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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/publishing-ethics/business-ethics-journals",
    "title": "Publishing ethics",
    "text": "Please see Cambridge University Press’Code of Ethicsfor further details.\n\nWe have an expansivedeveloping country programmeto allow free or low-cost access to our digital content for researchers in developing countries. We have launched an initiative to ensure that academics fromeligible low and middle-income countriesare able to publish in our open access and hybrid journals.\n\nWe also review and consider requests for waivers from academics who have insufficient funds to pay an Article Processing Charge in our open access journals. Please refer to individual journal information pages for further details.\n\nWe will never be complicit in censorship. Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge which, as a world-leading research and teaching institution, is fully committed to the principle and promotion offreedom of speech and expression. As a global publisher, our goal is to disseminate knowledge to the widest possible audience, and to serve the academic community in all countries around the world. As a member of COPE we supportCOPE’s Statement on Censorship, and we follow theAssociation of University Presses’ Facing Censorship: Statement of Guiding Principles.\n\nSocial media, email and other digital channels such as blogs, video and audio are powerful tools for disseminating and engaging with our publications, for reaching new readers and for keeping content alive. However, such onward communication should never be at the expense of the integrity of the content or of the academic record. We engage in marketing communication in accordance with our Global Social Media policy and adhere to relevant industry standards for marketing of publications, such as theAdvertising Standards Authority’s Guidance on the Marketing of Publications. We also apply these policies and guidance when using external influencers during social media campaigns.\n\nWe allow for suitable, limited advertising on our online academic platforms, and within some of our print publications. Where present, advertising must:\n\nFor further information on our due diligence and data protection policies, see ourCode of Ethics. We reserve the right to reject or remove any advertising where we have concerns it contravenes these Research Publishing Ethics Guidelines or ourCode of Ethics. We also advertise Cambridge products and services to customers. We do so in accordance with ourPrivacy Policy, data protection regulations, theAdvertising Standards Authority’s Guidance on the Marketing of Publications, and our internal Compliance procedures\n\nSome of our publishing activities may be sponsored by other organisations. This includes, for example, sponsored supplements or sponsorship for Open Access publishing. Any sponsorship arrangements will be assessed in accordance with the following principles:\n\nWe do not solicit or accept sponsorship from entities:\n\nOur Academic colleagues who are involved in media or publicity follow theInternational Public Relations Association’s Code of Conduct, and observe these standards in any press releases or other media communications. Where we solicit or encourage media activities concerning one of our authors, editors or publishing partners, we strive to keep them informed.\n\nWe endeavour to ensure that our reporting of content usage remains compliant with the industry standard and theCOUNTER Code of Practice. We seek to implement new releases of COUNTER at the earliest opportunity in order to allow our customers and publishing partners to compare usage of Cambridge University Press resources with data received from other publishers and vendors. We may omit usage that infringes our Terms of Use, or which is known to be fraudulent or malicious (e.g. originating from Denial of Service attacks).\n\nWe partner with a number of third parties, including commercial services, to provide our users with metrics to illustrate the impact and reception of our content. We support the work of third parties such asAltmetricandCrossref, and in some cases actively facilitate the work of such organisations (through the provision of data, access or fees). We do not seek to control or influence these third parties and we are not responsible for the metrics and rankings they produce.\n\nCambridge University Press is also a signatory of theSan Francisco Declaration on Research Assessment(DORA). We are committed to promoting best practice in the assessment and impact reporting of scholarly research.\n\nPlease choose a valid location.",
    "author": "Unknown",
    "date": "Unknown",
    "category": "Core",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/global-climate-politics-after-the-return-of-president-trump/61C1E4D0E4B4C3D6676B94BF9951F125",
    "title": "Global Climate Politics after the Return of President Trump",
    "text": "Until late in the last decade, prominent political scientists were accusing their own discipline of mostly ignoring the problem of global climate change.Footnote9Since then, there has been something like a Cambrian explosion of political science research on climate change.Footnote10The literature identifies four fundamental features of climate change politics. We quickly review them to establish why climate change is unlikely to retreat from global politics despite a moment of green backlash.\n\nFirst, climate change is a direct externality of industrialization that will not leave any section of society unaffected, which means it will remain a domestic politics problem regardless of the extent of international cooperation. The critical relevance of domestic politics is made clear by the “two-level game” literature of international climate politics.Footnote11While international negotiations like the United Nation’s COP meetings grab headlines, any (national or international) promises governments make are tightly constrained by the domestic opposition that such promises engender. Constraints are also shaped and generated by domestic institutionsFootnote12and social movements.Footnote13This is true of mitigation commitments but also adaptation plans, which CR emphasizes and which the literature has so far mostly neglected.Footnote14\n\nSecond, the research suggests an understanding of climate politics as political economy all the way down, in which distributional politics plays a central role.Footnote15Actors concerned about climate vulnerabilities—including coastal real estate, farming, and anything that involves outdoor activity—have incentives to push for decarbonization. Some of those actors, like pension funds or homeowners, hold climate-vulnerable assets—which could take many forms, including capital, labor skills, natural resources—but other pro-climate actors see themselves as stewards, like politicians or environmental NGOs. They face opposition from those who hold climate-forcing (polluting) assets, who have strong material incentives to resist policies that support decarbonization and climate mitigation. In as much as the goal of decarbonization requires fewer fossil fuels to be consumed, it implies a historically unprecedented energy transition. Previous energy transitions have only ever increased the consumption of existing fuels; for example, the shift to oil led to more, not less, coal consumption.Footnote16In short, the battle between different climate politics coalitions will map onto other political economy battles and continue to intensify.\n\nThird, climate change has now entered the level of mass politics that is hard to repress or, for that matter, push back to purely technocratic spheres. Recent research has shown that ideational politics—involving narratives, worldviews, and perceptions—provide important modifications to a purely materialist understanding of climate politics.Footnote17The intermingling of individual material considerations and collective social identity makes for a complex political issue both at homeFootnote18and internationally.Footnote19\n\nFourth, the problem of unmitigated global climate change is characterized by high severity and high uncertainty. In terms of severity, the probable consequences of failing to decarbonize the global economy include increased social unrest;Footnote20amplified civil wars;Footnote21internal and cross-border migration;Footnote22and food and water systems failures.Footnote23Their manifestations are uncertain, though the floor for the overall magnitude of damages grows more certain over time as states and firms offer more evidence about their emissions trajectories. There is also considerable uncertainty about how to support technological change,Footnote24how markets should value risks,Footnote25how physical harms translate into social consequences,Footnote26and a host of other factors related to climate mitigation and adaptation.\n\nWe see these four features as enduring aspects of climate politics. They underpin what we call the Climate Politics Dilemma, which consists of two core truths: (1) in the worst scenarios, climate change creates existential risks for our species, and even without the worst scenarios, it is likely to be highly damaging; and yet (2) the international politics of global public good provision are nationally selfish, riddled with distributional challenges down to the most local level, and routinely focused more on the crisisdu jourthan long-term problems. These four features, and the Climate Politics Dilemma they produce, are analytically essential to explain climate politics since the 1990s and are unlikely to change in the near term. CR fails to resolve these four features or the Dilemma, despite CR’s effort to alter the approach to climate policy and politics. That does not mean, however, that climate politics is entirely unchanging, as we discuss in the next section.",
