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0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10...
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Opportunity Agenda suggests that the public is comfortable with the term “human right” because respondents believed in basic rights as demonstrated by high agreement on certain phrases.
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Yet, as with many ideals, while the theory is appealing, actual practice remains contested: “Americans are gen- erally receptive to a discussion of human rights violations in the U.S. but are divided on some specific applications.”44 The tension between theory and practice makes engaging human rights an uphill battle f...
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The Opportunity Agenda report and other studies reach to some of the deeper problems with organizing around human rights in the United States: people are simultaneously unclear and skeptical about the international components of such rights.45 Yet, one of the key rea- sons the UN was developed was to provide a mechanis...
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Activists outside the United States who are engaged in human rights activism shift these dynamics when they rely on these elements to demand government accountability within a world system of political relationships.
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Human rights discourse contains many contradictions, providing both a powerful tool to reinforce ideas of US superiority and also offering “almost limitless possibilities for imagining alternatives.”46 Policymak- ers and activists use human rights discourse to further their respective goals, which can often be at odds.
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As more groups claim human rights, the boundaries of “human rights” are expanded, which means that on a practical level so are the potential categories of people protected under them.47 This may seem obvious to some readers, but politically, the idea is radical and presents a challenge to the US system— arguably, in pa...
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Understood thusly, human rights become both a weapon and a shield; accusations of violations are lobbed against other nations, even used to justify mili- tary interventions, while the notion of human rights is used as a shield staunchly oriented outward, deflecting attention from human rights abuses within the United S...
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d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londo...
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Restrictive Domestication | 41 strictive domestication has been and remains the dominant discursive structure that underlies the social movement sector. US Social Movements and the Human Rights Frame World polity theorists argue that human rights have gone from a set of proposals supported by a select group of countri...
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This is the case because human rights are contained in a “model” that experiences “a considerable amount of consensus” globally.48 Nation- states are expected to support human rights to demonstrate their legitimate membership in the club of “good” states that promote democracy; how they interpret rights and whether the...
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However, the ability to create pressure is limited when the offend- ing government (the United States) is one of the most powerful and has structurally positioned itself beyond those pressures. The US govern- ment’s outsized role in UN interactions is a problem not just for grass- roots advocates but also for high- le...
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d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londo...
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42 | Restrictive Domestication A United Nations– United States Saga— the title of which illustrates the difficulty of negotiating the politics of the UN and the United States.53 We can see the US government’s dualistic relationship with the discourse of human rights and the way it engages them. Some of its inward- fac...
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Some of its outward- facing activities include claiming protection of human rights as justification for military intervention or criticizing the human rights record of other countries. For example, under Presi- dent George W. Bush, justifications given for pursing the Taliban in- cluded its treatment of women. The US...
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Human rights and a supposed concern for women emerged: “With one of the world’s worst human rights records, the Taliban has perpetrated egre- gious acts of violence against women, including rape, abduction, and forced marriage.”54 While the violence was indeed a problem, claiming that women in other countries needed th...
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The US government has traditionally not been concerned with international pressure since its moral standing globally has little ef- fect on its ability to operate economically or politically. These are just a few of the historical reasons why the United States is an exceptional case if activists were to focus on the “...
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This was particularly important in the reproductive justice movement, where founders had a long history of fighting against the world they did not want. Attending to movement actors’ multiple identities and experiences helps us understand varying ways movements can successfully operate at what Crenshaw termed the “pol...
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0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10...
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2 Pushed to Human Rights Marginalization in the US Women’s Movement In examinations of the US women’s movement, scholars note that an emphasis on “waves of feminism” (e.g., first, second, and third) privileges visible activism by White feminists in explicit women’s organizations, leav- ing out the many other people who...
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Feminists such as Friedan did speak to concerns that a sector of US women faced and directed those concerns to creating organizations such as the National Organization for Women (NOW). However, as other authors demonstrate, the assumption that the experience and desires of White, heterosexual, middle- class wives coul...
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Contraception remained illegal for married couples until the 1965 Gris- wold v. Connecticut ruling that established a right to privacy. The right to privacy would be the basis for the argument for federal legalization of abortion in the 1973 Roe v. Wade ruling. Since the Roe ruling, mainstream pro- choice organizatio...
