinsic outcomes; (iii) controlled comparisons identifying when character-level and morphology-level tokenization pay off; and (iv) an open-source release of evaluation code, tokenizer pipelines, and models. As the first work of its kind, this "subwords manifest" delivers actionable guidance for building effective tokenizers in MRLs and establishes a reproducible foundation for future research.

We introduce TatBLiMP, the first benchmark of linguistic minimal pairs for Tatar (tt, ISO 639-3 tat), a Qypchaq Turkic language written in Cyrillic. To our knowledge it is the first grammaticality evaluation for Tatar language models of any kind, since even the 101-language MultiBLiMP does not include Tatar. TatBLiMP covers 16 morphosyntactic phenomena in 1248 sentence pairs. Each pair differs by a single morpheme, one grammatical and one ungrammatical. A model passes a pair when it assigns higher probability to the grammatical member. Scoring compares probabilities the model already assigns, so the benchmark needs no text generation and no parser, and it runs on base models and on mid-training checkpoints. TatBLiMP adapts the phenomenon inventory and single-morpheme breaking operations of TurBLiMP to Tatar and adds one phenomenon specific to Tatar, bare-noun number after numerals and quantifiers. The grammatical member of every pair is an attested sentence from Tatar literary prose. The ungrammatical member is produced by a deterministic single-morpheme perturbation with the apertium-tat transducer. Every pair is ratified by a native speaker. A plausibility principle governs construction, so the ungrammatical member is a plausible real-world error rather than an arbitrary corruption. Across from-scratch Tatar models, cross-lingual adaptations, and frontier multilingual LLMs, the benchmark tracks focused Tatar training rather than parameter scale. A 478M from-scratch model and a 125M monolingual model lead near 0.97, a 7B adaptation trails, frontier LLMs of 30-120B parameters fall to 0.80-0.92, and a lightly tuned multilingual model is weakest. We close with the benchmark's main limitation. Its inherited taxonomy omits the morphophonology, vowel harmony and consonant assimilation, that is most salient to native speakers, and we sketch a native second layer that would add it.

One of the most central aspects of language processing is the ability to trade off between stored representations and abstract knowledge: one must retrieve stored representations, but also generate novel ones by applying productive rules. While recent work has examined abstract knowledge in language models, holistic storage has received far less attention. We probe internal representations in both text-based LLMs and an ASR model, testing whether V+up phrasal verbs develop distinct representations as a function of frequency and predictability. All models show evidence of holistic storage driven by frequency and predictability, further supporting usage-based theories of language.

Neural dependency parsing has achieved remarkable performance for many domains and languages. The bottleneck of massive labeled data limits the effectiveness of these approaches for low resource languages. In this work, we focus on dependency parsing for morphological rich languages (MRLs) in a low-resource setting. Although morphological information is essential for the dependency parsing task, the morphological disambiguation and lack of powerful analyzers pose challenges to get this information for MRLs. To address these challenges, we propose simple auxiliary tasks for pretraining. We perform experiments on 10 MRLs in low-resource settings to measure the efficacy of our proposed pretraining method and observe an average absolute gain of 2 points (UAS) and 3.6 points (LAS). Code and data available at: https://github.com/jivnesh/LCM

This paper presents a conceptual framework for developing an electronic explanatory dictionary of the Tajik language using large language models (LLMs). The relevance of the work stems from the absence of a comprehensive digital lexicographic resource for Tajik that is comparable in functionality to dictionaries for high-resource languages, and from the limited adaptation of modern natural language processing technologies to low-resource language systems. Based on a systematic survey of existing linguistic, statistical, and corpus resources, we propose a dictionary architecture that integrates modules for morphological analysis, lemmatization, semantic clustering, and dictionary entry generation using LLMs. The choice of subword tokenization is justified by the agglutinative nature of Tajik morphology and its high morphological variability, along with a parameter-efficient fine-tuning (PEFT) strategy suitable for limited annotated data. The novelty of the work lies in proposing the first holistic conceptual architecture of an explanatory dictionary for Tajik that unifies classical lexicographic methods, language statistics, and generative capabilities of LLMs into a single system. The practical significance of the study is the formation of a methodological foundation for developing a full-featured electronic dictionary that can serve both as a lexicographic tool and as a core resource for machine translation, automatic summarization, sentiment analysis, and other applied NLP tasks. The paper is intended for specialists in computational linguistics, lexicography, and developers of natural language processing systems working with low-resource languages.

While large language models (LLMs) excel in various natural language tasks in English, their performance in lower-resourced languages like Hebrew, especially for generative tasks such as abstractive summarization, remains unclear. The high morphological richness in Hebrew adds further challenges due to the ambiguity in sentence comprehension and the complexities in meaning construction. In this paper, we address this resource and evaluation gap by introducing HeSum, a novel benchmark specifically designed for abstractive text summarization in Modern Hebrew. HeSum consists of 10,000 article-summary pairs sourced from Hebrew news websites written by professionals. Linguistic analysis confirms HeSum's high abstractness and unique morphological challenges. We show that HeSum presents distinct difficulties for contemporary state-of-the-art LLMs, establishing it as a valuable testbed for generative language technology in Hebrew, and MRLs generative challenges in general.

We present a method for discovering morphological features in low-resource Bantu languages by combining cross-lingual transfer learning with unsupervised clustering. Applied to Giriama (nyf), a language with only 91 labeled paradigms, our pipeline discovers noun class assignments for 2,455 words and identifies two previously undocumented morphological patterns: an a- prefix variant for Class 2 (vowel coalescence - the merger of two adjacent vowels - of wa-, 95.1% consistency) and a contracted k'- prefix (98.5% consistency). External validation on 444 known Giriama verb paradigms confirms 78.2% lemmatization accuracy, while a v3 corpus expansion to 19,624 words (9,014 unique lemmas) achieves 97.3% segmentation and 86.7% lemmatization rates across all major word classes. Our ensemble of transfer learning from Swahili and unsupervised clustering, combined via weighted voting, exploits complementary strengths: transfer excels at cognate detection (leveraging ~60% vocabulary overlap) while clustering discovers language-specific innovations invisible to transfer. We release all code and discovered lexicons to support morphological documentation for low-resource Bantu languages.

Arabic morphology remains challenging for large language models, since fluent generation does not guarantee accurate morphosyntactic control. Existing Arabic evaluations mainly target downstream tasks and do not directly test controlled morphological generation from explicit lexical and feature-based input. We introduce YallaMorph, a large-scale benchmark for Arabic morphological generation covering verbs, nouns, adjectives, their cliticized forms, and invalid configurations. We evaluate multilingual and Arabic-oriented LLMs under diacritized and undiacritized settings over 600K benchmark entries. Results show that Arabic morphological generation remains difficult, especially for cliticized, unseen, and morphologically rare forms.

Syntactic parsing remains a critical tool for relation extraction and information extraction, especially in resource-scarce languages where LLMs are lacking. Yet in morphologically rich languages (MRLs), where parsers need to identify multiple lexical units in each token, existing systems suffer in latency and setup complexity. Some use a pipeline to peel away the layers: first segmentation, then morphology tagging, and then syntax parsing; however, errors in earlier layers are then propagated forward. Others use a joint architecture to evaluate all permutations at once; while this improves accuracy, it is notoriously slow. In contrast, and taking Hebrew as a test case, we present a new "flipped pipeline": decisions are made directly on the whole-token units by expert classifiers, each one dedicated to one specific task. The classifiers are independent of one another, and only at the end do we synthesize their predictions. This blazingly fast approach sets a new SOTA in Hebrew POS tagging and dependency parsing, while also reaching near-SOTA performance on other Hebrew NLP tasks. Because our architecture does not rely on any language-specific resources, it can serve as a model to develop similar parsers for other MRLs.

Historical language change affects morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics, yet computational studies typically examine these levels with incompatible representations and therefore cannot determine whether they evolve together across languages. We address this problem by asking how the magnitude and direction of change vary across linguistic levels, languages, and historical periods within a single analytical space. We introduce ChronoLens, a framework that combines frozen multilingual language models, feature-aligned crosscoders, and post-hoc linguistic interventions, and apply it to 44.98 million documents and approximately 17.2 billion tokens from five parliamentary traditions spanning 1803--2026. The resulting sparse representations agree substantially more strongly with linguistic statistics than dense embeddings or a pooled sparse autoencoder (ρ=0.72 versus 0.29 and 0.28), and reveal that morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics generally change by comparable amounts within a language, while languages differ markedly in when, how far, and in which direction they change. These findings show that historical language change is a structured, multidimensional process: similar magnitudes can conceal different trajectories, and meaningful cross-linguistic comparison requires measuring both distance and direction.