    "author": "Unknown",
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    "title": "IO Keohane Award Winners",
    "text": "The award committee made up of Michaela Mattes, Michael Barnett, and James Vreeland had this to say about Landau-Wells' winning article:\n\n“Building from the Brain” is a doubly agenda-setting article: it forces scholars to reconsider prominent assumptions about threat perception and introduces a new type of meta-analysis of neuroimaging data that can enrich IR research. “Building from the Brain” starts with a brush-clearing exercise that distills two conceptualizations of threat perception that pervade the literature: “threats-as-danger” and “threats-as-signals.” Landau-Wells uses neuroimaging techniques to assess the evidentiary basis for these influential assumptions about threat perceptions in IR theories.\n\nFirst, she finds, in contrast to what rationalist theories assume, that individuals do not treat “threats-as-dangers” akin to economic costs. Reasoning about threats is more complex and thus more prone to prompt behaviors that depart from standard conceptualizations rationality — consequently, heuristic decision-making models may provide more fitting analytical frameworks.\n\nSecond, rather than treating others’ intentions as unknowable—as is often posited by both rationalist and behavioral theories—decision-makers seek to puzzle out the intentions of their counterparts, and this exercise can trigger a defiant response. Landau-Wells brain-level analysis can thus explain why increasing a threat signal’s costliness does not necessarily lead to retreat but might instead provoke resistance.\n\n“Building from the Brain” brings frontier methodologies from neuroscience to bear on core international relations topics. Landau-Wells introduces a new type of large-scale brain-level data: coordinate-based meta analyses (CBMAs) based, in her article, on 500 neuroimaging studies of over 11,000 individuals. This approach thus sidesteps a frequent concern with MRI studies on only a small number of subjects and lends itself to more generalizable conclusions. The empirical analyses are carefully executed, with particular attention paid to potential criticisms and limitations, and is accessible to non-expert readers.\n\nAmong a strong pool of eligible articles, “Building from the Brain” stood out in its originality and its potential to shape large swaths of scholarship that rely on the concept of threat perceptions. Some of the assumptions and conclusions to date do not match what actually goes on in the brain, and a better understanding of brain functioning may allow IR scholars to revise existing theories and devise new ones. The same approach also holds promise to examine other well-established psychological concepts in IR.",
    "author": "Unknown",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/announcements/in-memoriam/joseph-s-nye-jr-complex-interdependence-soft-power-and-effective-policy-action",
    "title": "International Organization",
    "text": "The sudden and untimely death of Joseph S. Nye, Jr., on May 6, 2025, deprives the world of a brilliant analyst of world politics, an effective policy-maker, and a source of inspiration and advice to generations of students. Nye was a leading analyst of the political implications of global economic interdependence and of what he called “soft power,” which he defined as “getting others to want the outcomes that you want.” He also served with distinction in the United States Government under President Carter and Clinton. His death leaves a gaping hole not only for his friends but for everyone who seeks wise counsel on foreign policy in these difficult and turbulent times.\n\nJoseph Nye was a member of the Board of Editors ofInternational Organizationbetween 1968 and 1975, and again between 1979 and 1984; he was Chair of the Board of Editors in 1973-74. During his time as Chair,International Organizationaccelerated its move from being a little-known journal focused on international organizations to a major journal of international relations. Between 1968 and 1987 he was author or co-author of ten articles in this journal, and co-editor of a special issue of IO on “transnational relations and world politics.” He was my best friend and I will therefore, in the rest of this obituary, refer to him as “Joe,” which is truer to our deep personal as well as professional relationship. Quite apart from the merits and limitations of our scholarship, we certainly proved that meaningful personal ties can emerge hand-in-hand from joint professional work.\n\nIn the 1970s, economic transactions among wealthy democratic states expanded greatly, leading to situations of enhanced interdependence: economic outcomes in each country were the result not only of that country’s policies and its citizens’ actions, but also of other countries’ policies toward it. Joe and I analyzed the political implications of this interdependence. Drawing inspiration from Albert O. Hirschman book,National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade(1945), we argued inPower and Interdependence(1977) that asymmetrical interdependence is a source of power. That is, the less dependent state in a relationship can use its position as a source of political leverage against its counterpart. It can use this influence both bilaterally and in seeking to shape international institutions such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and trade organizations toward actions favorable to itself.\n\nShowing that asymmetrical economic interdependence generates political power helped to connect international economic analysis, as in the work of Richard Cooper, with political analysis. It demonstrated that political scientists were not confined to their traditional subject-matter focused on issues of war, peace, and diplomacy; but could illuminate the politics of the world economy as well.\n\nIn the 1990s, Joe observed that influence in world politics was not directly correlated with material resources. Increasingly, in an age of mass communications and widespread popular participation in politics, the ability of states to achieve their objectives depended on what people around the world thought of them. States viewed positively by publics would have an easier time persuading other governments of the sincerity of their motives and therefore would be more able to build coalitions for objectives that they pursued. Because of the approval of publics at home and abroad, they would acquire “soft power.” Joe made this argument most systematically inSoft Power: the Means to Success in World Politics(2004).\n\nWe encounter the concept of soft power almost daily in commentary on international affairs, because it goes to the heart of how social interactions, and ideas, affect efforts by states, as well as non-state actors, to influence public and elite attitudes around the world. Democracies would seem to have advantages in wielding soft power, but China has been particularly quick to build on Joe’s ideas, without becoming democratic. Its Belt and Road Initiative, funding infrastructure projects in developing countries, can be seen as an attempt to generate soft power in the areas helped by these projects. So can its efforts to build attractive communications platforms, such as Tik Tok, that will be used by younger generations in wealthy countries.\n\nThe concepts of asymmetrical interdependence and soft power point in somewhat different directions in the contemporary world. Asymmetrical interdependence seems in the first instance to favor the United States in its attempts to coerce its trading partners: in all of its major trading relationships, the United States is less dependent than its partner. The “paradox of trade power” is that countries with trade deficits, such as the United States, thereby gain political advantage, because (as President Trump has shown) it is relatively easy to erect barriers to imports, thus hurting the economies of one’s trading partners.\n\nYet in the long run, threats and use of trade-based power drive large and powerful states such as China to protect themselves by becoming more self-reliant. In recent years, China has self-consciously developed capabilities to reduce its dependence on US markets and US technology. The more unreliable one’s trading partner, the greater the incentive to pay even a high price for self-protection.\n\nJoseph Nye was born on January 19, 1937, in South Orange, New Jersey. He earned a B.A.,summa cum laude, in history, from Princeton University in 1958. He was a Rhodes Scholar at Exeter College, Oxford, and earned a PhD in Government at Harvard in 1964. He taught at Harvard for his whole career except for his stints in government and served as the Dean of the Kennedy School of Government between 1995 and 2004, where he undertook a major initiative to expand the number of women on the faculty. In the United States Government, he was a Deputy Undersecretary of State under President Jimmy Carter from 1977 to 1979; Chair of the National Intelligence Council from 1993 to 1994; and Assistant Secretary of Defense for National Security Affairs from 1994 to 1995. In the latter role, he led the “Nye Initiative,” which re-set the US relationship with Japan and for which he received, in 2024, an award from the Japanese Government.