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Everyday Integration of SEL into Your Classroom by Shreya Nachane “So, this is another article on SEL. Let me scroll down as our school counselor will take care of these lessons for my students”. Hold on! Don’t leave us just yet! Start your journey towards collaborative classroom culture, engagement, and student’s personal growth by choosing to make SEL integral part of your teaching agenda! Here are few tips to get you going… Build strong connections with your students: Show your students that you care about them and are always interested in knowing them better. Show interest in their extracurricular activities, family members, culture and overall, their life beyond school. Carve time to have them share something about themselves every week! These connections stimulate students’ self-awareness, AND gives you more insight into your students’ world. Asking questions, checking in, leaving space for students to talk about their lives, and providing a way for students to ask questions confidentially will build trust.. Having a good relationship with teachers results in students looking forward to school each morning and working harder in class. “Children experience a variety of emotions throughout the school day” Offer ample opportunities for peer interaction: By providing opportunities and structures for students to learn more about each other, educators can foster a learning environment that enables students to feel collective responsibility for their peers, overall success, and well-being. This can be achieved through team building activities, discussing glows and grows at class meetings, and/or a routine where students express their gratitude towards their classmates or appreciate their classmate’s acts and gestures. Present choices: Since responsible decision-making and goal setting are core components of SEL, give students a chance to make choices in class. These decisions can be in the form of choice boards for work, what goes on the bulletin board, allowing students to pick their favorite color for their homework binder, how to spend free time, classroom rewards and consequences, and/or any other simple classroom choices. Small decisions can be extremely meaningful as learning tools and will empower students to learn responsibility and cultivate autonomy in positive ways. Equip your class with tools for self-regulation: Children experience a variety of emotions throughout the school day. Train your students to self-regulate during the school day by providing them with a “toolbox” to help them calm and focus. This toolbox can have positive note cards, fidgets, stress balls, sensory bottles, art supplies, joke books, feelings books, earmuffs, sensory books, springs, sensory brush, etc. If a student feels uncomfortable, upset, sad, frustrated, or mad, give them an option to pick one activity from the ‘toolbox’ that helps them feel ‘just right.’ Explain what ‘just right’ is, i.e., when you have just the right amount of energy to do the activity that you need to do at that moment, when you feel good, etc. They may come up with their own ‘just right’ description. Also, be sure to explain that these are tools, not toys, to help to get to that ‘just right’ feeling for the task at hand.	0d3f0576-6e56-4e74-8708-d8dd0e2484e4	CC-MAIN-2022-40	https://qoreinsights.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/09/QoreInsights-Teacher-Tips-Issue-2-8.5-%C3%97-11.1-in.pdf	2022-09-29T15:21:03+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030335355.2/warc/CC-MAIN-20220929131813-20220929161813-00598.warc.gz	529,481,090	624	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.99497	eng_Latn	0.99615	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1232, 2322, 3247 ]	[ 2.890625 ]	1	0
Learning to Fingerspell Twice: Young Signing Children’s Acquisition of Fingerspelling Carol A. Padden We tend to think of fingerspelling as a simple manual system for representing the alphabet. When adult second-language learners of American Sign Language (ASL) are first taught the system, they are often told that a fingerspelled word is made up of a sequence of hand shapes and that fingerspelling involves transitioning each hand shape into the next in an efficient way. Though some hand shapes are similar and are easily confused, adults can learn the system in a few lessons. For the young sign language learner, however, learning to fingerspell is a different task altogether. This chapter reviews recent studies of fingerspelling in ASL, including those that discuss how young signers begin to construct fingerspelled words. As I will explain, these descriptions of early fingerspelling show that acquiring fingerspelling in ASL involves two sets of skills: first, the child learns to recognize fingerspelled words as whole units, and then, when reading and writing English become more prominent in the child’s life, the child begins to understand fingerspelled words as made up of hand shapes that correspond to the letters of the alphabet. In the latter sense, the child learns fingerspelling a second time—this time in terms of its internal composition and its link to English words in their written form. I conclude by addressing implications of this pattern of acquisition of fingerspelling for early education of young deaf children. FINGERSPELLING IN ASL The ASL Lexicon: Frequency Compared to many other sign languages of the world, ASL uses fingerspelling more often and more prominently. As a measure of frequency of fingerspelling in ASL, my colleagues and I counted the number of times fingerspelled words appeared in short narratives of 18 native signers (Padden & Gunsauls, 2003). We selected a 150-sign segment from each signer during a narrative and counted the number of fingerspelled words as a percentage of the total vocabulary. We found an average of 18% fingerspelled words in our group of native signers of different ages and backgrounds, with some signers fingerspelling more (at 30%) and less (at 12%). When we took an inventory of 2,164 fingerspelled words culled from group conversations among 14 signers, we found that nearly 70% of their fingerspelled words were nouns (Padden & Gunsauls, 2003). Next in frequency were adjectives. Verbs were comparatively much reduced in frequency, at about 6% of the total. Adverbs, conjunctions, and pronouns each constituted between 2% and 3% of the total. It is clear from these data that fingerspelled words are overwhelmingly nouns and disproportionately not verbs. When we looked at fingerspelled loan signs, a category of adapted fingerspelled words that add prominent movement (Battison, 1978; Brentari and Padden, 2001), we found many more verbs represented among them than among fingerspelled words. The main distinction between the two types—fingerspelled words and fingerspelled loan signs—is that the latter vocabulary is nativized; that is, they often have a reduced number of just two hand shapes and an added movement such as path, for example, the verb #TO-FAX. Fingerspelled words can stand in pairs with fingerspelled loan signs: the fingerspelled word F-A-X can be used to refer to the sheet of paper that is faxed, and the loan sign #TO-FAX is used for the act of faxing. Other sign languages use fingerspelling very little or not at all. Boyes-Braem (2001) reports that Swiss German Sign Language relies on mouthing as a system of representing German words. Italian Sign Language and many other sign languages likewise use more on mouthing for words from the spoken language, resorting to fingerspelling largely for foreign names (S. Corrazza, personal communication, October 1989). British Sign Language, on the other hand, joins ASL in its prominent use of fingerspelling (Brennan, 2001), with an average of 10% fingerspelled words of total vocabulary appearing in a signed segment (Sutton-Spence, 1994). The ASL Lexicon: Grammatical Distinctions The frequency of and regularity of fingerspelled words in ASL is related to the fact that fingerspelling is deeply entrenched in the lexicon (Brentari & Padden, 2001). ASL signers use fingerspelling to represent not only personal names but also many other English words, including names of cities, areas, regions, names of companies, car manufacturers, and brand names. Fingerspelling is an active means of borrowing English words into ASL, and unlike other sign languages that quickly translate spoken words into native signs of equivalent meaning, ASL has a large lexicon of stable fingerspelled words. Words like “rice,” “broccoli,” and “flour” are reliably always fingerspelled and have no signed counterparts. With respect to other English vocabulary, ASL fingerspells most brand names and manufacturers: “Gateway,” “Dell,” “Compaq” (computers), “Ford,” “Toyota,” “Honda,” (car manufacturers), where in other sign languages these names would be translated. For example, many European sign languages refer to the lion symbol in their signs for “Peugeot” or to the famous three-triangle hood ornament when signing “Mercedes-Benz.” In addition to fingerspelling entire words, ASL has fingerspelled words derived from abbreviations or shortened words. Fingerspelled abbreviations can be short or long, such as “IBM,” “post office” (P-O), “vice president,” (V-P), and “Chevrolet” (C-H-E-V). Abbreviations may overlap with those used in English but not always; when the U.S. Postal Service moved to two letter abbreviations for all states, ASL abbreviations did not change, and to this day, the longer abbreviations are still commonly used, for example, FLA, “Florida,” MISS, “Mississippi,” MICH, “Michigan.” A large subcategory of ASL signs are initialized signs where the hand shape corresponds to the first letter of the word such as CITIZEN or UNIVERSITY. (Rarely, the hand shape corresponds to the last letter of the word, as in SEX.) Days of the week as well as many colors are initialized signs. Initialized signs are commonly used for personal name signs in ASL, unlike in other sign languages that tend to use noninitialized descriptive name signs, referring to some physical or psychological characteristic of the individual. As a variation on the single hand shape found in initialized signs, abbreviations can be incorporated in two-syllable signs: SENIOR-CITIZEN, SOCIAL-WORK, DOWN-SYNDROME. There are a number of sign-fingerspelled pairs that contrast in meaning and grammatical class. For example, the sign LOVE (verb) can be paired with the fingerspelled word L-O-V-E (noun) to contrast the grammatical class of the former with the latter. The sign RENT means “to rent,” but the fingerspelled R-E-N-T refers to the rental payment. In another pair, the sign DRIVE (verb) refers to driving a car but the fingerspelled word D-R-I-V-E (noun) is used for a computer hard drive. In a third-grade science class, a deaf teacher explained to her students that she was going to demonstrate the idea of a scientific “problem,” a word that she fingerspelled, then added that it was not the same as the meaning of the sign PROBLEM which is typically used to refer to a personal problem or dilemma (Padden & Gunsauls, 2003). To further illustrate, there are a large number of sign-fingerspelled compounds, where usually, but not always, the first segment of a compound is signed while the second is fingerspelled, for example, RED T-A-P-E (“red tape”), BLACK + M-A-I-L (“blackmail”), WATER + F-A-I-L (“waterfall”), PLAY + O-F-F (“playoff game”), SOFT + W-A-R-E, and HARD + W-A-R-E (“computer software and hardware”). In all these cases, the second part of the compound or phrase is fingerspelled, even though there are signs for “tape,” “mail,” and “water flowing.” There seem to be two reasons why the second segment is fingerspelled: (1) to distinguish literal from metaphorical meaning, and (2) to identify the compound as a noun. The compound “blackmail” does not literally involve the mail, nor does “red tape” involve scotch tape. The noun “waterfall” is distinguished from the verb, “water flowing,” by the fact that the second segment is fingerspelled, not signed. There are many more such examples, including further contrasts within compounds: Computer “hardware” can be a sign-fingerspelled compound, HARD + W-A-R-E, but a “hardware” store must be completely fingerspelled: H-A-R-D-W-A-R-E. Fluent and native signers know these distinctions, though they are rarely reported in ASL dictionaries. Young children, in time, also pick up these distinctions. Fingerspelled words are conventionally regarded as a means of representing English words for which there are no equivalent signs. This is a misleading characterization for three reasons: (1) it incorrectly assumes that fingerspelled words exist in place of signs, when in fact, they can coexist with already existing signs. (2) It describes fingerspelled words as English words. A more accurate description is one which recognizes fingerspelled words as existing within the ASL lexicon as a category of borrowed or “foreign” vocabulary (Brentari, 2001; Brentari & Padden, 2001; Padden, 1998). And (3) it incorrectly views fingerspelling primarily as a means of translation. ASL signers could translate words into signs; instead, they maintain an active lexicon of fingerspelled words that exist stably in that category. For example, “diglossia” has a signed translation in British Sign Language (Brennan, 2001), but in ASL it is always fingerspelled. To sum up, fingerspelled words are both frequent and pervasive and are deeply entrenched in the grammar of ASL. The Phonology of Fingerspelling ASL signers fingerspell rapidly, which is yet another characteristic unique to those sign languages that use fingerspelling extensively such as British Sign Language and Swedish Sign Language. To the adult second-language learner, fingerspelled words seem like a blur of rapidly executed hand shapes, frustrating those who are learning ASL. Comparatively speaking, signs are easier to perceive: They are larger in physical shape and can sweep across the broad space in front of the signer’s body. New signers can pick up clues to a sign’s meaning from its representative or iconic qualities. Fingerspelled words, on the other hand, have no iconic qualities and involve many more hand shapes than in a single sign. Unlike signs, in which the units of hand shape, location, and movement are layered and executed at once, fingerspelled words are linearly expressed, with units sequenced over time. In a seminal description of the phonetics of fingerspelling, Wilcox (1992) observes that though fingerspelling is popularly conceived of as an act of stringing together hand shapes in a sequence, the psychological reality is otherwise: The most salient aspect of a fingerspelled word is not its hand shapes, but the combination of small movements that link the hand shapes together and the overall “contour” or movement shape of the fingerspelled word. This idea of contour was also developed by Akamatsu (1982), who studied fingerspelling used by preschool hearing children of deaf parents. When an ASL signer fingerspells, the hand is positioned in neutral space, often to one side. The hand usually does not move to one side as the hand shapes are executed in sequence. When a word is fingerspelled at normal speed, which is quite rapid for the adult second-language learner of ASL, the hand shifts slightly downward, to the sides and upward, but mostly remains in the same position. The shifts of the hands reflect transitions from one hand shape to another. For example, in the slower version of the fingerspelled word B-A-N-K, the hand moves slightly downward during the transition from B to A, and then only the fingers move during the transition from A to N; finally the hand sweeps upward as it transitions from N to K. When the word is fingerspelled at normal speed, hand shapes are clustered together in a movement unit: the three hand shapes, B-A-N are positioned slightly downward, and then the hand moves slightly upward in for the last hand shape: K. Crucially, there are two elements in the movement contour of this particular fingerspelled word: the first involves three hand shapes, and the second involves the transition to the last hand shape. Because movement shifts do not coincide with individual hand shapes but instead involve units of more than one hand shape, future analyses of fingerspelling will likely consider the notion of syllable a useful means of accounting for when and where movement shifts occur in a fingerspelled word. Returning to the example of B-A-N-K, it may be that the fingerspelled word is made up of two movement peaks, or possibly, two syllables despite the fact that the spoken word, “bank,” is a single-syllable word. FINGERSPELLING IN CHILD LANGUAGE Studies of ASL acquisition rarely include descriptions of a child’s use of fingerspelling since it is believed that fingerspelled words are English words and thus are not part of a description of how children learn ASL. However, as I have argued in the preceding section, fingerspelling is frequent and pervasive in signed discourse, and a very young signer cannot avoid learning fingerspelled forms used by parents or others in the signing environment. In their home studies with deaf families Erting et al. (2000) find numerous examples of very young deaf children attempting to fingerspell as early as 2 years old. In this section, I review studies about fingerspelling and acquisition of fingerspelling. Akamatsu (1982) studied the acquisition of fingerspelling in hearing children of deaf parents who use ASL extensively in the family, and, not unexpectedly, many of her findings are similar to those described in the literature regarding how deaf children learn ASL and fingerspelling. In recent years increasing numbers of hearing parents are using ASL in the home, and like deaf parents, many try to use fingerspelling. Signing hearing parents often consult with deaf parents for advice about literacy; as a result, ideas about fingerspelling and other language practices circulate through the community. Some signing parents say they try to avoid using fingerspelled words around very young children because they believe they are not yet capable of understanding the words. But in videotaped interactions between parents and children using ASL, it can be seen that parents cannot entirely avoid fingerspelling to their children (Akamatsu, 1982; Erting et al., 2000; Kelly, 1995; Padden, 1991). Kelly found an instance on videotape of a parent fingerspelling to her 2-month-old infant, again in another videotape at 14 weeks, and in subsequent videotaped interactions. Before the end of the first year, the parents added more fingerspelled words, for example, C-E-H-L-I-N-G, when describing it to the child. Some of the most common vocabulary items in a young signer’s language environment are fingerspelled, for example, B-U-S and T-C-E. Moreover, Kelly found numerous instances of parents fingerspelling to older children or to other adults; as such, fingerspelled words are plentiful in the ambient signing environment. Much like hearing parents who read aloud to infants, some parents will insist on fingerspelling to their very young children because they believe that early exposure to fingerspelling is good preparation for literacy. They view fingerspelling as intimately linked to the alphabet that is itself the centerpiece of English literacy. As such, signing parents’ ideas about fingerspelling are a mix of beliefs about sign language, English literacy, schooling, and even social class. One middle-class deaf mother described less advantaged deaf children as those who use little or no fingerspelling. The absence of such forms is seen as an indication of poor early education, or poor sign language environments. Fingerspelling is both about representing English words as well as representing bilingualism in signing children’s lives. The act of fingerspelling signals and communicates: In this sense, it both signifies and is a signifier; that is, it makes a symbolic statement as well (Padden & Gunsauls, 2003). Learning Fingerspelling Twice I describe the acquisition of fingerspelling as involving mastery of two different kinds of skills: the skill of fingerspelling, on the one hand, and the skill of connecting fingerspelled words to their English alphabetic counterparts, on the other. The former skill involves understanding how fingerspelling is used in ASL, including what types of words are likely to be fingerspelled. This skill also involves recognizing shapes of fingerspelled words and knowing the meanings of commonly used fingerspelled words. The second skill, of linking fingerspelling to English words, develops when the child begins to acquire English literacy. In this sense, the child learns fingerspelling a second time, that is, comes to understand the words as having internal linguistic patterning, as made up of hand shapes that correspond to alphabetic letters. The timing of the acquisition of the two kinds of acquisition can vary from child to child; typically signing children can use fingerspelled words before they are able to identify their internal structure. Some children move smoothly into both skills and others struggle, particularly those who are also struggling to read and write. I will describe the first and second skills in terms of a child’s knowledge of different kinds of language and literacy practices and how this knowledge changes over the course of childhood. As children leave home and begin school, their attention is oriented toward reading and writing behaviors, and they begin to link fingerspelling to those contexts. First Skill of Fingerspelling Because fingerspelling is described as representing the alphabetic structure of English words, it is almost automatic to think of fingerspelling as intimately linked to reading and writing. In fact, many young signers cannot yet read when they begin to understand and use fingerspelled words. Young children commonly see fingerspelled words outside of literacy contexts in everyday discourse. Their parents may be reading aloud to them, signing stories from books, and making a point of using fingerspelled names and words while reading from books (Erting et al., 2000), but the connection between reading, writing, and fingerspelling is not an obvious one to the young child. As I have discussed previously (Padden, 1991), the child has a sense of the interaction of fingerspelling, signing, reading, and writing, but that relationship takes time to develop, and it crucially involves the developing skill of reading and writing. Fingerspelled words can appear early in a child’s productive vocabulary; a young child in Kelly’s (1995) study was videotaped trying to fingerspell C-H-I-P (“potato chip”) at age 24 months. The child’s productions involved clusters of movement, in which a salient component of the movement is preserved in the production of the fingerspelled word, and hand shapes are deleted in medial position: C-H-P. A colleague, Tom Holcomb (personal communication, April 1987) once described his child at this age as making a movement distinction between I-C-E and R-I-C-E, which are identical except for one extra letter in “rice.” The child produced I-C-E with opening and closing movement but R-I-C-E with a circular movement, deriving from the letter R, which in turn influences the movement of the remaining three letters. At this young age, these children cannot read or write and have little or no realization of the alphabetic distinction of similarly spelled words. Instead, the children are able to detect small movement components of fingerspelled words, and they strive to replicate them in their use of the forms. Akamatsu (1982) in her description of fingerspelling in young hearing preschool children who use ASL finds similar attempts in which the children try to replicate what she calls the “movement contour” of the fingerspelled word. In such clusters of movement, the hand shapes are barely discernible. The salient features of fingerspelled words are their movement shapes, and the children produce those shapes when they replicate the word. Aside from Wilcox’s (1992) work on phonetics of fingerspelling, there has been little work on the phonology of fingerspelling. Such work would shed light on what young children learn about movement in fingerspelling. We know from studying errors in young signers’ fingerspelled attempts that certain movement components are salient to them, particularly movement associated with doubled letters in words, for example, doubled vowels or doubled consonants as in “Lee,” “zoo,” or “cattle.” In one such error reported in Padden (1991), the child was trying to fingerspell the name of a relative, Dee. Instead of fingerspelling D, the child substituted L but preserved the bouncing movement for the doubled vowel, ee. In ASL doubled letters can involve either reiterating the hand shape, bouncing the hand shape or sliding the hand shape to the side. Signing children pick up all these possible small internal movements and use them in their earliest attempts. There are likely to be other similar correspondences between frequently appearing letter sequences and movements that go with them, for example, the suffix -ion or the prefix ex-, but these are not well described in either the fingerspelling or acquisition literature. More broadly, children begin to recognize and replicate fingerspelled words that frequently appear in their everyday language: names of family members and friends, brand names such as grocery stores (e.g., S-A-F-E-W-A-Y), place names, as well as fingerspelled words of common nouns (e.g., ice and rice). They often can replicate the general movement shape of the words if they don’t yet get the internal sequence of letters correct. Second Skill of Fingerspelling The second skill is being able to link the internal sequence of hand shapes of a fingerspelled word to an English word. The first and second skills are not always linearly ordered with respect to one another, and young signers can be seen making errors involving both types of skills. A very young signer can be seen trying to create a sequence of hand shapes, particularly if their parents have been teaching them the letters of the alphabet both in print and in fingerspelling. Often, though, when they try to fingerspell words by their letters, they get the sequence wrong. A young child at age 2 years 9 months (2;9) could only spell her name as E-U-B when asked what her name was (without revealing the child’s name, only the letter E appears in her name). When asked the name of her dog, Sasha, she switched around the letters she knew and fingerspelled U-B-A (Padden & LeMaster, 1985). The struggle to construct a correct sequence of letters will continue through most of the child’s early literacy years. Parents are greatly pleased when their signing child can finally produce their name with the correct sequence of letters, but spelling in a certain sequence requires a great deal of practice, as well as the awareness that the correct sequence is important. In other examples from Padden and LeMaster (1985), a father teased his daughter, age 4;11, and told her that E.T. the extraterrestrial from the popular movie at that time had taken her candy. The daughter shook her head and insisted it could not have been the alien, fingerspelling the name as T-E. She seemed unperturbed at her attempt, apparently focusing more on which letters appeared in the word rather than what sequence was correct. Another child, age 4;9, has several spellings for “cat,” which include correct as well as incorrect sequences: C-R-L, C-N-I. As the signing child’s literacy education begins in earnest, then attention is focused on developing the ability to link different literacy skills with different fingerspelling skills. Kelly (1995) describes an interaction between a deaf mother and her deaf daughter where the mother holds up index cards with written words on them and encourages the daughter to try and fingerspell the words. The daughter, at age 3/4, could match hand shapes to letters but then couldn’t say what the words represented. When her mother fingerspelled the words “rice” and “seed” back to her daughter, the daughter then recognized what they were. Convergence of Skills I have described these early literacy attempts as pushing toward a convergence of skills, where the skill of fingerspelling is aligned to the skill of reading and written spelling (Padden, 1991). There are several skills that need to be aligned together in the signing literate child: writing a word, fingerspelling it as well as understanding the same word as fingerspelled by someone else. The move toward convergence can take a number of years, from the first year of school through even second or third grade, until the child moves effortlessly between the skill domains of finger-spelling, spelling, writing, and reading. Some signing children, however, struggle to accomplish convergence even by third grade: They may be able to recognize a fingerspelled word but not be able to write the same word correctly on a page. Other children may be able to recognize a word on a page but stumble when they try to fingerspell the same word without being able to see it in written form. Difficulty at convergence is often seen in those children who are struggling at the task of learning to read. My colleague Claire Ramsey and I carried out a series of studies examining the development of reading ability in young signing deaf children (Padden & Hanson, 2000; Padden & Ramsey, 1998). In one study, we developed a fingerspelling test in which the children were asked to view a list of signed sentences on videotape, each containing a single fingerspelled word. After viewing each sentence, the child was asked to write down the fingerspelled word contained in it. We wanted to know whether skill in correctly writing down the fingerspelled word had a relationship to reading ability. Indeed it does: We found that accuracy in correctly spelling the word in written form correlated with reading comprehension skill as measured by their Stanford Achievement Test score $(n = 22; r = 0.43, p < 0.05)$. In other words, correctly writing a word as it was fingerspelled is not simply being able to see the sequence of hand shapes and then writing down that sequence; the child must also possess reading ability. The child might be able to understand the fingerspelled word in a signed sentence, but the skill of writing it down in English is related to reading ability. Knowing the sequence of letters in a written word is a literate skill, acquired in the course of learning to read and write. For children who are struggling to read and write, they are also struggling to write down words they have just seen fingerspelled. Ramsey and Padden (1998) describe deaf children who require that each letter be fingerspelled to them one at a time in order for them to write words down. In fact, the children often require the fingerspeller to tell them that they have reached the end of the word. Unlike more skilled deaf children, they cannot watch a fingerspelled word in its entirety and then write the word. Their difficulty is a complex one: It involves memory—being able to remember the word as it was fingerspelled, but equally, it involves literate ability in English—knowing what types of spellings English words tend to have, and using this knowledge to predict the likely spelling of the target English word. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS FOR EDUCATION In a report about use of fingerspelling during simultaneous communication, Akamatsu and Stewart (1989) found that preschool teachers of deaf children fingerspell much less than do teachers of older children. Furthermore, if they use fingerspelling, they often confine their vocabulary to a small set of words, used repeatedly. They express concerns that preschool and elementary teachers may have misconceptions about the nature of fingerspelling and how it should be used with young children. Based on the body of research currently available, there are a number of implications for early education of deaf children. Very young deaf children can be exposed to commonly used fingerspelled words while interacting with language models. These include words that are meaningful in their lives: ice, rice, bus, okay, chips, flour. Most of these words are short, and refer to objects familiar to the child. These fingerspelled words are often found in the home language environment of children who are not yet reading or writing, demonstrating that use of fingerspelling by teachers should not be delayed until literacy education begins. Instead, fingerspelling should be a part of a child’s early preschool language as well. In ASL, personal names, place names, and brand names (or proper nouns) are often fingerspelled. The young child can learn a great deal from seeing these words used in a teacher’s language. First, they learn about the category of vocabulary that is routinely fingerspelled in the language, and second, they learn distinctions between common and proper nouns. Kelly (1995) and Humphries and MacDougall (2000) report that deaf parents and deaf elementary level teachers often embed fingerspelled words in “sandwiched” or “chained” structures where the word is immediately followed by a sign of related or close definition. This provides immediate context for the child. Kelly gives two examples: DUCK DUCK Q-U-A-C-K, to show that quacking is what ducks do, and another where the father uses sandwiching to show that a chapstick is a special kind of lipstick: LIPSTICK C-H-A-P-S-T-I-C-K. Humphries and MacDougall report from their studies of teacher talk that chaining is prevalent in the elementary years among deaf teachers but not in later years where other strategies are used for word definition. Such strategies seem “childlike” when used repeatedly with older children. Hearing teachers, in contrast, use little or no chaining at any level, most likely because they are unaware of such techniques. Teacher training programs can benefit from learning more about such “indigenous” strategies and incorporating them in courses that train signing elementary-level teachers. When signing deaf children begin literacy education, teachers should expect to see a transition in use of fingerspelling, from more global units to more analytical spelling, where the child is more aware of the internal composition of fingerspelled words. Spelling correctly in fingerspelling as well as writing is a developmental task, and teachers should have expectations that as the child’s literacy skills increase, the components of these skills, including fingerspelling, will change. Fingerspelling should not be viewed—as it often is—as a system for supplying words to ideas, concepts, and objects that “have no signs.” This undermines the status of both signs and fingerspelling as rich sources of vocabulary within the language. Fingerspelled words and their relatives, initialized signs, abbreviations, and sign-fingerspelled compounds, form a robust and active component of the lexicon. Fingerspelled vocabulary can be used productively both as signifiers, that is, as words within the sign stream, and to signify, to make a symbolic distinction, as when a teacher explains that she is illustrating not a personal PROBLEM but a computational P-R-O-B-L-E-M (Padden & Gunsauls, 2003). To paraphrase Akamatsu slightly, what these suggestions indicate is that fingerspelling is more than the “sum of its parts.” It is not merely a linear means of representing the orthography but has taken on rich symbolic content above and beyond the words themselves. Fingerspelled words occupy a place in the ASL lexicon and carry grammatical content as well as semantic contrasts with other vocabulary in the language. In the future, when studies of child language acquisition of ASL routinely include fingerspelled tokens, we will learn more about how young children learn complex and rich vocabularies in sign languages. REFERENCES Akamatsu, C. (1982). The acquisition of fingerspelling in pre-school children. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Rochester, Rochester, NY. Akamatsu, C. T., & Stewart, D. (1989). The role of fingerspelling in simultaneous communication. Sign Language Studies, 65, 361–374. Battison, R. (1978). Lexical borrowing in American Sign Language. Silver Spring, MD: Linstok Press. Boyes-Braem, P. (2001). Functions of the mouthing component in the signing of deaf early and late learners of Swiss German Sign Language. In D. Brentari (Ed.), Foreign vocabulary in sign languages: A cross-linguistic investigation of word formation (pp. 1–47). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Brennan, M. (2001). Making borrowing work in British Sign Language. In D. Brentari (Ed.), Foreign vocabulary in sign languages: A cross-linguistic investigation of word formation (pp. 49–85). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Brentari, D. (Ed.) (2001). Foreign vocabulary in sign languages: A cross-linguistic investigation of word formation. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Brentari, D., & Padden, C. (2001). Native and foreign vocabulary in American Sign Language: A lexicon with multiple origins. In D. Brentari (Ed.), Foreign vocabulary in sign languages: A cross-linguistic investigation of word formation (pp. 49–85). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Erting, C., Thumann-Prezioso, C., & Benedict, B. (2000). Bilingualism in a deaf family: Fingerspelling in early childhood. In P. Spencer, C. Erting, & M. Marschark (Eds.) The deaf child in the family and the school: Essays in honor of Kathryn P. Meadow Orlans (pp. 41–54). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Humphries, T., & MacDougall, F. (2000). “Chaining” and other links: Making connections between American Sign Language and English in two types of school settings. Visual Anthropology Review, 15(2), 84–94. Kelly, A. (1995). Fingerspelling interaction: A set of deaf parents and their deaf daughter. In C. Lucas (Ed.), Sociolinguistics in deaf communities (Vol. I, pp. 62–73). Washington, DC: Gallaudet University Press. Padden, C. (1991). The acquisition of fingerspelling by deaf children. In P. Siple & S. Fischer (Eds.), Theoretical issues in sign language research: Vol. 2. Psychology (pp. 191–210). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Padden, C. (1998). The ASL lexicon. Sign Language and Linguistics, 1(1), 39–64. Padden, C., & Gunsauls, D. (2003). How the alphabet came to be used in a sign language. Sign Language Studies, 4(1), 1–33. Padden, C., & Hanson, V. (2000). Search for the missing link: The development of skilled reading in deaf children. In K. Emmorey & H. Lane (Eds.), The signs of language revisited: An anthology to honor Ursula Bellugi and Edward Klima (pp. 435–447). Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Padden, C., & LeMaster, B. (1985). An alphabet on hand: The acquisition of fingerspelling in deaf children. Sign Language Studies, 47, 161–172. Padden, C., & Ramsey, C. (1998). Reading ability in signing deaf children. Topics in Language Disorders, 18, 30–46. Ramsey, C., & Padden, C. (1998). Natives & newcomers: Literacy education for deaf children. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 29(1), 5–24. Sutton-Spence, R. (1994). The role of the manual alphabet and fingerspelling in British Sign Language. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Bristol. Wilcox, S. (1992). The phonetics of fingerspelling. Philadelphia: J. Benjamins.	9a1957fd-7d48-4593-a841-65450ed50757	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://quote.ucsd.edu/padden/files/2013/01/learning_to_fingerspell_twice.pdf	2023-03-22T09:18:24+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296943809.22/warc/CC-MAIN-20230322082826-20230322112826-00323.warc.gz	568,323,819	7,835	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.989648	eng_Latn	0.997234	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1550, 7382, 13180, 19178, 25094, 31112, 35908 ]	[ 3.359375, 2.90625 ]	1	0
Green Roofs/Eco-roofs Definition: A green roof or eco-roof is a planted roof top that provides benefits of water harvesting, stormwater management, energy conservation, pollution abatement, and aesthetic value. Green roofs vary in depth of growing media, types of plants (climate-dependent), infrastructure, and intended use. Objectives: Green roofs reduce total stormwater runoff volume and peak flows, improve building insulation properties (reducing heat island effects), and extend the expected life of the roof’s base material. Overview: Green roofs are generally categorized into two types: extensive and intensive. Extensive green roofs have a shallow (<6” depth) growing media and are light-weight structures (approximately 10-35 lbs./sq.ft. when wet) that cover large expanses of rooftop, requiring minimal maintenance. Intensive green roofs, or “rooftop gardens,” use deeper growing media (>6”) and can include small trees and shrubs, creating park-like settings that are more accessible. They tend to be more expensive and their heavier weight on the roof (approx. 50-300 lbs./sq.ft. when wet) must be considered in the design. Intensive green roofs are more common in tropical climates than extensive green roofs. Examples of Florida applications of green roofs include: a 2400 ft² storage facility in the Bonita Bay Group’s master-planned community Shadow Wood Preserve (Lee County); the University of Central Florida Student Union roof (1600 ft²); and the University of Florida Charles R. Perry Construction Yard roof (2600 ft²) in Gainesville. The University of Central Florida has monitored pollutants in roof filtrate water on a green roof designed for stormwater treatment and found that the green roof effectively reduced pollutants, including nitrate and ammonia, relative to a conventional roof. Applications - Commercial buildings - Industrial buildings - Residential buildings Benefits - Reduces stormwater volume (50% to 85%) - Improves stormwater quality through load reduction - Saves water by harvesting rain - Reduces heat island effect - Lowers surface temperatures by 40°-50° F - Energy savings can reach 15%-30% - Reduces noise for building occupants - Increases the life of the roof and reduces roof maintenance costs - Contributes to biodiversity and creates habitats for birds and invertebrates - Filters air pollutants and captures airborne particles Design Considerations: Green roofs function independent of the infiltration capacity of the site soils and can be applied to residential buildings, although they are most appropriate for commercial and industrial use. Extensive and intensive green roofs require a minimum slope of 2%; those with slopes less than 2% require additional drainage measures to avoid water logging. Additional requirements include good drainage, lightweight growth media, good waterproofing, additional structural support, rainwater harvesting and the use of drought/heat tolerant plants. While it may be challenging, it is important to engineer for proper drainage, which will avoid root rot on the plants. A thicker substrate needed if drainage is not adequate will also mean higher load bearing, which adds to the cost. Components of green roofs include: 1.) waterproofing membranes; 2.) insulation (if the building is heated or cooled); 3.) a root barrier to protect the membrane (made of gravel, impervious concrete, pvc, tpo, hdpe, or copper); 4.) a drainage system; 5.) a filter cloth (polyester fiber mats, polypropylene mats or non-biodegradable fabrics); 6.) a growing medium, consisting of inorganic matter (expanded slate, pumice, vermiculite, volcanic rock, etc.), organic material (straw, peat, wood, grass, sawdust, etc.), and air (cavities); 7.) plants. There are several considerations when choosing the plant material. Overall, plants should be selected for their ability to thrive with minimal to no inputs (water, fertilizers, etc.) after establishment. Appropriate natives are recommended, and all should prefer full-sun and be drought tolerant. Plants should also be cold tolerant and have no severe pest susceptibility or maintenance needs. Root systems should be shallow. Use pollen/nectar producers when possible, which will help not only in pollination but also to attract beneficial insects for biological pest management. Water Protection Benefits: Water conservation implications – When used in conjunction with cisterns for stormwater management, green roofs can allow for more consistent capture and provision of harvested rainwater, with the potential to indirectly reduce potable water demands for landscape irrigation. Stormwater implications – By intercepting, retaining, detaining, and filtering rainwater at the beginning of the stormwater treatment train, green roofs can play an important role in source control stormwater management, reducing stress on downstream treatment systems. Design Keys - Infrastructure - Type of growing media - Depth of growing media - Species of plants - Rainwater collection - Irrigation - Intended purpose Operations and Maintenance: Although plants should be chosen to be maintenance free after establishment, plants will need some maintenance, particularly during establishment, including irrigation system inspections. Annual maintenance walks should be performed until plants fill in. Credits in Green Building Certification Programs: ♦ LEED for Homes (SS 4.3 management of runoff from roof) ♦ LEED for Neighborhood Development Pilot (GCT Credit 9: Stormwater Management) ♦ NAHB Model Green Home Building Guidelines (1.3.5 Manage storm water using low-impact development when possible) Relative Costs: Materials and installation of a typical green roof in the U.S. cost between $15 and $20 per square foot, with the soil substrate, growing medium, and planting materials accounting for the largest portion of these costs. When considering the cost of a green roof, it is important to compare it to the cost of a conventional roof and consider energy cost savings. As a result of the improved insulation properties of a building with a green roof, most applications result in cost savings from improved energy efficiency. A one-story building with a green roof can be expected to save 20%-30% in cooling costs. References and Resources: EPA Stormwater BMP Fact Sheet: Green Roof: http://cfpub.epa.gov/npdes/stormwater/menuofbmps/index.cfm?action=browse&Rbutton=detail&bmp=114 Green Roofs for Healthy Cities: www.greenroofs.org. Green Roofs 101 (The Greenroof Industry Research Portal): http://www.greenroofs.com/Green-roofs101/index.html. The green roof on the Perry Construction Yard building at the University of Florida is an extensive green roof of 2,600 square feet with a media depth of 5”. All plants are less than 30” tall. Two 1,550 gallon cisterns harvest rainwater and serve as the main source of the roof’s drip irrigation system, with the campus’ reclaimed water system as a backup. Wanielista, Marty, Mike Hardin, and Matt Kelly. 2007. The Effectiveness of Green Roof Stormwater Treatment Systems Irrigated With Recycled Green Roof Filtrate to Achieve Polluant Removal With Peak and Volume Reduction in Florida. Final Report to FDEP, Project Number WM 864. University of Central Florida, Stormwater Management Academy. Worden, Eva, Diana Guidry, Annabel Alonso Ng, and Alex Schore. 2004. Green Roofs in Urban Landscapes. UF/IFAS EDIS Publication ENH 984, Department of Environmental Horticulture. [http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/pdffiles/EP/EP24000.pdf](http://edis.ifas.ufl.edu/pdffiles/EP/EP24000.pdf) Credits Authors: - Mark Clark Soil and Water Science Department - Glenn Acomb Landscape Architecture Department - Sylvia Lang Soil and Water Science Fact Sheet Illustrations: - Glenn Acomb Landscape Architecture Department - Wei Ren Landscape Architecture Department Fact Sheet Illustration Assistance: - Brian Niemann Florida Yards & Neighborhoods Layout: - Barbara Haldeman Program for Resource Efficient Communities This fact sheet was produced with funding from The Elizabeth Ordway Dunn Foundation.	fc2ad625-aa72-44df-8380-47d29138dd6a	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://buildgreen.ifas.ufl.edu/Fact_sheet_Green_Roofs_Eco_roofs.pdf	2023-03-27T03:46:44+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296946637.95/warc/CC-MAIN-20230327025922-20230327055922-00648.warc.gz	177,618,539	1,709	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.917994	eng_Latn	0.988596	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1920, 5071, 6969, 8133 ]	[ 2.40625 ]	2	0
### Choose how much water you need and mix with CORID (amprolium) 9.6% Solution. \| WATER TANK MIXING: \| WATER \| CORID \| WATER TANK MIXTURE \| WATER TANK ADMINISTRATION* \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|---------------------\|-----------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon \| + \| ½ teaspoon (2.5 mL) \| = \| 1 gallon \| \| \| 50 gallons \| + \| 4 fluid ounces (½ cup) \| = \| 50 gallons \| \| \| 100 gallons \| + \| 8 fluid ounces (1 cup) \| = \| 100 gallons \| \| \| 125 gallons \| + \| 10 fluid ounces (1¼ cups) \| = \| 125 gallons \| The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. ### Choose how much water you need and mix with CORID (amprolium) 9.6% Solution. \| WATER TANK MIXING: \| WATER \| CORID \| WATER TANK MIXTURE \| WATER TANK ADMINISTRATION \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|---------------------\|-----------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon \| + \| 1 teaspoon (5 mL) \| = \| 1 gallon \| \| \| 50 gallons \| + \| 8 fluid ounces (1 cup) \| = \| 50 gallons \| \| \| 100 gallons \| + \| 16 fluid ounces (1 pint) \| = \| 100 gallons \| \| \| 125 gallons \| + \| 20 fluid ounces (2 ½ cups) \| = \| 125 gallons \| The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. ### Choose how much water you need and mix with CORID 20% Soluble Powder. \| WATER TANK MIXING: \| WATER \| CORID \| WATER TANK MIXTURE \| WATER TANK ADMINISTRATION \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|---------------------\|-----------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon \| + \| ⅓ teaspoon (1.134 grams) \| = \| 1 gallon \| \| \| 50 gallons \| + \| 2 ounces (7 tablespoons) \| = \| 50 gallons \| \| \| 100 gallons \| + \| 4 ounces (¼ cup + 1 tablespoon) \| = \| 100 gallons \| \| \| 125 gallons \| + \| 5 ounces (½ packet) \| = \| 125 gallons \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. ### Choose how much water you need and mix with CORID (amprolium) 20% Soluble Powder. \| WATER TANK MIXING: \| WATER \| CORID \| WATER TANK MIXTURE \| WATER TANK ADMINISTRATION \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|---------------------\|-----------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon \| + \| ¼ teaspoon (2.268 grams) \| = \| 1 gallon \| \| \| 50 gallons \| + \| 4 ounces (¼ cup + 1 tablespoon) \| = \| 50 gallons \| \| \| 100 gallons \| + \| 8 ounces (1½ cups) \| = \| 100 gallons \| \| \| 125 gallons \| + \| 10 ounces (1 packet) \| = \| 125 gallons \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. ### Choose CORID (amprolium) 9.6% Solution or 20% Soluble Powder. Mix water + CORID to make a drench solution. \| DRENCH MIXING \| WATER \| CORID \| DRENCH SOLUTION \| DRENCH ADMINISTRATION \| \|---------------\|-------\|-------\|-----------------\|-----------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| + \| 3 fluid ounces (89 mL) \| = \| 35 fluid ounces \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) drench solution per 100 pounds calf body weight daily for 21 days \| \| Pint \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| + \| 1½ ounces (½ cup) \| = \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) drench solution per 100 pounds calf body weight daily for 21 days \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams ### Choose CORID (amprolium) 9.6% Solution or CORID 20% Soluble Powder. Mix water + CORID to make a drench solution. \| DRENCH MIXING \| WATER \| CORID \| DRENCH SOLUTION \| DRENCH ADMINISTRATION \| \|---------------\|-------\|-------\|-----------------\|-----------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| + \| 6 fluid ounces (177 mL) \| = \| 38 fluid ounces \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) drench solution per 100 pounds calf body weight daily for five days \| \| Pint \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| + \| 3 ounces (½ cup) \| = \| 1 quart (32 fluid ounces) \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) drench solution per 100 pounds calf body weight daily for five days \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams ### Choose CORID (amprolium) 20% Soluble Powder. Mix water + CORID to make a stock solution. \| WATER PROPORTIONER \| WATER \| CORID \| STOCK SOLUTION \| WATER PROPORTIONER ADMINISTRATION \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|-----------------\|------------------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon (128 fluid ounces) \| + \| 5 ounces (½ packet) \| = \| 1 gallon (128 fluid ounces) \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) stock solution per 1 gallon of drinking water daily for 21 days \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. ### Choose CORID (amprolium) 20% Soluble Powder. Mix water + CORID to make a stock solution. \| WATER PROPORTIONER \| WATER \| CORID \| STOCK SOLUTION \| WATER PROPORTIONER ADMINISTRATION \| \|--------------------\|-------\|-------\|-----------------\|------------------------------------\| \| Gallon \| 1 gallon (128 fluid ounces) \| + \| 10 ounces (1 packet) \| = \| 1 gallon (128 fluid ounces) \| \| \| I fluid ounce (30 mL) stock solution per 1 gallon of drinking water daily for five days \| CORID Powder: 1 ounce = 3½ tablespoons 1 ounce = 28.35 grams The expected rate of water consumption is approximately 2 gallons of water per day per 100 pounds of calf body weight. Important Safety Information:* Withdraw 24 hours before slaughter. Do not use in calves to be processed for veal.	7e063d50-615d-44cf-932b-ad54f12fb6c0	CC-MAIN-2022-05	https://www.corid.com/sitecollectiondocuments/CORID%20Slim%20Jim-All.pdf	2022-01-27T13:47:48+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320305266.34/warc/CC-MAIN-20220127133107-20220127163107-00144.warc.gz	753,744,507	1,646	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.908977	eng_Latn	0.908977	[ "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 6884 ]	[ 3.5625 ]	1	0
MID-YEAR EXAMINATION 2019 PRIMARY 5 ENGLISH LANGUAGE PAPER 2 (BOOKLET A) Total Time for Booklets A, B and C: 1 h 50 min INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES 1. Do not turn over this page until you are told to do so. 2. Follow all instructions carefully. 3. Answer all questions. 4. Shade your answers on the Optical Answer Sheet (OAS) provided. Name: ________________________ Class: Primary 5 Date: 13 May 2019 This booklet consists of 9 printed pages including this page. For each question from 1 to 10, four options are given. One of them is the correct answer. Make your choice (1, 2, 3 or 4) and shade your answer on the Optical Answer Sheet. (10 marks) 1 "We should visit _______________ grandmother this weekend," Jane told her sister. (1) my (2) our (3) her (4) your 2 The orang-utan is an ape that is ______________ danger of becoming extinct. (1) in (2) at (3) on (4) under 3 I can still recall that we often ________________ in the back alley of our shop house when I was a child. (1) play (2) played (3) playing (4) will play 4 Mei Ling does not read as often as she _______________. She really ought to read more. (1) will (2) may (3) must (4) should 5 Ahmad heard someone ______________ for help inside the burning building. (1) cry (2) cries (3) cried (4) was crying 6 Neither Siti nor her sisters ____________ going home for lunch today. (1) is (2) are (3) was (4) were 7 Mr Raju is unable to attend this meeting ____________, he is still on sick leave. (1) so (2) as (3) unless (4) although 8 Joe forgot to bring his file to school today, ____________ he? (1) didn't (2) hasn't (3) hadn't (4) doesn't 9 If I ____________ up earlier, I would not have missed the bus. (1) wake (2) woke (3) had woken (4) have woken 10 Mrs Lee was going to offer her friends some cookies, but there was ____________ in the jar. (1) little (2) a lot (3) none (4) much For each question from 11 to 15, four options are given. One of them is the correct answer. Make your choice (1,2,3 or 4) and shade your answer on the Optical Answer Sheet. (5 marks) 11 The police used tear gas to _______________ the unruly mob of protesters. (1) dispel (2) displace (3) disperse (4) dislodge 12 Mother told Lee Meng to get to the point and not to ______________ when he was giving excuses for being late. (1) beat around the bush (2) hit the nail on the head (3) have a finger in every pie (4) bite off more than he can chew 13 Mr Albert went to the expensive restaurant for dinner but was______________ at the door as he was not properly attired. (1) turned off (2) turned out (3) turned down (4) turned away 14 The patient took the doctor’s _____________ to the pharmacy to collect her medication. (1) analysis (2) diagnosis (3) prescription (4) recommendation 15 As the sky darkened, it soon became obvious that a storm was______________. (1) destined (2) imminent (3) expectant (4) forthcoming For each question from 16 to 20, choose the word(s) closest in meaning to the underlined word(s). Shade the correct oval (1, 2, 3 or 4) on the Optical Answer Sheet. (5 marks) The rain had stopped, so Tom and I continued climbing towards the summit. We had been trekking for several kilometres and were overcome with fatigue. However, we pressed on. When we finally reached the top, we were filled with joy. Tom suggested having an overnight camp up there. It was an impromptu idea and I was against it. I wanted us to eat our rations, hydrate ourselves, then make our way down before it grew dark. After a heated argument, we went down the hill in silence. I was given the cold shoulder by Tom throughout our trek downhill. When we reached the foot of the hill, we decided not to let our emotions get the better of us. We made up and started talking again, congratulating each other for our accomplishment. 16 (1) starvation (2) exhaustion (3) dehydration (4) perspiration 17 (1) awed (2) bewildered (3) exhilarated (4) dumbfounded 18 (1) a brief (2) a thrilling (3) an interesting (4) an unplanned 19 (1) ignored (2) rejected (3) despised (4) abandoned 20 (1) ideas (2) feelings (3) reasons (4) opinions Study this flyer carefully and then answer questions 21 to 28. CHOICE BANK Be Smart and Start Saving Have you started saving money? Some of your parents may have told you about the importance of saving for a rainy day. Most of you do not have to worry about emergencies yet. Nonetheless, getting into the habit of saving will prepare you to take care of yourselves and your families in future. The cash gifts that you receive for birthdays or festive occasions provide the best opportunities to start saving. You might be tempted to go on a shopping spree with all that extra money you suddenly have. To overcome that temptation, learn to distinguish needs from wants. Needs are things that you cannot do without, and wants are things that you would be happy to have but can do without. Bad spending habits, once formed, can lead to financial problems later in life. It certainly makes more sense to spend wisely and plan ahead to achieve your savings goals. If you do not have your own bank account yet, Choice Bank offers the Smart Savers account, specially catered to the needs of students. About the Smart Savers Account Benefits ✓ Receive a set of Smart Savers stationery when you open an account ✓ Use your Smart Savers membership card to enjoy discounts at selected cinemas, restaurants, shopping malls, enrichment centres and local attractions ✓ Enjoy the convenience of joining the priority queue at all Choice Bank branches ✓ Stay updated on the latest Choice Bank events and promotions with our free monthly e-newsletter, Choice Picks Requirements ✓ Aged between 7 and 16 years old ✓ Go to any Choice Bank branch with a parent or guardian ✓ Bring along you and your parent’s or guardian’s identification documents To find out more about the Smart Savers account, visit any Choice Bank branch and speak to our friendly staff! Join in the fun at the annual Smart Savers Family Day! Date: Sunday, 2 June 2019 Time: 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. Venue: Central Atrium of Choice Bank Building 1 Mason Road, Singapore 054321 Free Admission Special Promotion Open a Smart Savers account with a minimum sum of $200 and get a chance to spin the Wheel of Surprises! Dining and shopping vouchers, each worth more than $200, will be given away! Special Guest Appearance Businessman of the Year 2018, Mr Gavin Yap, will share his personal experience of saving from young. At the age of 7, he began putting aside money and eventually used his savings to start a business while he was still studying. My Savings Goal Photo Booth Choose from a wide selection of cute props or simply write your savings goal on a speech bubble prop! Then, have a photo taken at the booth to remind you of your savings goal! Team Games Families can form teams, take part in some games, and win attractive prizes! Each team must be made up of 2 adults and not more than 3 children. Go to www.choicebank.com.sg/ssfamday for more information on the Smart Savers Family Day! For each question from 21 to 28, four options are given. One of them is the correct answer. Make your choice (1, 2, 3 or 4) and shade your answer on the Optical Answer Sheet. (8 marks) 21 In the first paragraph of "Be Smart and Start Saving", "a rainy day" refers to (1) an emergency (2) a shopping spree (3) a bad-weather day (4) a birthday celebration 22 According to the flyer, financial problems can be caused by__________. (1) unwise spending (2) not having a Smart Savers Account (3) buying things that will make you happy (4) spending on things that you really need 23 Which of the following is not a benefit of having a Smart Savers account? (1) being able to dine at a discount at certain restaurants (2) being able to watch movies at any cinema at a discount (3) getting monthly updates on Choice Bank events and promotions (4) having the privilege of joining a special queue at all Choice Banks 24 Anyone who wants to know more about the Smart Savers account must __________. (1) read the e-newsletter, Choice Picks (2) go to www.choicebank.com.sg/ssfamday (3) be able to produce identification documents (4) speak to the staff at any Choice Bank branch 25 Mr Gavin Yap will talk about ______________. (1) why he used his savings (2) how he runs his business (3) why he started a business (4) how he built up his savings 26 Dylan wants to spin the Wheel of Surprises. He must ____________. (1) have any amount in his savings account (2) have at least $200 in his savings account (3) open a Smart Savings account with any amount (4) open a Smart Savings account with at least $200 27 Which of the following is correct about the Smart Savers Family Day event? (1) It will end in the evening. (2) One needs to pay to attend the event. (3) One can take photographs at many different photo booths. (4) It provides an opportunity for families to do things together. 28 What is the main purpose of the article? (1) to get readers interested in saving (2) to tell readers the difference between needs and wants (3) to get readers to take part in the Smart Savers Family Day (4) to tell readers about the various bank accounts that Choice Bank offers End of Booklet A (Go on to Booklet B) METHODIST GIRLS’ SCHOOL (PRIMARY) Founded in 1887 MID-YEAR EXAMINATION 2019 PRIMARY 5 ENGLISH LANGUAGE PAPER 2 (BOOKLET B) Total Time for Booklets A, B and C: 1 h 50 min INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES 1. Do not turn over this page until you are told to do so. 2. Follow all instructions carefully. 3. Answer all questions. 4. Write all your answers in the booklet. Name: ________________________ Class: Primary 5. _____ Date : 13 May 2019 \| Booklet A \| 28 \| \|----------\|----\| \| Booklet B \| 47 \| \| Booklet C \| 20 \| \| Total \| 95 \| Parent’s Signature This booklet consists of 5 printed pages including this page. There are 10 blanks, numbered 29 to 38, in the passage below. From the list of words given, choose the most suitable word for each blank. Write its letter (A to Q) in the blank. The letters (I) and (O) have been omitted to avoid confusion during marking. (10 marks) EACH WORD CAN BE USED ONLY ONCE. (A) a (D) for (G) it (K) them (N) upwards (B) although (E) however (H) on (L) they (P) which (C) because (F) into (J) over (M) towards (Q) who Magma is melted rock found beneath the surface of the Earth. This magma is lighter than the rocks around it and so it rises. When the magma eventually reaches the surface of the earth, we get ____________ volcanic eruption. (29) How explosively the volcano erupts depends largely ____________ how "sticky" and how "fizzy" (how much gas) the magma is. ____________ example, if you try to blow bubbles in cooking oil through a straw, the bubbles can escape quite easily because the cooking oil is "not sticky". ____________, if you try to blow bubbles in jam or peanut butter, you would find it very difficult ____________ jam and peanut butter are very sticky and they would not move much at all if you tried to pour ____________ out of the jar. (30) (31) (32) (33) (34) It is the same with volcanoes. When magma rises ____________ the surface, gas bubbles start to form. Whether or not ____________ can escape while the magma is rising affects how explosive the eruption will be. In explosive eruptions, the "fizzy" magma can be ripped apart into tiny bits called volcanic ash ____________ is dangerous to breathe in. Some explosive volcanoes can send ash high up into the sky and it can travel around the world ____________ different countries. Despite the great damage they can cause, volcanic ash fertilises the soil around volcanoes and the heat from some volcanoes is used to generate electricity in houses as well. Adapted from Curious Kids: Why Do Volcanoes erupted? Score: Each of the underlined words contains either a spelling or grammatical error. Write the correct word in each of the boxes. I adored my mother in the way that boys adore their mothers although taking them for granted at times. For one thing, she was heelerious. She did not mind smeering ice cream on her face for a laughing. She tickled me and let me tickle her back, squeezing her elbows in as she laughed. She tucked me up every night, saying, "Give your mother a kiss." She told me I was smart and that being smart was a priviledge. She insisted that I read one book weekly and took me to the library to make sure this happened. However, she dressed too flamboyant sometimes, and sang along with my music, which bothers me. Nevertheless, there was always trust among us. If my mother said it, I believed it. I never doubted her and I was not intemedated by her. There were times my mother was firm with me. She smacked, scolded and punished me. But she loved me. She loved me even though I trugged on her floors with muddy shoes. She loved me at my worse and at my best. She had a botemless well of love for me. Her only flaw was that she did not make me work for her love. Adapted from "For One More Day" by Mitch Albom Score: Florence Nightingale was a nurse who saved many lives in the 19th century. She was named ____________ the city of Florence in Italy, where her parents lived after they got married in 1818. Her family was rich and they had two homes in Britain where they later moved to. Unlike the women of her time who enjoyed going for parties and looked forward to getting married, Florence was an _______________ young woman because she did neither of these. She wanted to be a nurse to help people but her family was against it as hospitals back then were dirty and dangerous places. They _______________ worried for her health and safety. _______________ her family's strong opposition, Florence left for Germany to _______________ all about nursing. It was hard work, but she loved it. In 1854, many British soldiers went to fight in the Crimean War and the hospitals were _______________ with injured men. However, as there were not enough nurses, many of the men died from their _______________. The poor living conditions of the hospitals worsened the situation. In _______________ to the dire situation, Florence and her team of nurses decided to help out in the hospitals in the war-torn areas. Florence worked 20 hours a _______________ to make the army hospital a cleaner and safer place. She cleaned the hospital beds and she used clean bandages to dress the _______________ of the soldiers. Soon, fewer men were _______________ as a result of the improved hospital conditions. At night, Florence walked around the hospital, talking to the injured soldiers and helping them to write letters to _______________ families. As it was too dark in the night, Florence carried a lamp _______________ making her rounds and for that, the soldiers called her 'The lady with the lamp'. When Florence returned to England, people called her a _______________ because of her courageous, noble and amazing contributions made in the Crimean War. Florence transformed nursing after she got back and was an inspiration to _______________ people. Florence Nightingale will always be remembered for her role in the founding of the modern nursing profession. Adapted from British Council Learn English Kids For each of the questions 66 to 70, rewrite the given sentence(s) using the word(s) provided. Your answer must be in one sentence. The meaning of your sentence must be the same as the meaning of the given sentence(s). (10 marks) 66 Sally likes to play tennis. Her brother likes to play tennis too. Both ____________________________________________________________. 