In this thesis, we developed a comprehensive framework for sentiment analysis that takes its many aspects into account mainly for Turkish. We have also proposed several approaches specific to sentiment analysis in English only. We have accordingly made five major and three minor contributions. We generated a novel and effective feature set by combining unsupervised, semi-supervised, and supervised metrics. We then fed them as input into classical machine learning methods, and outperformed neural network models for datasets of different genres in both Turkish and English. We created a polarity lexicon with a semi-supervised domain-specific method, which has been the first approach applied for corpora in Turkish. We performed a fine morphological analysis for the sentiment classification task in Turkish by determining the polarities of morphemes. This can be adapted to other morphologically-rich or agglutinative languages as well. We have built a novel neural network architecture, which combines recurrent and recursive neural network models for English. We built novel word embeddings that exploit sentiment, syntactic, semantic, and lexical characteristics for both Turkish and English. We also redefined context windows as subclauses in modelling word representations in English. This can also be applied to other linguistic fields and natural language processing tasks. We have achieved state-of-the-art and significant results for all these original approaches. Our minor contributions include methods related to aspect-based sentiment in Turkish, parameter redefinition in the semi-supervised approach, and aspect term extraction techniques for English. This thesis can be considered the most detailed and comprehensive study made on sentiment analysis in Turkish as of July, 2020. Our work has also contributed to the opinion classification problem in English.

We study the relationship between vocabulary size and text length in a corpus of 75 literary works in English, authored by six writers, distinguishing between the contributions of three grammatical classes (or ``tags,'' namely, {\it nouns}, {\it verbs}, and {\it others}), and analyze the progressive appearance of new words of each tag along each individual text. While the power-law relation prescribed by Heaps' law is satisfactorily fulfilled by total vocabulary sizes and text lengths, the appearance of new words in each text is on the whole well described by the average of random shufflings of the text, which does not obey a power law. Deviations from this average, however, are statistically significant and show a systematic trend across the corpus. Specifically, they reveal that the appearance of new words along each text is predominantly retarded with respect to the average of random shufflings. Moreover, different tags are shown to add systematically distinct contributions to this tendency, with {\it verbs} and {\it others} being respectively more and less retarded than the mean trend, and {\it nouns} following instead this overall mean. These statistical systematicities are likely to point to the existence of linguistically relevant information stored in the different variants of Heaps' law, a feature that is still in need of extensive assessment.

Large language models typically undergo post-training to align them with safety policies but there exist many sophisticated jailbreaks that sidestep established safeguards. For instance, prior work by Andriushchenko et al. (2025) has found that changing the grammatical tense from present to past can be enough to elicit harmful responses. In this work, we uncover a more general failure of non-imperative syntactic forms. We demonstrate that this syntactic vulnerability exists in 16 models up to 70B parameters, using behavioral evaluation. To investigate the root cause, we apply causal mediation analysis, finding that refusal is partially conditioned on upstream syntactic features. By steering these purely syntactic features we are able to trigger and suppress refusal. Finally, we trace this ill-conditioning to linguistically biased post-training data of open-source models and show that increasing syntactic diversity can mitigate the issue. Our findings suggest that current alignment approaches introduce confounders that prevent a pure semantic grounding of the refusal decision.

The term islands in linguistics refers to phrases from which extracting an element results in ungrammaticality (Ross, 1967). Grammatical subjects are considered islands because extracting a sub-part of a subject results in an ill-formed sentence, despite having a clear intended meaning (e.g., "Which topic did the article about inspire you?"). The generative tradition, which views syntax as autonomous of meaning and function, attributes this ungrammaticality to the abstract movement dependency between the wh-phrase and the subject-internal position with which it is associated for interpretation. However, research on language that emphasizes its communicative function suggests instead that syntactic constraints, including islands, can be explained based on the way different constructions package information. Accordingly, Abeillé et al. (2020) suggest that the islandhood of subjects is specific to the information structure of wh-questions, and propose that subjects are not islands for movement, but for focusing, due to their discourse-backgroundedness. This predicts that other constructions that differ in their information structure from wh-questions, but still involve movement, should not create a subject island effect. We test this prediction in three large-scale acceptability studies, using a super-additive design that singles out subject island violations, in three different constructions: wh-questions, relative clauses, and topicalization. We report evidence for a subject island effect in each construction type, despite only wh-questions introducing what Abeillé et al. (2020) call "a clash in information structure." We argue that this motivates an account of islands in terms of abstract, syntactic representations, independent of the communicative function associated with the constructions.

Tokenization is fundamental to Natural Language Processing (NLP), directly impacting model efficiency and linguistic fidelity. While Byte Pair Encoding (BPE) is widely used in Large Language Models (LLMs), it often disregards morpheme boundaries, leading to suboptimal segmentation, particularly in morphologically rich languages. We introduce MorphBPE, a morphology-aware extension of BPE that integrates linguistic structure into subword tokenization while preserving statistical efficiency. Additionally, we propose two morphology-based evaluation metrics: (i) Morphological Consistency F1-Score, which quantifies the consistency between morpheme sharing and token sharing, contributing to LLM training convergence, and (ii) Morphological Edit Distance, which measures alignment between morphemes and tokens concerning interpretability. Experiments on English, Russian, Hungarian, and Arabic across 300M and 1B parameter LLMs demonstrate that MorphBPE consistently reduces cross-entropy loss, accelerates convergence, and improves morphological alignment scores. Fully compatible with existing LLM pipelines, MorphBPE requires minimal modifications for integration. The MorphBPE codebase and tokenizer playground will be available at: https://github.com/llm-lab-org/MorphBPE and https://tokenizer.llm-lab.org

Despite the success of the Universal Dependencies (UD) project exemplified by its impressive language breadth, there is still a lack in `within-language breadth': most treebanks focus on standard languages. Even for German, the language with the most annotations in UD, so far no treebank exists for one of its language varieties spoken by over 10M people: Bavarian. To contribute to closing this gap, we present the first multi-dialect Bavarian treebank (MaiBaam) manually annotated with part-of-speech and syntactic dependency information in UD, covering multiple text genres (wiki, fiction, grammar examples, social, non-fiction). We highlight the morphosyntactic differences between the closely-related Bavarian and German and showcase the rich variability of speakers' orthographies. Our corpus includes 15k tokens, covering dialects from all Bavarian-speaking areas spanning three countries. We provide baseline parsing and POS tagging results, which are lower than results obtained on German and vary substantially between different graph-based parsers. To support further research on Bavarian syntax, we make our dataset, language-specific guidelines and code publicly available.

The latest generation of LLMs can be prompted to achieve impressive zero-shot or few-shot performance in many NLP tasks. However, since performance is highly sensitive to the choice of prompts, considerable effort has been devoted to crowd-sourcing prompts or designing methods for prompt optimisation. Yet, we still lack a systematic understanding of how linguistic properties of prompts correlate with task performance. In this work, we investigate how LLMs of different sizes, pre-trained and instruction-tuned, perform on prompts that are semantically equivalent, but vary in linguistic structure. We investigate both grammatical properties such as mood, tense, aspect and modality, as well as lexico-semantic variation through the use of synonyms. Our findings contradict the common assumption that LLMs achieve optimal performance on lower perplexity prompts that reflect language use in pretraining or instruction-tuning data. Prompts transfer poorly between datasets or models, and performance cannot generally be explained by perplexity, word frequency, ambiguity or prompt length. Based on our results, we put forward a proposal for a more robust and comprehensive evaluation standard for prompting research.

In this study, we aim to offer linguistically motivated solutions to resolve the issues of the lack of representation of null morphemes, highly productive derivational processes, and syncretic morphemes of Turkish in the BOUN Treebank without diverging from the Universal Dependencies framework. In order to tackle these issues, new annotation conventions were introduced by splitting certain lemmas and employing the MISC (miscellaneous) tab in the UD framework to denote derivation. Representational capabilities of the re-annotated treebank were tested on a LSTM-based dependency parser and an updated version of the BoAT Tool is introduced.