\n\nIn addition to his pioneering academic work on asymmetrical interdependence and soft power, Joe presciently argued inBound to Lead(1990) that despite arguments about American decline, the United States would continue to be the leading state in world politics for the foreseeable future. Earlier, he did important work, with colleagues at the Kennedy School, on nuclear proliferation and, inNuclear Ethics, on ethical aspects of nuclear strategy.\n\nJoe also had a life outside of Harvard and Washington. He and his wife of 62 years, Molly Harding Nye, who died in November 2024, had three sons and nine grandchildren. They owned a farm in Sandwich, New Hampshire, to which they went often for relaxation. Not “rest and relaxation,” since Joe was a vigorous hiker and a dedicated and talented gardener, proud of his many awards for prize-winning vegetables at the local county fair. His guests were treated to displays of his woodsmanship, showing novices the evidence in the snow of an owl’s seizure of a rabbit, or the trail to a favorite spot hidden to naïve eyes. If they were willing to stand in a freezing river while Joe sought to outwit elusive fish, they joined him in fishing expeditions. He remained physically vigorous as well as cognitively sharp to the day he died, in Mount Auburn Hospital, Cambridge, Massachusetts. I will miss him for the rest of my life.\n\n- Robert O. Keohane, May 14, 2025.",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/open-research-policies/green-open-access-policy-for-books",
    "title": "Open access policies",
    "text": "For monographs with multiple authors, each contributor may make accessible a single chapter they have authored.\n\nAs shown in the table above, our standard policy has a six-month embargo period after publication, before authors can make any chapters of an Accepted Manuscript or Version of Record publicly accessible. However, authors may deposit chapters in repositories before the end of this embargo period provided the content is not publicly accessible. This is sometimes referred to as ‘closed deposit’.\n\nMetadata about the chapter (for example the book title, ISBN and so on) can be made public as soon as the monograph has been published on Cambridge Core. The full text of the chapter must not be made public before the embargo ends.\n\nThe embargo period starts from the date the Version of Record is first published online.\n\nAuthors may makepreprintspublicly accessible under any licence terms they choose. We recommend aCreative CommonsCC-BY or other CC licence.\n\nOther versions of the manuscript should not be made available under a Creative Commons licence or other licence that allows free reproduction of content. When a monograph is contracted under standard publishing terms (rather than as Gold Open Access), any reproduction or re-use of the monograph’s content is governed by our usual licence restrictions, even if it has been made publicly accessible under this Green OA policy. That is, this policy allows authors to make content free to access and read, but not free to reproduce.",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/diplomacy-of-whataboutism-and-us-foreign-policy-attitudes/9A6AAD756ED297D4EBB9E8E8B1B92ABE",
    "title": "The Diplomacy of Whataboutism and US Foreign Policy Attitudes",
    "text": "We conducted two survey experiments to test our hypotheses. The first, in August to September of 2021, surveyed 2,452 US adult citizens and tested our main hypotheses. A follow-up in January 2022 with 3,200 US adults checked the robustness of our results to US rejoinders to whataboutism. Both experiments used the online survey firm Lucid. We recruited online samples that stratified survey participants by age, gender, geography, and racial/ethnic composition to broadly represent US national population samples.\n\nStudies have found that Lucid's samples more closely resemble the demographic composition of national populations than samples from Amazon's Mechanical Turk.Footnote48More generally, polling from internet samples that condition on sample selection and post-stratification weighting has been found to perform just as well as probability sampling from random digit dialing,Footnote49or slightly worse if no effort is made in sample selection.Footnote50However, internet samples can have attentiveness issues.Footnote51We address these problems with manipulation questions to evaluate respondent attentiveness and find that our results are unaffected (see Figures A11 and A12 in Appendix A4 for details). While both experiments were fielded during the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, replications of pre-pandemic online survey designs during the pandemic suggest that these conditions would not qualitatively change the results.Footnote52\n\nBefore describing the details of the first survey, we explain the logic behind the issue-area selection (refugees and election interference) used to construct the scenarios for testing our hypotheses. We argue that these scenarios should satisfy three conditions. First, the selected issue area should have ample evidence of similar past and present American transgressions, making them ideal targets for whataboutist rhetoric. Second, the target country of US criticism must also realistically be willing and able to commit a similar act in the selected issue area. Third, the issues we test should reflect as much as possible the multiple concerns American respondents have in regard to foreign affairs, to capture any possible variation in reaction to our whataboutist treatments when different concerns are foremost on their mind.\n\nTo address these conditions, we constructed whataboutist scenarios that capture the two key concerns many Americans have in regard to US foreign policy: national security and international norms.Footnote53The first scenario describes a refugee crisis involving abuses of the human rights of refugees in the receiving country; and the second, a case of interference (partisan electoral intervention) by a foreign power in the elections of a democratic American ally.Footnote54We selected both topics to satisfy experimental realism, which will ensure that respondents give real answers rather than hypothetical ones.Footnote55To this end, Druckman and Kam recommended selecting issues salient to the respondents.Footnote56This will help them respond in a manner consistent with how they would have behaved in a similar real-world setting. Both topics are chosen to satisfy this realism condition.\n\nRegarding the human rights vignette, the severe mistreatment of refugees is unfortunately common in many countries around the world, both democratic and authoritarian. Accordingly, an experimental scenario in which we describe a wide range of countries being criticized by the US government for such violations, from its Western European allies to staunch adversaries such as Russia, would be quite realistic. The plausibility and salience of this scenario to respondents are expected to be particularly high due to the extensive media attention to the (mis)treatment of refugees by various countries over the past decade (such as the crises over Syrian, Libyan, and Burmese/Rohingya refugees). At the same time, past and recent US treatment of refugees has also had problems, from some of the ways the US government has treated Central American asylum seekers, such as its child separation policy at the US–Mexican border,Footnote57to the turning away of Jewish refugees fleeing from Nazi Germany prior to World War II.Footnote58These cases make refugee abuse cases ideal for whataboutist rhetoric scenarios, since the targets of US government criticism for failing to uphold human rights obligations regarding refugees could subject the US to similar criticisms.\n\nRegarding the election-interference vignette, a wide range of countries have recently intervened in foreign elections. Russia famously intervened in the 2016 and 2020 elections in the US and is accused of covertly meddling in many others, such as the 2017 French elections. And Russia is no exception in this regard. For example, Turkey under Erdogan intervened in the 2017 German elections, which led to widespread concerns of possible Turkish intervention in France's 2022 elections as well.Footnote59And for its part, Germany has intervened in other European elections, such as the 2012 French and Greek elections.Footnote60Accordingly, a scenario describing electoral intervention by any of these three countries in a future foreign election (or specifically a French one) would be quite plausible.