67 “Guess who I saw at the party last night?” Maria asked her friends. Maria asked her friends to ___________________________________________. 68 Meng was in a very bad mood. His car had broken down. ____________________________________ whose _________________________. 69 The bridge collapsed. It was poorly maintained. Due to poor ________________________________________________________. 70 In managing his workers’ complaints, the employer showed his kindness. The way the employer _______________________________________________. MID-YEAR EXAMINATION 2019 PRIMARY 5 ENGLISH LANGUAGE PAPER 2 (BOOKLET C) Total Time for Booklets A, B and C: 1 h 50 min INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES 1. Do not turn over this page until you are told to do so. 2. Follow all instructions carefully. 3. Answer all questions. 4. Write your answers in this booklet. Name: ______________________ ( ) Class: Primary 5. ____ Date : 13 May 2019 This booklet consists of 5 printed pages including this page. One morning after breakfast, Rosie asked, "Do you remember the cherry trees near the railway tunnel? We saw their pretty white blossom in the spring. I think the cherries are ripe now. Shall we go and pick some?" "That's a good idea," said Peter. "We love to eat cherries, don't we?" After Mother made them a picnic, the three children set off towards the railway line. It was a lovely warm day and the track glittered in the sunlight. There were lots of trees near the mouth of the tunnel. There were some rough wooden steps leading down to the mouth of the tunnel and the children could see ripe red cherries on the cherry trees. "Let's go down the steps," said Peter. "We can reach the cherries from there." Just as they were about to walk down the steps, Rosie held up a finger to her lips. "I can hear a strange sound," she whispered. They all listened. There was a rustling, whispering sound. Soon, it became a loud rumbling sound. Then Peter cried out, "Look! Look at those trees. They all look as if they're walking down the slope but that is impossible." "It's magic," whispered Polly, the youngest sibling. "But it's frightening. Let's go home." But no one moved. The three children watched, wide-eyed, as the trees slowly slid down towards the railway line. Then some stones and earth came loose and rattled down onto the track. They were followed by some large rocks. Suddenly, trees, stones, rocks, earth, grass, bushes – everything – tumbled down the slope and fell onto the railway line, right across the track, with a great crash. The children were standing in a cloud of dust. "It's a landslide," explained Rosie. "It'll take a long time to clear up the rubble." "Yes," said Peter slowly. "And there's a bend in the track. When the 11.30 am train comes, the driver won't be able to see it. There will be a terrible accident." "We must tell the station master," said Rosie. "He could stop the train or clear the mess." She started to run towards the station. Peter looked at his watch. "Stop! There's no time for that!" he said. "It's 11 o'clock." His face was white with fear. "If we are going to save the people on the train, we will have to think of something fast." Looking around, the children hastily pulled together scraps of cloth from their picnic basket. Peter cut six long sticks from a tree with his penknife and pulled off the leaves. Then, he cut holes in the pieces of cloth and pushed the sticks through the holes. "There!" he exclaimed. "Six red flags." Scrambling down the steps, Peter stuck two of the flags in the earth next to the track. Each holding on to the remaining flags, the children waited for the train. Soon, the children heard a rumble and saw a puff of white smoke in the distance. "It is coming. Wave your flags, both of you," shouted Peter. Polly leaned forward and stepped onto the track. Peter immediately grabbed his sister's arm and pulled her back off the track. As the train thundered towards them, one of the flags beside the track fell over. Rosie grabbed it and stepped onto the track. "Rosie!" shouted Peter. "Stand back!" His elder sister was not listening. Desperately, she waved her two flags. "Stop! Stop! Please stop!" she cried. No one heard her because the train was making so much noise. But just when she thought it was too late, the huge black engine slowed down, puffed out a cloud of smoke and came to a stop just a few metres away from her. "We did it. We stopped the train." Adapted from The Railway Children by E Nesbit ALL ANSWERS MUST BE IN COMPLETE SENTENCES. 71 Why did the children decide to pick cherries that morning? [2m] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 72 How were the children going to reach the cherries on the trees? [1m] __________________________________________________________________________ 73 Why did Rosie hold her finger to her lips? [2m] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 74 Write 1, 2 and 3 in the blanks below to indicate the order in which the events occurred in the story. [1m] __________ Trees slid down towards the railway line. __________ Stones rattled down onto the track. __________ A cloud of dust formed. 75 Look at the table below. What do the words in the left column refer to in the passage? Write your answers in the column on the right. [2m] \| Word from the passage \| What the word refers to \| \|-----------------------\|-------------------------\| \| a) that (line 15) \| \| \| b) it (line 25) \| \| 76 What did Rosie plan to do when she saw what had fallen across the train track? Why? [2m] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 77 Explain clearly why Peter’s face was “white with fear” (lines 28-29). [2m] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 78 Which two words from lines 28-35 show that the children were in a hurry? The words are found in two separate sentences. [2m] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ 79 Based on lines 36-46, fill in the blanks below to show what Peter did in response to the given situations. [3m] a) The children heard a rumble. → Peter ______________________________ b) Polly stepped onto the track. → Peter ______________________________ c) Rosie stepped onto the track. → Peter ______________________________ Based on the story, state whether each statement in the table below is true or false, then give one reason why you think so. [3m] \| Statement \| True / False \| Reason \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------\|--------\| \| i) Polly wanted to return home after she was dirtied by the cloud of dust.\| \| \| \| ii) The rumbling of the oncoming train was louder than Rosie's cries. \| \| \| \| iii) Rosie was hurt by the oncoming train. \| \| \| Free Downloads SgTest Papers - Primary 6 - Primary 5 - Primary 4 - Primary 3 - Primary 2 - Primary 1 Top School Test Papers - Nanyang - Raffles - Rosyth - Tao Nan - CHIJ St Nicholas - Red Swastika Free Weekly Worksheet Subscription Model English Composition samples for Primary School 2018 & Earlier Worksheets One-Click Download of All 2019 P6 papers One-Click Download of All 2019 P5 papers One-Click Download of All 2019 P4 papers Click on the links to go to the pages SCHOOL : MGS PRIMARY SCHOOL LEVEL : PRIMARY 5 SUBJECT : ENGLISH TERM : 2019 SA1 Booklet A \| Q1 \| Q2 \| Q3 \| Q4 \| Q5 \| Q6 \| Q7 \| Q8 \| Q9 \| Q10 \| \|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|-----\| \| 2 \| 1 \| 2 \| 4 \| 1 \| 2 \| 2 \| 1 \| 3 \| 3 \| \| Q11\| Q12\| Q13\| Q14\| Q15\| Q16\| Q17\| Q18\| Q19\| Q20 \| \| 3 \| 1 \| 4 \| 3 \| 2 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 1 \| 2 \| \| Q21\| Q22\| Q23\| Q24\| Q25\| Q26\| Q27\| Q28\| \| \| \| 1 \| 1 \| 2 \| 4 \| 4 \| 4 \| 4 \| 1 \| \| \| Booklet B \| Q29 \| Q30 \| Q31 \| Q32 \| Q33 \| Q34 \| Q35 \| Q36 \| Q37 \| Q38 \| \|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| A \| H \| D \| E \| C \| K \| M \| L \| P \| J \| Q39) hilarious Q40) smearing Q41) laugh Q42) in Q43) privilege Q44) flamboyantly Q45) bothered Q46) between Q47) intimidated Q48) trudged Q49) worst Q50) bottomless \| Q51) after \| Q56) filled \| Q61) dying \| \|-----------\|------------\|-----------\| \| Q52) amazing \| Q57) infections \| Q62) their \| \| Q53) were \| Q58) response \| Q63) while \| \| Q54) Despite \| Q59) day \| Q64) hero \| \| Q55) learn \| Q60) wounds \| Q65) many \| \| Q66) Both Sally and her brother like to play tennis. \| \| Q67) Maria asked her friends to guess who she had seen at the party the previous night. \| \| Q68) Meng, whose car had broken down was in a very bad mood. \| \| Q69) Due to poor maintenance, the bridge collapsed. \| \| Q70) \| The way the employer managed his workers’ complaints showed his kindness. \| \|------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Q71) \| They loved to eat cherries and they thought that the cherries would be ripe. \| \| Q72) \| There were some rough wooden steps leading to the mouth of the tunnel and they could reach the cherries from there. \| \| Q73) \| She wanted her siblings to be quite so that she could listen to the strange sound. \| \| Q74) \| 1. Trees slid down towards the railway line. 2. Stones rattled down onto the track. 3. A cloud of dust formed. \| \| Q75) \| a) The trees walking down the slope. b) The rubble caused by the landslide. \| \| Q76) \| She planned to tell the station master so that he could stop the train or clear the mess. \| \| Q77) \| Peter knew that the train was approaching and if the children did not stop it in time, the passengers on board would be in danger. \| \| Q78) \| hastily & scrambling \| \| Q79) \| a) Peter instructed them to wave their flags. b) Peter grabbed new arm and pulled Polly back off the track. c) Peter for her to stand back. \| \| Q80) \| i) False / Polly wanted to return home when she saw the trees sliding down the railway. ii) True / The rumbling of the oncoming train drowned out Rosie’ voice. iii) False / The train stopped just meters away from her. \|	83c9c69f-f264-4353-ac06-2658cc5b846b	CC-MAIN-2023-06	https://img1.wsimg.com/blobby/go/a41ebf2d-6990-494b-8e87-979cbee38633/downloads/P5_English_SA1_2019_MGS_Exam_Papers.pdf?ver=1600860262537	2023-01-26T23:26:02+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764494826.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20230126210844-20230127000844-00863.warc.gz	338,409,643	6,465	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.944449	eng_Latn	0.999564	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "mlt_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 470, 1320, 1942, 2970, 4213, 6059, 7172, 8347, 9383, 10004, 12023, 13309, 15501, 16413, 16865, 19923, 21242, 22682, 23324, 23806, 25159, 26577 ]	[ 3.578125, 4.25 ]	2	0
DOMINARUM IN ANNO MDLVII A.D. JOHN M. KELLY LIBRARY DONATED IN MEMORY OF DR. GEORGE HEIMAN University of St. Michael's College, Toronto J. Meine UNIVERSITY OF ST MICHIGAN LIBRARY THE WORKS OF ARISTOTLE TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH UNDER THE EDITORSHIP OF W. D. ROSS, M.A., Hon. LL.D. (Edin.) FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE FELLOW OF THE BRITISH ACADEMY VOLUME I CATEGORIAE AND DE INTERPRETATIONE By E. M. EDGHILL ANALYTICA PRIORA By A. J. JENKINSON ANALYTICA POSTERIORA By G. R. G. MURE TOPICA AND DE SOPHISTICIS ELENCHIS By W. A. PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE OXFORD AT THE CLARENDON PRESS 1928 Oxford University Press London: Amen House, E.C. 4 Edinburgh Glasgow Leipzig Copenhagen New York Toronto Melbourne Capetown Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai Humphrey Milford Publisher to the University Printed in Great Britain Special thanks are due to the Trustees of the Jowett Copyright Fund for their assistance towards the publication of this Volume CATEGORIAE AND DE INTERPRETATIONE BY E. M. EDGHILL, M.A. EX-ASSOCIATE OF NEWNHAM COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE PREFACE This translation has been made from Bekker's text of 1831, any departure from which has been indicated in the notes. My chief authority in matters of interpretation has been Pacius; I have also consulted Waitz's commentary largely. My very grateful acknowledgments are due to the valuable criticisms and suggestions of Mr. W. D. Ross of Oriel College and Prof. J. A. Smith of Magdalen College. E. M. E. The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it. 6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values. 7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other. 8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions. 9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures that govern communication between different systems or components. 10. Query: A request for information from a database. 11. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction. 12. Software: A collection of instructions that tell a computer what to do. 13. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to perform specific tasks. 14. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer program that interacts with the user. 15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another operating system. 16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser. 17. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language used for structuring and storing data. 18. API: Application Programming Interface, a set of rules and protocols for building software applications. 19. Cloud Computing: The delivery of computing resources over the internet. 20. Big Data: Large volumes of data that require specialized techniques for analysis and management. 21. Machine Learning: A subset of artificial intelligence that focuses on developing algorithms that can learn from data and make predictions or decisions without being explicitly programmed. 22. Natural Language Processing (NLP): A field of study that focuses on enabling computers to understand, interpret, and generate human language. 23. Robotics: The design, construction, and operation of robots. 24. Internet of Things (IoT): A network of physical devices, vehicles, home appliances, and other items embedded with sensors, software, and connectivity that enables them to exchange data and perform actions autonomously. 25. Quantum Computing: A type of computing that uses quantum-mechanical phenomena, such as superposition and entanglement, to perform operations on data. 26. Blockchain: A decentralized digital ledger that records transactions across many computers in such a way that the registered transactions cannot be altered retroactively. 27. Artificial Intelligence (AI): The simulation of human intelligence processes by machines, especially computer systems. 28. Deep Learning: A subfield of machine learning that focuses on neural networks with multiple layers. 29. Neural Networks: A class of algorithms inspired by the structure and function of the human brain. 30. Reinforcement Learning: A type of machine learning where an agent learns to make decisions by interacting with its environment and receiving rewards or penalties based on its actions. CATEGORIAE TABLE OF CONTENTS Ch. 1. Homonyms, synonyms, and derivatives. Ch. 2. (1) Simple and composite expressions. (2) Things (a) predicable of a subject, (b) present in a subject, (c) both predicable of, and present in, a subject, (d) neither predicable of, nor present in, a subject. Ch. 3. (1) That which is predicable of the predicate is predicable of the subject. (2) The differentiae of species in one genus are not the same as those in another, unless one genus is included in the other. Ch. 4. The eight categories of the objects of thought. Ch. 5. Substance. (1) Primary and secondary substance. (2) Difference in the relation subsisting between essential and accidental attributes and their subject. (3) All that which is not primary substance is either an essential or an accidental attribute of primary substance. (4) Of secondary substances, species are more truly substance than genera. (5) All species, which are not genera, are substance in the same degree, and all primary substances are substance in the same degree. (6) Nothing except species and genera is secondary substance. (7) The relation of primary substance to secondary substance and to all other predicates is the same as that of secondary substance to all other predicates. (8) Substance is never an accidental attribute. (9) The differentiae of species are not accidental attributes. (10) Species, genus, and differentiae, as predicates, are ‘univocal’ with their subject. (11) Primary substance is individual; secondary substance is the qualification of that which is individual. (12) No substance has a contrary. (13) No substance can be what it is in varying degrees. (14) The particular mark of substance is that contrary qualities can be predicated of it. (15) Contrary qualities cannot be predicated of anything other than substances, not even of propositions and judgements. Ch. 6. Quantity: (1) Discrete and continuous quantity. (2) Division of quantities, i.e. number, the spoken word, the line, the surface, the solid, time, place, into these two classes. (3) The parts of some quantities have a relative position, those of others have not. Division of quantities into these two classes. (4) Quantitative terms are applied to things other than quantity, in view of their relation to one of the aforesaid quantities. (5) Quantities have no contraries. (6) Terms such as ‘great’ and ‘small’ are relative, not quantitative, and moreover cannot be contrary to each other. (7) That which is most reasonably supposed to contain a contrary is space. (8) No quantity can be what it is in varying degrees. (9) The peculiar mark of quantity is that equality and inequality can be predicated of it. Ch. 7. Relation. (1) First definition of relatives. (2) Some relatives have contraries. (3) Some relatives are what they are in varying degrees. (4) A relative term has always its correlative, and the two are interdependent. (5) The correlative is only clear when the relative is given its proper name, and in some cases words must be coined for this purpose. (6) Most relatives come into existence simultaneously; but the objects of knowledge and perception are prior to knowledge and perception. (7) No primary substance or part of a primary substance is relative. (8) Revised definition of relatives, excluding secondary substances. (9) It is impossible to know that a thing is relative, unless we know that to which it is relative. Ch. 8. Quality. (1) Definition of qualities. (2) Different kinds of quality: (a) habits and dispositions; (b) capacities; (c) affective qualities. [Distinction between affective qualities and affections.] (d) shape, &c. [Rarity, density, &c., are not qualities.] (3) Adjectives are generally formed derivatively from the names of the corresponding qualities. (4) Most qualities have contraries. (5) If of two contraries one is a quality, the other is also a quality. (6) A quality can in most cases be what it is in varying degrees, and subjects can possess most qualities in varying degrees. Qualities of shape are an exception to this rule. (7) The peculiar mark of quality is that likeness and unlikeness is predicable of things in respect of it. (8) Habits and dispositions as genera are relative; as individual, qualitative. Ch. 9. Action and affection and the other categories described. Ch. 10. Four classes of ‘opposites’. (a) Correlatives. (b) Contraries. [Some contraries have an intermediate, and some have not.] (c) Positives and privatives. The terms expressing possession and privation are not the positive and privative, though the former are opposed each to each in the same sense as the latter. Similarly the facts which form the basis of an affirmation or a denial are opposed each to each in the same sense as the affirmation and denial themselves. Positives and privatives are not opposed in the sense in which correlatives are opposed. Positives and privatives are not opposed in the same sense in which contraries are opposed. For (i) they are not of the class which has no intermediate, nor of the class which has intermediates. (ii) There can be no change from one state (privation) to its opposite. (d) Affirmation and negation. These are distinguished from other contraries by the fact that one is always false and the other true. [Opposite affirmations seem to possess this mark, but they do not.] Ch. 11. Contraries further discussed. Evil is generally the contrary of good, but sometimes two evils are contrary. When one contrary exists, the other need not exist. Contrary attributes are applicable within the same species or genus. Contraries must themselves be within the same genus, or within opposite genera, or be themselves genera. CATEGORIAE Ch. 12. The word ‘prior’ is applicable: (a) to that which is previous in time; (b) to that on which something else depends, but which is not itself dependent on it; (c) to that which is prior in arrangement; (d) to that which is better or more honourable; (e) to that one of two interdependent things which is the cause of the other. Ch. 13. The word ‘simultaneous’ is used: (a) of those things which come into being at the same time; (b) of those things which are interdependent, but neither of which is the cause of the other. (c) of the different species of the same genus. Ch. 14. Motion is of six kinds. Alteration is distinct from other kinds of motion. Definition of the contrary of motion and of the various kinds of motion. Ch. 15. The meanings of the term ‘to have’. CATEGORIAE 1 Things are said to be named 'equivocally' when, though they have a common name, the definition corresponding with the name differs for each. Thus, a real man and a figure in a picture can both lay claim to the name 'animal'; yet these are equivocally so named, for, though they have a common name, the definition corresponding with the name differs for each. For should any one define in what sense each is an animal, his definition in the one case will be appropriate to that case only. On the other hand, things are said to be named 'univocally' which have both the name and the definition answering to the name in common. A man and an ox are both 'animal', and these are univocally so named, inasmuch as not only the name, but also the definition, is the same in both cases: for if a man should state in what sense each is an animal, the statement in the one case would be identical with that in the other. Things are said to be named 'derivatively', which derive their name from some other name, but differ from it in termination. Thus the grammarian derives his name from the word 'grammar', and the courageous man from the word 'courage'. 2 Forms of speech are either simple or composite. Examples of the latter are such expressions as 'the man runs', 'the man wins'; of the former 'man', 'ox', 'runs', 'wins'. Of things themselves some are predicable of a subject, and are never present in a subject. Thus 'man' is predicable of the individual man, and is never present in a subject. By being 'present in a subject' I do not mean present as parts are present in a whole, but being incapable of existence apart from the said subject. Some things, again, are present in a subject, but are never predicable of a subject. For instance, a certain point of grammatical knowledge is present in the mind, but is not predicable of any subject; or again, a certain whiteness may be present in the body (for colour requires a material basis), yet it is never predicable of anything. Other things, again, are both predicable of a subject and present in a subject. Thus while knowledge is present in the human mind, it is predicable of grammar. There is, lastly, a class of things which are neither present in a subject nor predicable of a subject, such as the individual man or the individual horse. But, to speak more generally, that which is individual and has the character of a unit is never predicable of a subject. Yet in some cases there is nothing to prevent such being present in a subject. Thus a certain point of grammatical knowledge is present in a subject.$^1$ When one thing is predicated of another, all that which is predicable of the predicate will be predicable also of the subject. Thus, 'man' is predicated of the individual man; but 'animal' is predicated of 'man'; it will, therefore, be predicable of the individual man also: for the individual man is both 'man' and 'animal'. If genera are different$^2$ and co-ordinate, their differentiae are themselves different in kind. Take as an instance the genus 'animal' and the genus 'knowledge'. 'With feet', 'two-footed', 'winged', 'aquatic', are differentiae of 'animal'; the species of knowledge are not distinguished by the same differentiae. One species of knowledge does not differ from another in being 'two-footed'. But where one genus is subordinate to another, there is nothing to prevent their having the same differentiae: for the greater class is predicated of the lesser, so that all the differentiae of the predicate will be differentiae also of the subject. Expressions which are in no way composite signify --- $^1$ Omit $\mu\epsilon\nu$ in l. 9 with A, B, and Waitz, and $\kappa\alpha\theta'$ $\iota\pi\omega\kappa\epsilon\iota\mu\epsilon\nu\ou$ . . . $\lambda\epsilon\gamma\epsilon\tau\alpha\iota$ with B and Waitz. $^2$ Read $\tau\omega\nu$ $\epsilon\tau\epsilon\rho\omega\nu$ $\gamma\epsilon\nu\omega\nu$ in l. 16 with Dexippus, Phil., Simpl., Waitz. substance, quantity, quality, relation, place, time, position, state, action, or affection. To sketch my meaning roughly, examples of substance are 'man' or 'the horse', of quantity, such terms as 'two cubits long' or 'three cubits long', of quality, such attributes as 'white', 'grammatical'. 'Double', 'half', 'greater', fall under the category of relation; 'in the market place', 'in the Lyceum', under that of place; 'yesterday', 'last year', under that of time. 'Lying', 'sitting', are terms indicating 'position'; 'shod', 'armed', state; 'to lance', 'to cauterize', action; 'to be lanced', 'to be cauterized', affection. No one of these terms, in and by itself, involves an affirmation$^1$; it is by the combination of such terms that positive or negative statements arise. For every assertion must, as is admitted, be either true or false, whereas expressions which are not in any way composite, such as 'man', 'white', 'runs', 'wins', cannot be either true or false. 5 Substance, in the truest and primary and most definite sense of the word, is that which is neither predicable of a subject nor present in a subject; for instance, the individual man or horse. But in a secondary sense those things are called substances within which, as species, the primary substances are included; also those which, as genera, include the species. For instance, the individual man is included in the species 'man', and the genus to which the species belongs is 'animal'; these, therefore—that is to say, the species 'man' and the genus 'animal'—are termed secondary substances. It is plain from what has been said that both the name and the definition of the predicate must be predicable of the subject. For instance, 'man' is predicated of the individual man. Now in this case the name of the species 'man' is applied to the individual, for we use the term 'man' in describing the individual; and the definition of 'man' will also be predicated of the individual man, for the individual man is both man and animal. Thus, both the $^1$ Omit ὃ ἀποφάσει in 1.6 with Amm., Simpl., Waitz. name and the definition of the species are predicable of the individual. With regard, on the other hand, to those things which are present in a subject, it is generally the case that neither their name nor their definition is predicable of that in which they are present. Though, however, the definition is never predicable, there is nothing in certain cases to prevent the name being used. For instance, 'white' being present in a body is predicated of that in which it is present, for a body is called white: the definition, however, of the colour 'white' is never predicable of the body.$^1$ Everything except primary substances is either predicable of a primary substance or present in a primary substance. This becomes evident by reference to particular instances which occur. 'Animal' is predicated of the species 'man', therefore of the individual man, for if there were no individual man of whom it could be predicated, it could not be predicated of the species 'man' at all. Again, colour is present in body, therefore in individual bodies, for if there were no individual body in which it was present, it could not be present in body at all. Thus everything except primary substances is either predicated of primary substances, or is present in them, and if these last did not exist, it would be impossible for anything else to exist. Of secondary substances, the species is more truly substance than the genus, being more nearly related to primary substance. For if any one should render an account of what a primary substance is, he would render a more instructive account, and one more proper to the subject, by stating the species than by stating the genus. Thus, he would give a more instructive account of an individual man by stating that he was man than by stating that he was animal, for the former description is peculiar to the individual in $^1$ Qualities pure and simple are abstractions, and in their abstract substantival form, with regard to which they are defined, do not form the predicate of substances. We do not say 'X is whiteness' but 'X is white'. It is to this latter use of the adjective that Aristotle refers when he says that 'the name is sometimes applicable'; for in Greek 'whiteness' is not only $\lambda\varepsilon\nu\kappa\sigma\tau\eta\varsigma$, but also $\tau\circ\lambda\varepsilon\nu\kappa\omega\nu$. In English 'evil' used in the one case as a noun, in the other as an adjective, would afford a parallel. a greater degree, while the latter is too general. Again, the man who gives an account of the nature of an individual tree will give a more instructive account by mentioning the species 'tree' than by mentioning the genus 'plant'. Moreover, primary substances are most properly called substances in virtue of the fact that they are the entities which underlie everything else, and that everything else is either predicated of them or present in them. Now the same relation which subsists between primary substance and everything else subsists also between the species and the genus: for the species is to the genus as subject is to predicate, since the genus is predicated of the species, whereas the species cannot be predicated of the genus. Thus we have a second ground for asserting that the species is more truly substance than the genus. Of species themselves, except in the case of such as are genera, no one is more truly substance than another. We should not give a more appropriate account of the individual man by stating the species to which he belonged, than we should of an individual horse by adopting the same method of definition. In the same way, of primary substances, no one is more truly substance than another; an individual man is not more truly substance than an individual ox. It is, then, with good reason that of all that remains, when we exclude primary substances, we concede to species and genera alone the name 'secondary substance', for these alone of all the predicates convey a knowledge of primary substance. For it is by stating the species or the genus that we appropriately define any individual man; and we shall make our definition more exact by stating the former than by stating the latter. All other things that we state, such as that he is white, that he runs, and so on, are irrelevant to the definition. Thus it is just that these alone, apart from primary substances, should be called substances. Further, primary substances are most properly so called, because they underlie and are the subjects of everything else. Now the same relation that subsists between primary substance and everything else subsists also between the species and the genus to which the primary substance belongs, on the one hand, and every attribute which is not included within these, on the other. For these are the subjects of all such. If we call an individual man ‘skilled in grammar’, the predicate is applicable also to the species and to the genus to which he belongs. This law holds good in all cases. It is a common characteristic of all substance that it is never present in a subject. For primary substance is neither present in a subject nor predicated of a subject; while, with regard to secondary substances, it is clear from the following arguments (apart from others) that they are not present in a subject. For ‘man’ is predicated of the individual man, but is not present in any subject: for manhood is not present in the individual man.