Standard subword tokenization methods fragment numbers inconsistently, causing large language models (LLMs) to lose positional and decimal structure - a primary driver of errors in arithmetic and scientific reasoning. We introduce Triadic Suffix Tokenization (TST), a deterministic scheme that partitions digits into three-digit triads and annotates each triad with an explicit magnitude marker. Critically, the scheme defines a fixed, one-to-one mapping between suffixes and orders of magnitude for the integer part (thousands, millions, billions, etc.) and a parallel system of replicated markers for fractional depth (tenths, thousandths, millionths, etc.). Unlike approaches that rely on positional inference, this method provides a consistent gradient signal, which should ensure stable convergence. Two implementation variants are proposed: (1) a vocabulary-based approach that adds at most 10,000 fixed tokens to an existing vocabulary, covering 33 orders of magnitude (10^{-15} to 10^{18}); and (2) a suffix-marker approach that uses a small set of special tokens to denote magnitude dynamically. Both variants preserve exact digits while making order-of-magnitude relationships transparent at the token level. The framework is inherently scalable, allowing for linear vocabulary expansion to accommodate arbitrary precision and range. TST is architecture-agnostic and can be integrated as a drop-in preprocessing step. Experimental validation is deferred to future work.

Despite being spoken by millions of people, Tigrinya remains severely underrepresented in Natural Language Processing (NLP) research. This work presents a comprehensive survey of NLP research for Tigrinya, analyzing over 50 studies from 2011 to 2025. We systematically review the current state of computational resources, models, and applications across fifteen downstream tasks, including morphological processing, part-of-speech tagging, named entity recognition, machine translation, question-answering, speech recognition, and synthesis. Our analysis reveals a clear trajectory from foundational, rule-based systems to modern neural architectures, with progress consistently driven by milestones in resource creation. We identify key challenges rooted in Tigrinya's morphological properties and resource scarcity, and highlight promising research directions, including morphology-aware modeling, cross-lingual transfer, and community-centered resource development. This work serves both as a reference for researchers and as a roadmap for advancing Tigrinya NLP. An anthology of surveyed studies and resources is publicly available.

Despite much progress in recent years, the vast majority of work in natural language processing (NLP) is on standard languages with many speakers. In this work, we instead focus on low-resource languages and in particular non-standardized low-resource languages. Even within branches of major language families, often considered well-researched, little is known about the extent and type of available resources and what the major NLP challenges are for these language varieties. The first step to address this situation is a systematic survey of available corpora (most importantly, annotated corpora, which are particularly valuable for NLP research). Focusing on Germanic low-resource language varieties, we provide such a survey in this paper. Except for geolocation (origin of speaker or document), we find that manually annotated linguistic resources are sparse and, if they exist, mostly cover morphosyntax. Despite this lack of resources, we observe that interest in this area is increasing: there is active development and a growing research community. To facilitate research, we make our overview of over 80 corpora publicly available. We share a companion website of this overview at https://github.com/mainlp/germanic-lrl-corpora .

In this work, we measure the impact of affixal negation on modern English large language models (LLMs). In affixal negation, the negated meaning is expressed through a negative morpheme, which is potentially challenging for LLMs as their tokenizers are often not morphologically plausible. We conduct extensive experiments using LLMs with different subword tokenization methods, which lead to several insights on the interaction between tokenization performance and negation sensitivity. Despite some interesting mismatches between tokenization accuracy and negation detection performance, we show that models can, on the whole, reliably recognize the meaning of affixal negation.

Modern Greek is a richly inflected language, yet the language models built for it are evaluated mainly on factual knowledge, and no benchmark is dedicated to their inflectional competence. We introduce MORFES (Morphological Open-class Recognition-and-Formation Evaluation Suite), a benchmark of 500 expert-verified items that tests the recognition and production of Greek inflected forms, favoring lower-frequency lemmas so that a correct answer reflects the rule rather than a memorized form. We make it publicly available at https://huggingface.co/datasets/KIEFERSA/MORFES. We evaluate a range of open language models on MORFES, situating them within the rapidly scaling open-weight ecosystem from LLaMA to Qwen3, DeepSeek-R1, Magistral, and Kimi K2, where multilingual coverage grows but grammatical competence in morphologically rich languages remains under-measured. Among them, Sophea-Genesis-1, a model we developed and release as open weights at https://huggingface.co/KIEFERSA/Sophea-Genesis-1, leads on inflectional morphology while matching similarly sized models in general capability.

Multilingual Large Language Models are capable of using powerful Large Language Models to handle and respond to queries in multiple languages, which achieves remarkable success in multilingual natural language processing tasks. Despite these breakthroughs, there still remains a lack of a comprehensive survey to summarize existing approaches and recent developments in this field. To this end, in this paper, we present a thorough review and provide a unified perspective to summarize the recent progress as well as emerging trends in multilingual large language models (MLLMs) literature. The contributions of this paper can be summarized: (1) First survey: to our knowledge, we take the first step and present a thorough review in MLLMs research field according to multi-lingual alignment; (2) New taxonomy: we offer a new and unified perspective to summarize the current progress of MLLMs; (3) New frontiers: we highlight several emerging frontiers and discuss the corresponding challenges; (4) Abundant resources: we collect abundant open-source resources, including relevant papers, data corpora, and leaderboards. We hope our work can provide the community with quick access and spur breakthrough research in MLLMs.

Large language models (LLMs) have shown potential as tools for scientific discovery. This has engendered growing interest in their use in humanistic disciplines, such as historical linguistics and literary studies. These fields often construct arguments on the basis of delineations like genre, or more inflexibly, time period. Although efforts have been made to restrict inference to specific domains via fine-tuning or model editing, we posit that the only true guarantee is domain-restricted pretraining -- typically, a data- and compute-expensive proposition. We show that efficient pretraining techniques can produce useful models over corpora too large for easy manual inspection but too small for "typical" LLM approaches. We employ a novel date-attribution pipeline in order to obtain a temporally-segmented dataset of five 10-million-word slices. We train two corresponding five-model batteries over these corpus segments, efficient pretraining and Llama3-8B parameter efficiently finetuned. We find that the pretrained models are faster to train than the finetuned baselines and that they better respect the historical divisions of our corpus. Emphasizing speed and precision over a-historical comprehensiveness enables a number of novel approaches to hypothesis discovery and testing in our target fields. Taking up diachronic linguistics as a testbed, we show that our method enables the detection of a diverse set of phenomena, including en masse lexical change, non-lexical (grammatical and morphological) change, and word sense introduction/obsolescence. We provide a ready-to-use pipeline that allows extension of our approach to other target fields with only minimal adaptation.

The Tajik language, written in Cyrillic script, remains severely under-resourced in terms of publicly available natural language processing (NLP) toolkits, hindering both linguistic research and applied development. This paper introduces TajikNLP, an open-source Python library that provides the first comprehensive pipeline for processing authentic Tajik text while preserving the original Cyrillic orthography. The library implements a modular architecture centered around a unified Doc object, enabling sequential application of components for cleaning, normalization, tokenization (including subword BPE), morphemic segmentation, part-of-speech tagging, stemming, lemmatization, and sentence splitting. A novel unified morphology engine is introduced, offering controlled and deep analysis modes that significantly improve handling of Tajik's agglutinative nominal and verbal inflections. The release further incorporates a lexicon-based sentiment analyser and pre-trained Word2Vec/FastText embeddings loaded directly from the Hugging Face Hub. To ensure reproducibility and facilitate future research, four accompanying linguistic datasets -- a POS-tagged corpus (52.5k entries), a sentiment lexicon (3.5k entries), a toponym gazetteer (5.6k entries), and a personal names dataset (3.8k entries) -- have been openly published under permissive licenses. The library's reliability is validated by an extensive test suite of 616 automated tests achieving 93% source code coverage. TajikNLP thus establishes a foundational technological infrastructure for Tajik language processing, lowering the barrier to entry for both academic and industrial applications in low-resource Cyrillic-script environments.

This paper proposes a novel framework for understanding large language models (LLMs) by reconceptualizing them as semiotic machines rather than as imitations of human cognition. Drawing from structuralist and post-structuralist theories of language-specifically the works of Ferdinand de Saussure and Jacques Derrida-I argue that LLMs should be understood as models of language itself, aligning with Derrida's concept of 'writing' (l'ecriture). The paper is structured into three parts. First, I lay the theoretical groundwork by explaining how the word2vec embedding algorithm operates within Saussure's framework of language as a relational system of signs. Second, I apply Derrida's critique of Saussure to position 'writing' as the object modeled by LLMs, offering a view of the machine's 'mind' as a statistical approximation of sign behavior. Finally, the third section addresses how modern LLMs reflect post-structuralist notions of unfixed meaning, arguing that the "next token generation" mechanism effectively captures the dynamic nature of meaning. By reconceptualizing LLMs as semiotic machines rather than cognitive models, this framework provides an alternative lens through which to assess the strengths and limitations of LLMs, offering new avenues for future research.