\n\nAs a result of Russia's interference in the 2016 US election, such foreign meddling has become a greater part of media reporting. At the same time, stopping and preventing such meddling against itself and its allies has become a significant and salient national security concern for the US government and the American public. One increasingly common method used by the US government in dealing with foreign election interference since 2016 involves the exposure or denouncement of such foreign interveners, followed at times by economic sanctions of various kinds.Footnote61\n\nHowever, the US government itself also has an extensive record of intervening in foreign elections. According to the available information on this topic, since 1946 the US has been the most frequent intervener in foreign elections.Footnote62This situation makes electoral interventions highly useful for testing whataboutist arguments, given that US government criticisms of other countries’ electoral interventions can be countered by pointing to the US record in such activities. Indeed, some countries have done just that.Footnote63\n\nThe experimental design is shown inFigure 1. Participants were randomly assigned to the human rights or election-interference vignette, then read background context. Following this introduction, respondents were randomly assigned to one of three countries that had committed a refugee or election interference transgression and were subsequently criticized and threatened with sanctions by the US.Footnote64The election interference vignette began:\n\nIn 2027, US intelligence discovered that [country] intervened in France's presidential election against the incumbent president. The [country] government secretly gave the pro-[country] opposition candidate 60 million dollars for use in their election campaign. The funding was provided in a mixture of cash and encrypted USB-drives with cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin. A US government spokesperson publicly exposed the intervention and denounced [country]'s intervention in France's election, calling it “unacceptable behavior.” The US promised future actions to punish [country] for its interference in France's presidential election.\n\nFigure 1.Main experimental design\n\nIn 2027, a major humanitarian crisis in the Middle East has led to a large influx of refugees to [country]. The [country] government placed refugees in temporary detention centers, which human rights groups have criticized for its substandard food and medical treatment and overcrowded facilities. There are scattered reports of widespread violence by guards towards the refugees and sexual assault of female refugees throughout the detention centers. [Country] further plans to deport all refugees, including unaccompanied children, back to their home countries. There are widespread reports that some of those already sent back have died of non-natural causes. A US government spokesperson criticized [country]'s response to the refugee crisis, saying: “We are deeply troubled by the conditions in the detention centers and the threat of deporting refugees back to conditions that would physically endanger them.” The US warned [country] of future actions to punish [country] for the way it is mistreating the refugees.\n\n[Country] was randomly drawn from Russia, Turkey, or Germany. After reading about the US's criticism, participants were randomly assigned to read one of five responses:\n\n•No comment: The [country] government spokesperson did not give a public response to the US statement. Instead, all media inquiries to [country] were addressed as “no comment.”\n\n•Denial: A [country] government spokesperson denied any involvement in France's election. The spokesperson stated, “The accusation of [country] meddling in elections of other countries is absurd / [country] complies with all international laws on the treatment of refugees.”\n\n•Three whataboutist responses: A [country] government spokesperson accused the US government of using double standards in its criticism of others, claiming that the US [unrelated/past/relevant]. Experienced independent factcheckers have confirmed the accuracy of [country]'s claim about [unrelated/past/recent].◦Unrelated (same for both vignettes): … that the US has tortured hundreds of suspected terrorists in the Guantanamo military base and other locations around the world … the use of torture by the US government.◦Past and relevant (election vignette): … in the past has intervened in a similar manner in at least twenty-three elections around the world between 1946 and 1959. Like [country], the US has frequently intervened by funding its preferred candidates’ election campaign with millions of dollars … past US electoral interference in other countries.◦Past and relevant (refugee vignette): … in the past illegally jailed and placed over 127,000 Japanese Americans in concentration camps during World War II and sent back thousands of Jewish refugees back to Nazi Germany where many of them subsequently died in the 1930s … past US migration and detention policy during the 1930s and World War II.◦Recent and relevant (election vignette): … that the US continues to intervene in a similar manner and has done so in at least twenty-three elections since 2000. Like [country], the US frequently intervenes by funding its preferred candidates’ election campaign with millions of dollars … recent US electoral interference in other countries.◦Recent and relevant (refugee vignette): … continues to detain refugees by the US-Mexican border in inhumane living conditions and frequently deports these migrants, including unaccompanied children, back to their home countries despite well-documented cases of migrants dying of unnatural causes upon their return … recent US migration and detention policy.\n\n◦Unrelated (same for both vignettes): … that the US has tortured hundreds of suspected terrorists in the Guantanamo military base and other locations around the world … the use of torture by the US government.\n\n◦Past and relevant (election vignette): … in the past has intervened in a similar manner in at least twenty-three elections around the world between 1946 and 1959. Like [country], the US has frequently intervened by funding its preferred candidates’ election campaign with millions of dollars … past US electoral interference in other countries.\n\n◦Past and relevant (refugee vignette): … in the past illegally jailed and placed over 127,000 Japanese Americans in concentration camps during World War II and sent back thousands of Jewish refugees back to Nazi Germany where many of them subsequently died in the 1930s … past US migration and detention policy during the 1930s and World War II.\n\n◦Recent and relevant (election vignette): … that the US continues to intervene in a similar manner and has done so in at least twenty-three elections since 2000. Like [country], the US frequently intervenes by funding its preferred candidates’ election campaign with millions of dollars … recent US electoral interference in other countries.\n\n◦Recent and relevant (refugee vignette): … continues to detain refugees by the US-Mexican border in inhumane living conditions and frequently deports these migrants, including unaccompanied children, back to their home countries despite well-documented cases of migrants dying of unnatural causes upon their return … recent US migration and detention policy.\n\nThis resulted in 3 × 5 = 15 variations. See Appendix A2 for a more detailed description of the human rights and election-interference vignettes. Participants saw both vignettes; the order was randomized, with no qualitative effect on the results (see Appendix A4 for details). After viewing each vignette, participants reported their approval of US behaviour, on a scale from 1 (strongly disapprove) to 5 (strongly approve),Footnote65and their support for punishing the targeted country, also on a five-point scale.Footnote66We preregistered our main hypotheses with the Open Science Framework, and both experiments received research ethics approval from our academic institution.\n\nWe ran a follow-up survey experiment to replicate our main finding and check whether US government rejoinders to whataboutism reduce its effect. We fielded a slimmed-down version of the main experiment comparing recent/similar whataboutist rhetoric against the US to our original null conditions, with the addition of treatments where the US government responds to the rhetoric (Figure 2). As in our main experiment, respondents saw both issues (in random order) and were randomly assigned a whataboutist country. However, here we added three US rejoinders: dismissal, admission of guilt, or justification (wider context or democracy promotion).\n\nFigure 2.Follow-up experimental design\n\nWe based these rejoinders on typical US reactions to foreign policy criticism: dismissing the charges, admitting fault but noting reforms, or justifying the actions. Given issue-area differences in justification feasibility, the justification was democracy promotion in the election vignette or wider context in the refugee vignette. In the elections vignette, the US claimed “better” motives (democracy promotion) to weaken similarities. In the refugee vignette, the US claimed superior treatment of refugees to contextualize its actions. A detailed explanation of our choice of responses can be seen in the section on rejoinders, later in this paper.\n\nSpecifically, respondents read: “When asked about [country]'s comments the following day, a US Department of State spokesperson responded, [dismissal/democratic motivation(context) /admission of guilt].” Details for the related US response:\n\n•Dismissal (both issues): “We must not let [country] distract us from its own unacceptable behavior by raising irrelevant issues.”\n\n•Democratic motivation (elections): “Unlike [country]'s recent intervention in France, the US government's interventions in foreign elections were done to promote and protect democracy around the world.”