$^1$ In the same way, ‘animal’ is also predicated of the individual man, but is not present in him. Again, when a thing is present in a subject, though the name may quite well be applied to that in which it is present, the definition cannot be applied. Yet of secondary substances, not only the name, but also the definition, applies to the subject: we should use both the definition of the species and that of the genus with reference to the individual man. Thus substance cannot be present in a subject. Yet this is not peculiar to substance, for it is also the case that differentiae cannot be present in subjects. The characteristics ‘terrestrial’ and ‘two-footed’ are predicated of the species ‘man’, but not present in it. For they are not \textit{in} man. Moreover, the definition of the differentia may be predicated of that of which the differentia itself is predicated. For instance, if the characteristic ‘terrestrial’ is predicated of the species ‘man’, the definition also of that characteristic may be used to form the predicate of the species ‘man’: for ‘man’ is terrestrial. The fact that the parts of substances appear to be present in the whole, as in a subject, should not make us apprehensive lest we should have to admit that such parts are not substances: for in explaining the phrase ‘being present in a subject’, we stated$^2$ that we meant ‘otherwise than as parts in a whole’. $^1$ Cf. the definition of ‘present in a subject’, 1$^a$ 24. $^2$ 1$^a$ 24. It is the mark of substances and of differentiae that, in all propositions of which they form the predicate, they are predicated univocally. For all such propositions have for their subject either the individual or the species. It is true that, inasmuch as primary substance is not predicable of anything, it can never form the predicate of any proposition. But of secondary substances, the species is predicated of the individual, the genus both of the species and of the individual. Similarly the differentiae are predicated of the species and of the individuals. Moreover, the definition of the species and that of the genus are applicable to the primary substance, and that of the genus to the species. For all that is predicated of the predicate will be predicated also of the subject. Similarly, the definition of the differentiae will be applicable to the species and to the individuals. But it was stated above$^1$ that the word ‘univocal’ was applied to those things which had both name and definition in common. It is, therefore, established that in every proposition, of which either substance or a differentia forms the predicate, these are predicated univocally. All substance appears to signify that which is individual. In the case of primary substance this is indisputably true, for the thing is a unit. In the case of secondary substances, when we speak, for instance, of ‘man’ or ‘animal’, our form of speech gives the impression that we are here also indicating that which is individual, but the impression is not strictly true; for a secondary substance is not an individual, but a class with a certain qualification; for it is not one and single as a primary substance is; the words ‘man’, ‘animal’, are predicable of more than one subject. Yet species and genus do not merely indicate quality, like the term ‘white’; ‘white’ indicates quality and nothing further, but species and genus determine the quality with reference to a substance: they signify substance qualitatively differentiated. The determinate qualification covers a larger field in the case of the genus than in that of the species: he who uses the word ‘animal’ is herein using a word of wider extension than he who uses the word ‘man’. $^1$ 1a6. Another mark of substance is that it has no contrary. What could be the contrary of any primary substance, such as the individual man or animal? It has none. Nor can the species or the genus have a contrary. Yet this characteristic is not peculiar to substance, but is true of many other things, such as quantity. There is nothing that forms the contrary of 'two cubits long' or of 'three cubits long', or of 'ten', or of any such term. A man may contend that 'much' is the contrary of 'little', or 'great' of 'small', but of definite quantitative terms no contrary exists. Substance, again, does not appear to admit of variation of degree. I do not mean by this that one substance cannot be more or less truly substance than another, for it has already been stated$^1$ that this is the case; but that no single substance admits of varying degrees within itself. For instance, one particular substance,$^2$ 'man', cannot be more or less man either than himself at some other time or than some other man. One man cannot be more man than another, as that which is white may be more or less white than some other white object, or as that which is beautiful may be more or less beautiful than some other beautiful object. The same quality, moreover, is said to subsist in a thing in varying degrees at different times. A body, being white, is said to be whiter at one time than it was before, or, being warm, is said to be warmer or less warm than at some other time. But substance is not said to be more or less that which it is: a man is not more truly a man at one time than he was before, nor is anything, if it is substance, more or less what it is. Substance, then, does not admit of variation of degree. The most distinctive mark of substance appears to be that, while remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting contrary qualities. From among things other than substance, we should find ourselves unable to bring forward any which possessed this mark. Thus, one and the same colour cannot be white and black. Nor can the same one action be good and bad: this law holds good with everything that is not substance. But one and the self- $^1$ 2$^a$ II–b 22. $^2$ l. 37 read $a\tilde{\nu}\tau\eta$ with A, B, C, Waitz. same substance, while retaining its identity, is yet capable of admitting contrary qualities. The same individual person is at one time white, at another black, at one time warm, at another cold, at one time good, at another bad. This capacity is found nowhere else, though it might be maintained that a statement or opinion was an exception to the rule.$^1$ The same statement, it is agreed, can be both true and false. For if the statement ‘he is sitting’ is true, yet, when the person in question has risen, the same statement will be false. The same applies to opinions. For if any one thinks truly that a person is sitting, yet, when that person has risen, this same opinion, if still held, will be false. Yet although this exception may be allowed, there is, nevertheless, a difference in the manner in which the thing takes place. It is by themselves changing that substances admit contrary qualities. It is thus that that which was hot becomes cold, for it has entered into a different state. Similarly that which was white becomes black, and that which was bad good, by a process of change; and in the same way in all other cases it is by changing that substances are capable of admitting contrary qualities. But statements and opinions themselves remain unaltered in all respects: it is by the alteration in the facts of the case that the contrary quality comes to be theirs. The statement ‘he is sitting’ remains unaltered, but it is at one time true, at another false, according to circumstances. What has been said of statements applies also to opinions. Thus, in respect of the manner in which the thing takes place, it is the peculiar mark of substance that it should be capable of admitting contrary qualities; for it is by itself changing that it does so. If, then,$^2$ a man should make this exception and contend that statements and opinions are capable of admitting contrary qualities, his contention is unsound. For statements and opinions are said to have this capacity, not because they themselves undergo modification, but because this modification occurs in the case of something else. The truth or falsity of a statement depends on facts, and $^1$ Read τῶν τοιούτων in l. 23 with A, B, Phil., Waitz. $^2$ Read δὴ in l. 4 with A, B, C, Waitz. not on any power on the part of the statement itself of admitting contrary qualities. In short, there is nothing which can alter the nature of statements and opinions. As, then, no change takes place in themselves, these cannot be said to be capable of admitting contrary qualities. But it is by reason of the modification which takes place within the substance itself that a substance is said to be capable of admitting contrary qualities; for a substance admits within itself either disease or health, whiteness or blackness. It is in this sense that it is said to be capable of admitting contrary qualities. To sum up, it is a distinctive mark of substance, that, while remaining numerically one and the same, it is capable of admitting contrary qualities, the modification taking place through a change in the substance itself. Let these remarks suffice on the subject of substance. Quantity is either discrete or continuous. Moreover, some quantities are such that each part of the whole has a relative position to the other parts: others have within them no such relation of part to part.$^1$ Instances of discrete quantities are number and speech; of continuous, lines, surfaces, solids, and, besides these, time and place. In the case of the parts of a number, there is no common boundary at which they join. For example: two fives make ten, but the two fives have no common boundary, but are separate; the parts three and seven also do not join at any boundary. Nor, to generalize, would it ever be possible in the case of number that there should be a common boundary among the parts; they are always separate. Number, therefore, is a discrete quantity. The same is true of speech. That speech is a quantity is evident: for it is measured in long and short syllables. I mean here that speech which is vocal. Moreover, it is a discrete quantity, for its parts have no common boundary. $^1$ These two divisions of quantity are not exactly co-extensive. Time, as we see later, is a continuous quantity, yet consists of parts which have no relative position each to each. There is no common boundary at which the syllables join, but each is separate and distinct from the rest. A line, on the other hand, is a continuous quantity, for it is possible to find a common boundary at which its parts join. In the case of the line, this common boundary is the point; in the case of the plane, it is the line: for the parts of the plane have also a common boundary. Similarly you can find a common boundary in the case of the parts of a solid, namely either a line or a plane. Space and time also belong to this class of quantities. Time, past, present, and future, forms a continuous whole. Space, likewise, is a continuous quantity: for the parts of a solid occupy a certain space, and these have a common boundary; it follows that the parts of space also, which are occupied by the parts of the solid, have the same common boundary as the parts of the solid. Thus, not only time, but space also, is a continuous quantity, for its parts have a common boundary. Quantities consist either of parts which bear a relative position each to each, or of parts which do not. The parts of a line bear a relative position to each other, for each lies somewhere, and it would be possible to distinguish each, and to state the position of each on the plane and to explain to what sort of part among the rest each was contiguous. Similarly the parts of a plane have position, for it could similarly be stated what was the position of each and what sort of parts were contiguous. The same is true with regard to the solid and to space. But it would be impossible to show that the parts of a number had a relative position each to each, or a particular position, or to state what parts were contiguous. Nor could this be done in the case of time, for none of the parts of time has an abiding existence, and that which does not abide can hardly have position. It would be better to say that such parts had a relative order, in virtue of one being prior to another. Similarly with number: in counting, 'one' is prior to 'two', and 'two' to 'three,' and thus the parts of number may be said to possess a relative order, though it would be impossible to discover any distinct position for each. This holds good also in the case of speech. None of its parts has an abiding existence: when once a syllable is pronounced, it is not possible to retain it, so that, naturally, as the parts do not abide, they cannot have position. Thus, some quantities consist of parts which have position, and some of those which have not. Strictly speaking, only the things which I have mentioned belong to the category of quantity: everything else that is called quantitative is a quantity in a secondary sense. It is because we have in mind some one of these quantities, properly so called, that we apply quantitative terms to other things. We speak of what is white as large, because the surface over which the white extends is large; we speak of an action or a process as lengthy, because the time covered is long; these things cannot in their own right claim the quantitative epithet. For instance, should any one explain how long an action was, his statement would be made in terms of the time taken, to the effect that it lasted a year, or something of that sort. In the same way, he would explain the size of a white object in terms of surface, for he would state the area which it covered. Thus the things already mentioned, and these alone, are in their intrinsic nature quantities; nothing else can claim the name in its own right, but, if at all, only in a secondary sense. Quantities have no contraries. In the case of definite quantities this is obvious; thus, there is nothing that is the contrary of 'two cubits long' or of 'three cubits long', or of a surface, or of any such quantities. A man might, indeed, argue that 'much' was the contrary of 'little', and 'great' of 'small'. But these are not quantitative, but relative; things are not great or small absolutely, they are so called rather as the result of an act of comparison. For instance, a mountain is called small, a grain large, in virtue of the fact that the latter is greater than others of its kind, the former less. Thus there is a reference here to an external standard, for if the terms 'great' and 'small' were used absolutely, a mountain would never be called small or a grain large. Again, we say that there are many people in a village, and few in Athens, although those in the city are many times as numerous as those in the village: or we say that a house has many in it, and a theatre few, though those in the theatre far outnumber those in the house. The terms 'two cubits long,' 'three cubits long,' and so on indicate quantity, the terms 'great' and 'small' indicate relation, for they have reference to an external standard. It is, therefore, plain that these are to be classed as relative. Again, whether we define them as quantitative or not, they have no contraries: for how can there be a contrary of an attribute which is not to be apprehended in or by itself, but only by reference to something external? Again, if 'great' and 'small' are contraries, it will come about that the same subject can admit contrary qualities at one and the same time, and that things will themselves be contrary to themselves. For it happens at times that the same thing is both small and great. For the same thing may be small in comparison with one thing, and great in comparison with another, so that the same thing comes to be both small and great at one and the same time, and is of such a nature as to admit contrary qualities at one and the same moment. Yet it was agreed, when substance was being discussed, that nothing admits contrary qualities at one and the same moment. For though substance is capable of admitting contrary qualities, yet no one is at the same time both sick and healthy, nothing is at the same time both white and black. Nor is there anything which is qualified in contrary ways at one and the same time. Moreover, if these were contraries, they would themselves be contrary to themselves.\footnote{The Greek words do not mean that the subject which possesses the two characteristics 'great' and 'small' will be the contrary of itself, but that 'great' and 'small' will be the contrary of themselves. The argument may be represented as follows: Let $x = 'small', y = 'great'$. $A$ is both $x$ and $y$. Now $x$ and $y$ are, \textit{ex hypothesi}, attributes belonging to the same class (cf. 6\textsuperscript{a} 17 \textit{ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ γένει}: also 14\textsuperscript{a} 19-25). ∴ if they both apply to the same subject, the relation between them may be represented by the formula $x = y$. ∴ if $x$ is the contrary of $y$ $x$ is the contrary of $x$ which is absurd. ∴ $x$ is not the contrary of $y$.} For if 'great' is the contrary of 'small', and the same thing is both great and small at the same time, then 'small' or 'great' is the contrary of itself. But this is impossible. The term 'great', therefore, is not the contrary of the term 'small', nor 'much' of 'little'. And even though a man should call these terms not relative, but quantitative, they would not have contraries. It is in the case of space that quantity most plausibly appears to admit of a contrary. For men define the term 'above' as the contrary of 'below', when it is the region at the centre they mean by 'below'; and this is so, because nothing is farther from the extremities of the universe than the region at the centre.$^1$ Indeed, it seems that in defining contraries of every kind men have recourse to a spatial metaphor, for they say that those things are contraries which, within the same class, are separated by the greatest possible distance. Quantity does not, it appears, admit of variation of degree. One thing cannot be two cubits long in a greater degree than another. Similarly with regard to number: what is 'three' is not more truly three than what is 'five' is five; nor is one set of three more truly three than another set.$^2$ Again, one period of time is not said to be more truly time than another. Nor is there any other kind of quantity, of all that have been mentioned, with regard to which variation of degree can be predicated. The category of quantity, therefore, does not admit of variation of degree. The most distinctive mark of quantity is that equality and inequality are predicated of it. Each of the aforesaid quantities is said to be equal or unequal. For instance, one solid is said to be equal or unequal to another; number, too, $^1$ No point is farther from the circumference of a circle taken as a whole than the centre. Cf. de Caelo, 268$^b$ 21. $^2$ 6$^a$ 22. The reading of B and Waitz is here adopted: τὰ τρία τῶν πέντε οὐδὲν μᾶλλον πέντε ἢ τρία, οὐδὲ τὰ τρία τῶν τριῶν. That of Bekker yields no satisfactory sense. By comparison with the method adopted by Aristotle in treating of variation of degree with regard to other categories, it may be surmised that the meaning here is that given in the translation. The difficulty of the passage is not much lessened by substituting τρία ἢ πέντε for πέντε ἢ τρία, as either reading is a very clumsy expression of the sense: τὰ τρία οὐδὲν μᾶλλον τρία ἢ τὰ πέντε πέντε. In the translation, πέντε ἢ τρία is taken as equivalent in sense to ὅπερ ἐστίν. and time can have these terms applied to them,¹ as indeed can all those kinds of quantity that have been mentioned. That which is not a quantity can by no means, it would seem, be termed equal or unequal to anything else. One particular disposition or one particular quality, such as whiteness, is by no means compared with another in terms of equality and inequality but rather in terms of similarity. Thus it is the distinctive mark of quantity that it can be called equal and unequal. Those things are called relative, which, being either said to be of something else or related to something else, are explained by reference to that other thing.² For instance, the word ‘superior’ is explained by reference to something else, for it is superiority over something else that is meant. Similarly, the expression ‘double’ has this external reference, for it is the double of something else that is meant. So it is with everything else of this kind. There are, moreover, other relatives, e.g. habit, disposition, perception, knowledge, and attitude.³ The significance of all these is explained by a reference to something else and in no other way. Thus, a habit is a habit of something, knowledge is knowledge of something, attitude is the attitude of something. So it is with all other relatives that have been mentioned. Those terms, then, are called relative, the nature of which is explained by reference to something else, the preposition ‘of’ or some other preposition being used to indicate the relation. Thus, one mountain is called great in comparison with another; for the mountain claims this attribute by comparison with something. Again, that which is called ¹ Read in l. 29, before καὶ χρόνος, καὶ ἀριθμὸς καὶ ἵσος καὶ ἄνισος λέγεται, with A, B, C, and Waitz. ² Aristotle reckons as relative (1) terms which in Greek have a genitive depending on them (δύα ἐπέρων εἶναι λέγεται) and (2) terms which naturally call for a prepositional phrase depending on them (ἡ πνωσίνι ἄλλως πρὸς ἐπέρων). Since there is no one form in English answering to the Greek use of the genitive, the distinction has been somewhat paraphrased in the translation: but it must not be forgotten that the distinction is taken primarily from the usage of the Greek language. ³ Just as the genus ‘knowledge’ is relative, while the particular branches of it are not (see 11a 20), so ‘habit’ and ‘attitude’ require particularization; otherwise they are relative. similar must be similar to something else, and all other such attributes have this external reference. It is to be noted that lying and standing and sitting are particular attitudes, but attitude is itself a relative term. To lie, to stand, to be seated, are not themselves attitudes, but take their name from the aforesaid attitudes. It is possible for relatives to have contraries. Thus virtue has a contrary, vice, these both being relatives; knowledge, too, has a contrary, ignorance. But this is not the mark of all relatives; 'double' and 'triple' have no contrary, nor indeed has any such term. It also appears that relatives can admit of variation of degree. For 'like' and 'unlike', 'equal' and 'unequal', have the modifications 'more' and 'less' applied to them, and each of these is relative in character: for the terms 'like' and 'unequal'$^1$ bear a reference to something external. Yet, again, it is not every relative term that admits of variation of degree. No term such as 'double' admits of this modification. All relatives have correlatives: by the term 'slave' we mean the slave of a master; by the term 'master', the master of a slave; by 'double', the double of its half; by 'half', the half of its double; by 'greater', greater than that which is less; by 'less', less than that which is greater. So it is with every other relative term; but the case we use to express the correlation differs in some instances. Thus, by knowledge we mean knowledge of the knowable; by the knowable, that which is to be apprehended by knowledge; by perception, perception of the perceptible; by the perceptible, that which is apprehended by perception. Sometimes, however, reciprocity of correlation does not appear to exist. This comes about when a blunder is made, and that to which the relative is related is not accurately stated. If a man states that a wing is necessarily relative to a bird, the connexion between these two will not be reciprocal, for it will not be possible to say that a bird is a bird by reason of its wings. The reason is that the original $^{1} 6^{b}$ 23. The reading of B and Waitz: τό τε γὰρ ὅμοιον τινὶ ὅμοιον λέγεται, καὶ τὸ ἀνίσον τινὶ ἀνίσον. This has more inherent probability than, and equal authority with, that of Bekker. statement was inaccurate, for the wing is not said to be relative to the bird qua bird, since many creatures besides birds have wings, but qua winged creature. If, then, the statement is made accurate, the connexion will be reciprocal, for we can speak of a wing having reference necessarily to a winged creature, and of a winged creature as being such because of its wings. Occasionally, perhaps, it is necessary to coin words, if no word exists by which a correlation can adequately be explained. If we define a rudder as necessarily having reference to a boat, our definition will not be appropriate, for the rudder does not have this reference to a boat qua boat, as there are boats which have no rudders. Thus we cannot use the terms reciprocally, for the word 'boat' cannot be said to find its explanation in the word 'rudder'. As there is no existing word, our definition would perhaps be more accurate if we coined some word like 'ruddered' as the correlative of 'rudder'. If we express ourselves thus accurately, at any rate the terms are reciprocally connected, for the 'ruddered' thing is 'ruddered' in virtue of its rudder. So it is in all other cases. A head will be more accurately defined as the correlative of that which is 'headed', than as that of an animal, for the animal does not have a head qua animal, since many animals have no head. Thus we may perhaps most easily comprehend that to which a thing is related, when a name does not exist, if, from that which has a name, we derive a new name, and apply it to that with which the first is reciprocally connected, as in the aforesaid instances, when we derived the word 'winged' from 'wing' and 'ruddered' from 'rudder'. All relatives, then, if properly defined, have a correlative. I add this condition because, if that to which they are related is stated at haphazard and not accurately, the two are not found to be interdependent. Let me state what I mean more clearly. Even in the case of acknowledged correlatives, and where names exist for each, there will be no interdependence if one of the two is denoted, not by that name which expresses the correlative notion, but by one of irrelevant significance. The term 'slave', if defined as related, not to a master, but to a man, or a biped, or anything of that sort, is not reciprocally connected with that in relation to which it is defined, for the statement is not exact. Further, if one thing is said to be correlative with another, and the terminology used is correct, then, though all irrelevant attributes should be removed, and only that one attribute left in virtue of which it was correctly stated to be correlative with that other, the stated correlation will still exist. If the correlative of 'the slave' is said to be 'the master', then, though all irrelevant attributes of the said 'master', such as 'biped', 'receptive of knowledge', 'human', should be removed, and the attribute 'master' alone left, the stated correlation existing between him and the slave will remain the same, for it is of a master that a slave is said to be the slave. On the other hand, if, of two correlatives, one is not correctly termed, then, when all other attributes are removed and that alone is left in virtue of which it was stated to be correlative, the stated correlation will be found to have disappeared. For suppose the correlative of 'the slave' should be said to be 'the man', or the correlative of 'the wing' 'the bird'; if the attribute 'master' be withdrawn from 'the man', the correlation between 'the man' and 'the slave' will cease to exist, for if the man is not a master, the slave is not a slave. Similarly, if the attribute 'winged' be withdrawn from 'the bird', 'the wing' will no longer be relative; for if the so-called correlative is not winged, it follows that 'the wing' has no correlative. Thus it is essential that the correlated terms should be exactly designated; if there is a name existing, the statement will be easy; if not, it is doubtless our duty to construct names. When the terminology is thus correct, it is evident that all correlatives are interdependent. Correlatives are thought to come into existence simultaneously. This is for the most part true, as in the case of the double and the half. The existence of the half necessitates the existence of that of which it is a half. Similarly the existence of a master necessitates the existence of a slave, and that of a slave implies that of a master; these are merely instances of a general rule. Moreover, they cancel one another; for if there is no double it follows that there is no half, and vice versa; this rule also applies to all such correlatives. Yet it does not appear to be true in all cases that correlatives come into existence simultaneously. The object of knowledge would appear to exist before knowledge itself, for it is usually the case that we acquire knowledge of objects already existing; it would be difficult, if not impossible, to find a branch of knowledge the beginning of the existence of which was contemporaneous with that of its object. Again, while the object of knowledge, if it ceases to exist, cancels at the same time the knowledge which was its correlative, the converse of this is not true. It is true that if the object of knowledge does not exist there can be no knowledge: for there will no longer be anything to know. Yet it is equally true that, if the knowledge of a certain object does not exist, the object may nevertheless quite well exist. Thus, in the case of the squaring of the circle, if indeed that process is an object of knowledge, though it itself exists as an object of knowledge, yet the knowledge of it has not yet come into existence. Again, if all animals ceased to exist, there would be no knowledge, but there might yet be many objects of knowledge. This is likewise the case with regard to perception: for the object of perception is, it appears, prior to the act of perception. If the perceptible is annihilated, perception also will cease to exist; but the annihilation of perception does not cancel the existence of the perceptible. For perception implies a body perceived and a body in which perception takes place. Now if that which is perceptible is annihilated, it follows that the body is annihilated, for the body is a perceptible thing; and if the body does not exist, it follows that perception also ceases to exist. Thus the annihilation of the perceptible involves that of perception. But the annihilation of perception does not involve that of the perceptible. For if the animal is annihilated, it follows that perception also is annihilated, but perceptibles such as body, heat, sweetness, bitterness, and so on, will remain. Again, perception is generated at the same time as the perceiving subject, for it comes into existence at the same time as the animal. But the perceptible surely exists before$^1$ perception; for fire and water and such elements, out of which the animal is itself composed, exist before the animal is an animal at all, and before perception. Thus it would seem that the perceptible exists before perception. It may be questioned whether it is true that no substance is relative, as seems to be the case, or whether exception is to be made in the case of certain secondary substances.$^2$ With regard to primary substances, it is quite true that there is no such possibility, for neither wholes nor parts of primary substances are relative. The individual man or ox is not defined with reference to something external. Similarly with the parts: a particular hand or head is not defined as a particular hand or head of a particular person, but as the hand or head of a particular person. It is true also, for the most part at least, in the case of secondary substances; the species ‘man’ and the species ‘ox’ are not defined with reference to anything outside themselves. Wood, again, is only relative in so far as it is some one’s property, not in so far as it is wood. It is plain, then, that in the cases mentioned substance is not relative. But with regard to some secondary substances there is a difference of opinion; thus, such terms as ‘head’ and ‘hand’$^3$ are defined with reference to that of which the things indicated are a part, and so it comes about that these appear to have a relative character.$^4$ Indeed, if our definition of that which is relative was complete, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to prove that no substance is relative. If, however, our definition was not complete, if those things only are properly called relative in the case of which relation to an external object is a necessary condition of existence, perhaps some explanation of the dilemma may be found. $^1$ Omit $\xi\phi\omega\nu$ $i$ in l. 9 with B, Phil., and Waitz. $^2$ So far Aristotle has stated, and adhered to, the generally received definition of relatives; he now improves upon it. $^3$ Sc.: when the species are meant. $^4$ In accordance with this, Aristotle speaks of ‘wing’ as a relative term in the earlier part of the chapter. The former definition does indeed apply to all relatives, but the fact that a thing is explained with reference to something else does not make it essentially relative.$^1$ From this it is plain that, if a man definitely apprehends a relative thing, he will also definitely apprehend that to which it is relative. Indeed this is self-evident: for if a man knows that some particular thing is relative, assuming that we call that a relative in the case of which relation to something is a necessary condition of existence, he knows that also to which it is related. For if he does not know at all that to which it is related, he will not know whether or not it is relative. This is clear, moreover, in particular instances. If a man knows definitely that such and such a thing is ‘double’, he will also forthwith know definitely that of which it is the double. For if there is nothing definite of which he knows it to be the double, he does not know at all that it is double. Again, if he knows that a thing is more beautiful, it follows necessarily that he will forthwith definitely know that also than which it is more beautiful. He will not merely know indefinitely that it is more beautiful than something which is less beautiful, for this would be supposition, not knowledge. For if he does not know definitely that than which it is more beautiful, he can no longer claim to know definitely that it is more beautiful than something else which is less beautiful: for it might be that nothing was less beautiful. It is, therefore, evident that if a man apprehends some relative thing definitely, he necessarily knows that also definitely to which it is related. Now the head, the hand, and such things are substances, and it is possible to know their essential character definitely, but it does not necessarily follow that we should know that to which they are related. It is not possible to know forthwith whose head or hand is meant. Thus these are not relatives, and, this being the case, it would be true to say that no substance is relative in character. It is perhaps a difficult matter, in such cases, to make a positive statement $^1$ $\text{où μὴν τοῦτό (A}_2, \text{ C, Phil., and Waitz) γέ ἐστι τὸ (A}_2, \text{ B, C, Phil., and Waitz) πρός τι, in l. 34.