English to Indian language machine translation poses the challenge of structural and morphological divergence. This paper describes English to Indian language statistical machine translation using pre-ordering and suffix separation. The pre-ordering uses rules to transfer the structure of the source sentences prior to training and translation. This syntactic restructuring helps statistical machine translation to tackle the structural divergence and hence better translation quality. The suffix separation is used to tackle the morphological divergence between English and highly agglutinative Indian languages. We demonstrate that the use of pre-ordering and suffix separation helps in improving the quality of English to Indian Language machine translation.

Tokenization is a fundamental preprocessing step in NLP, directly impacting large language models' (LLMs) ability to capture syntactic, morphosyntactic, and semantic structures. This paper introduces a novel framework for systematically evaluating tokenization strategies, addressing challenges in morphologically rich and low-resource languages. Using a Turkish dataset of 6,200 multiple-choice questions from the Massive Multitask Language Understanding (MMLU) benchmark, the framework assesses tokenizers across five key metrics: vocabulary size, token count, processing time, language-specific token percentages (\%TR), and token purity. These metrics provide a structured approach to evaluating how well tokenizers preserve linguistic structures. While \%TR measures the proportion of valid words in the target language, \%Pure assesses the alignment of tokens with meaningful linguistic units, such as roots and valid morphemes, minimizing semantic fragmentation. The findings reveal that \%TR, introduced as a critical metric, exhibits a stronger correlation with downstream performance (e.g., MMLU scores) than token purity, emphasizing its role in improving model accuracy. Additionally, larger model parameters do not necessarily yield better tokenization quality or enhanced results, highlighting the importance of tailored tokenization strategies that prioritize linguistic alignment. This framework sets a new standard for developing robust tokenization methods optimized for morphologically complex and low-resource languages. Future work will refine morphological analysis, explore domain-specific customizations, and conduct cross-linguistic evaluations to further enhance tokenization practices.

Prior work in Ancient Greek NLP relies on corpora that do not disambiguate the phonemic vowel length of alpha, iota, and ypsilon, together known as the dichrona. Depending on lexeme, morphology, sandhi, syntax, and conventions of period, genre, and verse form, each of these letters can represent either a long or a short vowel. Deciding and marking the correct length is known as "macronizing", a long-tail problem given the sheer mass of word forms and the context dependency of individual instances. No macronized corpus of Ancient Greek is publicly available at scale, so a stand-alone macronizer is needed. While previous work has shown how to build a static, corpus-bespoke vowel-length dictionary, the present paper constructs the first general-purpose macronizer for arbitrary Ancient Greek input. Given input carrying lemma, part-of-speech, and morphological annotation in the standard CoNLL-U format, a set of recursive modules lets less common word forms inherit markup from more common forms of the same lexical word. The macronizer's chief application is generating training data for machine learning: we show that a small character-level transformer trained on the macronizer's own output learns to generalize past the cases the rule-based system leaves unmarked, matching or exceeding its accuracy on a gold-standard, manually annotated benchmark of verse and prose. We also show that macronization can improve downstream prosodical NLP tasks like verse scansion.

We present a method for classifying syntactic errors in learner language, namely errors whose correction alters the morphosyntactic structure of a sentence. The methodology builds on the established Universal Dependencies syntactic representation scheme, and provides complementary information to other error-classification systems. Unlike existing error classification methods, our method is applicable across languages, which we showcase by producing a detailed picture of syntactic errors in learner English and learner Russian. We further demonstrate the utility of the methodology for analyzing the outputs of leading Grammatical Error Correction (GEC) systems.

Protolanguage reconstruction is central to historical linguistics. The comparative method, one of the most influential theoretical and methodological frameworks in the history of the language sciences, allows linguists to infer protoforms (reconstructed ancestral words) from their reflexes (related modern words) based on the assumption of regular sound change. Not surprisingly, numerous computational linguists have attempted to operationalize comparative reconstruction through various computational models, the most successful of which have been supervised encoder-decoder models, which treat the problem of predicting protoforms given sets of reflexes as a sequence-to-sequence problem. We argue that this framework ignores one of the most important aspects of the comparative method: not only should protoforms be inferable from cognate sets (sets of related reflexes) but the reflexes should also be inferable from the protoforms. Leveraging another line of research -- reflex prediction -- we propose a system in which candidate protoforms from a reconstruction model are reranked by a reflex prediction model. We show that this more complete implementation of the comparative method allows us to surpass state-of-the-art protoform reconstruction methods on three of four Chinese and Romance datasets.

The SIGMORPHON 2022 shared task on morpheme segmentation challenged systems to decompose a word into a sequence of morphemes and covered most types of morphology: compounds, derivations, and inflections. Subtask 1, word-level morpheme segmentation, covered 5 million words in 9 languages (Czech, English, Spanish, Hungarian, French, Italian, Russian, Latin, Mongolian) and received 13 system submissions from 7 teams and the best system averaged 97.29% F1 score across all languages, ranging English (93.84%) to Latin (99.38%). Subtask 2, sentence-level morpheme segmentation, covered 18,735 sentences in 3 languages (Czech, English, Mongolian), received 10 system submissions from 3 teams, and the best systems outperformed all three state-of-the-art subword tokenization methods (BPE, ULM, Morfessor2) by 30.71% absolute. To facilitate error analysis and support any type of future studies, we released all system predictions, the evaluation script, and all gold standard datasets.

Recent large-scale neural autoregressive sequence models have shown impressive performances on a variety of natural language generation tasks. However, their generated sequences often exhibit degenerate properties such as non-termination, undesirable repetition, and premature termination, when generated with decoding algorithms such as greedy search, beam search, top-k sampling, and nucleus sampling. In this paper, we focus on the problem of non-terminating sequences resulting from an incomplete decoding algorithm. We first define an incomplete probable decoding algorithm which includes greedy search, top-k sampling, and nucleus sampling, beyond the incomplete decoding algorithm originally put forward by Welleck et al. (2020). We then propose a non-monotonic self-terminating language model, which significantly relaxes the constraint of monotonically increasing termination probability in the originally proposed self-terminating language model by Welleck et al. (2020), to address the issue of non-terminating sequences when using incomplete probable decoding algorithms. We prove that our proposed model prevents non-terminating sequences when using not only incomplete probable decoding algorithms but also beam search. We empirically validate our model on sequence completion tasks with various architectures.

Tokenization is a crucial step in NLP, especially with the rise of large language models (LLMs), impacting downstream performance, computational cost, and efficiency. Existing LLMs rely on the classical Byte-pair Encoding (BPE) algorithm for subword tokenization that greedily merges frequent character bigrams, often leading to segmentation that does not align with linguistically meaningful units. To address this, we propose morphology-aware segmentation as a pre-tokenization step before applying BPE. To facilitate morphology-aware segmentation, we create a novel dataset for Hindi and Marathi, incorporating sandhi splitting to enhance the subword tokenization. Experiments on downstream tasks show that morphologically grounded tokenization improves machine translation and language modeling performance. Additionally, to handle the dependent vowels common in syllable-based writing systems used by Indic languages, we propose Constrained BPE (CBPE), an extension to the standard BPE algorithm incorporating script-specific constraints. In particular, CBPE handles dependent vowels to form a cohesive unit with other characters instead of occurring as a single unit. Our results show that CBPE achieves a 1.68\% reduction in fertility scores while maintaining comparable or improved downstream performance in machine translation and language modeling, offering a computationally efficient alternative to standard BPE. Moreover, to evaluate segmentation across different tokenization algorithms, we introduce a new human evaluation metric, EvalTok, enabling more human-grounded assessment.

Structural priming is a cognitive phenomenon where exposure to a particular syntactic structure increases the likelihood of producing the same structure in subsequent utterances. While humans consistently demonstrate structural priming effects across various linguistic contexts, it remains unclear whether multimodal large language models (MLLMs) exhibit similar syntactic preservation behaviors. We introduce PRISMATIC, the first multimodal structural priming dataset, which advances computational linguistics by providing a standardized benchmark for investigating syntax-vision interactions. We propose the Syntactic Preservation Index (SPI), a novel reference-free evaluation metric designed specifically to assess structural priming effects in sentence level. Using this metric, we constructed and tested models with two different multimodal encoding architectures to investigate their structural preservation capabilities. Our experimental results demonstrate that models with both encoding methods show comparable syntactic priming effects. However, only fusion-encoded models exhibit robust positive correlations between priming effects and visual similarity, suggesting a cognitive process more aligned with human psycholinguistic patterns. This work provides new insights into evaluating and understanding how syntactic information is processed in multimodal language models.