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As Luker details, the Roe ruling led to an almost overnight shift in consciousness for many pro- life advocates, who quickly commit- ted themselves to developing a cohesive countermovement to repeal any gains made by the “abortion rights” movement.3 The Roe v. Wade ruling was in part the result of decades of activism b...
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0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10...
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44 | Pushed to Human Rights nist activists and medical professionals.4 Mainstream reproductive rights organizations’ partnerships to improve their strategic position and legis- lative success undermined long- term possibilities for building coalitions that could engender broader cultural change.
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For example, NOW and the National Women’s Health Network’s alliance with Zero Population Growth (ZPG) on abortion issues put them at odds with racial justice advocates who decried environmental organizations’ rhetoric, which they viewed as continuing the eugenic thinking of earlier decades. ZPG and similar orga- nizat...
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Further, these organizations encouraged the use of permanent birth control to curb the birth rates of “hyperfertile” commu- nities in the United States and the “Third World.”5 These types of alliances were reminiscent of earlier coalitions forged by birth control advocates, such as Margaret Sanger, who sought support f...
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Sterilization was a controversial issue that sometimes placed women on different sides of the debate. Record keeping on state- sponsored sterilization varied, but some statistics suggest that in the early part of the twentieth century, upwards of 150,000 people (majority women) were forcibly sterilized with the suppor...
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One was that of the twelve- and fourteen- year- old Relf sisters. Medical personnel ad- ministered birth control to the sisters. The two girls were eventually sterilized with the “consent” of their illiterate mother, who was told that her daughters were receiving additional birth control.8 The Relf v. Weinberger ruli...
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The responses to the details of this case, and to forced sterilization in general, have varied among women along lines of race and class, demonstrating the complexity of the underlying implications of these procedures and the concerns of population- control ideology that led some seemingly liberal activists to support ...
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A specific example of this tension is visible in the 1976 Western Re- gional Conference on Abortion, cosponsored by doctors and numerous organizations, including the National Abortion Federation and ZPG. The . d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p ...
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ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10-26 09:03:26. Pushed to Human Rights | 45 conference had enough resources to include a banquet dinner featuring Sarah Weddington, the lawyer who successfully argued the ...
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Of all the scheduled talks, only one featured a speaker to provide an “ethnic perspective” on abortion.9 The speaker, Jessica Luna, offered her comments as a self- described Chicana feminist addressing what she saw as key problems with abortion rights activism. She noted that Latinos and Blacks were diverse, just like...
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It is not that minority women were not concerned about abortion being legalized. Minority women were disproportionately poor, and poor women disproportionately bore the consequences of the illegal abortions that were performed by unquali- fied personnel.10 To ensure cultural relevance, she encouraged employing more Ch...
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Further, she noted that as a mother of six children, five of whom were sons, she felt “terror” at some feminists’ characterization of all men as “monsters” and implored the audience to include Chicanos at “every level of decision- making in the abortion movement.”11 Luna being the lone speaker designated to speak about...
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Activism around abortion and sterilization continued along parallel lines, only sometimes intertwining, although practically, women of dif- ferent races continued to have differing reproductive experiences. The Hyde Amendment of 1976 demonstrated how economic resources were a critical part of the ability to exercise c...
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Representative Henry Hyde, who proposed the amendment, was unabashed in his desire to eradicate legal abortion: “I certainly would like to prevent, if I could legally, anybody having an abortion: a rich woman, a middle- class woman or a poor woman. Unfortunately, the only vehicle available is the Medicaid bill.”12 The...
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States could use their own funds for Medicaid recipients to obtain an abortion in other cases, but this further left the most economically vulnerable people to the whims of their state.13 The 1977 death of a young Latina student, Rosie Jiménez, became the first case around which radical feminists rallied to point to th...
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0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10...
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She chose tuition, opting for an illegal abortion, after which she developed an infection and died within a week. English and Span- ish posters produced by the Reproductive Rights National Network for a “pro- choice vigil” included a picture of Jiménez and the exhortation to ensure that proposed changes to state fundi...
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Historically, working together, women of color and poor White women fought for access to a range of reproductive healthcare. Around steril- ization, they advocated for explicit informed consent procedures. They wanted mandatory waiting periods because of the mounting evidence that women who opted for sterilization ha...
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Or, as in the case of the Relf sisters or women whose doctors steril- ized them immediately after childbirth, women had the decision made for them.14 Middle- class White women, on the other hand, found that when they requested to be sterilized, paternalistic doctors doubted their decision and would often make the proce...