}$ without more exhaustive examination, but to have raised questions with regard to details is not without advantage. By 'quality' I mean that in virtue of which people are said to be such and such. Quality is a term that is used in many senses. One sort of quality let us call 'habit' or 'disposition'. Habit differs from disposition in being more lasting and more firmly established. The various kinds of knowledge and of virtue are habits, for knowledge, even when acquired only in a moderate degree, is, it is agreed, abiding in its character and difficult to displace, unless some great mental upheaval takes place, through disease or any such cause. The virtues, also, such as justice, self-restraint, and so on, are not easily dislodged or dismissed, so as to give place to vice. By a disposition, on the other hand, we mean a condition that is easily changed and quickly gives place to its opposite. Thus, heat, cold, disease, health, and so on are dispositions. For a man is disposed in one way or another with reference to these, but quickly changes, becoming cold instead of warm, ill instead of well. So it is with all other dispositions also, unless through lapse of time a disposition has itself become inveterate and almost impossible to dislodge: in which case we should perhaps go so far as to call it a habit. It is evident that men incline to call those conditions habits which are of a more or less permanent type and difficult to displace; for those who are not retentive of knowledge, but volatile, are not said to have such and such a 'habit' as regards knowledge, yet they are disposed, we may say, either better or worse, towards knowledge. Thus habit differs from disposition in this, that while the latter is ephemeral, the former is permanent and difficult to alter. Habits are at the same time dispositions, but dispositions are not necessarily habits. For those who have some 1 The term 'habit' itself is relative, but particular habits are qualities; as also virtues and vices. ἐξεις means 'habit' and 'state'; sometimes the one, sometimes the other, English word gives the sense better; but it is, perhaps, best to reserve the word 'state' for the category so called. specific habit may be said also, in virtue of that habit, to be thus or thus disposed; but those who are disposed in some specific way have not in all cases the corresponding habit. Another sort of quality is that in virtue of which, for example, we call men good boxers or runners, or healthy or sickly: in fact it includes all those terms which refer to inborn capacity or incapacity. Such things are not predicated of a person in virtue of his disposition, but in virtue of his inborn capacity or incapacity to do something with ease or to avoid defeat of any kind. Persons are called good boxers or good runners, not in virtue of such and such a disposition, but in virtue of an inborn capacity to accomplish something with ease. Men are called healthy in virtue of the inborn capacity of easy resistance to those unhealthy influences that may ordinarily arise; unhealthy, in virtue of the lack of this capacity. Similarly with regard to softness and hardness. Hardness is predicated of a thing because it has that capacity of resistance which enables it to withstand disintegration; softness, again, is predicated of a thing by reason of the lack of that capacity. A third class within this category is that of affective qualities and affections.$^1$ Sweetness, bitterness, sourness, are examples of this sort of quality, together with all that is akin to these; heat, moreover, and cold, whiteness, and blackness are affective qualities. It is evident that these are qualities, for those things that possess them are themselves said to be such and such by reason of their presence. Honey is called sweet because it contains sweetness; the body is called white because it contains whiteness; and so in all other cases. The term 'affective quality' is not used as indicating that those things which admit these qualities are affected in any way. Honey is not called sweet because it is affected in a specific way, nor is this what is meant in any other instance. Similarly heat and cold are called affective qualities, not because those things which admit them are affected. What is meant is that these said qualities are $^1$ Here Aristotle seems to call πάθη ποιώντες, but later he distinguishes them. capable of producing an 'affection' in the way of perception. For sweetness has the power of affecting the sense of taste; heat, that of touch; and so it is with the rest of these qualities. Whiteness and blackness, however, and the other colours, are not said to be affective qualities in this sense, but because they themselves are the results of an affection.$^1$ It is plain that many changes of colour take place because of affections. When a man is ashamed, he blushes; when he is afraid, he becomes pale, and so on. So true is this, that when a man is by nature liable to such affections, arising from some concomitance of elements in his constitution, it is a probable inference that he has the corresponding complexion of skin. For the same disposition of bodily elements, which in the former instance was momentarily present in the case of an access of shame, might be a result of a man's natural temperament, so as to produce the corresponding colouring also as a natural characteristic. All conditions, therefore, of this kind, if caused by certain permanent and lasting affections, are called affective qualities. For pallor and duskiness of complexion are called qualities, inasmuch as we are said to be such and such in virtue of them, not only if they originate in natural constitution, but also if they come about through long disease or sunburn, and are difficult to remove, or indeed remain throughout life. For in the same way we are said to be such and such because of these. Those conditions, however, which arise from causes which may easily be rendered ineffective or speedily removed, are called, not qualities, but affections: for we are not said to be such and such in virtue of them. The man who blushes through shame is not said to be a constitutional blusher, nor is the man who becomes pale through fear said to be constitutionally pale. He is said rather to have been affected. Thus such conditions are called affections, not qualities. $^1$ The colours seen in inanimate objects are presumably to be called affective qualities in the former sense of the word, because they affect the eye. In like manner there are affective qualities and affections of the soul. That temper with which a man is born and which has its origin in certain deep-seated affections is called a quality. I mean such conditions as insanity, irascibility, and so on: for people are said to be mad or irascible in virtue of these. Similarly those abnormal psychic states which are not inborn, but arise from the concomitance of certain other elements, and are difficult to remove, or altogether permanent, are called qualities, for in virtue of them men are said to be such and such. Those, however, which arise from causes easily rendered ineffective are called affections, not qualities. Suppose that a man is irritable when vexed: he is not even spoken of as a bad-tempered man, when in such circumstances he loses his temper somewhat, but rather is said to be affected. Such conditions are therefore termed, not qualities, but affections. The fourth sort of quality is figure and the shape that belongs to a thing; and besides this, straightness and curvedness and any other qualities of this type; each of these defines a thing as being such and such. Because it is triangular or quadrangular a thing is said to have a specific character, or again because it is straight or curved; in fact a thing’s shape in every case gives rise to a qualification of it. Rarity and density, roughness and smoothness, seem to be terms indicating quality: yet these, it would appear, really belong to a class different from that of quality. For it is rather a certain relative position of the parts composing the thing thus qualified which, it appears, is indicated by each of these terms. A thing is dense, owing to the fact that its parts are closely combined with one another; rare, because there are interstices between the parts; smooth, because its parts lie, so to speak, evenly; rough, because some parts project beyond others. There may be other sorts of quality, but those that are most properly so called have, we may safely say, been enumerated. 1 Read τὰ γὰρ τρίγωνον . . τῶς εὐθὺ in ll. 14, 15 with Waitz. These, then, are qualities, and the things that take their name from them as derivatives, or are in some other way dependent on them, are said to be qualified in some specific way.$^1$ In most, indeed in almost all cases, the name of that which is qualified is derived from that of the quality. Thus the terms 'whiteness', 'grammar', 'justice', give us the adjectives 'white', 'grammatical', 'just', and so on. There are some cases, however, in which, as the quality under consideration has no name, it is impossible that those possessed of it should have a name that is derivative. For instance, the name given to the runner or boxer, who is so called in virtue of an inborn capacity, is not derived from that of any quality; for those capacities have no name assigned to them. In this, the inborn capacity is distinct from the science, with reference to which men are called, e.g., boxers or wrestlers. Such a science is classed as a disposition; it has a name, and is called 'boxing' or 'wrestling' as the case may be, and the name given to those disposed in this way is derived from that of the science. Sometimes, even though a name exists for the quality, that which takes its character from the quality has a name that is not a derivative. For instance, the upright man takes his character from the possession of the quality of integrity, but the name given him is not derived from the word 'integrity'. Yet this does not occur often. We may therefore state that those things are said to be possessed of some specific quality which have a name derived from that of the aforesaid quality, or which are in some other way dependent on it. One quality may be the contrary of another; thus justice is the contrary of injustice, whiteness of blackness, and so on. The things, also, which are said to be such and such in virtue of these qualities, may be contrary the one to the other; for that which is unjust is contrary to that which is just, that which is white to that which is black. This, however, is not always the case. Red, yellow, and such colours, though qualities, have no contraries. $^1$ The words τὸ ποιῶν and τὰ ποιά are, however, often used in this chapter as equivalent to ποιότης: cf. 10$^b$ 20 ποιῶν ἢ δικαιοσύνη. If one of two contraries is a quality, the other will also be a quality. This will be evident from particular instances, if we apply the names used to denote the other categories; for instance, granted that justice is the contrary of injustice and justice is a quality, injustice will also be a quality: neither quantity, nor relation, nor place, nor indeed any other category but that of quality, will be applicable properly to injustice. So it is with all other contraries falling under the category of quality. Qualities admit of variation of degree. Whiteness is predicated of one thing in a greater or less degree than of another. This is also the case with reference to justice. Moreover, one and the same thing may exhibit a quality in a greater degree than it did before: if a thing is white, it may become whiter. Though this is generally the case, there are exceptions. For if we should say that justice admitted of variation of degree, difficulties might ensue, and this is true with regard to all those qualities which are dispositions. There are some, indeed, who dispute the possibility of variation here. They maintain that justice and health cannot very well admit of variation of degree themselves, but that people vary in the degree in which they possess these qualities, and that this is the case with grammatical learning and all those qualities which are classed as dispositions. However that may be, it is an incontrovertible fact that the things which in virtue of these qualities are said to be what they are vary in the degree in which they possess them; for one man is said to be better versed in grammar, or more healthy or just, than another, and so on. The qualities expressed by the terms 'triangular' and 'quadrangular' do not appear to admit of variation of degree, nor indeed do any that have to do with figure. For those things to which the definition of the triangle or circle is applicable are all equally triangular or circular. Those, on the other hand, to which the same definition is not applicable, cannot be said to differ from one another in degree; the square is no more a circle than the rectangle, for to neither is the definition of the circle appropriate. In short, if the definition of the term proposed is not applicable to both objects, they cannot be compared. Thus it is not all qualities which admit of variation of degree. Whereas none of the characteristics I have mentioned are peculiar to quality, the fact that likeness and unlikeness can be predicated with reference to quality only, gives to that category its distinctive feature. One thing is like another only with reference to that in virtue of which it is such and such; thus this forms the peculiar mark of quality. We must not be disturbed because it may be argued that, though proposing to discuss the category of quality, we have included in it many relative terms. We did say that habits and dispositions were relative. In practically all such cases the genus is relative, the individual not. Thus knowledge, as a genus, is explained by reference to something else, for we mean a knowledge of something. But particular branches of knowledge are not thus explained. The knowledge of grammar is not relative to anything external, nor is the knowledge of music, but these, if relative at all, are relative only in virtue of their genera; thus grammar is said to be the knowledge of something, not the grammar of something; similarly music is the knowledge of something, not the music of something. Thus individual branches of knowledge are not relative. And it is because we possess these individual branches of knowledge that we are said to be such and such. It is these that we actually possess: we are called experts because we possess knowledge in some particular branch. Those particular branches, therefore, of knowledge, in virtue of which we are sometimes said to be such and such, are themselves qualities, and are not relative. Further, if anything should happen to fall within both the category of quality and that of relation, there would be nothing extraordinary in classing it under both these heads. Action and affection both admit of contraries and also of variation of degree. Heating is the contrary of cooling, being heated of being cooled, being glad of being vexed. Thus they admit of contraries. They also admit of variation of degree: for it is possible to heat in a greater or less degree; also to be heated in a greater or less degree. Thus action and affection also admit of variation of degree. So much, then, is stated with regard to these categories. We spoke, moreover, of the category of position when we were dealing with that of relation, and stated that such terms derived their names from those of the corresponding attitudes. As for the rest, time, place, state, since they are easily intelligible, I say no more about them than was said at the beginning, that in the category of state are included such states as 'shod', 'armed', in that of place 'in the Lyceum' and so on, as was explained before. The proposed categories have, then, been adequately dealt with. We must next explain the various senses in which the term 'opposite' is used. Things are said to be opposed in four senses: (i) as correlatives to one another, (ii) as contraries to one another, (iii) as privatives to positives, (iv) as affirmatives to negatives. Let me sketch my meaning in outline. An instance of the use of the word 'opposite' with reference to correlatives is afforded by the expressions 'double' and 'half'; with reference to contraries by 'bad' and 'good'. Opposites in the sense of 'privatives' and 'positives' are 'blindness' and 'sight'; in the sense of affirmatives and negatives, the propositions 'he sits', 'he does not sit'. (i) Pairs of opposites which fall under the category of relation are explained by a reference of the one to the other, the reference being indicated by the preposition 'of' or by some other preposition. Thus, double is a relative term, for that which is double is explained as the double of something. Knowledge, again, is the opposite of the thing known, in the same sense; and the thing known also is explained by its relation to its opposite, knowledge. For the thing known is explained as that which is known by something; that is, by knowledge. Such things, then, as are opposite the one to the other in the sense of being correlatives are explained by a reference of the one to the other. (ii) Pairs of opposites which are contraries are not in any way interdependent, but are contrary the one to the other. The good is not spoken of as the good of the bad, but as the contrary of the bad, nor is white spoken of as the white of the black, but as the contrary of the black. These two types of opposition are therefore distinct. Those contraries which are such that the subjects in which they are naturally present, or of which they are predicated, must necessarily contain either the one or the other of them, have no intermediate, but those in the case of which no such necessity obtains, always have an intermediate. Thus disease and health are naturally present in the body of an animal, and it is necessary that either the one or the other should be present in the body of an animal. Odd and even, again, are predicated of number, and it is necessary that the one or the other should be present in numbers. Now there is no intermediate between the terms of either of these two pairs. On the other hand, in those contraries with regard to which no such necessity obtains, we find an intermediate. Blackness and whiteness are naturally present in the body, but it is not necessary that either the one or the other should be present in the body, inasmuch as it is not true to say that everybody must be white or black. Badness and goodness, again, are predicated of man, and of many other things, but it is not necessary that either the one quality or the other should be present in that of which they are predicated: it is not true to say that everything that may be good or bad must be either good or bad. These pairs of contraries have intermediates: the intermediates between white and black are grey, sallow, and all the other colours that come between; the intermediate between good and bad is that which is neither the one nor the other. Some intermediate qualities have names, such as grey and sallow and all the other colours that come between white and black; in other cases, however, it is not easy to name the intermediate, but we must define it as that which is not either extreme, as in the case of that which is neither good nor bad, neither just nor unjust. (iii) 'Privatives' and 'positives' have reference to the same subject. Thus, sight and blindness have reference to the eye. It is a universal rule that each of a pair of opposites of this type has reference to that to which the particular 'positive' is natural. We say that that which is capable of some particular faculty or possession has suffered privation when the faculty or possession in question is in no way present in that in which, and at the time at which, it should naturally be present. We do not call that toothless which has not teeth, or that blind which has not sight, but rather that which has not teeth or sight at the time when by nature it should. For there are some creatures which from birth are without sight, or without teeth, but these are not called toothless or blind. To be without some faculty or to possess it is not the same as the corresponding 'privative' or 'positive'. 'Sight' is a 'positive', 'blindness' a 'privative', but 'to possess sight' is not equivalent to 'sight', 'to be blind' is not equivalent to 'blindness'. Blindness is a 'privative', to be blind is to be in a state of privation, but is not a 'privative'. Moreover, if 'blindness' were equivalent to 'being blind', both would be predicated of the same subject; but though a man is said to be blind, he is by no means said to be blindness. To be in a state of 'possession' is, it appears, the opposite of being in a state of 'privation', just as 'positives' and 'privatives' themselves are opposite. There is the same type of antithesis in both cases; for just as blindness is opposed to sight, so is being blind opposed to having sight. That which is affirmed or denied is not itself affirmation or denial. By 'affirmation' we mean an affirmative proposition, by 'denial' a negative. Now, those facts which form the matter of the affirmation or denial are not propositions; yet these two are said to be opposed in the same sense as the affirmation and denial, for in this case also the type of antithesis is the same. For as the affirmation is opposed to the denial, as in the two propositions 'he sits', 'he does not sit', so also the fact which constitutes the matter of the proposition in one case is opposed to that in the other, his sitting, that is to say, to his not sitting. It is evident that 'positives' and 'privatives' are not opposed each to each in the same sense as relatives. The one is not explained by reference to the other; sight is not sight of blindness, nor is any other preposition used to indicate the relation. Similarly blindness is not said to be blindness of sight, but rather, privation of sight. Relatives, moreover, reciprocate; if blindness, therefore, were a relative, there would be a reciprocity of relation between it and that with which it was correlative. But this is not the case. Sight is not called the sight of blindness. That those terms which fall under the heads of 'positives' and 'privatives' are not opposed each to each as contraries, either, is plain from the following facts: Of a pair of contraries such that they have no intermediate, one or the other must needs be present in the subject in which they naturally subsist, or of which they are predicated; for it is those, as we proved,$^1$ in the case of which this necessity obtains, that have no intermediate. Moreover, we cited health and disease, odd and even, as instances. But those contraries which have an intermediate are not subject to any such necessity. It is not necessary that every substance, receptive of such qualities, should be either black or white, cold or hot, for something intermediate between these contraries may very well be present in the subject. We proved, moreover, that those contraries have an intermediate in the case of which the said necessity does not obtain.$^2$ Yet when one of the two contraries is a constitutive property of the subject, as it is a constitutive property of fire to be hot, of snow to be white, it is necessary determinately that one of the two contraries, not one or the other, should be present in the subject;$^3$ for fire cannot be cold, or snow black. Thus, it is not the case here that one of the two must needs be present in every subject receptive of these qualities, but only in that subject of which the one forms a constitutive property. Moreover, in such cases it is one member of the pair determinately, and not either the one or the other, which must be present. $^1$ Cf. 11b 38. $^2$ $oὐτε . . . δὲκτίκω$, ll. 33–7, is parenthetical. $^3$ Sc.: although they have intermediates. In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', on the other hand, neither of the aforesaid statements holds good. For it is not necessary that a subject receptive of the qualities should always have either the one or the other; that which has not yet advanced to the state when sight is natural is not said either to be blind or to see. Thus 'positives' and 'privatives' do not belong to that class of contraries which consists of those which have no intermediate. On the other hand, they do not belong either to that class which consists of contraries which have an intermediate. For under certain conditions it is necessary that either the one or the other should form part of the constitution of every appropriate subject. For when a thing has reached the stage when it is by nature capable of sight, it will be said either to see or to be blind, and that in an indeterminate sense, signifying that the capacity may be either present or absent; for it is not necessary either that it should see or that it should be blind, but that it should be either in the one state or in the other. Yet in the case of those contraries which have an intermediate we found that it was never necessary that either the one or the other should be present in every appropriate subject, but only that in certain subjects one of the pair should be present, and that in a determinate sense. It is, therefore, plain that 'positives' and 'privatives' are not opposed each to each in either of the senses in which contraries are opposed. Again, in the case of contraries, it is possible that there should be changes from either into the other, while the subject retains its identity, unless indeed one of the contraries is a constitutive property of that subject, as heat is of fire. For it is possible that that which is healthy should become diseased, that which is white, black, that which is cold, hot, that which is good, bad, that which is bad, good. The bad man, if he is being brought into a better way of life and thought, may make some advance, however slight, and if he should once improve, even ever so little, it is plain that he might change completely, or at any rate make very great progress; for a man becomes more and more easily 1 Read οὐτε in l. 4 with B, C, and Waitz. moved to virtue, however small the improvement was at first. It is, therefore, natural to suppose that he will make yet greater progress than he has made in the past; and as this process goes on, it will change him completely and establish him in the contrary state, provided he is not hindered by lack of time. In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', however, change in both directions is impossible. There may be a change from possession to privation, but not from privation to possession. The man who has become blind does not regain his sight; the man who has become bald does not regain his hair; the man who has lost his teeth does not grow a new set. (iv) Statements opposed as affirmation and negation belong manifestly to a class which is distinct, for in this case, and in this case only, it is necessary for the one opposite to be true and the other false. Neither in the case of contraries, nor in the case of correlatives, nor in the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', is it necessary for one to be true and the other false. Health and disease are contraries: neither of them is true or false. 'Double' and 'half' are opposed to each other as correlatives: neither of them is true or false. The case is the same, of course, with regard to 'positives' and 'privatives' such as 'sight' and 'blindness'. In short, where there is no sort of combination of words, truth and falsity have no place, and all the opposites we have mentioned so far consist of simple words. At the same time, when the words which enter into opposed statements are contraries, these, more than any other set of opposites, would seem to claim this characteristic. 'Socrates is ill' is the contrary of 'Socrates is well', but not even of such composite expressions is it true to say that one of the pair must always be true and the other false. For if Socrates exists, one will be true and the other false, but if he does not exist, both will be false; for neither 'Socrates is ill' nor 'Socrates is well' is true, if Socrates does not exist at all. In the case of 'positives' and 'privatives', if the subject does not exist at all, neither proposition is true, but even if the subject exists, it is not always the fact that one is true and the other false. For 'Socrates has sight' is the opposite of 'Socrates is blind' in the sense of the word 'opposite' which applies to possession and privation. Now if Socrates exists, it is not necessary that one should be true and the other false, for when he is not yet able to acquire the power of vision, both are false, as also if Socrates is altogether non-existent. But in the case of affirmation and negation, whether the subject exists or not, one is always false and the other true. For manifestly, if Socrates exists, one of the two propositions 'Socrates is ill', 'Socrates is not ill', is true, and the other false. This is likewise the case if he does not exist; for if he does not exist, to say that he is ill is false, to say that he is not ill is true. Thus it is in the case of those opposites only, which are opposite in the sense in which the term is used with reference to affirmation and negation, that the rule holds good, that one of the pair must be true and the other false. That the contrary of a good is an evil is shown by induction: the contrary of health is disease, of courage, cowardice, and so on. But the contrary of an evil is sometimes a good, sometimes an evil. For defect, which is an evil, has excess for its contrary, this also being an evil, and the mean, which is a good, is equally the contrary of the one and of the other. It is only in a few cases, however, that we see instances of this: in most, the contrary of an evil is a good. In the case of contraries, it is not always necessary that if one exists the other should also exist: for if all become healthy there will be health and no disease, and again, if everything turns white, there will be white, but no black. Again, since the fact that Socrates is ill is the contrary of the fact that Socrates is well, and two contrary conditions cannot both obtain in one and the same individual at the same time, both these contraries could not exist at once: for if that Socrates was well was a fact, then that Socrates was ill could not possibly be one. are said to be 'simultaneous' in nature. I mean those species which are distinguished each from each by one and the same method of division. Thus the 'winged' species is simultaneous with the 'terrestrial' and the 'water' species. These are distinguished within the same genus, and are opposed each to each, for the genus 'animal' has the 'winged', the 'terrestrial', and the 'water' species, and no one of these is prior or posterior to another; on the contrary, all such things appear to be 'simultaneous' in nature. Each of these also, the terrestrial, the winged, and the water species, can be divided again into subspecies. Those species, then, also will be 'simultaneous' in point of nature, which, belonging to the same genus, are distinguished each from each by one and the same method of differentiation. But genera are prior to species, for the sequence of their being cannot be reversed. If there is the species 'water-animal', there will be the genus 'animal', but granted the being of the genus 'animal', it does not follow necessarily that there will be the species 'water-animal'. Those things, therefore, are said to be 'simultaneous' in nature, the being of each of which involves that of the other, while at the same time neither is in any way the cause of the other's being; those species, also, which are distinguished each from each and opposed within the same genus. Those things, moreover, are 'simultaneous' in the unqualified sense of the word which come into being at the same time. There are six sorts of movement: generation, destruction, increase, diminution, alteration, and change of place. It is evident in all but one case that all these sorts of movement are distinct each from each. Generation is distinct from destruction, increase and change of place from diminution, and so on. But in the case of alteration it may be argued that the process necessarily implies one or other of the other five sorts of motion. This is not true, for we may say that all affections, or nearly all, produce in us an alteration which is distinct from all other sorts of motion, for that which is affected need not suffer either increase or diminution or any of the other sorts of motion. Thus alteration is a distinct sort of motion; for, if it were not, the thing altered would not only be altered, but would forthwith necessarily suffer increase or diminution or some one of the other sorts of motion in addition; which as a matter of fact is not the case. Similarly that which was undergoing the process of increase or was subject to some other sort of motion would, if alteration were not a distinct form of motion, necessarily be subject to alteration also. But there are some things which undergo increase but yet not alteration. The square, for instance, if a gnomon is applied to it, undergoes increase but not alteration,$^1$ and so it is with all other figures of this sort. Alteration and increase, therefore, are distinct. Speaking generally, rest is the contrary of motion. But the different forms of motion have their own contraries in other forms; thus destruction is the contrary of generation, diminution of increase, rest in a place, of change of place. As for this last, change in the reverse direction would seem to be most truly its contrary; thus motion upwards is the contrary of motion downwards and vice versa. In the case of that sort of motion which yet remains, of those that have been enumerated, it is not easy to state what is its contrary. It appears to have no contrary, unless one should define the contrary here also either as ‘rest in its quality’ or as ‘change in the direction of the contrary quality’, just as we defined the contrary of change of place either as rest in a place or as change in the reverse direction. For a thing is altered when change of quality takes place; therefore either rest in its quality or change in the direction of the contrary quality may be called the contrary of this qualitative form of motion. In this way becoming white is the contrary of becoming black; there is alteration in the contrary direction, since a change of a qualitative nature takes place. The term ‘to have’ is used in various senses. In the first place it is used with reference to habit or disposition or $^1$ As in the figure $\square$, the square remains a square, though increased in area by the addition of the gnomon. any other quality, for we are said to 'have' a piece of knowledge or a virtue. Then, again, it has reference to quantity, as, for instance, in the case of a man's height; for he is said to 'have' a height of three cubits or four cubits. It is used, moreover, with regard to apparel, a man being said to 'have' a coat or tunic; or in respect of something which we have on a part of ourselves, as a ring on the hand: or in respect of something which is a part of us, as hand or foot. The term refers also to content, as in the case of a vessel and wheat, or of a jar and wine; a jar is said to 'have' wine, and a corn-measure wheat. The expression in such cases has reference to content. Or it refers to that which has been acquired; we are said to 'have' a house or a field. A man is also said to 'have' a wife, and a wife a husband, and this appears to be the most remote meaning of the term, for by the use of it we mean simply that the husband lives with the wife. Other senses of the word might perhaps be found, but the most ordinary ones have all been enumerated. DE INTERPRETATIONE The following is a list of the most common types of errors that can occur in a database: 1. Data Entry Errors: These occur when data is entered incorrectly, such as typing the wrong value or entering data in the wrong format. 