\n\n•Context (refugees): “The US provides more humanitarian assistance than any other single country worldwide. Since 1975, the United States has accepted more than 3.3 million refugees for permanent resettlement—more than any other country in the world.”\n\n•Admission of guilt (elections): “Unlike [country], the US government has carefully reviewed its policies on election interference and is now strongly committed to ensuring that its actions are consistent with America's democratic values.”\n\n•Admission of guilt (refugees): “Unlike [country], the US has investigated the complaints regarding its treatment of refugees at the border with Mexico and has taken measures to improve the refugee's situation.”\n\nWe analyzed our data using a linear probability model, binarizing the dependent variables,Footnote67with only treatment variables as independent variables. We also recorded participant political attitudes, along with demographics such as self-identified racial/ethnic background, age, gender, political party affiliation, income, foreign policy views, and attitudes toward the specific country under US criticism. We asked about these aspects because Democrats, younger individuals, and women are more supportive of certain US foreign policy actions with regard to human rights and national security. Finally, given the coronavirus pandemic in progress at that time, we asked about its health and economic impacts. For detailed robustness checks, including description of these measures, analyses with the inclusion of these controls, and discussion, see Appendix A4.",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/authors/publishing-an-open-access-book",
    "title": "Authors",
    "text": "As a Cambridge author, you will enjoy the benefits of a dedicated and expert editorial team throughout the development of your work.\n\nAs a Cambridge author, you will enjoy the benefits of a dedicated and expert editorial team throughout the development of your work.\n\nAll open access books published pass through the same rigorous production process as any other non-open access title, including professional copyediting and typesetting.\n\nAll open access books published pass through the same rigorous production process as any other non-open access title, including professional copyediting and typesetting.\n\nFor an open access book of up to 120,000 words the Book Processing Charge (BPC) is £10,500. The processing charge for an open access Element is £6,000. For other types of books, please contact your editor to discuss costs.\n\nAdditional charges may be applied for extra words, colour photographs, tables, graphs or figures.\n\nFor an open access book of up to 120,000 words the Book Processing Charge (BPC) is £10,500. The processing charge for an open access Element is £6,000. For other types of books, please contact your editor to discuss costs.\n\nAdditional charges may be applied for extra words, colour photographs, tables, graphs or figures.\n\nOpen access books are promoted the same as for any book we publish; a dedicated subject executive is appointed and they will be your point of contact in relation to promotional activities, including social media activity, and promotional materials. In addition, titles will benefit from any broader general marketing we do for our OA books programme.\n\nAll authors are given access toAuthor Hub, our dedicated, online platform for book authors. Authors who receive royalties are able to log in to their personal account for practical advice to support them on their publishing journey, as well as to access sales and royalty information, exclusive author discounts, news and more.\n\nOpen access books are promoted the same as for any book we publish; a dedicated subject executive is appointed and they will be your point of contact in relation to promotional activities, including social media activity, and promotional materials. In addition, titles will benefit from any broader general marketing we do for our OA books programme.\n\nAll authors are given access toAuthor Hub, our dedicated, online platform for book authors. Authors who receive royalties are able to log in to their personal account for practical advice to support them on their publishing journey, as well as to access sales and royalty information, exclusive author discounts, news and more.\n\nDiscoverability of your title is essential. Hosted on our own online platform means readers are given fast, intuitive and easy access to the content they need. Being able to filter content by OA titles and easy pdf downloading means readers are able to download and read your title quickly and easily.\n\nDiscoverability of your title is essential. Hosted on our own online platform means readers are given fast, intuitive and easy access to the content they need. Being able to filter content by OA titles and easy pdf downloading means readers are able to download and read your title quickly and easily.\n\nAll titles are published in ebook format meaning our books are instantly available. At the same time, all open access titles are available in print via print-on-demand, meaning titles never go out of stock.\n\nAll titles are published in ebook format meaning our books are instantly available. At the same time, all open access titles are available in print via print-on-demand, meaning titles never go out of stock.\n\nOnce the Book Processing Charge has been paid, titles are published under a Creative Commons licence, which sets out how the work can be reused. Our defaultCreative Commons (CC) licence is CC-BY-NC-NDbut other licences can be accommodated, in line with funder requirements.\n\nThe CC-BY-NC-ND licence allows others to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format, however, the material may not be used for commercial purposes. Further to this, if you remix, transform or build upon the material these modifications cannot be distributed.\n\nPublishing under a CC licence facilitates progress within a research discipline, as it allows researchers to reuse and build on each other’s work, while still permitting a degree of control.\n\nOnce the Book Processing Charge has been paid, titles are published under a Creative Commons licence, which sets out how the work can be reused. Our defaultCreative Commons (CC) licence is CC-BY-NC-NDbut other licences can be accommodated, in line with funder requirements.\n\nThe CC-BY-NC-ND licence allows others to copy and redistribute the material in any medium or format, however, the material may not be used for commercial purposes. Further to this, if you remix, transform or build upon the material these modifications cannot be distributed.\n\nPublishing under a CC licence facilitates progress within a research discipline, as it allows researchers to reuse and build on each other’s work, while still permitting a degree of control.\n\nThis will be taken on a case-by-case basis but additional costs may be applied.\n\nThe Book Processing Charge covers the publishing costs of the project and allows us to make the book freely available online.\n\nTypically for monographs, you will continue to receive royalties for print and ebook sales. Discuss this with your editor.\n\nNo, we apply the same high standards and procedures as for our other publications. This includes editorial processes such as peer review, production processes of design and typesetting, through to marketing and dissemination. Our open access option is geared purely towards allowing you to make your book openly available online for academic purposes.\n\nYes, but some rights holders might be reluctant to allow their material to be reproduced in an open access work. You must ensure that any permissions you secure for third-party material allow you include it in your OA work.\n\nIdeally, the third-party material will have been previously published under a Creative Commons licence that already allows you include it. If it is a different Creative Commons licence to the rest of the book, this should be made clear. Other third-party material can be clearly indicated as being reproduced by permission and as being protected by third-party copyright, with a notice that it cannot be reused without further permissions clearance from the identified third-party rights holder.\n\nPlease flag to your editor as early as possible if you are interested in publishing your book Gold OA with us, even if your funding is not yet finalised. Having your book set up as OA in our systems from the start minimises the chances of delays to the publishing schedule and gives plenty of time for invoicing and payments to be completed.\n\nWe will try to accommodate Gold OA whenever possible, so please let us know if funding has become available later in the publishing process and you would like to explore this. For Cambridge Elements, the faster turnaround time means we cannot usually switch to OA after final acceptance of the manuscript. But see below about flipping an Element to open access retrospectively.\n\nFor both books and Elements, we now offer OA retrospectively. Please contact your editor for more information and for the Book or Element Processing Charge.\n\nGold OA allows your book to be published open access from the start and it will be available immediately for anyone to read or download. Green OA is self-archiving, often involving an earlier version of the manuscript and usually with restrictions on where it can be deposited and when.\n\nOur Green OA policy is here:www.cambridge.org/core/services/open-access-policies/open-access-books/green-open-access-policy-for-books\n\nWe encourage authors to send funding information to their editor as soon as possible and allow several weeks for the invoicing process. If the fee is being funded by an institution, please send through a registered tax number and, if applicable, a tax exemption certificate.\n\nFor transparency, please include your funder in the acknowledgments of your book or Element.\n\nIf there is no specific wording required by the funder, we would recommend the following is added as a separate paragraph at the end of your Acknowledgements:\n\n‘Funding from [Funder name] (grant number: xxxx) made it possible for this book/Element to be published open access, making the digital version freely available for anyone to read and reuse under a Creative Commons licence.’\n\nPlease choose a valid location.",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/publishing-ethics/authorship-and-contributorship-journals",