In recent years, language models have become increasingly larger and more complex. However, the input representations for these models continue to rely on simple and greedy subword tokenization methods. In this paper, we propose a novel tokenization method that factorizes subwords onto discrete triplets using a VQ-VAE model. The effectiveness of the proposed tokenization method, referred to as the Factorizer, is evaluated on language modeling and morpho-syntactic tasks for 7 diverse languages. Results indicate that this method is more appropriate and robust for morphological tasks than the commonly used byte-pair encoding (BPE) tokenization algorithm.

Tokenization is a foundational step in NLP pipelines, yet standard evaluation metrics such as fertility rate fail to capture morphological correctness for agglutinative languages. We present QuechuaTok, a systematic benchmark comparing four tokenization strategies - BPE, Unigram LM, WordPiece, and a morphology-aware PRPE tokenizer - for Southern Quechua (quz), a low-resource agglutinative language spoken by 8-10 million people in South America. Using a 200k-sentence corpus and the SQUOIA finite-state morphological analyzer (Rios, 2016) as silver standard, we evaluate three metrics: fertility rate, OOV rate, and morphological boundary accuracy (MorphAcc). Our results show that BPE achieves the lowest fertility rate (1.636 at 16k vocab) by memorizing surface word forms, while achieving only 6.67% MorphAcc. PRPE achieves 83.33% MorphAcc - the highest of all systems - demonstrating that fertility rate alone is insufficient to evaluate tokenizers for agglutinative languages. All code and models are publicly available at kaggle.com/code/macmaky/quechuatok

In most cases, word embeddings are learned only from raw tokens or in some cases, lemmas. This includes pre-trained language models like BERT. To investigate on the potential of capturing deeper relations between lexical items and structures and to filter out redundant information, we propose to preserve the morphological, syntactic and other types of linguistic information by combining them with the raw tokens or lemmas. This means, for example, including parts-of-speech or dependency information within the used lexical features. The word embeddings can then be trained on the combinations instead of just raw tokens. It is also possible to later apply this method to the pre-training of huge language models and possibly enhance their performance. This would aid in tackling problems which are more sophisticated from the point of view of linguistic representation, such as detection of cyberbullying.

With natural language processing (NLP), researchers aim to enable computers to identify and understand patterns in human languages. This is often difficult because a language embeds many dynamic and varied properties in its syntax, pragmatics and phonology, which need to be captured and processed. The capacity of computers to process natural languages is increasing because NLP researchers are pushing its boundaries. But these research works focus more on well-resourced languages such as English, Japanese, German, French, Russian, Mandarin Chinese, etc. Over 95% of the world's 7000 languages are low-resourced for NLP, i.e. they have little or no data, tools, and techniques for NLP work. In this thesis, we present an overview of diacritic ambiguity and a review of previous diacritic disambiguation approaches on other languages. Focusing on the Igbo language, we report the steps taken to develop a flexible framework for generating datasets for diacritic restoration. Three main approaches, the standard n-gram model, the classification models and the embedding models were proposed. The standard n-gram models use a sequence of previous words to the target stripped word as key predictors of the correct variants. For the classification models, a window of words on both sides of the target stripped word was used. The embedding models compare the similarity scores of the combined context word embeddings and the embeddings of each of the candidate variant vectors.

Yor\`ub\'a is a widely spoken West African language with a writing system rich in orthographic and tonal diacritics. They provide morphological information, are crucial for lexical disambiguation, pronunciation and are vital for any computational Speech or Natural Language Processing tasks. However diacritic marks are commonly excluded from electronic texts due to limited device and application support as well as general education on proper usage. We report on recent efforts at dataset cultivation. By aggregating and improving disparate texts from the web and various personal libraries, we were able to significantly grow our clean Yor\`ub\'a dataset from a majority Bibilical text corpora with three sources to millions of tokens from over a dozen sources. We evaluate updated diacritic restoration models on a new, general purpose, public-domain Yor\`ub\'a evaluation dataset of modern journalistic news text, selected to be multi-purpose and reflecting contemporary usage. All pre-trained models, datasets and source-code have been released as an open-source project to advance efforts on Yor\`ub\'a language technology.

We present the first systematic investigation of Martin's Law - the empirical relationship between word frequency and polysemy - in text generated by neural language models during training. Using DBSCAN clustering of contextualized embeddings as an operationalization of word senses, we analyze four Pythia models (70M-1B parameters) across 30 training checkpoints. Our results reveal a non-monotonic developmental trajectory: Martin's Law emerges around checkpoint 100, reaches peak correlation (r > 0.6) at checkpoint 104, then degrades by checkpoint 105. Smaller models (70M, 160M) experience catastrophic semantic collapse at late checkpoints, while larger models (410M, 1B) show graceful degradation. The frequency-specificity trade-off remains stable (r approx -0.3) across all models. These findings suggest that compliance with linguistic regularities in LLM-generated text is not monotonically increasing with training, but instead follows a balanced trajectory with an optimal semantic window. This work establishes a novel methodology for evaluating emergent linguistic structure in neural language models.

The diachronic evolution from Latin to the Romance languages involved a restructuring of the grammatical gender system from a tripartite configuration (masculine, feminine, neuter) to a bipartite one (masculine, feminine) in most Romance languages. In this work, we introduce an interpretable deep learning framework to investigate this phenomenon at both lexical and contextual levels. First, we show that conventional tokenization strategies are insufficiently robust for this low-resource historical setting, and that our proposed tokenizer improves performance over these baselines. At the lexical level, we evaluate the contribution of morphological features to gender prediction. At the contextual level, we quantify the contributions of different part-of-speech categories to grammatical gender prediction. Together, these analyses characterize the distribution of gender information between the lemma and its sentential context. We make our codebase, datasets, and results publicly available at https://github.com/ahan-2000/Lost-in-Translation-{https://github.com/ahan-2000/Lost-in-Translation-}.

Tokenizer fertility the number of tokens per word imposes a hidden cost on non-English NLP. We measure fertility for ten foundation models across 25 European languages on parallel text, producing the first controlled tokenizer tax map for the continent. The tax spans 2.5x from English (1.2 tokens/word) to Greek/Maltese (~3.1), following a clear hierarchy: Romance (1.5-1.7), Germanic (1.7-1.9), Slavic (2.2-2.5), Uralic/Baltic (2.7-3.0). Ukrainian (2.7) pays 15-18% more than cognate Slavic languages, reflecting underrepresentation in pre-training data. Fertility rankings are domain-invariant across three text registers (rho > 0.97). A subword analysis reveals that high-fertility tokenizers fragment morphological boundaries rather than preserving them. Cross-lingual few-shot evaluation on four Slavic languages shows that few-shot effects are model-intrinsic, not language-dependent. We release all measurements as a public dataset.

The relationship between tokenizer algorithm (e.g., Byte-Pair Encoding (BPE), Unigram), morphological alignment, tokenization quality (e.g., compression efficiency), and downstream performance remains largely unclear, particularly for languages with complex morphology. In this paper, we conduct a comprehensive evaluation of tokenizers using small-sized BERT models -- from pre-training through fine-tuning -- for Telugu (agglutinative), along with preliminary evaluation in Hindi (primarily fusional with some agglutination) and English (fusional). To evaluate morphological alignment of tokenizers in Telugu, we create a dataset containing gold morpheme segmentations of 600 derivational and 7000 inflectional word forms. Our experiments reveal two key findings for Telugu. First, the choice of tokenizer algorithm is the most significant factor influencing performance, with Unigram-based tokenizers consistently outperforming BPE across most settings. Second, while better morphological alignment shows a moderate, positive correlation with performance on text classification and structure prediction tasks, its impact is secondary to the tokenizer algorithm. Notably, hybrid approaches that use morphological information for pre-segmentation significantly boost the performance of BPE, though not Unigram. Our results further showcase the need for comprehensive intrinsic evaluation metrics for tokenizers that could explain downstream performance trends consistently.

Over the past decade, Computational Linguistics (CL) and Natural Language Processing (NLP) have evolved rapidly, especially with the advent of Transformer-based Large Language Models (LLMs). This shift has transformed research goals and priorities, from Lexical and Semantic Resources to Language Modelling and Multimodality. In this study, we track the research trends of the Italian CL and NLP community through an analysis of the contributions to CLiC-it, arguably the leading Italian conference in the field. We compile the proceedings from the first 10 editions of the CLiC-it conference (from 2014 to 2024) into the CLiC-it Corpus, providing a comprehensive analysis of both its metadata, including author provenance, gender, affiliations, and more, as well as the content of the papers themselves, which address various topics. Our goal is to provide the Italian and international research communities with valuable insights into emerging trends and key developments over time, supporting informed decisions and future directions in the field.