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A letter from the newly founded Committee for Abortion Rights and Against Sterilization Abuse (CARASA) to Eleanor Smeal, president of NOW, reveals that the differing perspectives on sterilization generated public debate among “sisters.”16 CARASA acknowledged that increased regulation of sterilization could curtail indi...
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The letter differentiated between the theoretical opposition and the practical implications of government noninterference around some repro- ductive options: “Sterilization abuse . . . occurs because population control advocates, individual doctors, social welfare agencies, teaching hospitals and others believe that...
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d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londo...
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Far from being patronizing to a particular group of women, strong sterilization guidelines protect the rights of all women against these anti- choice forces.
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This means that a woman’s choice to be sterilized is made with full information and with no coercion.”17 While sterilization had the same medical consequence for these diverse groups of women— termination of the possibility of future childbearing— the challenges faced by women of different statuses vary due to complex ...
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The Harris v. McRae Supreme Court ruling in 1980 upheld the Hyde Amendment.
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The majority opinion offered that “whether the freedom of a woman to choose to terminate her pregnancy for health reasons lies at the core or the periphery of the due process liberty recognized in Wade, it simply does not follow that a woman’s freedom of choice carries with it a consti- tutional entitlement to the fina...
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The government was not required to take an affirmative stance to help economically vulnerable people. Three justices, including Marshall, wrote a dissent arguing that Hyde was essentially punishing poor women. The dissent opined that Hyde was “a transparent attempt by the Legislative Branch to impose the political ma...
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Worse yet, the Hyde Amendment does not foist that majoritarian viewpoint with equal measure upon everyone in our Nation, rich and poor alike; rather, it imposes that viewpoint only upon that seg- ment of our society which, because of its position of political powerlessness, is least able to defend its privacy rights fr...
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The data bears this out. Besides people who use Medicaid, peo- ple who use federal healthcare in some form are subject to the Hyde . d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and t...
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Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10-26 09:03:26. 48 | Pushed to Human Rights Amendment’s restriction: federal employees and their dependents, mili- tary personnel and their dependents, Peace Corps volunteers, Native Americans using Indian Health Services, low- income residents of Wash- ington, DC, federal prison...
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The Hyde Amendment is renewed each year.21 Hyde was— and many advocates argue continues to be— a clear example of the limits of legal approaches. A rich woman using private insurance and a poor woman using federal government insurance both have a legal right to an abortion, but only the first one can be assured she ca...
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Senator Hyde was explicit in his wish to ban all abortions, but he was not legally allowed to do so. So, he used legislation to exercise part of his wish on a vulnerable group: poor people. Thus, many women of color deduced, a culture in which the government did not take re- sponsibility for its citizens’ health and ...
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How could they expect to shift US culture if the women’s movement still focused on the experiences of a relative few? Invitation to Be Silent: Engaging the Mainstream Women’s Movement Event fliers and organization newspapers from the late 1970s/early 1980s further illustrate the different approaches to reproductive po...
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Organizations like the National Organization for Women challenged normative cultural expectations of domesticity by insisting that women should only become mothers “by choice.” The membership brochure of one NOW chapter included a drawing of a woman holding a smiling baby surrounded with the words “Motherhood By Choice...
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. . Not By Chance. NOW is the time when you can make the difference.”23 The delights of motherhood were clear even as the organization emphasized “choice.” Conversely, organizations like CARASA suggested that women of color were having the choice to become mothers taken away from them due to forced sterilization. O...
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0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10...
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Pushed to Human Rights | 49 statistic: “25% of Native American Women Have Been Sterilized.” The flier went on to note that the speakers would be “speaking on forced steriliza- tion and radiation effects on reproductive health, followed by a discussion of U.S. genocidal policies toward Native Americans and other people ...
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CARASA’s event was held in conjunction with the national Long Walk for Survival to bring awareness to Native Americans’ disadvantaged status in the United States. The ref- erence to genocide on CARASA’s flier highlights how, for these women, forced sterilization was not just an issue of the disruption of an individual...
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For these activists outside the mainstream, addressing individual women’s reproductive experiences required understanding reproduction in the context of inequalities of class and race that produce significant variation in whose reproduction was/is controlled through such mea- sures. Thus, reproduction was framed as a ...