    "title": "Publishing ethics",
    "text": "Prospective authors should refer to individual journals’ publishing ethics policies for additional authorship criteria. Where no other criteria are specified, authorship should be based on the below principles.[1]\n\nJournals may have their own policies on anonymous or pseudonymous authorship, consortia authorship, equal first authorship, appendix authorship, and other authorship approaches.\n\n[1] Outlined by the International Committee of Medical Journal Editors, available at:http://www.icmje.org/recommendations/browse/roles-and-responsibilities/defining-the-role-of-authors-and-contributors.html\n\nJournals may have their own policies on anonymous or pseudonymous authorship, consortia authorship, equal first authorship, appendix authorship, and other authorship approaches. Where these are deployed, the standard responsibilities for authorship must be fulfilled (including legal requirements), and where consortia/group authorship is listed on the article byline, the individuals involved should be identified elsewhere in the manuscript.\n\nThe corresponding author's specific responsibilities include:",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/open-research-initiatives/registered-reports",
    "title": "Open research initiatives",
    "text": "Registered Reports are a publishing format developed by theCenter for Open Scienceto incentivise and reward good research practices and study design. Unlike traditional research articles, where authors submit a manuscript describing the results and conclusions of a completed research project, in a Registered Report a study design and research protocol are submitted for peer review prior to any research being carried out.\n\nThe cornerstone of this publishing format is therefore that a large part of an article manuscript will be assessed prior to any data collection. The purpose of this is to reduce publication bias (only significant results get published), with reviewers and editors unable to reject an article on the basis of having obtained null results, or on the basis of the results deviating from predictions.\n\nIn the first stage, authors submit a Registered Report Protocol – a manuscript detailing their planned study design. Peer reviewers are asked to assess the importance of the research question proposed, the rationale behind any hypotheses, and the soundness of the proposed methodology. Manuscripts that pass this peer review at this stage are issuedin-principle acceptancefrom the journal. In-principle acceptance is a commitment by the journal to publish the results of the planned research, no matter what those results turn out to be, as long as the authors follow the methodology they have proposed.\n\nIn the second stage the authors, having completed their research, submit a complete manuscript consisting of the original research protocol as well as their results, analysis, and conclusions. This manuscript undergoes a second round of peer review in which reviewers are asked to assess whether the authors have followed their proposed methodology, and explained any reasonable deviations from their protocol. If the manuscript passes this second stage of peer review, it is published as a completed Registered Report. Editorial and peer review decisions at this stage will not be based on the perceived importance or novelty of the research results.\n\nFor more information about what peer reviewers assess at each stage of a Registered Report, please see ourguidelines for reviewing Registered Reports.For general questions about Registered Reports at Cambridge, please contactopenresearch@cambridge.org.\n\nPlease see ourguidance for reviewing Registered Reports, and check your journal’s information pages for any journal-specific peer review expectations.\n\nWhen submitting any stage of a Registered Report, authors should make sure to follow all their journal’s policies regarding research transparency. This includes any policies around sharing research data, code, and other materials, as well as any guidelines on reporting methodology.\n\nThe Center for Open Science provides achecklist and general guidance about submitting Registered Report Protocols. Please also check your journal’s information pages for any journal-specific guidance about submitting Registered Report Protocols.\n\nIn some cases, yes. Some journals publish Registered Report Protocols as articles in their own right, as soon as they are given in-principle acceptance. In other cases, journals or authors may deposit their Registered Report Protocol in a repository such asCambridge Open Engageor theOpen Science Framework.\n\nIf published on Cambridge Core, the Registered Report Protocol and completed Registered Report will be connected by reciprocal links. In all cases, please also make sure to clearly cite your original Registered Report Protocol in the references of your completed Registered Report.\n\nUnless your journal specifies otherwise, we generally expect that research proposed in a Registered Report Protocol be completed within two years. However, we understand that research timelines can be uncertain and that some research projects may take longer. Please reach out to your journal’s editorial team with any questions or concerns about how long you expect it will take to complete your research.\n\nAll deviations, no matter how minor, should be explained in the completed Registered Report. Minor deviations may be permitted, subject to editorial discretion and peer review. Substantial deviations from the original study design may mean that it is no longer reasonable for the results of the study to be published as a completed Registered Report. In these cases, authors may wish to submit a new Registered Report Protocol before proceeding with a new study design, or publish their research results as a standard research article rather than as a completed Registered Report.\n\nExamples of things that should be clearly explained in a completed Registered Report include:\n\nIf the study design in your Registered Report Protocol proposes follow-up experiments that rely on the outcome of prior ones, the logic for follow-up experiments needs to be carefully outlined. It is possible to perform unregistered post-hoc analyses if they are clearly flagged as deviating from the original study design, and if they are justified, methodologically sound, and informative. We recommend that you clearly lay out any contingencies in your Registered Report Protocol – for example, “If the outcome of experiment 1 is X, we will…”.\n\nAfter receiving in-principle acceptance, there is no obligation for authors to submit a completed Registered Report if it turns out they cannot proceed with their research as planned. In cases where research is carried out but deviates substantially from the study design submitted in the Registered Report Protocol, authors may wish to publish their research results as a standard research article rather than as a completed Registered Report.\n\nAny Registered Report Protocols or completed Registered Reports published on Cambridge platforms are subject to ourstandard post-publication policies.\n\nPlease choose a valid location.",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/open-research-initiatives/transparency-and-openness",
    "title": "Open research initiatives",
    "text": "Transparency and openness are core values of academic research and are essential if new observations and discoveries are to fully contribute to advances in global knowledge. Research articles serve their readers best when they provide sufficient information for new assertions and findings to be properly evaluated and built upon.\n\nTransparencymeans that readers are able to determine how data and other materials have been created and interpreted by authors, that readers have information about how they can access these materials, and that readers have sufficient information to be able to interpret and re-use the materials.Opennessmeans that the materials are available to other researchers with as few barriers as possible. Together, transparency and openness allow research to be more reproducible.\n\nAs a part of Cambridge University Press’s commitment toOpen Research, we support journal policies and practices for transparency and openness. We encourage the development and adoption of standards and services that foster greater sharing of data and other materials as a part of research publication. At the same time, we recognise the needs and constraints of the diverse range of research traditions and communities we work with and serve. We are sensitive to the need to balance openness with confidentiality and practicality, while supporting initiatives to improve openness wherever possible.\n\nIn this spirit, each journal we publish has the freedom to set its own policies around the transparency and openness of research. Some journals already have strong policies in place, and others are developing theirs. We are working towards all journals that we publish having appropriate policies.",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/open-research-policies/open-access-policies",