Where and how language models (LMs) are deployed determines who can benefit from them. However, there are several challenges that prevent effective deployment of LMs in non-English-speaking and hardware constrained communities in the Global South. We call this challenge the last mile: the intersection of multilinguality and edge deployment, where the goals are aligned but the technical requirements often compete. Studying these two fields together is both a need, as linguistically diverse communities often face the most severe infrastructure constraints, and an opportunity, as edge and multilingual NLP research remain largely siloed. To understand the state of the art and the challenges of combining the two areas, we survey 232 papers that tackle this problem across the language modelling pipeline, from data collection to development and deployment. We also discuss open questions and provide actionable recommendations for different stakeholders in the NLP ecosystem. Finally, we hope that this work contributes to the development of inclusive and equitable language technologies.

Many real-world machine learning problems involve inherently hierarchical data, yet traditional approaches rely on Euclidean metrics that fail to capture the discrete, branching nature of hierarchical relationships. We present a theoretical foundation for machine learning in p-adic metric spaces, which naturally respect hierarchical structure. Our main result proves that an n-dimensional plane minimizing the p-adic sum of distances to points in a dataset must pass through at least n + 1 of those points -- a striking contrast to Euclidean regression that highlights how p-adic metrics better align with the discrete nature of hierarchical data. As a corollary, a polynomial of degree n constructed to minimise the p-adic sum of residuals will pass through at least n + 1 points. As a further corollary, a polynomial of degree n approximating a higher degree polynomial at a finite number of points will yield a difference polynomial that has distinct rational roots. We demonstrate the practical significance of this result through two applications in natural language processing: analyzing hierarchical taxonomies and modeling grammatical morphology. These results suggest that p-adic metrics may be fundamental to properly handling hierarchical data structures in machine learning. In hierarchical data, interpolation between points often makes less sense than selecting actual observed points as representatives.

Semantic and syntactic bootstrapping posit that children use their prior knowledge of one linguistic domain, say syntactic relations, to help later acquire another, such as the meanings of new words. Empirical results supporting both theories may tempt us to believe that these are different learning strategies, where one may precede the other. Here, we argue that they are instead both contingent on a more general learning strategy for language acquisition: joint learning. Using a series of neural visually-grounded grammar induction models, we demonstrate that both syntactic and semantic bootstrapping effects are strongest when syntax and semantics are learnt simultaneously. Joint learning results in better grammar induction, realistic lexical category learning, and better interpretations of novel sentence and verb meanings. Joint learning makes language acquisition easier for learners by mutually constraining the hypotheses spaces for both syntax and semantics. Studying the dynamics of joint inference over many input sources and modalities represents an important new direction for language modeling and learning research in both cognitive sciences and AI, as it may help us explain how language can be acquired in more constrained learning settings.

Although large language models (LLMs) are increasingly capable, these capabilities are unevenly distributed: they excel at formal linguistic tasks, such as producing fluent, grammatical text, but struggle more with functional linguistic tasks like reasoning and consistent fact retrieval. Inspired by neuroscience, recent work suggests that to succeed on both formal and functional linguistic tasks, LLMs should use different mechanisms for each; such localization could either be built-in or emerge spontaneously through training. In this paper, we ask: do current models, with fast-improving functional linguistic abilities, exhibit distinct localization of formal and functional linguistic mechanisms? We answer this by finding and comparing the "circuits", or minimal computational subgraphs, responsible for various formal and functional tasks. Comparing 5 LLMs across 10 distinct tasks, we find that while there is indeed little overlap between circuits for formal and functional tasks, there is also little overlap between formal linguistic tasks, as exists in the human brain. Thus, a single formal linguistic network, unified and distinct from functional task circuits, remains elusive. However, in terms of cross-task faithfulness - the ability of one circuit to solve another's task - we observe a separation between formal and functional mechanisms, suggesting that shared mechanisms between formal tasks may exist.

In this resource paper, we present DHPLT, an open collection of diachronic corpora in 41 diverse languages. DHPLT is based on the web-crawled HPLT datasets; we use web crawl timestamps as the approximate signal of document creation time. The collection covers three time periods: 2011-2015, 2020-2021 and 2024-present (1 million documents per time period for each language). We additionally provide pre-computed word type and token embeddings and lexical substitutions for our chosen target words, while at the same time leaving it open for the other researchers to come up with their own target words using the same datasets. DHPLT aims at filling in the current lack of multilingual diachronic corpora for semantic change modelling (beyond a dozen of high-resource languages). It opens the way for a variety of new experimental setups in this field. All the resources described in this paper are available at https://data.hplt-project.org/three/diachronic/, sorted by language.

While tokenization is a key step in language modeling, with effects on model training and performance, it remains unclear how to effectively evaluate tokenizer quality. One proposed dimension of tokenizer quality is the extent to which tokenizers preserve linguistically meaningful subwords, aligning token boundaries with morphological boundaries within a word. We expand MorphScore (Arnett & Bergen, 2025), which previously covered 22 languages, to support a total of 70 languages. The updated MorphScore offers more flexibility in evaluation and addresses some of the limitations of the original version. We then correlate our alignment scores with downstream task performance for five pre-trained languages models on seven tasks, with at least one task in each of the languages in our sample. We find that morphological alignment does not explain very much variance in model performance, suggesting that morphological alignment alone does not measure dimensions of tokenization quality relevant to model performance.

Multilingual language models (LMs) promise broader NLP access, yet current systems deliver uneven performance across the world's languages. This survey examines why these gaps persist and whether they reflect intrinsic linguistic difficulty or modeling artifacts. We organize the literature around two questions: do linguistic disparities arise from representation and allocation choices (e.g., tokenization, encoding, data exposure, parameter sharing) rather than inherent complexity; and which design choices mitigate inequities across typologically diverse languages. We review linguistic features, such as orthography, morphology, lexical diversity, syntax, information density, and typological distance, linking each to concrete modeling mechanisms. Gaps often shrink when segmentation, encoding, and data exposure are normalized, suggesting much apparent difficulty stems from current modeling choices. We synthesize these insights into design recommendations for tokenization, sampling, architectures, and evaluation to support more balanced multilingual LMs.

Modality is the linguistic ability to describe events with added information such as how desirable, plausible, or feasible they are. Modality is important for many NLP downstream tasks such as the detection of hedging, uncertainty, speculation, and more. Previous studies that address modality detection in NLP often restrict modal expressions to a closed syntactic class, and the modal sense labels are vastly different across different studies, lacking an accepted standard. Furthermore, these senses are often analyzed independently of the events that they modify. This work builds on the theoretical foundations of the Georgetown Gradable Modal Expressions (GME) work by Rubinstein et al. (2013) to propose an event-based modality detection task where modal expressions can be words of any syntactic class and sense labels are drawn from a comprehensive taxonomy which harmonizes the modal concepts contributed by the different studies. We present experiments on the GME corpus aiming to detect and classify fine-grained modal concepts and associate them with their modified events. We show that detecting and classifying modal expressions is not only feasible, but also improves the detection of modal events in their own right.

Latent tree learning models learn to parse a sentence without syntactic supervision, and use that parse to build the sentence representation. Existing work on such models has shown that, while they perform well on tasks like sentence classification, they do not learn grammars that conform to any plausible semantic or syntactic formalism (Williams et al., 2018a). Studying the parsing ability of such models in natural language can be challenging due to the inherent complexities of natural language, like having several valid parses for a single sentence. In this paper we introduce ListOps, a toy dataset created to study the parsing ability of latent tree models. ListOps sequences are in the style of prefix arithmetic. The dataset is designed to have a single correct parsing strategy that a system needs to learn to succeed at the task. We show that the current leading latent tree models are unable to learn to parse and succeed at ListOps. These models achieve accuracies worse than purely sequential RNNs.

This paper details the process of developing the first native large generative language model for the Nordic languages, GPT-SW3. We cover all parts of the development process, from data collection and processing, training configuration and instruction finetuning, to evaluation and considerations for release strategies. We hope that this paper can serve as a guide and reference for other researchers that undertake the development of large generative models for smaller languages.