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In reflecting on a 1986 Philadelphia conference, Between Ourselves: A Reproductive Rights Forum among Women of Color, a member of the Organization of Pan Asian American Women wrote about her doubts about taking her children to the event. She was pleasantly surprised that “the broad range of sponsors of the conference ...
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It didn’t appear to be a propa- ganda conference by women’s libbers.” That convening included discus- sion of abortion and forced sterilization, and the author noted, “The fact white women dominate the issue [of reproductive rights] does not render it a non- legitimate issue.”25 These are but a few of the examples of w...
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Women in mainstream organizations who were specifically tasked with addressing diversity lacked support. In 1987, Loretta Ross organized the first Women of Color and Reproductive Rights conference when she was working as director of Women of Color Programs at NOW. Char- acteristically, Ross brought her own perspectiv...
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s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281...
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I thought my job was to figure out why women of color hated NOW. . . . So [laughs], it was . . . I became more like an ombudsman than a recruiter, which I thought was a really important distinction.”26 Such a distinction was useful in designing pro- grams that resonated with women of color.
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The conference, advertised as “for and about women of color,” would provide the first national forum in which women of color could dis- cuss their feelings of marginalization from the pro- choice movement, share experiences of working on sometimes- controversial reproductive issues, and strategize for the future.27 Som...
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The NOW letter sent to event co- sponsors noted how women of color in the reproductive rights move- ment had been marginalized, so one of the conference aims was “to place the concerns of women of color in the forefront of the pro- choice debate.”28 This was a laudable goal. Yet, documents provide evidence that despit...
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Internal memos from three months before the conference include Ross’s request for interns because she was “quite desperate for some assistance on this conference,” as she was “swamped with hundreds of details.” Addition- ally, she had “no idea” of the budget within which she had to work.29 Ross noted that one potential...
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Still, attendance surpassed expectations, with four hundred attend- ees converging on Howard University, a historically Black college that had donated the space. Over thirty workshops were presented. Shirley Chisholm, an outspoken Black feminist, former presidential candidate, and one of NOW’s founders, served as a p...
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Notes from the 1987 NOW conference indicate that other groups were included that had not traditionally been included in mainstream “choice” conversations. . d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Right...
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ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10-26 09:03:26. Figure 2.1. Flier for Women of Color and Reproductive Rights Conference (1987) . d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y...
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ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10-26 09:03:26. 52 | Pushed to Human Rights For example, a small group of pro- life African American women pick- eted outside the conference. The women were invited in an...
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Even though conference attendees were generally in support of reproductive rights, their willingness to engage in dialogue with the “opposition” suggests that they were unwilling to stay on one side of the “pro- choice debate.” Even though conversations about reproduction often pointed to a male- dominated society as t...
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One conference assessment noted that there was “lots of praise for the inclusion of men working on repro- ductive rights.”32 This event appeared to be a success by various mea- sures. However, the full extent of NOW’s resources does not appear to have been made available to support the conference, highlighting the dis...
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Even after publicly supporting such a landmark event and creating special positions for women of color such as the one Ross filled, NOW was met with skepticism. In early July 1988, Ross wrote to organizations that were part of a women of color coalition around Title X (federal fam- ily planning funding) to suggest a r...
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A few weeks later, Sharon Parker, the chair of the National Women of Color Institute, responded to the request: I received your July 7 memo to members of the Title X coalition and, after reading and re- reading it, am quite disturbed. . . . [A]lthough I think that you intended to facilitate the progress of the Coal...
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Let me explain why: (1) simply sending your memo on NOW stationery implies more officiality than you probably intended; (2) the content of the memo implies that no women of color reproductive rights project exists . . . and (3) given past experiences such as the Women of Color and Reproductive Rights conference last...
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), I see little support for the RCAR [Religious Coalition for Abortion Rights, now Re- ligious Coalition for Reproductive Choice] and lots of visible organizing [by] your NOW office in this arena.33 . d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, ...
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ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londonschoolecons/detail.action?docID=6281951. Created from londonschoolecons on 2023-10-26 09:03:26. Pushed to Human Rights | 53 Parker objected to perceived duplicating efforts and working with main- stream organizations.
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Parker suggested that NOW could be organizing around the issues, but she remained concerned that the women of color coalition would be “co- opted” by a national organization.34 Further, Parker suggested that some issues were “true” women of color issues. Explicit in Parker’s letter is the articulation that NOW was not...