    "title": "Open access policies",
    "text": "We publish Gold OA journals and books, and we work with publishing partners such as learned societies to develop OA for different communities. We also support Plan S, social sharing and Green OA (also called Green archiving) across our journals and books programmes, allowing authors to deposit content in PubMed Central, other institutional and subject-specific repositories, and commercial social sharing sites. Open access allows authors to comply with the Gold and Green OA requirements of major funders, including Gold OA for Plan S.\n\nOur goal to transform the journals we publish to open research depends on a continued, widespread move to funding for Open Access (OA) around the world.\n\nOur goal to transform the journals we publish to open research depends on a continued, widespread move to funding for Open Access (OA) around the world.\n\nOur goal to transform the journals we publish to open research depends on a continued, widespread move to funding for Open Access (OA) around the world.\n\nOur goal to transform the journals we publish to open research depends on a continued, widespread move to funding for Open Access (OA) around the world.\n\nPlease choose a valid location.",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/cambridge-open-engage/engage-partner-resources",
    "title": "Cambridge Open Engage",
    "text": "Cambridge Open Engage supports collaboration and gives researchers another tool to drive the impact of their work, with a variety of social sharing tools and a streamlined content upload form that doesn't overburden the author.\n\nRecommend Cambridge Open Engage to your members and community\n\nCambridge Open Engage is a free resource allowing individual researchers to submit their early and alternative research outputs, including preprints, posters and presentations.\n\nThe platform is an especially valuable resource given the increased need at this time for responding to cancelled or virtual events. It is a free service for individuals to share conference outputs.\n\nPartner with Cambridge Open EngageThrough partnership with Cambridge Open Engage, you can offer a branded hub for open research in your community, access support for events and conferences, offer direct submission to your journals, have control over administration and access metrics on early research.\n\nOur first partner space: APSA PreprintsView our first partner space,APSA Preprints, built for the American Political Science Association.We are offering this paid service to learned societies and other research organizations.\n\nGet in touch with us about building a society-owned space on Cambridge Open EngageSpeak to your Cambridge Editor or contact us atcambridgeopenengage@cambridge.orgif you would like to know more.",
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  {
    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/information-disorder-and-global-politics/76117CC85927164C2BB37099D5BD6E58",
    "title": "Information Disorder and Global Politics",
    "text": "A second major implication of information disorder pertains to international cooperation between states. We focus on three potential pathways that may affect cooperation: diminished focal points, increased incentives for noncompliance, and undermined trust and legitimacy.\n\nInformation disorder may weaken the ability of member states to negotiate international rules and standards that provide focal points for state behavior. Many international institutions are designed to coordinate expectations and reduce information asymmetries.Footnote51International rules provide legal and normative guideposts that influence not only government policies but also how citizens understand what constitutes acceptable government behavior.Footnote52But establishing these rules requires reaching a broad consensus about the nature of a specific problem and the requisite policy solution, and information disorder has the potential to undermine this process. It increases the viability of populist candidates, who may withhold or misreport scientific information and make elite-level cooperation more difficult.Footnote53Information disorder may also fragment how citizens in different countries understand shared challenges and threats, making it more difficult for governments to pursue cooperative solutions on salient issues.Footnote54\n\nConsider the case of climate change, a cooperation problem where misinformation and misunderstandings have long been obstacles to collective action. While the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has worked to build consensus on the science of climate change, its 2022 report notes that rising flows of misinformation are undermining the transmission of climate science to general populations.Footnote55For many years, fossil fuel companies and a handful of anti-climate scientists used misinformation to sow doubt, engender ideological polarization, and impede policy action;Footnote56however, with the advent of social media, they can now reach considerably more people. In 2016, for example, one of the most popular climate stories on social media falsely alleged that tens of thousands of scientists had declared global warming a hoax.Footnote57In a prior information environment, the story may have struggled to gain traction; in 2016, it was shared more than half a million times. US polling data across time is also suggestive of information silos: although more Americans now believe there is a scientific consensus on global warming, Republican voters have changed their views considerably less than independents or nonpartisans.Footnote58Because citizen support for curbing emissions is crucial for policy action in democracies, escalating flows of misinformation hurt both domestic and international progress.\n\nA second way that information disorder may impact international cooperation is by reducing a state’s incentives to comply with international rules. States are motivated to meet international commitments, in part, because of the political and reputational backlash that accompanies noncompliance.Footnote59Information disorder allows leaders to fabricate circumstances that justify violations. Bolstering such claims with false news stories, doctored videos, and misleading facts may help shirk political costs that otherwise accompany rule-breaking behavior. Recent research shows that governments can mitigate domestic and international backlash by inventing persuasive pretexts for violations.Footnote60By undermining shared factual baselines, information disorder diminishes the normative and reputational constraints that encourage compliance.\n\nFinally, information disorder may erode public trust in IOs, weakening their ability to operate in politically sensitive or contested arenas. Many IOs rely on public trust and legitimacy to deliver programmatic services. Examples include global health initiatives that surveil and treat infectious diseases, election observation missions that assess the fairness of democratic processes, and peacekeeping missions designed to stabilize postconflict settings. These functions require that the IO be perceived as credible and impartial in order to acquire local support and secure participation from member states.\n\nInformation disorder threatens these core sources of legitimacy. When misinformation and disinformation circulate widely—casting doubt on IO motives, spreading conspiracy theories, or misrepresenting IO activities—they undermine an IO’s credibility. Even false claims, when repeated or amplified in fragmented media environments, can sow suspicion and mistrust. As a result, IOs face more resistance from host governments, struggle to build local cooperation, and find their messaging dismissed due to perceived bias.\n\nIO peacekeeping missions offer a clear illustration of these dynamics. Peace operations are deployed in highly contested environments where trust is scarce, making “local legitimacy” a crucial resource for IOs.Footnote61In addition to monitoring ceasefires and protecting civilians, peacekeeping missions must help local actors overcome commitment problems and mutual suspicion toward each other.Footnote62These efforts are increasingly undermined by disinformation campaigns designed to delegitimize IO interventions and deepen divisions between parties.Footnote63False allegations suggesting that UN peacekeepers are trafficking weapons, supporting terrorists, and exploiting natural resources have damaged UN peacekeeping missions in the Central African Republic, Mali, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.Footnote64",