2. Data Integrity Errors: These occur when the data in the database does not meet the rules and constraints that have been set for it. For example, if a field is supposed to contain only numbers but a non-numeric value is entered. 3. Concurrency Errors: These occur when two or more users try to access the same data at the same time and one user's changes overwrite another user's changes. 4. Deadlock Errors: These occur when two or more transactions are waiting for each other to complete and neither transaction can proceed until the other completes. 5. Database Corruption Errors: These occur when the database becomes corrupted and cannot be accessed or used properly. 6. Security Errors: These occur when unauthorized users gain access to the database or when sensitive information is exposed. 7. Performance Errors: These occur when the database is too slow to respond to user requests or when the database becomes unresponsive due to high levels of activity. 8. Backup and Recovery Errors: These occur when backup files are lost or damaged, or when the recovery process fails to restore the database to its previous state. 9. Schema Changes Errors: These occur when changes are made to the database schema without proper testing and validation, resulting in unexpected behavior or errors. 10. User Interface Errors: These occur when the user interface is not intuitive or easy to use, leading to frustration and errors. To prevent these errors from occurring, it is important to implement robust error handling mechanisms, regularly back up the database, and perform regular maintenance and updates. It is also important to train users on how to use the database correctly and to provide them with clear instructions and guidelines. TABLE OF CONTENTS Ch. 1. (1) The spoken word is a symbol of thought. (2) Isolated thoughts or expressions are neither true nor false. (3) Truth and falsehood are only attributable to certain combinations of thoughts or of words. Ch. 2. (1) Definition of a noun. (2) Simple and composite nouns. (3) Indefinite nouns. (4) Cases of a noun. Ch. 3. (1) Definition of a verb. (2) Indefinite verbs. (3) Tenses of a verb. (4) Verbal nouns and adjectives. Ch. 4. Definition of a sentence. Ch. 5. Simple and compound propositions. Ch. 6. Contradictory propositions. Ch. 7. (1) Universal, indefinite, and particular affirmations and denials. (2) Contrary as opposed to contradictory propositions. (3) In contrary propositions, of which the subject is universal or particular, the truth of the one proposition implies the falsity of the other, but this is not the case in indefinite propositions. Ch. 8. Definition of single propositions. Ch. 9. Propositions which refer to present or past time must be either true or false: propositions which refer to future time must be either true or false, but it is not determined which must be true and which false. Ch. 10. (1) Diagrammatic arrangement of pairs of affirmations and denials, (a) without the complement of the verb ‘to be’, (b) with the complement of the verb ‘to be’, (c) with an indefinite noun for subject. (2) The right position of the negative. (3) Contraries can never both be true, but subcontraries may both be true. (4) In particular propositions, if the affirmative is false, the contrary is true; in universal propositions, if the affirmative is false, the contradictory is true. (5) Propositions consisting of an indefinite noun and an indefinite verb are not denials. (6) The relation to other propositions of those which have an indefinite noun as subject. (7) The transposition of nouns and verbs makes no difference to the sense of the proposition. Ch. 11. (1) Some seemingly simple propositions are really compound. (2) Similarly some dialectical questions are really compound. (3) The nature of a dialectical question. (4) When two simple propositions having the same subject are true, it is not necessarily the case that the proposition resulting from the combination of the predicates is true. (5) A plurality of predicates which individually belong to the same subject can only be combined to form a simple proposition when they are essentially predicable of the subject, and when one is not implicit in another. (6) A compound predicate cannot be resolved into simple predicates when the compound predicate has within it a contradiction in terms, or when one of the predicates is used in a secondary sense. Ch. 12. (1) Propositions concerning possibility, impossibility, contingency, and necessity. (2) Determination of the proper contradictories of such propositions. Ch. 13. (1) Scheme to show the relation subsisting between such propositions. (2) Illogical character of this scheme proved. (3) Revised scheme. (4) That which is said to be possible may be (a) always actual, (b) sometimes actual and sometimes not, (c) never actual. Ch. 14. Discussion as to whether a contrary affirmation or a denial is the proper contrary of an affirmation, either universal or particular. DE INTERPRETATIONE 1 First we must define the terms 'noun' and 'verb', then the terms 'denial' and 'affirmation', then 'proposition' and 'sentence'. Spoken words are the symbols of mental experience and written words are the symbols of spoken words. Just as all men have not the same writing, so all men have not the same speech sounds, but the mental experiences, which these directly symbolize, are the same for all, as also are those things of which our experiences are the images. This matter has, however, been discussed in my treatise about the soul, for it belongs to an investigation distinct from that which lies before us.¹ As there are in the mind thoughts which do not involve truth or falsity, and also those which must be either true or false, so it is in speech. For truth and falsity imply combination and separation. Nouns and verbs, provided nothing is added, are like thoughts without combination or separation; 'man' and 'white', as isolated terms, are not yet either true or false. In proof of this, consider the word 'goat-stag'. It has significance, but there is no truth or falsity about it, unless 'is' or 'is not' is added, either in the present or in some other tense. 2 By a noun we mean a sound significant by convention, which has no reference to time, and of which no part is significant apart from the rest. In the noun 'Fairsteed', the part 'steed' has no significance in and by itself, as in the phrase 'fair steed'. Yet there is a difference between simple and composite nouns; for in the former the part is in no way significant, in the latter it contributes to the meaning of the whole, although it has not an independent ¹ Great difficulty has been found in discovering any passage of the De Anima to which this can refer. Maier is probably right in holding that this sentence should come after the next two (after ἀληθές, l. 13), and refers to De An. 430a 26-8. meaning. Thus in the word 'pirate-boat' the word 'boat' has no meaning except as part of the whole word.$^1$ The limitation 'by convention' was introduced because nothing is by nature a noun or name—it is only so when it becomes a symbol; inarticulate sounds, such as those which brutes produce, are significant, yet none of these constitutes a noun. 30 The expression 'not-man' is not a noun. There is indeed no recognized term by which we may denote such an expression, for it is not a sentence or a denial. Let it then be called an indefinite noun.$^2$ The expressions 'of Philo', 'to Philo', and so on, constitute not nouns, but cases of a noun. The definition of these cases of a noun is in other respects the same as that of the noun proper, but, when coupled with 'is', 'was', or 'will be', they do not, as they are, form a proposition either true or false, and this the noun proper always does, under these conditions. Take the words 'of Philo is' or 'of Philo is not'; these words do not, as they stand, form either a true or a false proposition. A verb is that which, in addition to its proper meaning, carries with it the notion of time. No part of it has any independent meaning, and it is a sign of something said of something else. I will explain what I mean by saying that it carries with it the notion of time. 'Health' is a noun, but 'is healthy' is a verb; for besides its proper meaning it indicates the present existence of the state in question. Moreover, a verb is always a sign of something said of something else, i.e. of something either predicable of or present in some other thing. Such expressions as 'is not-healthy', 'is not-ill', I do not describe as verbs; for though they carry the additional note of time, and always form a predicate, there is no specified name for this variety; but let them be called $^1$ i.e. as in the case of a chemical compound, so in that of compound words, the elements, being amalgamated into one whole, cease to have their own particular character and significance. $^2$ Omit ὅτι . . . μὴ ὄντος, ll. 32, 33, with A, B, and Waitz. These words have probably been introduced from $^b$ 15. indefinite verbs, since they apply equally well to that which exists and to that which does not. Similarly 'he was healthy', 'he will be healthy', are not verbs, but tenses of a verb; the difference lies in the fact that the verb indicates present time, while the tenses of the verb indicate those times which lie outside the present. Verbs in and by themselves are substantival and have significance, for he who uses such expressions arrests the hearer's mind, and fixes his attention; but they do not, as they stand, express any judgement, either positive or negative. For neither are 'to be' and 'not to be' and the participle 'being' significant of any fact,$^1$ unless something is added; for they do not themselves indicate anything, but imply a copulation, of which we cannot form a conception apart from the things coupled. 4 A sentence is a significant portion of speech,$^2$ some parts of which have an independent meaning, that is to say, as an utterance, though not as the expression of any positive judgement.$^3$ Let me explain. The word 'human' has meaning, but does not constitute a proposition, either positive or negative. It is only when other words are added that the whole will form an affirmation or denial. But if we separate one syllable of the word 'human' from the other, it has no meaning; similarly in the word 'mouse', the part '-ouse' has no meaning in itself, but is merely a sound. In composite words, indeed, the parts contribute to the meaning of the whole; yet, as has been pointed out,$^4$ they have not an independent meaning. Every sentence has meaning, not as being the natural means by which a physical faculty is realized, but, as we have said, by convention. Yet every sentence is not a proposition; only such are propositions as have in them either truth or falsity. Thus a prayer is a sentence, but is neither true nor false. $^1$ The words 'to be' and 'not to be' are here regarded in their strictly copulative sense. $^2$ Omit κατὰ συνθήκην in l. 26 with B, C, Amm., Boeth., and Waitz. $^3$ Omit ἡ ἀπόφασις in l. 28 with B, C, Amm., and Waitz. $^4$ Cf. 16$^{a}$ 22-26. Let us therefore dismiss all other types of sentence but the proposition, for this last concerns our present inquiry, whereas the investigation of the others belongs rather to the study of rhetoric or of poetry.$^1$ The first class of simple propositions is the simple affirmation, the next, the simple denial; all others are only one by conjunction. Every proposition must contain a verb or the tense of a verb. The phrase which defines the species 'man', if no verb in present, past, or future time be added, is not a proposition. It may be asked how the expression 'a footed animal with two feet' can be called single; for it is not the circumstance that the words follow in unbroken succession that effects the unity. This inquiry, however, finds its place in an investigation foreign to that before us.$^2$ We call those propositions single which indicate a single fact, or the conjunction of the parts of which results in unity: those propositions, on the other hand, are separate and many in number, which indicate many facts, or whose parts have no conjunction. Let us, moreover, consent to call a noun or a verb an expression only, and not a proposition, since it is not possible for a man to speak in this way when he is expressing something, in such a way as to make a statement, whether his utterance is an answer to a question or an act of his own initiation. To return: of propositions one kind is simple, i.e. that which asserts or denies something of something, the other composite, i.e. that which is compounded of simple propositions. A simple proposition is a statement, with meaning, as to the presence of something in a subject or its absence, in the present, past, or future, according to the divisions of time. An affirmation is a positive assertion of something about something, a denial a negative assertion. $^1$ Cf. Poet. 1456$^b$ 11. $^2$ Cf. Met. Z. 12, H. 6. Read $où \ldots ἐσται$ l. 14 in brackets, with a comma following. Now it is possible both to affirm and to deny the presence of something which is present or of something which is not, and since these same affirmations and denials are possible with reference to those times which lie outside the present, it would be possible to contradict any affirmation or denial. Thus it is plain that every affirmation has an opposite denial, and similarly every denial an opposite affirmation. We will call such a pair of propositions a pair of contradictories. Those positive and negative propositions are said to be contradictory which have the same subject and predicate. The identity of subject and of predicate must not be 'equivocal'. Indeed there are definitive qualifications besides this, which we make to meet the casuistries of sophists. 7 Some things are universal, others individual. By the term 'universal' I mean that which is of such a nature as to be predicated of many subjects, by 'individual' that which is not thus predicated. Thus 'man' is a universal, 'Callias' an individual. Our propositions necessarily sometimes concern a universal subject, sometimes an individual. If, then, a man states a positive and a negative proposition of universal character with regard to a universal, these two propositions are 'contrary'. By the expression 'a proposition of universal character with regard to a universal', such propositions as 'every man is white', 'no man is white' are meant. When, on the other hand, the positive and negative propositions, though they have regard to a universal, are yet not of universal character, they will not be contrary, albeit the meaning intended is sometimes contrary. As instances of propositions made with regard to a universal, but not of universal character, we may take the propositions 'man is white', 'man is not white'. 'Man' is a universal, but the proposition is not made as of universal character; for the word 'every' does not make the subject a universal, but rather gives the proposition a 1 Read a comma after ἐκαστον 1. 1, a colon after ἐκαστον 1. 3, and place λέγω...οὐδεὶς ἀνθρωπος λευκός, ll. 5, 6, in brackets, followed by a colon. Bonitz has thus cleared up the construction of the sentence. universal character. If, however, both predicate and subject are distributed, the proposition thus constituted is contrary to truth; no affirmation will, under such circumstances, be true. The proposition 'every man is every animal' is an example of this type. An affirmation is opposed to a denial in the sense which I denote by the term 'contradictory', when, while the subject remains the same, the affirmation is of universal character and the denial is not. The affirmation 'every man is white' is the contradictory of the denial 'not every man is white', or again, the proposition 'no man is white' is the contradictory of the proposition 'some men are white'.¹ But propositions are opposed as contraries when both the affirmation and the denial are universal, as in the sentences 'every man is white', 'no man is white', 'every man is just', 'no man is just'. We see that in a pair of this sort both propositions cannot be true, but the contradictories of a pair of contraries can sometimes both be true with reference to the same subject; for instance 'not every man is white' and 'some men are white' are both true. Of such corresponding positive and negative propositions as refer to universals and have a universal character,² one must be true and the other false. This is the case also when the reference is to individuals, as in the propositions 'Socrates is white', 'Socrates is not white'. When, on the other hand, the reference is to universals, but the propositions are not universal, it is not always the case that one is true and the other false, for it is possible to state truly that man is white and that man is not white and that man is beautiful and that man is not beautiful; for if a man is deformed he is the reverse of beautiful, also if he is progressing towards beauty he is not yet beautiful. This statement might seem at first sight to carry with it ¹ A contraries E contradictories O Every man is white = A No man is white = E Some men are white = I Not every man is white = O ² Strictly 'one of which has a universal character'. a contradiction, owing to the fact that the proposition 'man is not white' appears to be equivalent to the proposition 'no man is white'. This, however, is not the case, nor are they necessarily at the same time true or false. It is evident also that the denial corresponding to a single affirmation is itself single; for the denial must deny just that which the affirmation affirms concerning the same subject, and must correspond with the affirmation both in the universal or particular character of the subject and in the distributed or undistributed sense in which it is understood. For instance, the affirmation 'Socrates is white' has its proper denial in the proposition 'Socrates is not white'. If anything else be negatively predicated of the subject or if anything else be the subject though the predicate remain the same, the denial will not be the denial proper to that affirmation, but one that is distinct. The denial proper to the affirmation 'every man is white' is 'not every man is white'; that proper to the affirmation 'some men are white' is 'no man is white', while that proper to the affirmation 'man is white' is 'man is not white'. We have shown further that a single denial is contradictorily opposite to a single affirmation and we have explained which these are; we have also stated that contrary are distinct from contradictory propositions and which the contrary are; also that with regard to a pair of opposite propositions it is not always the case that one is true and the other false.$^1$ We have pointed out, moreover, what the reason of this is and under what circumstances the truth of the one involves the falsity of the other. 8 An affirmation or denial is single, if it indicates some one fact about some one subject; it matters not whether the subject is universal and whether the statement has a universal character, or whether this is not so. Such single $^1$ By the words ἀληθῆς ἥ ψευδῆς, as Waitz explains, Aristotle means ἀντίφασις, τὴν μὲν ἀεὶ ἔχουσα ἀληθῆ, τὴν δὲ ψευδῆ. The subcontraries, that is, contradictories of the contraries, may both be true. Cf. 17b 31. propositions are: 'every man is white', 'not every man is white'; 'man is white', 'man is not white'; 'no man is white', 'some men are white'; provided the word 'white' has one meaning. If, on the other hand, one word has two meanings which do not combine to form one, the affirmation is not single.\footnote{1} For instance, if a man should establish the symbol 'garment' as significant both of a horse and of a man, the proposition 'garment is white' would not be a single affirmation, nor its opposite a single denial. For it is equivalent to the proposition 'horse and man are white', which, again, is equivalent to the two propositions 'horse is white', 'man is white'. If, then, these two propositions have more than a single significance, and do not form a single proposition, it is plain that the first proposition either has more than one significance or else has none; for a particular man is not a horse. This, then, is another instance of those propositions of which both the positive and the negative forms may be true or false simultaneously. In the case of that which is or which has taken place, propositions, whether positive or negative, must be true or false. Again, in the case of a pair of contradictories, either when the subject is universal and the propositions are of a universal character,\footnote{2} or when it is individual, as has been said,\footnote{3} one of the two must be true and the other false; whereas when the subject is universal, but the propositions are not of a universal character, there is no such necessity. We have discussed this type also in a previous chapter.\footnote{4} When the subject, however, is individual, and that which is predicated of it relates to the future, the case is altered.\footnote{5} \footnote{1}{Omit \textit{o}\textsuperscript{\text{o}}\textit{d}\textit{e} \textit{a}\textit{π}\textit{p}\textit{θ}\textit{α}\textit{σ}\textit{i}s \textit{μ}\textit{i}\textit{a} in l. 19 with B, Amm., and Waitz.} \footnote{2}{Aristotle means that if you start with a universal proposition (A or E) and take the corresponding negation (by which he means O or I), one must be true and the other false.} \footnote{3}{Cf. 17\textsuperscript{b} 26-9.} \footnote{4}{Cf. 17\textsuperscript{b} 29-37.} \footnote{5}{In this chapter, as Pacius points out, Aristotle deals with four possible theories as to contradictory propositions concerning the future: (1) that both are true; this he refutes, 18\textsuperscript{a} 34-9, by implication; (2) that one is true and the other false determinately; this he deals with at length; (3) that both are false; this he dismisses, 18\textsuperscript{b} 16-25; (4) that one is true and the other false, indeterminately; this last he commends, 19\textsuperscript{a} 23-\textsuperscript{b} 4.} For if all propositions whether positive or negative$^1$ are either true or false, then any given predicate must either belong to the subject or not, so that if one man affirms that an event of a given character will take place and another denies it, it is plain that the statement of the one will correspond with reality and that of the other will not. For the predicate cannot both belong and not belong to the subject at one and the same time with regard to the future. Thus, if it is true to say that a thing is white, it must necessarily be white; if the reverse proposition is true, it will of necessity not be white. Again, if it is white, the proposition stating that it is white was true; if it is not white, the proposition to the opposite effect was true. And if it is not white, the man who states that it is is making a false statement; and if the man who states that it is white is making a false statement, it follows that it is not white. It may therefore be argued that it is necessary that affirmations or denials must be either true or false. Now if this be so, nothing is or takes place fortuitously, either in the present or in the future, and there are no real alternatives; everything takes place of necessity and is fixed. For either he that affirms that it will take place or he that denies this is in correspondence with fact, whereas if things did not take place of necessity, an event might just as easily not happen as happen; for the meaning of the word ‘fortuitous’ with regard to present or future events is that reality is so constituted that it may issue in either of two opposite directions. Again, if a thing is white now, it was true before to say that it would be white, so that of anything that has taken place it was always true to say ‘it is’ or ‘it will be’. But if it was always true to say that a thing is or will be, it is not possible that it should not be or not be about to be, and when a thing cannot not come to be, it is impossible --- $^1$ In 18$^a$ 34, 38 Bekker reads καὶ, but it seems better to adhere to the reading ὅ, which is that of B, C, Amm., and Waitz, since the phrase occurs in $^a$ 29, $^b$ 4 in the same sense: i.e. propositions, whether positive or negative. that it should not come to be, and when it is impossible that it should not come to be, it must come to be. All, then, that is about to be must of necessity take place. It results from this that nothing is uncertain or fortuitous, for if it were fortuitous it would not be necessary. Again, to say that neither the affirmation nor the denial is true, maintaining, let us say, that an event neither will take place nor will not take place, is to take up a position impossible to defend. In the first place, though facts should prove the one proposition false, the opposite would still be untrue.$^1$ Secondly, if it was true to say that a thing was both white and large, both these qualities must necessarily belong to it; and if they will belong to it the next day,$^2$ they must necessarily belong to it the next day.$^3$ But if an event is neither to take place nor not to take place the next day, the element of chance will be eliminated.$^4$ For example, it would be necessary that a sea-fight should neither take place nor fail to take place on the next day. These awkward results and others of the same kind follow, if it is an irrefragable law that of every pair of contradictory propositions, whether they have regard to universals and are stated as universally applicable, or whether they have regard to individuals, one must be true and the other false, and that there are no real alternatives, but that all that is or takes place is the outcome of necessity. There would be no need to deliberate or to take trouble, on the supposition that if we should adopt a certain course, a certain result would follow, while, if we did not, the result would not follow. For a man may predict an event ten thousand years beforehand, and another may predict the reverse; that which was truly predicted at the moment in the past will$^5$ of necessity take place in the fullness of time. $^1$ sc. ‘ex hypothesi’: and thus the Law of Excluded Middle would be violated’. $^2$ Or: ‘if it was true to say that they would belong to it’; and below: ‘if it was true to say that an event...’. Possibly Pacius is right in his contention that ἀληθῆς ὦν εἰπεῖν ὅτι should be understood after εἰ δὲ in both cases. $^3$ 18b 23 read ἵπάρξει εἰς αὐτὸν with A, B, Amm., and Waitz. $^4$ sc. ‘and thus this suggestion does not prove any amendment on the first’. $^5$ sc. ‘on our hypothesis’. Further, it makes no difference whether people have or have not actually made the contradictory statements. For it is manifest that the circumstances are not influenced by the fact of an affirmation or denial on the part of anyone. For events will not take place or fail to take place because it was stated that they would or would not take place, nor is this any more the case if the prediction dates back ten thousand years or any other space of time. Wherefore, if through all time the nature of things was so constituted that a prediction about an event was true, then through all time it was necessary that that prediction should find fulfilment; and with regard to all events, circumstances have always been such that their occurrence is a matter of necessity. For that of which someone has said truly that it will be, cannot fail to take place; and of that which takes place, it was always true to say that it would be. Yet this view leads to an impossible conclusion; for we see that both deliberation and action are causative with regard to the future, and that, to speak more generally, in those things which are not continuously actual there is a potentiality in either direction. Such things may either be or not be; events also therefore may either take place or not take place. There are many obvious instances of this. It is possible that this coat may be cut in half, and yet it may not be cut in half, but wear out first. In the same way, it is possible that it should not be cut in half; unless this were so, it would not be possible that it should wear out first. So it is therefore with all other events which possess this kind of potentiality. It is therefore plain that it is not of necessity that everything is or takes place; but in some instances there are real alternatives, in which case the affirmation is no more true and no more false than the denial; while some exhibit a predisposition and general tendency in one direction or the other, and yet can issue in the opposite direction by exception. Now that which is must needs be when it is, and that which is not must needs not be when it is not. Yet it can- 1 sc. 'on our hypothesis'. 2 Bonitz has pointed out that ὑπὸμεν l. 7—τοιαύτη l. 18 is parenthetical, φανερόν beginning the apodosis of the main sentence. not be said without qualification that all existence and non-existence is the outcome of necessity. For there is a difference between saying that that which is, when it is, must needs be, and simply saying that all that is must needs be, and similarly in the case of that which is not. In the case, also, of two contradictory propositions this holds good. Everything must either be or not be, whether in the present or in the future, but it is not always possible to distinguish and state determinately which of these alternatives must necessarily come about. Let me illustrate. A sea-fight must either take place to-morrow or not, but it is not necessary that it should take place to-morrow, neither is it necessary that it should not take place, yet it is necessary that it either should or should not take place to-morrow. Since propositions correspond with facts, it is evident that when in future events there is a real alternative, and a potentiality in contrary directions, the corresponding affirmation and denial have the same character. This is the case with regard to that which is not always existent or not always non-existent. One of the two propositions in such instances must be true and the other false, but we cannot say determinately that this or that is false, but must leave the alternative undecided. One may indeed be more likely to be true than the other, but it cannot be either actually true or actually false. It is therefore plain that it is not necessary that of an affirmation and a denial one should be true and the other false.$^1$ For in the case of that which exists potentially, but not actually, the rule which applies to that which exists actually does not hold good. The case is rather as we have indicated. An affirmation is the statement of a fact with regard to a subject, and this subject is either a noun or that which has no name; the subject and predicate in an affirmation must each denote a single thing. I have already explained what is meant by a noun and by that which has no name; for I stated that the expression ‘not-man’ was not a noun, in the proper sense of the word, but an indefinite noun, denoting $^1$ sc. ἀφωμισμένος ‘determinately’. $^2$ Cf. 16$^a$ 19, 30. as it does in a certain sense a single thing. Similarly the expression 'does not enjoy health' is not a verb proper, but an indefinite verb. Every affirmation, then, and every denial, will consist of a noun and a verb, either definite or indefinite. There can be no affirmation or denial without a verb; for the expressions 'is', 'will be', 'was', 'is coming to be', and the like are verbs according to our definition, since besides their specific meaning they convey the notion of time. Thus the primary affirmation and denial are as follows: 'man is', 'man is not'. Next to these, there are the propositions: 'not-man is', 'not-man is not'. Again we have the propositions: 'every man is', 'every man is not', 'all that is not-man is', 'all that is not-man is not'. The same classification holds good with regard to such periods of time as lie outside the present. When the verb 'is' is used as a third element in the sentence, there can be positive and negative propositions of two sorts. Thus in the sentence 'man is just' the verb 'is' is used as a third element, call it verb or noun, which you will. Four propositions, therefore, instead of two can be formed with these materials. Two of the four, as regards their affirmation and denial, correspond in their logical sequence with the propositions which deal with a condition of privation; the other two do not correspond with these. 1 Waitz argues that the use of the word προσκατηγορέται implies that the verb 'to be' is not here regarded as a copula, i.e. that the sentence ἐστὶ δίκαιος ἀνθρωπός should be translated 'there is a just man'. As a matter of fact, however, when interpreted as strictly indefinite, the proposition 'man is just' means exactly the same as the proposition 'there is a just man'. An objection to Waitz's contention is that Aristotle expressly refuses to define the function of ἐστί in these propositions, but calls it ὄνομα η βῆμα. It is difficult to see why it should not be defined as βῆμα, if it were being used in its independent sense. Besides this, in the form of proposition adopted by Waitz 'just man' is one term; the whole therefore consists not of three elements, but of two. 2 Four propositions, not four pairs of propositions. The objection to Grote's rendering lies in the fact that while he translates τέτταρα here as 'four pairs', he makes τὰ μὲν δύο mean one pair (i.e. the second pair of the first quaternion) and τὰ δὲ δύο another single pair (i.e. the second pair of the second quaternion, of which οὐκ ἀνθρωπός is the subject). 3 In the subjoined table to which Aristotle refers, D follows from A and B from C and the sequence is the same as it would be if 'unjust' were substituted for 'not-just'. 