Neural network language models (LMs) have been shown to successfully capture complex linguistic knowledge. However, their utility for understanding language acquisition is still debated. We contribute to this debate by presenting a case study where we use LMs as simulated learners to derive novel experimental hypotheses to be tested with humans. We apply this paradigm to study cross-dative generalization (CDG): productive generalization of novel verbs across dative constructions (she pilked me the ball/she pilked the ball to me) -- acquisition of which is known to involve a large space of contextual features -- using LMs trained on child-directed speech. We specifically ask: "what properties of the training exposure facilitate a novel verb's generalization to the (unmodeled) alternate construction?" To answer this, we systematically vary the exposure context in which a novel dative verb occurs in terms of the properties of the theme and recipient, and then analyze the LMs' usage of the novel verb in the unmodeled dative construction. We find LMs to replicate known patterns of children's CDG, as a precondition to exploring novel hypotheses. Subsequent simulations reveal a nuanced role of the features of the novel verbs' exposure context on the LMs' CDG. We find CDG to be facilitated when the first postverbal argument of the exposure context is pronominal, definite, short, and conforms to the prototypical animacy expectations of the exposure dative. These patterns are characteristic of harmonic alignment in datives, where the argument with features ranking higher on the discourse prominence scale tends to precede the other. This gives rise to a novel hypothesis that CDG is facilitated insofar as the features of the exposure context -- in particular, its first postverbal argument -- are harmonically aligned. We conclude by proposing future experiments that can test this hypothesis in children.

The field of conlang has evidenced an important growth in the last decades. This has been the product of a wide interest in the use and study of conlangs for artistic purposes. However, one important question is what it is happening with conlang in the academic world. This paper aims to have an overall understanding of the literature on conlang research. With this we aim to give a realistic picture of the field in present days. We have implemented a computational linguistic approach, combining bibliometrics and network analysis to examine all publications available in the Scopus database. Analysing over 2300 academic publications since 1927 until 2022, we have found that Esperanto is by far the most documented conlang. Three main authors have contributed to this: Garv\'ia R., Fiedler S., and Blanke D. The 1970s and 1980s have been the decades where the foundations of current research have been built. In terms of methodologies, language learning and experimental linguistics are the ones contributing to most to the preferred approaches of study in the field. We present the results and discuss our limitations and future work.

Large Language Models (LLMs) remain substantially less data-efficient than humans. Pre-pretraining (PPT) on synthetic languages has been proposed to close this gap, with prior work emphasizing highly expressive formal languages such as k-Shuffle Dyck. Inspired by the Language Acquisition Device (LAD) hypothesis, which posits that innate constraints preemptively restrict the learner's hypothesis space to natural-language-like structure, we propose LAD-inspired PPT: pre-pretraining on MP-STRUCT, a formal language whose strings encode hierarchical composition, feature-based dependencies, and long-distance displacement via MERGE, AGREE, and MOVE. A brief 500-step PPT with MP-STRUCT matches strong formal-language baselines in token efficiency while additionally imparting a human-like resistance to structurally implausible languages (e.g., REVERSE). Analyzing simplified variants, we find that MP-STRUCT CORE outperforms k-Shuffle Dyck despite not being definable in C-RASP (a formal bound on transformer expressivity), challenging the prior hypothesis that effective PPT languages must be both hierarchically expressive and circuit-theoretically learnable. We show that functional landmarks, which reduce dependency resolution ambiguity, are a key driver, suggesting that effective PPT design depends not only on expressivity but also on the accessibility of dependency resolution.

Common subword tokenization algorithms like BPE and UnigramLM assume that text can be split into meaningful units by concatenative measures alone. This is not true for languages such as Hebrew and Arabic, where morphology is encoded in root-template patterns, or Malay and Georgian, where split affixes are common. We present SPLINTER, a pre-processing step which rearranges text into a linear form that better represents such nonconcatenative morphologies, enabling meaningful contiguous segments to be found by the tokenizer. We demonstrate SPLINTER's merit using both intrinsic measures evaluating token vocabularies in Hebrew, Arabic, and Malay; as well as on downstream tasks using BERT-architecture models trained for Hebrew.

Data augmentation, a widely-employed technique for addressing data scarcity, involves generating synthetic data examples which are then used to augment available training data. Researchers have seen surprising success from simple methods, such as random perturbations from natural examples, where models seem to benefit even from data with nonsense words, or data that doesn't conform to the rules of the language. A second line of research produces synthetic data that does in fact follow all linguistic constraints; these methods require some linguistic expertise and are generally more challenging to implement. No previous work has done a systematic, empirical comparison of both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated data augmentation strategies, leaving uncertainty about whether the additional time and effort of linguistically-motivated data augmentation work in fact yields better downstream performance. In this work, we conduct a careful and comprehensive comparison of augmentation strategies (both linguistically-naive and linguistically-motivated) for two low-resource languages with different morphological properties, Uspanteko and Arapaho. We evaluate the effectiveness of many different strategies and their combinations across two important sequence-to-sequence tasks for low-resource languages: machine translation and interlinear glossing. We find that linguistically-motivated strategies can have benefits over naive approaches, but only when the new examples they produce are not significantly unlike the training data distribution.

We propose a new definition of higher-order DisCoCat (categorical compositional distributional) models where the meaning of a word is not a diagram, but a diagram-valued higher-order function. Our models can be seen as a variant of Montague semantics based on a lambda calculus where the primitives act on string diagrams rather than logical formulae. As a special case, we show how to translate from the Lambek calculus into Peirce's system beta for first-order logic. This allows us to give a purely diagrammatic treatment of higher-order and non-linear processes in natural language semantics: adverbs, prepositions, negation and quantifiers. The theoretical definition presented in this article comes with a proof-of-concept implementation in DisCoPy, the Python library for string diagrams.

Multiword expressions (MWEs) refer to idiomatic sequences of multiple words. MWE identification, i.e., detecting MWEs in text, can play a key role in downstream tasks such as machine translation. Existing datasets for MWE identification are inconsistently annotated, limited to a single type of MWE, or limited in size. To enable reliable and comprehensive evaluation, we created CoAM: Corpus of All-Type Multiword Expressions, a dataset of 1.3K sentences constructed through a multi-step process to enhance data quality consisting of human annotation, human review, and automated consistency checking. MWEs in CoAM are tagged with MWE types, such as Noun and Verb, to enable fine-grained error analysis. Annotations for CoAM were collected using a new interface created with our interface generator, which allows easy and flexible annotation of MWEs in any form, including discontinuous ones. Through experiments using CoAM, we find that a fine-tuned large language model outperforms the current state-of-the-art approach for MWE identification. Furthermore, analysis using our MWE type tagged data reveals that Verb MWEs are easier than Noun MWEs to identify across approaches.

This paper analyses the degree to which dialect classifiers based on syntactic representations remain stable over space and time. While previous work has shown that the combination of grammar induction and geospatial text classification produces robust dialect models, we do not know what influence both changing grammars and changing populations have on dialect models. This paper constructs a test set for 12 dialects of English that spans three years at monthly intervals with a fixed spatial distribution across 1,120 cities. Syntactic representations are formulated within the usage-based Construction Grammar paradigm (CxG). The decay rate of classification performance for each dialect over time allows us to identify regions undergoing syntactic change. And the distribution of classification accuracy within dialect regions allows us to identify the degree to which the grammar of a dialect is internally heterogeneous. The main contribution of this paper is to show that a rigorous evaluation of dialect classification models can be used to find both variation over space and change over time.

In this paper we argue that key, often sensational and misleading, claims regarding linguistic capabilities of Large Language Models (LLMs) are based on at least two unfounded assumptions; the assumption of language completeness and the assumption of data completeness. Language completeness assumes that a distinct and complete thing such as `a natural language' exists, the essential characteristics of which can be effectively and comprehensively modelled by an LLM. The assumption of data completeness relies on the belief that a language can be quantified and wholly captured by data. Work within the enactive approach to cognitive science makes clear that, rather than a distinct and complete thing, language is a means or way of acting. Languaging is not the kind of thing that can admit of a complete or comprehensive modelling. From an enactive perspective we identify three key characteristics of enacted language; embodiment, participation, and precariousness, that are absent in LLMs, and likely incompatible in principle with current architectures. We argue that these absences imply that LLMs are not now and cannot in their present form be linguistic agents the way humans are. We illustrate the point in particular through the phenomenon of `algospeak', a recently described pattern of high stakes human language activity in heavily controlled online environments. On the basis of these points, we conclude that sensational and misleading claims about LLM agency and capabilities emerge from a deep misconception of both what human language is and what LLMs are.

Coecke, Sadrzadeh, and Clark (arXiv:1003.4394v1 [cs.CL]) developed a compositional model of meaning for distributional semantics, in which each word in a sentence has a meaning vector and the distributional meaning of the sentence is a function of the tensor products of the word vectors. Abstractly speaking, this function is the morphism corresponding to the grammatical structure of the sentence in the category of finite dimensional vector spaces. In this paper, we provide a concrete method for implementing this linear meaning map, by constructing a corpus-based vector space for the type of sentence. Our construction method is based on structured vector spaces whereby meaning vectors of all sentences, regardless of their grammatical structure, live in the same vector space. Our proposed sentence space is the tensor product of two noun spaces, in which the basis vectors are pairs of words each augmented with a grammatical role. This enables us to compare meanings of sentences by simply taking the inner product of their vectors.