    "author": "Unknown",
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      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=How+Censorship+in+China+Allows+Government+Criticism+but+Silences+Collective+Expression&author=King+Gary&author=Pan+Jennifer&author=Roberts+Margaret+E.&publication+year=2013&journal=American+Political+Science+Review&volume=107&doi=10.1017%2FS0003055413000014",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055417000144",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=How+the+Chinese+Government+Fabricates+Social+Media+Posts+for+Strategic+Distraction%2C+Not+Engaged+Argument&author=King+Gary&author=Pan+Jennifer&author=Roberts+Margaret+E.&publication+year=2017&journal=American+Political+Science+Review&volume=111&doi=10.1017%2FS0003055417000144&pages=484-501",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-023-09487-3",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Public+Preferences+for+International+Law+Compliance%3A+Respecting+Legal+Obligations+or+Conforming+to+Common+Practices%3F&author=Kuzushima+Saki&author=McElwain+Kenneth+Mori&author=Shiraito+Yuki&publication+year=2024&journal=The+Review+of+International+Organizations&volume=19&doi=10.1007%2Fs11558-023-09487-3&pages=63-93",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2025.113177",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Profiling+Misinformation+Susceptibility&author=Kyrychenko+Yara&author=Koo+Hyunjin+J.&author=Maertens+Rakoen&author=Roozenbeek+Jon&author=van+der+Linden+Sander&author=G%C3%B6tz+Friedrich+M.&publication+year=2025&journal=Personality+and+Individual+Differences&volume=241&doi=10.1016%2Fj.paid.2025.113177",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.6",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Disinformation+in+International+Politics&author=Lanoszka+Alexander&publication+year=2019&journal=European+Journal+of+International+Security&volume=4&doi=10.1017%2Feis.2019.6",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-033123-015559",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Accountability+in+Developing+Democracies%3A+The+Impact+of+the+Internet%2C+Social+Media%2C+and+Polarization&author=Larreguy+Horacio&author=Raffler+Pia+J.&publication+year=2025&journal=Annual+Review+of+Political+Science&volume=28&doi=10.1146%2Fannurev-polisci-033123-015559",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgac186",
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      "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/36380855",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20191777",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Social+Media%2C+News+Consumption%2C+and+Polarization%3A+Evidence+from+a+Field+Experiment&author=Levy+Ro%E2%80%99ee.&publication+year=2021&journal=American+Economic+Review&volume=111&doi=10.1257%2Faer.20191777",
      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jarmac.2017.07.008",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Beyond+Misinformation%3A+Understanding+and+Coping+with+the+%E2%80%9CPost-Truth%E2%80%9D+Era&author=Lewandowsky+Stephan&author=Ecker+Ullrich+K.H.&author=Cook+John&publication+year=2017&journal=Journal+of+Applied+Research+in+Memory+and+Cognition&volume=6&doi=10.1016%2Fj.jarmac.2017.07.008",
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      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S002081831900016X",
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      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0892679425100130",
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      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S0003055425100877",
      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Smoke+and+Mirrors%3A+Strategic+Messaging+and+the+Politics+of+Noncompliance&author=Morse+Julia+C.&author=Pratt+Tyler&publication+year=2025&journal=American+Political+Science+Review&doi=10.1017%2FS0003055425100877",
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      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=Measuring+Exposure+to+Misinformation+from+Political+Elites+on+Twitter&author=Mosleh+Mohsen&author=Rand+David+G.&publication+year=2022&journal=Nature+Communications&volume=13&doi=10.1038%2Fs41467-022-34769-6",
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      "https://scholar.google.com/scholar_lookup?title=The+Disaster+of+Misinformation%3A+A+Review+of+Research+in+Social+Media&author=Muhammed+Sadiq+T.&author=Mathew+Saji+K.&publication+year=2022&journal=International+Journal+of+Data+Science+and+Analytics&volume=13&doi=10.1007%2Fs41060-022-00311-6",
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      "https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/39562798",
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      "https://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400884711",
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    "author": "Gary Mavko",
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    "url": "https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/new-age-of-myth-political-narratives-and-the-reconstitution-of-world-order/165309F74E32FF153A36D3A0CC6058A8",
    "title": "The New Age of Myth: Political Narratives and the Reconstitution of World Order",
    "text": "Published online by Cambridge University Press:20 November 2025\n\nPolitical myths, the sacred narratives that legitimize power, are at the core of all political communities and organizations. In the post–World War II era, clear myths emerged around the ordering of the world, placing democracy, order, and peace at the idealized heart of global governance. Today, the international order is markedly changed. Previously dominant myths are routinely questioned and the international order that was built on these myths is beginning to fragment. Myths traditionally change with institutions. At this unique inflection point in the 2020s, however, this is no longer the case—myths crumble while the institutions they once supported persist, creating a vacuum in which novel myths must emerge in what we refer to as the new age of myth. We argue that the global order is in a transitional moment in terms of its governing mythologies. The myths that are born out of this age will underline the institutions, ideas, and ideologies that will shape the trajectory of the international order in the coming decades. In this essay we therefore argue that the study of political myths should be central to future approaches to international relations. Such an emphasis not only provides insight into the pathways of international cooperation and politics that may emerge from the contemporary shattering of the global political order, but also highlights how these sacred narratives will shape its future trajectory.\n\nView allGoogle Scholar citationsfor this article.\n\nPlease choose a valid location.\n\nTo send this article to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part of your Kindle email address below. Find out more about sending to your Kindle.Find out more about saving to your Kindle.\n\nNote you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations. ‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi. ‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.\n\nFind out more about theKindle Personal Document Service.\n\nTo save this article to your Dropbox account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Dropbox account.Find out more about saving content to Dropbox.\n\nTo save this article to your Google Drive account, please select one or more formats and confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies. If this is the first time you used this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your Google Drive account.Find out more about saving content to Google Drive.\n\n- No HTML tags allowed- Web page URLs will display as text only- Lines and paragraphs break automatically- Attachments, images or tables are not permitted\n\nYour email address will be used in order to notify you when your comment has been reviewed by the moderator and in case the author(s) of the article or the moderator need to contact you directly.\n\nDo you have any conflicting interests? *Conflicting interests helpClose Conflicting interests helpPlease list any fees and grants from, employment by, consultancy for, shared ownership in or any close relationship with, at any time over the preceding 36 months, any organisation whose interests may be affected by the publication of the response. Please also list any non-financial associations or interests (personal, professional, political, institutional, religious or other) that a reasonable reader would want to know about in relation to the submitted work. This pertains to all the authors of the piece, their spouses or partners.\n\nPlease list any fees and grants from, employment by, consultancy for, shared ownership in or any close relationship with, at any time over the preceding 36 months, any organisation whose interests may be affected by the publication of the response. Please also list any non-financial associations or interests (personal, professional, political, institutional, religious or other) that a reasonable reader would want to know about in relation to the submitted work. This pertains to all the authors of the piece, their spouses or partners.",
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