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NOW may have had women of color involved in its founding (such as Chisholm) and in membership, but this did not mean it could effectively advocate for women of color— at least not from Parker’s perspective. Here, we see evidence of a continuing tension that emerges throughout this book concerning the organizing effort...
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The liberal approach to abortion protection that focused on an indi- vidual woman’s right to privacy was critiqued even during the second wave of feminism. Even though abortion was a primary issue that in- vigorated some feminists of these decades, criticisms of this emphasis emerged from minority women, whose reprodu...
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One long- time reproductive activist- scholar, Marlene Ger- ber Fried, observed, “In trying to hold on to past gains, the pro- choice movement has failed to pursue new ones, either by solidifying its own membership or speaking out to the public.
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Roe v. Wade was not the first step of a feminist agenda for reproductive control; it turned out to be the only step, defended by appeals to the right to privacy— the importance of keeping the government out of our personal lives— and to religious tolerance.”35 Thus, this “step” ended up being taken repeatedly, thereby ...
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After the 1989 Webster v. Reproductive Health Services decision, the National Right to Life Committee began a concerted campaign to restrict abortion through enacting legislation limiting access in particular situ- ations.36 In response, reproductive rights groups narrowed their focus to maintenance of Roe v. Wade, whi...
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d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/londo...
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54 | Pushed to Human Rights on presidential platforms to being a divisive moral issue that determined how various constituents voted.38 Consequently, with abortion remaining one of the most contentious issues in contemporary politics, many other reproductive concerns remain peripheral to the mainstream reproductive mov...
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Journalist Saletan outlines how the major abortion rights organizations such as the National Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL), NOW, and Planned Parenthood moved toward pro- choice conservatism to ap- peal to voters who supported abortion rights for libertarian reasons— noninterference by government. This approach...
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As Saletan writes, “So instead of talking about women’s rights, the activists portrayed abortion restric- tions as an encroachment by big government on tradition, family, prop- erty. When the issue was framed that way, many voters with conservative sympathies turned against the anti- abortion movement, and the balance...
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From the beginning, the alli- ance was unstable.”39 When observing results from Arkansas focus groups in 1986, pro- choice leaders also recognized that latent racism and clas- sism affected people’s responses to questions around abortion. In Saletan’s account, Lynn Paltrow, then an attorney at the American Civil Liber...
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Further, she continued to argue in favor of fighting for public funding of abortion. Mainstream pro- choice groups, however, took a dif- ferent tack, continuing to emphasize abortion as individual choice, de- void of context, in which a woman and her doctor would decide what was relevant.40 Evidence of domestic discon...
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In an interview, SisterSong founder Luz Martinez recalled her tumultuous experience with NARAL. She described her initial enthusiasm about becoming a board member: A White woman that was a strong factor as an ally wanted to nominate me to the NARAL board, and I didn’t know NARAL, I didn’t know the orga- nization. But...
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. d e v r e s e r s t h g i r l l A . s s e r P y t i s r e v n U k r o Y w e N i . 0 2 0 2 © t h g i r y p o C Luna, Zakiya. Reproductive Rights As Human Rights : Women of Color and the Fight for Reproductive Justice, New York University Press, 2020. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/lo...
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Pushed to Human Rights | 55 Let’s try to do something.” Because I also was interested in mainstream diversifying and broadening their agenda and I’ll do the work I can. So, [I was] thinking I could make a change, and this woman who worked in communications, [an] African American woman. . . . She is great, and she ...
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It was excellent. I told her about getting on the board and this is what I’m going to do and it’s going to happen. It felt like she was patting me on the head— OK, you can go try that— because she knew NARAL. She had worked with NARAL before.41 Martinez’s description of her involvement with NARAL begins with the enc...
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She faced what could be perceived as a patronizing attitude from another woman of color skepti- cal about the possible results of Martinez’s efforts. Martinez then described the difficulty she and allies faced when they would bring the concerns of women of color into NARAL’s planning: So for months, years, the time th...
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I met with her. She was going to support me, but for family rea- sons, she wasn’t at this first meeting that I was at. And I looked around the room and something came up and I thought, “Oh, shit, she’s not here and I guess I have to bring it up.” They were talking about some media thing that they were working on, or ...
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So I had to speak up. So I talked about that, the importance of it, and having women of color interviewed as well, and bringing all the different issues in. I know they didn’t pay attention to me but I said it. But that was the beginning. And there were other White women on that board that were also wanting to make...
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