We introduce TurBLiMP, the first Turkish benchmark of linguistic minimal pairs, designed to evaluate the linguistic abilities of monolingual and multilingual language models (LMs). Covering 16 linguistic phenomena with 1000 minimal pairs each, TurBLiMP fills an important gap in linguistic evaluation resources for Turkish. In designing the benchmark, we give extra attention to two properties of Turkish that remain understudied in current syntactic evaluations of LMs, namely word order flexibility and subordination through morphological processes. Our experiments on a wide range of LMs and a newly collected set of human acceptability judgments reveal that even cutting-edge Large LMs still struggle with grammatical phenomena that are not challenging for humans, and may also exhibit different sensitivities to word order and morphological complexity compared to humans.

We present LEMMING, a modular log-linear model that jointly models lemmatization and tagging and supports the integration of arbitrary global features. It is trainable on corpora annotated with gold standard tags and lemmata and does not rely on morphological dictionaries or analyzers. LEMMING sets the new state of the art in token-based statistical lemmatization on six languages; e.g., for Czech lemmatization, we reduce the error by 60%, from 4.05 to 1.58. We also give empirical evidence that jointly modeling morphological tags and lemmata is mutually beneficial.

Learning in the brain is local and unsupervised (Hebbian). We derive the foundations of an effective human language model inspired by these microscopic constraints. It has two parts: (1) a hierarchy of neurons which learns to tokenize words from text (whichiswhatyoudowhenyoureadthis); and (2) additional neurons which bind the learned symanticless patterns of the tokenizer into a symanticful token (an embedding). The model permits continuous parallel learning without forgetting; and is a powerful tokenizer which performs renormalization group. This allows it to exploit redundancy, such that it generates tokens which are always decomposable into a basis set (e.g an alphabet), and can mix features learned from multiple languages. We find that the structure of this model allows it to learn a natural language morphology WITHOUT data. The language data generated by this model predicts the correct distribution of word-forming patterns observed in real languages, and further demonstrates why microscopically human speech is broken up into words. This model provides the basis for understanding the microscopic origins of language and human creativity.

Sequence-to-sequence models are commonly trained via maximum likelihood estimation (MLE). However, standard MLE training considers a word-level objective, predicting the next word given the previous ground-truth partial sentence. This procedure focuses on modeling local syntactic patterns, and may fail to capture long-range semantic structure. We present a novel solution to alleviate these issues. Our approach imposes global sequence-level guidance via new supervision based on optimal transport, enabling the overall characterization and preservation of semantic features. We further show that this method can be understood as a Wasserstein gradient flow trying to match our model to the ground truth sequence distribution. Extensive experiments are conducted to validate the utility of the proposed approach, showing consistent improvements over a wide variety of NLP tasks, including machine translation, abstractive text summarization, and image captioning.

Multilingual language model (LM) have become a powerful tool in NLP especially for non-English languages. Nevertheless, model parameters of multilingual LMs remain large due to the larger embedding matrix of the vocabulary covering tokens in different languages. On the contrary, monolingual LMs can be trained in a target language with the language-specific vocabulary only, but this requires a large budget and availability of reliable corpora to achieve a high-quality LM from scratch. In this paper, we propose vocabulary-trimming (VT), a method to reduce a multilingual LM vocabulary to a target language by deleting irrelevant tokens from its vocabulary. In theory, VT can compress any existing multilingual LM to build monolingual LMs in any language covered by the multilingual LM. In our experiments, we show that VT can retain the original performance of the multilingual LM, while being smaller in size (in general around 50% of the original vocabulary size is enough) than the original multilingual LM. The evaluation is performed over four NLP tasks (two generative and two classification tasks) among four widely used multilingual LMs in seven languages. Finally, we show that this methodology can keep the best of both monolingual and multilingual worlds by keeping a small size as monolingual models without the need for specifically retraining them, and even limiting potentially harmful social biases.

How do humans learn language, and can the first language be learned at all? These fundamental questions are still hotly debated. In contemporary linguistics, there are two major schools of thought that give completely opposite answers. According to Chomsky's theory of universal grammar, language cannot be learned because children are not exposed to sufficient data in their linguistic environment. In contrast, usage-based models of language assume a profound relationship between language structure and language use. In particular, contextual mental processing and mental representations are assumed to have the cognitive capacity to capture the complexity of actual language use at all levels. The prime example is syntax, i.e., the rules by which words are assembled into larger units such as sentences. Typically, syntactic rules are expressed as sequences of word classes. However, it remains unclear whether word classes are innate, as implied by universal grammar, or whether they emerge during language acquisition, as suggested by usage-based approaches. Here, we address this issue from a machine learning and natural language processing perspective. In particular, we trained an artificial deep neural network on predicting the next word, provided sequences of consecutive words as input. Subsequently, we analyzed the emerging activation patterns in the hidden layers of the neural network. Strikingly, we find that the internal representations of nine-word input sequences cluster according to the word class of the tenth word to be predicted as output, even though the neural network did not receive any explicit information about syntactic rules or word classes during training. This surprising result suggests, that also in the human brain, abstract representational categories such as word classes may naturally emerge as a consequence of predictive coding and processing during language acquisition.

Sparse AutoEncoders (SAEs) offer a promising way to inspect language model representations, but it is still unclear what kind of linguistic structure their latents expose. We use part-of-speech (PoS) categories as a controlled test case to study whether morpho-syntactic information is encoded by individual latents or by structured groups of features. We find that PoS distinctions are highly recoverable from SAE activations, but do not align with one-to-one latent / category mappings. This recoverability is not reducible to lexical memorisation, and Open and Closed PoS classes differ substantially. Categories are supported by compact groups of sparse latents, with substantial variation across tags. These groups remain stable on held-out data, while also showing overlap between related categories. Our results show that SAEs localise morpho-syntactic information in a distributed and category-dependent form rather than through atomic grammatical features.

We present three innovations in tokenization and subword segmentation. First, we propose to use unsupervised morphological analysis with Morfessor as pre-tokenization. Second, we present an algebraic method for obtaining subword embeddings grounded in a word embedding space. Based on that, we design a novel subword segmentation algorithm that uses the embeddings, ensuring that the procedure considers lexical meaning. Third, we introduce an efficient segmentation algorithm based on a subword bigram model that can be initialized with the lexically aware segmentation method to avoid using Morfessor and large embedding tables at inference time. We evaluate the proposed approaches using two intrinsic metrics and measure their performance on two downstream tasks: part-of-speech tagging and machine translation. Our experiments show significant improvements in the morphological plausibility of the segmentation when evaluated using segmentation precision on morpheme boundaries and improved R\'enyi efficiency in 8 languages. Although the proposed tokenization methods do not have a large impact on automatic translation quality, we observe consistent performance gains in the arguably more morphological task of part-of-speech tagging.

Certain forms of linguistic annotation, like part of speech and semantic tagging, can be automated with high accuracy. However, manual annotation is still necessary for complex pragmatic and discursive features that lack a direct mapping to lexical forms. This manual process is time-consuming and error-prone, limiting the scalability of function-to-form approaches in corpus linguistics. To address this, our study explores automating pragma-discursive corpus annotation using large language models (LLMs). We compare ChatGPT, the Bing chatbot, and a human coder in annotating apology components in English based on the local grammar framework. We find that the Bing chatbot outperformed ChatGPT, with accuracy approaching that of a human coder. These results suggest that AI can be successfully deployed to aid pragma-discursive corpus annotation, making the process more efficient and scalable. Keywords: linguistic annotation, function-to-form approaches, large language models, local grammar analysis, Bing chatbot, ChatGPT

Subword tokenization hinders low-resource language processing by imposing frequency patterns from dominant languages onto script-sharing variants. Byte-level models bypass this issue by processing raw UTF-8 characters, yet they create a granularity mismatch for word-level tasks in non-Latin scripts. Hierarchical byte-level architectures address this mismatch by grouping bytes into word-aligned chunks. However, these architectures require massive training data and suffer from representational misalignment when paired with frozen subword-based language models. In this paper, we propose an adapted hierarchical network framework that bridges this modality gap without extensive training. Our method initializes byte embeddings directly from the subword representations of a frozen base model. We apply a chunk alignment loss to project dynamically grouped byte chunks toward precomputed subword targets, and interleave lightweight part-of-speech (POS) supervision to guide boundary detection. Experiments across six languages demonstrate that our tokenizer-free approach improves performance for word-level morphological tasks, yielding up to a 13.3% improvement on POS tagging.