4 Let c represent the proposition 'man is unjust' and d the proposiI mean that the verb 'is' is added either to the term 'just' or to the term 'not-just', and two negative propositions are formed in the same way. Thus we have the four propositions. Reference to the subjoined table will make matters clear: A. Affirmation. Man is just. B. Denial. Man is not just. D. Denial. Man is not not-just. C. Affirmation. Man is not-just. Here 'is' and 'is not' are added either to 'just' or to 'not-just'. This then is the proper scheme for these propositions, as has been said in the Analytics. The same rule holds good, if the subject is distributed. Thus we have the table: A'. Affirmation. Every man is just. B'. Denial. Not every man is just. D'. Denial. Not every man is [not-just. C'. Affirmation. Every man is [not-just. Yet here it is not possible, in the same way as in the former case, that the propositions joined in the table by a diagonal line should both be true; though under certain circumstances this is the case. We have thus set out two pairs of opposite propositions; there are moreover two other pairs,¹ if a term be conjoined² with ‘not-man’, the latter forming a kind of subject. Thus: A”. Not-man is just. B”. Not-man is not just. D”. Not-man is not not-just. C”. Not-man is not-just. This is an exhaustive enumeration of all the pairs of opposite propositions that can possibly be framed. This last group should remain distinct from those which preceded it, since it employs as its subject the expression ‘not-man’. When the verb ‘is’ does not fit the structure of the sentence (for instance, when the verbs ‘walks’, ‘enjoys health’ are used), that scheme applies, which applied when the word ‘is’ was added. Thus we have the propositions: ‘every man enjoys health’, ‘every man does-not-enjoy-health’, ‘all that is not-man enjoys health’, ‘all that is not-man does-not-enjoy-health’. We must not in these propositions use the expression ‘not every man’. The negative must be attached to the word ‘man’, for the word ‘every’ does not give to the subject a universal significance, but implies that, as a subject, it is distributed. This is plain from the following pairs: ‘man enjoys health’, ‘man does not enjoy health’; ‘not-man enjoys health’, ‘not-man does not enjoy health’. These propositions differ from the former in being indefinite and not universal in character. Thus the adjectives ‘every’ and ‘no’ have no additional significance except that the subject, whether in a positive or in a negative sentence, is distributed. The rest of the sentence, therefore, will in each case be the same. Since the contrary of the proposition ‘every animal is just’ is ‘no animal is just’, it is plain that these two proposi- ¹ Here δύο must mean two pairs, whereas τὰ μὲν δύο in l. 23 means two propositions. This irregularity is not impossible, and the use of the feminine here (ἀντιφάσεις being understood) as opposed to the neuter above makes all the difference. ² Read προστεθέντος in l. 38 with A, B, C, Amm., and Waitz. tions will never both be true at the same time or with reference to the same subject. Sometimes, however, the contradictories of these contraries will both be true, as in the instance before us: the propositions 'not every animal is just' and 'some animals are just' are both true. Further, the proposition 'no man is just' follows from the proposition 'every man is not-just' and the proposition 'not every man is not-just', which is the opposite of 'every man is not-just', follows from the proposition 'some men are just'; for if this be true, there must be some just men. It is evident, also, that when the subject is individual, if a question is asked and the negative answer is the true one, a certain positive proposition is also true. Thus, if the question were asked 'Is Socrates wise?' and the negative answer were the true one, the positive inference 'Then Socrates is unwise' is correct. But no such inference is correct in the case of universals, but rather a negative proposition. For instance, if to the question 'Is every man wise?' the answer is 'no', the inference 'Then every man is unwise' is false. But under these circumstances the inference 'Not every man is wise' is correct. This last is the contradictory, the former the contrary.$^1$ Negative expressions,$^2$ which consist of an indefinite noun or predicate, such as 'not-man' or 'not-just', may seem to be denials containing neither noun nor verb in the proper sense of the words. But they are not. For a denial must always be either true or false, and he that uses the expression 'not-man', if nothing more be added, is not nearer but rather further from making a true or a false statement than he who uses the expression 'man'.$^3$ The propositions 'everything that is not man is just', and the contradictory of this, are not equivalent to any of the other propositions; on the other hand, the proposition 'everything that is not man is not just' is equivalent to the proposition 'nothing that is not man is just'. $^1$ sc. 'to that which would form the positive answer to the question'. $^2$ ai . . . ἀντικείμενα agrees loosely with the succeeding ἀποφάσεις, although the noun is not really applicable. $^3$ Presumably because the indefinite noun has less complete meaning than the noun proper. The conversion of the position of subject and predicate in a sentence involves no difference in its meaning. Thus we say 'man is white' and 'white is man'. If these were not equivalent, there would be more than one contradictory to the same proposition, whereas it has been demonstrated that each proposition has one proper contradictory and one only. For of the proposition 'man is white' the appropriate contradictory is 'man is not white', and of the proposition 'white is man', if its meaning be different, the contradictory will either be 'white is not not-man' or 'white is not man'. Now the former of these is the contradictory of the proposition 'white is not-man', and the latter of these is the contradictory of the proposition 'man is white'; thus there will be two contradictories to one proposition. It is evident, therefore, that the inversion of the relative position of subject and predicate does not affect the sense of affirmations and denials. There is no unity about an affirmation or denial which, either positively or negatively, predicates one thing of many subjects, or many things of the same subject, unless that which is indicated by the many is really some one thing. I do not apply this word 'one' to those things which, though they have a single recognized name, yet do not combine to form a unity. Thus, man may be an animal, and biped, and domesticated, but these three predicates combine to form a unity. On the other hand, the predicates 'white', 'man', and 'walking' do not thus combine. Neither, therefore, if these three form the subject of an affirmation, nor if they form its predicate, is there any unity about that affirmation. In both cases the unity is linguistic, but not real. 1 Aristotle has in mind the case where the inversion is purely rhetorical, 'man' remaining grammatical subject. 2 Cf. 17b 38. 3 Aristotle really begs the question here, when he states that 'white is not man' is the denial of 'man is white'. Pacius explains that 'man is not white' and 'man is white' are in exactly the same relation each to each as 'white is not man' and 'man is white', and that therefore 'white is not man' and 'man is not white' are identical. This seems fair, but is in itself sufficient to prove the point at issue at once. The argument of the whole, therefore, is unnecessarily complicated. If therefore the dialectical question is a request for an answer, i.e. either for the admission of a premiss or for the admission of one of two contradictories—and the premiss is itself always one of two contradictories—the answer to such a question as contains the above predicates cannot be a single proposition.$^1$ For as I have explained in the Topics,$^2$ the question is not a single one, even if the answer asked for is true. At the same time it is plain that a question of the form ‘what is it?’ is not a dialectical question, for a dialectical questioner must by the form of his question give his opponent the chance of announcing one of two alternatives, whichever he wishes. He must therefore put the question into a more definite form, and inquire, e.g., whether man has such and such a characteristic or not. Some combinations of predicates are such that the separate predicates unite to form a single predicate. Let us consider under what conditions this is and is not possible. We may either state in two separate propositions that man is an animal and that man is a biped, or we may combine the two, and state that man is an animal with two feet. Similarly we may use ‘man’ and ‘white’ as separate predicates, or unite them into one. Yet if a man is a shoemaker and is also good, we cannot construct a composite proposition and say that he is a good shoemaker. For if, whenever two separate predicates truly belong to a subject, it follows that the predicate resulting from their combination also truly belongs to the subject, many absurd results ensue. For instance, a man is man and white. Therefore, if predicates may always be combined, he is a white man. Again, if the predicate ‘white’ belongs to him, then the combination of that predicate with the former composite predicate will be permissible. Thus it will be right to say that he is a --- $^1$ Aristotle has shown that the affirmation which contains more than one predicate is not single: he here proves the same about the dialectical question of the same type, and its answer. Incidentally he refutes the argument that the reason why the question and answer are not single lies in the fact that the question is alternative in form, pointing out that a dialectical question is always implicitly alternative even if the second part is not expressed. $^2$ Topica, viii. 7; Soph. El. 169$^a$6, 175$^b$39 sqq., 181$^a$36 sqq. white white man and so on indefinitely. Or, again, we may combine the predicates 'musical', 'white', and 'walking', and these may be combined many times.$^1$ Similarly we may say that Socrates is Socrates and a man, and that therefore he is the man Socrates, or that Socrates is a man and a biped, and that therefore he is a two-footed man.$^2$ Thus it is manifest that if a man states unconditionally that predicates can always be combined, many absurd consequences ensue. We will now explain what ought to be laid down. Those predicates, and terms forming the subject of predication, which are accidental either to the same subject or to one another, do not combine to form a unity. Take the proposition 'man is white of complexion and musical'. Whiteness and being musical do not coalesce to form a unity, for they belong only accidentally to the same subject. Nor yet, if it were true to say that that which is white is musical, would the terms 'musical' and 'white' form a unity, for it is only incidentally that that which is musical is white; the combination of the two will, therefore, not form a unity. Thus, again, whereas, if a man is both good and a shoemaker, we cannot combine the two propositions and say simply that he is a good shoemaker,$^3$ we are, at the same time, able to combine the predicates 'animal' and 'biped' and say that a man is an animal with two feet, for these predicates are not accidental. Those predicates, again, cannot form a unity, of which the one is implicit in the other: thus we cannot combine the predicate 'white' again and again with that which already contains the notion 'white', nor is it right to call a man an animal-man or a two-footed man; for the notions 'animal' and 'biped' are implicit in the word 'man'. On the other hand, it is possible to predicate a term simply of $^1$ Omit εἰς ἀπειρον in l. 2 with B, C, Amm., and Waitz. $^2$ 21$^{a}$ 3, 4. The reading of A, B, Amm.: i.e. ἐπὶ εἰ ὁ Σωκράτης Σωκράτης καὶ ἀνθρωπος, καὶ Σωκράτης ἀνθρωπος καὶ δίπους, καὶ ἀνθρωπος δίπους, is here chosen, since that of C, which Bekker adopts, does not seem to give any satisfactory sense, and is not intrinsically more likely to be correct. $^3$ Omit ὅ in l. 14 with C. any one instance, and to say that some one particular man is a man or that some one white man is a white man. Yet this is not always possible: indeed, when in the adjunct there is some opposite which involves a contradiction, the predication of the simple term is impossible. Thus it is not right to call a dead man a man. When, however, this is not the case, it is not impossible. Yet the facts of the case might rather be stated thus: when some such opposite elements are present, resolution is never possible, but when they are not present, resolution is nevertheless not always possible. Take the proposition 'Homer is so-and-so', say 'a poet'; does it follow that Homer is, or does it not? The verb 'is' is here used of Homer only incidentally, the proposition being that Homer is a poet, not that he is, in the independent sense of the word. Thus, in the case of those predications which have within them no contradiction when the nouns are expanded into definitions, and wherein the predicates belong to the subject$^1$ in their own proper sense and not in any indirect way, the individual may be the subject of the simple propositions as well as of the composite. But in the case of that which is not, it is not true to say that because it is the object of opinion, it is; for the opinion held about it is that it is not, not that it is. As these distinctions have been made, we must consider the mutual relation of those affirmations and denials which assert or deny possibility or contingency, impossibility or necessity: for the subject is not without difficulty. We admit that of composite expressions those are contradictory each to each which have the verb 'to be' in its positive and negative form respectively. Thus the contradictory of the proposition 'man is' is 'man is not', not 'not-man is', and the contradictory of 'man is white' is 'man is not white', not 'man is not-white'. For otherwise, since either the positive or the negative proposition is true of any subject, it will turn out true to say that a piece of wood is a man that is not white.$^2$ $^1$ Reading κατηγορεῖται in l. 30. $^2$ It is plain that if two propositions are contradictory, either one or Now if this is the case, in those propositions which do not contain the verb 'to be' the verb which takes its place will exercise the same function. Thus the contradictory of 'man walks' is 'man does not walk', not 'not-man walks'; for to say 'man walks' is merely equivalent to saying 'man is walking'. If then this rule is universal, the contradictory of 'it may be' is 'it may not be', not 'it cannot be'.¹ Now it appears that the same thing both may and may not be; for instance, everything that may be cut or may walk may also escape cutting and refrain from walking; and the reason is that those things that have potentiality in this sense are not always actual. In such cases, both the positive and the negative propositions will be true; for that which is capable of walking or of being seen has also a potentiality in the opposite direction. But since it is impossible that contradictory propositions should both be true of the same subject, it follows that 'it may not be' is not the contradictory of 'it may be'. For it is a logical consequence of what we have said, either that the same predicate can be both applicable and inapplicable to one and the same subject at the same time, or that it is not by the addition of the verbs 'be' and 'not be', respectively, that positive and negative propositions are formed. If the former of these alternatives must be rejected, we must choose the latter. The contradictory, then, of 'it may be' is 'it cannot be'. The same rule applies to the proposition 'it is contingent that it should be'; the contradictory of this is 'it is not contingent that it should be'. The similar propositions, such as 'it is necessary' and 'it is impossible', may be dealt with in the same manner. For it comes about that just as in the former instances the verbs 'is' and 'is not' were added to the subject-matter of the sentence 'white' and 'man', so here 'that it should be' and 'that it should not be' the other predicate must belong to any subject. Thus, since the proposition 'a piece of wood is a white man' is not true, the contradictory of this proposition must be true. ¹ εἰ . . . δυνατὸν εἶναι ³⁸–b 12 forms one sentence, εἰ . . . ἀνθρωπον b 3–5 and οὐδὲν . . . βαδίζοντα εἶναι b 9, 10 being parentheses within it. So Bonitz. are the subject-matter and 'is possible', 'is contingent', are added. These indicate that a certain thing is or is not possible, just as in the former instances 'is' and 'is not' indicated that certain things were or were not the case. The contradictory, then, of 'it may not be' is not 'it cannot be', but 'it cannot not be', and the contradictory of 'it may be' is not 'it may not be', but 'it cannot be'. Thus the propositions 'it may be' and 'it may not be' appear each to imply the other: for, since these two propositions are not contradictory, the same thing both may and may not be. But the propositions 'it may be' and 'it cannot be' can never be true of the same subject at the same time, for they are contradictory. Nor can the propositions 'it may not be' and 'it cannot not be' be at once true of the same subject. The propositions which have to do with necessity are governed by the same principle. The contradictory of 'it is necessary that it should be' is not 'it is necessary that it should not be', but 'it is not necessary that it should be', and the contradictory of 'it is necessary that it should not be' is 'it is not necessary that it should not be'. Again, the contradictory of 'it is impossible that it should be' is not 'it is impossible that it should not be' but 'it is not impossible that it should be', and the contradictory of 'it is impossible that it should not be' is 'it is not impossible that it should not be'. To generalize, we must, as has been stated, define the clauses 'that it should be' and 'that it should not be' as the subject-matter of the propositions, and in making these terms into affirmations and denials we must combine them with 'that it should be' and 'that it should not be' respectively. We must consider the following pairs as contradictory propositions: \| It may be. \| It cannot be. \| \|------------\|---------------\| \| It is contingent. \| It is not contingent. \| \| It is impossible. \| It is not impossible. \| \| It is necessary. \| It is not necessary. \| \| It is true. \| It is not true. \| 1 Omit the comma in l. 31 with Maier. 2 sc. possible, contingent, impossible, necessary. Logical sequences follow in due course when we have arranged the propositions thus. From the proposition 'it may be' it follows that it is contingent, and the relation is reciprocal. It follows also that it is not impossible and not necessary. From the proposition 'it may not be' or 'it is contingent that it should not be' it follows that it is not necessary that it should not be and that it is not impossible that it should not be. From the proposition 'it cannot be' or 'it is not contingent' it follows that it is necessary that it should not be and that it is impossible that it should be. From the proposition 'it cannot not be' or 'it is not contingent that it should not be' it follows that it is necessary that it should be and that it is impossible that it should not be. Let us consider these statements by the help of a table: A. It may be. It is contingent. It is not impossible that it should be. It is not necessary that it should be. B. It cannot be. It is not contingent. It is impossible that it should be. It is necessary that it should not be. C. It may not be. It is contingent that it should not be. It is not impossible that it should not be. It is not necessary that it should not be. D. It cannot not be. It is not contingent that it should not be. It is impossible that it should not be. It is necessary that it should be. Now the propositions 'it is impossible that it should be' and 'it is not impossible that it should be' are consequent upon the propositions 'it may be', 'it is contingent', and 'it cannot be', 'it is not contingent', the contradictories upon the contradictories. But there is inversion. 1 Read δυνατός in a 15, 17, 19, 20, 34, 36, b 18, 24, and ἐνδεχομένος in a 17, 19, 21, with A, B, and, in most cases, C. 2 Aristotle here gives the wrong denial to οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι. Pacius explains that he is here following former logicians, in order to expose their false reasoning. In 22b 10 he points out the flaw and in 22b 22 gives the correct table, exchanging the position of οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι and οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον μὴ εἶναι. of the proposition 'it is impossible' is consequent upon the proposition 'it may be' and the corresponding positive in the first case upon the negative in the second. For 'it is impossible' is a positive proposition and 'it is not impossible' is negative. We must investigate the relation subsisting between these propositions and those which predicate necessity. That there is a distinction is clear. In this case, contrary propositions follow respectively from contradictory propositions, and the contradictory propositions belong to separate sequences. For the proposition 'it is not necessary that it should be' is not the negative of 'it is necessary that it should not be', for both these propositions may be true of the same subject; for when it is necessary that a thing should not be, it is not necessary that it should be. The reason why the propositions predicating necessity do not follow in the same kind of sequence as the rest, lies in the fact that the proposition 'it is impossible' is equivalent, when used with a contrary subject, to the proposition 'it is necessary'. For when it is impossible that a thing should be, it is necessary, not that it should be, but that it should not be, and when it is impossible that a thing should not be, it is necessary that it should be. Thus, if the propositions predicating impossibility or non-impossibility follow without change of subject from those predicating possibility or non-possibility, those predicating necessity must follow with the contrary subject; for the propositions 'it is impossible' and 'it is necessary' are not equivalent, but, as has been said, inversely connected. Yet perhaps it is impossible that the contradictory propositions predicating necessity should be thus arranged. For when it is necessary that a thing should be, it is possible that it should be. (For if not, the opposite follows, since one or the other must follow; so, if it is not possible, it is impossible, and it is thus impossible that a thing should be, which must necessarily be; which is absurd.) Yet from the proposition 'it may be' it follows that it is not impossible, and from that it follows that it is not necessary; it comes about therefore that the thing which must necessarily be need not be; which is absurd. But again, the proposition 'it is necessary that it should be' does not follow from the proposition 'it may be', nor does the proposition 'it is necessary that it should not be'. For the proposition 'it may be' implies a twofold possibility, while, if either of the two former propositions is true, the twofold possibility vanishes. For if a thing may be, it may also not be, but if it is necessary that it should be or that it should not be, one of the two alternatives will be excluded. It remains, therefore, that the proposition 'it is not necessary that it should not be' follows from the proposition 'it may be'. For this is true also of that which must necessarily be. Moreover the proposition 'it is not necessary that it should not be' is the contradictory of that which follows from the proposition 'it cannot be'; for 'it cannot be' is followed by 'it is impossible that it should be' and by 'it is necessary that it should not be', and the contradictory of this is the proposition 'it is not necessary that it should not be'. Thus in this case also contradictory propositions follow contradictory in the way indicated, and no logical impossibilities occur when they are thus arranged. It may be questioned whether the proposition 'it may be' follows from the proposition 'it is necessary that it should be'. If not, the contradictory must follow, namely that it cannot be, or, if a man should maintain that this is not the contradictory, then the proposition 'it may not be'. Now both of these are false of that which necessarily is. At the same time, it is thought that if a thing may be cut it may also not be cut, if a thing may be it may also not be, and thus it would follow that a thing which must necessarily be may possibly not be; which is false. It is evident, then, that it is not always the case that that which may be or may walk possesses also a potentiality in the other direction. There are exceptions. In the first place we must except those things which possess a potentiality not in accordance with a rational principle, as fire possesses the potentiality of giving out heat, that is, an irrational capacity. Those potentialities which involve a rational principle are potentialities of more than one result, that is, of contrary results; those that are irrational are not always thus constituted. As I have said, fire cannot both heat and not heat, neither has anything that is always actual any twofold potentiality. Yet some even of those potentialities which are irrational admit of opposite results. However, thus much has been said to emphasize the truth that it is not every potentiality which admits of opposite results, even where the word is used always in the same sense. But in some cases the word is used equivocally. For the term ‘possible’ is ambiguous, being used in the one case with reference to facts, to that which is actualized, as when a man is said to find walking possible because he is actually walking, and generally when a capacity is predicated because it is actually realized; in the other case, with reference to a state in which realization is conditionally practicable, as when a man is said to find walking possible because under certain conditions he would walk. This last sort of potentiality belongs only to that which can be in motion, the former can exist also in the case of that which has not this power. Both of that which is walking and is actual, and of that which has the capacity though not necessarily realized, it is true to say that it is not impossible that it should walk (or, in the other case, that it should be), but while we cannot predicate this latter kind of potentiality of that which is necessary in the unqualified sense of the word, we can predicate the former. Our conclusion, then, is this: that since the universal is consequent upon the particular, that which is necessary is also possible, though not in every sense in which the word may be used. We may perhaps state that necessity and its absence are 1 Aristotle alludes to the twofold potentiality possessed by inanimate things, in virtue of which they may be either affected or not affected, as, e.g., a cloak may be either cut or not cut. 2 Just as, if the species may be predicated of a certain thing, the genus or universal may also be predicated, so, if necessity is predicated of an event, possibility may also be predicated, provided that sense of the word which includes the negative possibility be rejected. the initial principles of existence and non-existence, and that all else must be regarded as posterior to these. It is plain from what has been said that that which is of necessity is actual. Thus, if that which is eternal is prior, actuality also is prior to potentiality.$^1$ Some things are actualities without potentiality, namely, the primary substances;$^2$ a second class consists of those things which are actual but also potential, whose actuality is in nature prior to their potentiality, though posterior in time;$^3$ a third class comprises those things which are never actualized, but are pure potentialities.$^4$ The question arises whether an affirmation finds its contrary in a denial or in another affirmation; whether the proposition ‘every man is just’ finds its contrary in the proposition ‘no man is just’, or in the proposition ‘every man is unjust’. Take the propositions ‘Callias is just’, ‘Callias is not just’, ‘Callias is unjust’; we have to discover which of these form contraries. Now if the spoken word corresponds with the judgement of the mind, and if, in thought, that judgement is the contrary of another, which pronounces a contrary fact, in the way, for instance, in which the judgement ‘every man is just’ pronounces a contrary to that pronounced by the judgement ‘every man is unjust’, the same must needs hold good with regard to spoken affirmations. But if, in thought, it is not the judgement which pronounces a contrary fact that is the contrary of another, then one affirmation will not find its contrary in another, but rather in the corresponding denial. We must therefore consider which true judgement is the contrary of the false, that which forms the denial of the false judgement or that which affirms the contrary fact. $^1$ The argument is this: the necessary is actual, the necessary is also a first principle, i.e. eternal, that which is eternal is prior, ∴ the actual is prior to the potential. $^2$ i.e. God and the intelligences that move the heavenly bodies. Cf. Met. A. 6 and Θ. 1050$^b$ 3–19. $^3$ i.e. τὰ φθαρτά. Cf. Met. Θ. 1049$^b$ 10–1050$^a$ 23. $^4$ Aristotle means such things as a maximal number, a minimal magnitude, or a void; cf. Met. Θ. 1048$^b$ 9–17. Let me illustrate. There is a true judgement concerning that which is good, that it is good; another, a false judgement, that it is not good; and a third, which is distinct, that it is bad. Which of these two is contrary to the true? And if they are one and the same, which mode of expression forms the contrary? It is an error to suppose that judgements are to be defined as contrary in virtue of the fact that they have contrary subjects; for the judgement concerning a good thing, that it is good, and that concerning a bad thing, that it is bad, may be one and the same, and whether they are so or not, they both represent the truth. Yet the subjects here are contrary. But judgements are not contrary because they have contrary subjects, but because they are to the contrary effect. Now if we take the judgement that that which is good is good, and another that it is not good, and if there are at the same time other attributes, which do not and cannot belong to the good, we must nevertheless refuse to treat as the contraries of the true judgement those which opine that some other attribute subsists which does not subsist, as also those that opine that some other attribute does not subsist which does subsist, for both these classes of judgement are of unlimited content.$^1$ Those judgements must rather be termed contrary to the true judgements, in which error is present. Now these judgements are those which are concerned with the starting points of generation, and generation is the passing from one extreme to its opposite;$^2$ therefore error is a like transition. Now that which is good is both good and not bad. The first quality is part of its essence, the second accidental; for it is by accident that it is not bad. But if that true judgement is most really true, which concerns the subject's intrinsic nature, then that false judgement likewise is most really false, which concerns its intrinsic nature. Now the judgement that that which is good is not good is a false judgement concerning its intrinsic nature, the judgement --- $^1$ sc. whereas there can be only one contrary. $^2$ For this sense of the word ἀντικείμενον cf. Met. Δ. 10. that it is bad is one concerning that which is accidental. Thus the judgement which denies the truth of the true judgement is more really false than that which positively asserts the presence of the contrary quality. But it is the man who forms that judgement which is contrary to the true who is most thoroughly deceived, for contraries are among the things which differ most widely within the same class.$^1$ If then of the two judgements one is contrary to the true judgement, but that which is contradictory is the more truly contrary, then the latter, it seems, is the real contrary.$^2$ The judgement that that which is good is bad is composite. For presumably the man who forms that judgement must at the same time understand that that which is good is not good. Further, the contradictory is either always the contrary or never; therefore, if it must necessarily be so in all other cases, our conclusion in the case just dealt with would seem to be correct. Now where terms have no contrary, that judgement is false, which forms the negative of the true; for instance, he who thinks a man is not a man forms a false judgement. If then in these cases the negative is the contrary, then the principle is universal in its application. Again, the judgement that that which is not good is not good is parallel with the judgement that that which is good is good. Besides these there is the judgement that that which is good is not good, parallel with the judgement that that which is not good is good. Let us consider, therefore, what would form the contrary of the true judgement that that which is not good is not good. The judgement that it is bad would, of course, fail to meet the case, since two true judgements are never contrary and this judgement might be true at the same time as that with $^1$ Cf. Cat. 6$^a$ 17. $^2$ The argument of this passage is, shortly, this: Error consists in the transition in thought from one judgement to its opposite extreme. The idea ‘not good’ is further removed from ‘good’ than the idea ‘bad’. $\therefore$ complete error consists in the transition from the judgement that that which is good is good to the judgement that it is not good. But (repeating the statement $\omega\delta\epsilon\mu\iota\nu\ \theta\epsilon\tau\epsilon\omega\nu\ldots\ \alpha\lambda\lambda'\ \epsilon\nu\ \delta\sigma\tau\alpha\ \epsilon\sigma\tau\iota\nu\ \eta\ \alpha\pi\alpha\tau\eta$) it is the man who holds the contrary judgement to the true who suffers most completely from error. $\therefore$ ‘not good’ is the contrary of ‘good’. which it is connected. For since some things which are not good are bad, both judgements may be true. Nor is the judgement that it is not bad the contrary, for this too might be true, since both qualities might be predicated of the same subject. It remains, therefore, that of the judgement concerning that which is not good, that it is not good, the contrary judgement is that it is good; for this is false. In the same way, moreover, the judgement concerning that which is good, that it is not good, is the contrary of the judgement that it is good. It is evident that it will make no difference if we universalize the positive judgement, for the universal negative judgement will form the contrary. For instance, the contrary of the judgement that everything that is good is good is that nothing that is good is good. For the judgement that that which is good is good, if the subject be understood in a universal sense, is equivalent to the judgement that whatever$^1$ is good is good, and this is identical with the judgement that everything that is good is good. We may deal similarly with judgements concerning that which is not good. If therefore this is the rule with judgements, and if spoken affirmations and denials are judgements expressed in words, it is plain that the universal denial is the contrary of the affirmation about the same subject. Thus the propositions ‘everything good is good’, ‘every man is good’, have for their contraries the propositions ‘nothing good is good’, ‘no man is good’. The contradictory propositions, on the other hand, are ‘not everything good is good’, ‘not every man is good’. It is evident, also, that neither true judgements nor true propositions$^2$ can be contrary the one to the other. For whereas, when two propositions are true, a man may state both at the same time without inconsistency, contrary propositions are those which state contrary conditions, and contrary conditions cannot subsist at one and the same time in the same subject. $^1$ Omit δ in l. 7 with C and Amm. $^2$ Read ἀντίφασιν in l. 7 with Amm. and Waitz. ANALYTICA PRIORA BY A. J. JENKINSON, M.A. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF BRASENOSE COLLEGE PREFACE This translation is based upon the text of Bekker. The notes show where I have deviated from it. I have obtained much help from the translation and commentary of Pacius, and especially with regard to the text from the edition of the Organon by Waitz. But my greatest obligations are due to Mr. W. D. Ross, who has placed his knowledge of Aristotle's thought and language so freely at my disposal that any merit which this work may have belongs to him rather than to me. A. J. J. The following is a list of the most common types of software that are used in the field of computer science: 1. Operating Systems: These are the programs that control the hardware and software resources of a computer system. 2. Programming Languages: These are the languages used to write computer programs. 3. Database Management Systems: These are the programs that manage and store data in a computer system. 4. Web Development Tools: These are the tools used to create websites and web applications. 5. Graphics Software: These are the programs used to create and edit digital images. 6. Video Editing Software: These are the programs used to edit video footage. 7. Audio Editing Software: These are the programs used to edit audio recordings. 8. CAD (Computer-Aided Design) Software: These are the programs used to create technical drawings and designs. 9. Animation Software: These are the programs used to create animated graphics and videos. 10. Game Development Tools: These are the tools used to create video games. 11. Data Analysis Software: These are the programs used to analyze and interpret data. 12. Project Management Software: These are the programs used to manage projects and tasks. 13. Collaboration Software: These are the programs used to collaborate with others on projects and tasks. 14. Security Software: These are the programs used to protect computer systems from cyber attacks. 15. Virtual Reality Software: These are the programs used to create virtual environments for gaming, training, and other purposes. CONTENTS BOOK I A. Structure of the Syllogism. 1. Preliminary Discussions. CHAP. 1. Subject and scope of the Analytics. Certain definitions and divisions. 2. Conversion of pure propositions. 3. Conversion of necessary and contingent propositions. 2. Exposition of the Three Figures. 4. Pure syllogisms in the first figure. 5. Pure syllogisms in the second figure. 6. Pure syllogisms in the third figure. 7. Common properties of the three figures. 8. Syllogisms with two necessary premisses. 9. Syllogisms with one pure and one necessary premiss in the first figure. 10. Syllogisms with one pure and one necessary premiss in the second figure. 11. Syllogisms with one pure and one necessary premiss in the third figure. 12. Comparison of pure and necessary conclusions. 13. Preliminary discussion of the contingent. 14. Syllogisms in the first figure with two contingent premisses. 15. Syllogisms in the first figure with one contingent and one pure premiss. 16. Syllogisms in the first figure with one contingent and one necessary premiss. 17. Syllogisms in the second figure with two contingent premisses. 18. Syllogisms in the second figure with one contingent and one pure premiss. 19. Syllogisms in the second figure with one contingent and one necessary premiss. 20. Syllogisms in the third figure with two contingent premisses. 21. Syllogisms in the third figure with one contingent and one pure premiss. 22. Syllogisms in the third figure with one contingent and one necessary premiss. 3. Supplementary Discussions. CHAP. 23. Every syllogism is in one of the three figures, is completed through the first figure, and reducible to a universal mood of the first figure. 24. Quality and quantity of the premisses of the syllogism. 25. Number of the terms, propositions, and conclusions. 26. The kinds of proposition to be established or disproved in each figure. B. Mode of discovery of arguments. 1. General. 27. Rules for categorical syllogisms, applicable to all problems. 28. Rules for categorical syllogisms, peculiar to different problems. 29. Rules for reductio ad impossibile, hypothetical syllogisms, and modal syllogisms. 30. 2. Proper to the several Sciences and Arts. 31. 3. Division. C. Analysis (1) of arguments into figures and moods of syllogism. 32. Rules for the choice of premisses, terms, middle term, figure. 33. Quantity of the premisses. 34. Concrete and abstract terms. 35. Expressions for which there is no one word. 36. The nominative and the oblique cases. 37. The various kinds of attribution. 38. Repetition of the same term. 39. Substitution of equivalent expressions. 40. The definite article. 41. Interpretation of certain expressions. 42. Analysis of composite syllogisms. 43. Analysis of definitions. 44. Analysis of arguments per impossibile and of other hypothetical syllogisms. 45. Analysis (2) of syllogisms in one figure into another. 46. 'Is not A' and 'is not-A'. CONTENTS BOOK II Properties and defects of syllogism; arguments akin to syllogism. A. Properties. CHAP. 1. The drawing of more than one conclusion from the same premisses. 2-4. The drawing of true conclusions from false premisses in the three figures. 5-7. Circular proof in the three figures. 8-10. Conversion in the three figures. 11-13. Reductio ad impossibile in the three figures. 14. Comparison of reductio ad impossibile and ostensive proof. 15. Reasoning from opposites. B. Defects. 16. Petitió principii. 17. False Cause. 18. Falsity of conclusion due to falsity in one or more premisses. 19. How to impede opposing arguments and conceal one’s own. 20. When refutation is possible. 21. Error. C. Arguments akin to Syllogism. 22. Rules for conversion and for the comparison of desirable and undesirable objects. 23. Induction. 24. Example. 25. Reduction. 26. Objection. 27. Enthymeme. The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form so that it can be securely transmitted or stored. 6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values. 7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other. 8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions. 9. Operating System (OS): A software program that manages computer hardware and software resources and provides common services for computer programs. 10. Programming Language: A formal language designed to express computations and control structures. 11. Query: A request for information from a database. 12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction. 13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do. 14. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal. 15. User Interface (UI): The part of a computer system that interacts with the user. 16. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of another computer system. 17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser. 18. XML: A markup language for structuring data in a way that can be easily parsed by computers. ANALYTICA PRIORA BOOK I I We must first state the subject of our inquiry and the faculty to which it belongs: its subject is demonstration and the faculty that carries it out demonstrative science. We must next define a premiss, a term, and a syllogism, and the nature of a perfect and of an imperfect syllogism; and after that, the inclusion or non-inclusion of one term in another as in a whole, and what we mean by predicating one term of all, or none, of another. A premiss then is a sentence affirming or denying one thing of another. This is either universal or particular or indefinite. By universal I mean the statement that something belongs to all or none of something else; by particular that it belongs to some or not to some or not to all; by indefinite that it does or does not belong, without any mark to show whether it is universal or particular, e.g. 'contraries are subjects of the same science', or 'pleasure is not good'. The demonstrative premiss differs from the dialectical, because the demonstrative premiss is the assertion of one of two contradictory statements (the demonstrator does not ask for his premiss, but lays it down), whereas the dialectical premiss depends on the adversary's choice between two contradictories. But this will make no difference to the production of a syllogism in either case; for both the demonstrator and the dialectician argue syllogistically after stating that something does or does not belong to something else. Therefore a syllogistic premiss without qualification will be an affirmation or denial of something concerning something else in the way we have described; it will be demonstrative, if it is true and obtained through the first principles of its science; while a dialectical premiss is the giving of a choice between two contradictories, when a man is proceeding by question, but when he is syllogizing it is the assertion of that which is apparent and generally admitted, as has been said in the Topics.$^1$ The nature then of a premiss and the difference between syllogistic, demonstrative, and dialectical premisses, may be taken as sufficiently defined by us in relation to our present need, but will be stated accurately in the sequel.$^2$ I call that a term into which the premiss is resolved, i.e. both the predicate and that of which it is predicated, ‘being’ being added and ‘not being’ removed, or vice versa. A syllogism is discourse in which, certain things being stated, something other than what is stated follows of necessity from their being so. I mean by the last phrase that they produce the consequence, and by this, that no further term is required from without in order to make the consequence necessary. I call that a perfect syllogism which needs nothing other than what has been stated to make plain what necessarily follows; a syllogism is imperfect, if it needs either one or more propositions, which are indeed the necessary consequences of the terms set down, but have not been expressly stated as premisses. That one term should be included in another as in a whole is the same as for the other to be predicated of all of the first. And we say that one term is predicated of all of another, whenever no instance of the subject can be found of which the other term cannot be asserted: ‘to be predicated of none’ must be understood in the same way. Every premiss states that something either is or must be or may be the attribute of something else; of premisses of these three kinds some are affirmative, others negative, in respect of each of the three modes of attribution; again some affirmative and negative premisses are universal, others particular, others indefinite. It is necessary then that in universal attribution the terms of the negative premiss should be convertible, e.g. if no pleasure is good, then no good will be pleasure; the terms of the affirmative $^1$ 100$^a$ 29, 104$^a$ 8. $^2$ The nature of demonstrative premisses is discussed in the Post. An.; that of dialectical premisses in the Topics. must be convertible, not however universally, but in part, e.g. if every pleasure is good, some good must be pleasure; the particular affirmative must convert in part (for if some pleasure is good, then some good will be pleasure); but the particular negative need not convert, for if some animal is not man, it does not follow that some man is not animal. First then take a universal negative with the terms $A$ and $B$. If no $B$ is $A$, neither can any $A$ be $B$. For if some $A$ (say $C$) were $B$, it would not be true that no $B$ is $A$; for $C$ is a $B$. But if every $B$ is $A$, then some $A$ is $B$. For if no $A$ were $B$, then no $B$ could be $A$. But we assumed that every $B$ is $A$. Similarly too, if the premiss is particular. For if some $B$ is $A$, then some of the $As$ must be $B$. For if none were, then no $B$ would be $A$. But if some $B$ is not $A$, there is no necessity that some of the $As$ should not be $B$; e.g. let $B$ stand for animal and $A$ for man. Not every animal is a man; but every man is an animal. 3 The same manner of conversion will hold good also in respect of necessary premisses. The universal negative converts universally; each of the affirmatives converts into a particular. If it is necessary that no $B$ is $A$, it is necessary also that no $A$ is $B$. For if it is possible that some $A$ is $B$, it would be possible also that some $B$ is $A$. If all or some $B$ is $A$ of necessity, it is necessary also that some $A$ is $B$: for if there were no necessity, neither would some of the $Bs$ be $A$ necessarily. But the particular negative does not convert, for the same reason which we have already stated.$^1$ In respect of possible premisses, since possibility is used in several senses (for we say that what is necessary and what is not necessary and what is potential is possible), affirmative statements will all convert in a manner similar to those described.$^2$ For if it is possible that all or some $B$ is $A$, it will be possible that some $A$ is $B$. For if that were not possible, then no $B$ could possibly be $A$. This has been already proved.$^3$ But in negative statements the case is different. Whatever is said to be possible, either because $B$ $^1$ ll. 12, 22-6. $^2$ In ll. 7-13. $^3$ a 20-2. necessarily is $A$, or because $B$ is not necessarily $A$, admits of conversion like other negative statements, e.g. if one should say, it is possible that man is not horse, or that no garment is white. For in the former case the one term necessarily does not belong to the other; in the latter there is no necessity that it should: and the premiss converts like other negative statements. For if it is possible for no man to be a horse, it is also admissible for no horse to be a man; and if it is admissible for no garment to be white, it is also admissible for nothing white to be a garment. For if any white thing must be a garment, then some garment will necessarily be white. This has been already proved. The particular negative also must be treated like those dealt with above. But if anything is said to be possible because it is the general rule and natural (and it is in this way we define the possible), the negative premisses can no longer be converted like the simple negatives; the universal negative premiss does not convert, and the particular does. This will be plain when we speak about the possible. At present we may take this much as clear in addition to what has been said: the statement that it is possible that no $B$ is $A$ or some $B$ is not $A$ is affirmative in form: for the expression 'is possible' ranks along with 'is', and 'is' makes an affirmation always and in every case, whatever the terms to which it is added in predication, e.g. 'it is not-good' or 'it is not-white' or in a word 'it is not-this'. But this also will be proved in the sequel. In conversion these premisses will behave like the other affirmative propositions. After these distinctions we now state by what means, when, and how every syllogism is produced; subsequently we must speak of demonstration. Syllogism should be discussed before demonstration, because syllogism is the more general: the demonstration is a sort of syllogism, but not every syllogism is a demonstration. Whenever three terms are so related to one another that the last is contained in the middle as in a whole, and the 1 Omit $\mu\eta$ in l. 4 with A, B, Phil., and Waitz. 2 a 14-17. 3 In a 12. 4 cc. 13, 17. 5 c. 46. 6 In the Posterior Analytics. middle is either contained in, or excluded from, the first as in or from a whole, the extremes must be related by a perfect syllogism. I call that term middle which is itself contained in another and contains another in itself: in position also this comes in the middle. By extremes I mean both that term which is itself contained in another and that in which another is contained. If $ A $ is predicated of all $ B $, and $ B $ of all $ C $, $ A $ must be predicated of all $ C $: we have already explained what we mean by 'predicated of all'. Similarly also, if $ A $ is predicated of no $ B $, and $ B $ of all $ C $, it is necessary that no $ C $ will be $ A $. But if the first term belongs to all the middle, but the middle to none of the last term, there will be no syllogism in respect of the extremes; for nothing necessary follows from the terms being so related; for it is possible that the first should belong either to all or to none of the last, so that neither a particular nor a universal conclusion is necessary. But if there is no necessary consequence, there cannot be a syllogism by means of these premisses. As an example of a universal affirmative relation between the extremes we may take the terms animal, man, horse; of a universal negative relation, the terms animal, man, stone. Nor again can a syllogism be formed when neither the first term belongs to any of the middle, nor the middle to any of the last. As an example of a positive relation between the extremes take the terms science, line, medicine: of a negative relation science, line, unit. If then the terms are universally related, it is clear in this figure when a syllogism will be possible and when not, and that if a syllogism is possible the terms must be related as described, and if they are so related there will be a syllogism. But if one term is related universally, the other in part only, to its subject, there must be a perfect syllogism whenever universality is posited with reference to the major term either affirmatively or negatively, and particularity with reference to the minor term affirmatively: but whenever $^1$ Barbara, major $ A $, minor $ A $. $^2$ 24b 28. $^3$ Celarent, major $ E $, minor $ A $. $^4$ Major $ A $, minor $ E $. $^5$ Major $ E $, minor $ E $. the universality is posited in relation to the minor term, or the terms are related in any other way, a syllogism is impossible. I call that term the major in which the middle is contained and that term the minor which comes under the middle. Let $^1$ all $B$ be $A$ and some $C$ be $B$. Then if 'predicated of all' means what was said above,$^2$ it is necessary that some $C$ is $A$. And $^3$ if no $B$ is $A$, but some $C$ is $B$, it is necessary that some $C$ is not $A$. (The meaning of 'predicated of none' has also been defined.$^4$) So there will be a perfect syllogism. This holds good also if the premiss $BC$$^5$ should be indefinite, provided that it is affirmative: for we shall have the same syllogism whether the premiss is indefinite or particular. But if the universality is posited with respect to the minor term either affirmatively or negatively, a syllogism will not be possible, whether the major premiss is positive or negative, indefinite or particular: e.g.$^6$ if some $B$ is or is not $A$, and all $C$ is $B$. As an example of a positive relation between the extremes take the terms good, state, wisdom: of a negative relation, good, state, ignorance. Again $^7$ if no $C$ is $B$, but some $B$ is or is not $A$, or not every $B$ is $A$, there cannot be a syllogism. Take the terms white, horse, swan: white, horse, raven. The same terms may be taken also if the premiss $BA$ is indefinite. Nor when the major premiss is universal, whether affirmative or negative, and the minor premiss is negative and particular, can there be a syllogism, whether the minor premiss be indefinite or particular: e.g.$^8$ if all $B$ is $A$, and some $C$ is not $B$, or if not all $C$ is $B$. For the major term may be predicable both of all and of none of the minor, to some of which the middle term cannot be attributed. Suppose the terms are animal, man, white: next take some of the white things of which man is not predicated—swan --- $^1$ Darii. $^2$ 24$^b$ 28. $^3$ Ferio. $^4$ 24$^b$ 30. $^5$ The Aristotelian formula for the proposition, $AB$, in which $B$ represents the subject and $A$ the predicate ($A$ belongs to $B$), has been retained throughout, because in most places this suits the context better than the modern formula in which $A$ represents the subject and $B$ the predicate. $^6$ Major $I$ or $O$, minor $A$. $^7$ Major $I$ or $O$, minor $E$. $^8$ Major $A$, minor $O$. and snow: animal is predicated of all of the one, but of none of the other. Consequently there cannot be a syllogism. Again let no $B$ be $A$, but let some $C$ not be $B$. Take the terms inanimate, man, white: then take some white things of which man is not predicated—swan and snow: the term inanimate is predicated of all of the one, of none of the other. Further since it is indefinite to say some $C$ is not $B$, and it is true that some $C$ is not $B$, whether no $C$ is $B$, or not all $C$ is $B$, and since if terms are assumed such that no $C$ is $B$, no syllogism follows (this has already been stated), it is clear that this arrangement of terms will not afford a syllogism: otherwise one would have been possible with a universal negative minor premiss. A similar proof may also be given if the universal premiss is negative. Nor can there in any way be a syllogism if both the relations of subject and predicate are particular, either positively or negatively, or the one negative and the other affirmative, or one indefinite and the other definite, or both indefinite. Terms common to all the above are animal, white, horse: animal, white, stone. It is clear then from what has been said that if there is a syllogism in this figure with a particular conclusion, the terms must be related as we have stated: if they are related otherwise, no syllogism is possible anyhow. It is evident also that all the syllogisms in this figure are perfect (for they are all completed by means of the premisses originally taken) and that all conclusions are proved by this figure, viz. universal and particular, affirmative and negative. Such a figure I call the first. Whenever the same thing belongs to all of one subject, and to none of another, or to all of each subject or to none of either, I call such a figure the second; by middle term in it I mean that which is predicated of both subjects, by extremes the terms of which this is said, by major extreme that which lies near the middle, by minor that which is further away from the middle. The middle term 1 Major $E$, minor $O$. 2 i.e. the major premiss. 3 Major $A$, minor $O$. 4 $II, OO, IO, OI$. stands outside the extremes, and is first in position. A syllogism cannot be perfect anyhow in this figure, but it may be valid whether the terms are related universally or not. If then the terms are related universally a syllogism will be possible, whenever the middle belongs to all of one subject and to none of another (it does not matter which has the negative relation), but in no other way. Let $ M $ be predicated of no $ N $, but of all $ O $. Since, then, the negative relation is convertible, $ N $ will belong to no $ M $: but $ M $ was assumed to belong to all $ O $: consequently $ N $ will belong to no $ O $. This has already been proved. Again if $ M $ belongs to all $ N $, but to no $ O $, then $ N $ will belong to no $ O $. For if $ M $ belongs to no $ O $, $ O $ belongs to no $ M $: but $ M $ (as was said) belongs to all $ N $: $ O $ then will belong to no $ N $: for the first figure has again been formed. But since the negative relation is convertible, $ N $ will belong to no $ O $. Thus it will be the same syllogism that proves both conclusions. It is possible to prove these results also by reduction ad impossibile. It is clear then that a syllogism is formed when the terms are so related, but not a perfect syllogism; for necessity is not perfectly established merely from the original premisses; others also are needed. But if $ M $ is predicated of every $ N $ and $ O $, there cannot be a syllogism. Terms to illustrate a positive relation between the extremes are substance, animal, man; a negative relation, substance, animal, number—substance being the middle term. Nor is a syllogism possible when $ M $ is predicated neither of any $ N $ nor of any $ O $. Terms to illustrate a positive relation are line, animal, man: a negative relation, line, animal, stone. It is clear then that if a syllogism is formed when the terms are universally related, the terms must be related as we stated at the outset: for if they are otherwise related no necessary consequence follows. 1 Cesare. 2 25b 40. 3 Camestres. Read $ \omega\delta\epsilon\tau\phi\Xi\tau\delta N $ in l. 10 with $ A_2 $, Waitz, and perhaps Philoponus. 4 l. 3. If the middle term is related universally to one of the extremes, a particular negative syllogism must result whenever the middle term is related universally to the major whether positively or negatively, and particularly to the minor and in a manner opposite to that of the universal statement: by 'an opposite manner' I mean, if the universal statement is negative, the particular is affirmative: if the universal is affirmative, the particular is negative. For if $M$ belongs to no $N$, but to some $O$, it is necessary that $N$ does not belong to some $O$.¹ For since the negative statement is convertible, $N$ will belong to no $M$: but $M$ was admitted to belong to some $O$: therefore $N$ will not belong to some $O$: for the result is reached by means of the first figure. Again if $M$ belongs to all $N$, but not to some $O$, it is necessary that $N$ does not belong to some $O$:² for if $N$ belongs to all $O$, and $M$ is predicated also of all $N$, $M$ must belong to all $O$: but we assumed that $M$ does not belong to some $O$. And if $M$ belongs to all $N$ but not to all $O$, we shall conclude that $N$ does not belong to all $O$: the proof is the same as the above. But if $M$ is predicated of all $O$, but not of all $N$, there will be no syllogism. Take the terms animal, substance, raven; animal, white, raven. Nor will there be a conclusion when $M$ is predicated of no $O$, but of some $N$. Terms to illustrate a positive relation between the extremes are animal, substance, unit: a negative relation, animal, substance, science. If then the universal statement is opposed to the particular, we have stated when a syllogism will be possible and when not: but if the premisses are similar in form, I mean both negative or both affirmative, a syllogism will not be possible anyhow. First let them be negative, and let the major premiss be universal, e.g. let $M$ belong to no $N$, and not to some $O$. It is possible then for $N$ to belong either to all $O$ or to no $O$. Terms to illustrate the negative relation are black, snow, animal. But it is not possible to find terms of which the extremes are related positively and universally, if $M$ belongs to some $O$, and does not belong to some $O$. For if $N$ belonged to all $O$, but $M$ to no $N$, then $M$ would belong to ¹ Festino. ² Baroco. no $O$: but we assumed that it belongs to some $O$. In this way then it is not admissible to take terms: our point must be proved from the indefinite nature of the particular statement. For since it is true that $M$ does not belong to some $O$, even if it belongs to no $O$, and since if it belongs to no $O$ a syllogism is (as we have seen$^1$) not possible, clearly it will not be possible now either. Again let the premisses be affirmative, and let the major premiss as before be universal, e.g. let $M$ belong to all $N$ and to some $O$. It is possible then for $N$ to belong to all $O$ or to no $O$. Terms to illustrate the negative relation are white, swan, stone. But it is not possible to take terms to illustrate the universal affirmative relation, for the reason already stated:$^2$ the point must be proved from the indefinite nature of the particular statement. But if the minor premiss is universal, and $M$ belongs to no $O$, and not to some $N$, it is possible for $N$ to belong either to all $O$ or to no $O$. Terms for the positive relation are white, animal, raven: for the negative relation, white, stone, raven. If the premisses are affirmative, terms for the negative relation are white, animal, snow; for the positive relation, white, animal, swan. Evidently then, whenever the premisses are similar in form, and one is universal, the other particular, a syllogism cannot be formed anyhow. Nor is one possible if the middle term belongs to some of each of the extremes, or does not belong to some of either, or belongs to some of the one, not to some of the other, or belongs to neither universally;$^3$ or is related to them indefinitely. Common terms for all the above are white, animal, man: white, animal, inanimate. It is clear then from what has been said that if the terms are related to one another in the way stated, a syllogism results of necessity; and if there is a syllogism, the terms must be so related. But it is evident also that all the syllogisms in this figure are imperfect: for all are made perfect by certain supplementary statements, which either are contained in the terms of necessity or are assumed as --- $^1$ a 21. $^2$ I. 18. $^3$ An alternative and clearer expression for ‘does not belong to some of either’. hypotheses, i.e. when we prove per impossibile. And it is evident that an affirmative conclusion is not attained by means of this figure, but all are negative, whether universal or particular. 6 But if one term belongs to all, and another to none, of a third, or if both belong to all, or to none, of it, I call such a figure the third; by middle term in it I mean that of which both the predicates are predicated, by extremes I mean the predicates, by the major extreme that which is further from the middle, by the minor that which is nearer to it. The middle term stands outside the extremes, and is last in position. A syllogism cannot be perfect in this figure either, but it may be valid whether the terms are related universally or not to the middle term. If they are universal, whenever both $P$ and $R$ belong to all $S$, it follows that $P$ will necessarily belong to some $R$. For, since the affirmative statement is convertible, $S$ will belong to some $R$: consequently since $P$ belongs to all $S$, and $S$ to some $R$, $P$ must belong to some $R$: for a syllogism in the first figure is produced. It is possible to demonstrate this also per impossibile and by exposition. For if both $P$ and $R$ belong to all $S$, should one of the $S$s, e.g. $N$, be taken, both $P$ and $R$ will belong to this, and thus $P$ will belong to some $R$. If $R$ belongs to all $S$, and $P$ to no $S$, there will be a syllogism to prove that $P$ will necessarily not belong to some $R$. This may be demonstrated in the same way as before by converting the premiss $RS$. It might be proved also per impossibile, as in the former cases. But if $R$ belongs to no $S$, $P$ to all $S$, there will be no syllogism. Terms for the positive relation are animal, horse, man: for the negative relation animal, inanimate, man. Nor can there be a syllogism when both terms are asserted of no $S$. Terms for the positive relation are animal, horse, inanimate; for the negative relation man, horse, inanimate—inanimate being the middle term. It is clear then in this figure also when a syllogism will 1 Darapti. 2 Felapton. 3 See note 26a 29. be possible and when not, if the terms are related universally. For whenever both the terms are affirmative, there will be a syllogism to prove that one extreme belongs to some of the other; but when they are negative, no syllogism will be possible. But when one is negative, the other affirmative, if the major is negative, the minor affirmative, there will be a syllogism to prove that the one extreme does not belong to some of the other: but if the relation is reversed, no syllogism will be possible. If one term is related universally to the middle, the other in part only, when both are affirmative there must be a syllogism, no matter which of the premisses is universal. For if $R$ belongs to all $S$, $P$ to some $S$, $P$ must belong to some $R$.¹ For since the affirmative statement is convertible $S$ will belong to some $P$: consequently since $R$ belongs to all $S$, and $S$ to some $P$, $R$ must also belong to some $P$: therefore $P$ must belong to some $R$. Again if $R$ belongs to some $S$, and $P$ to all $S$, $P$ must belong to some $R$.² This may be demonstrated in the same way as the preceding. And it is possible to demonstrate it also per impossibile and by exposition, as in the former cases. But if one term is affirmative, the other negative, and if the affirmative is universal, a syllogism will be possible whenever the minor term is affirmative. For if $R$ belongs to all $S$, but $P$ does not belong to some $S$, it is necessary that $P$ does not belong to some $R$.³ For if $P$ belongs to all $R$, and $R$ belongs to all $S$,⁴ then $P$ will belong to all $S$: but we assumed that it did not. Proof is possible also without reduction ad impossibile, if one of the $S$s be taken to which $P$ does not belong. But whenever the major is affirmative, no syllogism will be possible, e.g. if $P$ belongs to all $S$, and $R$ does not belong to some $S$. Terms for the universal affirmative relation are animate, man, animal. For the universal negative relation it is not possible to get terms, if $R$ belongs to some $S$, and does not belong to some $S$. For if $P$ belongs to all $S$, and $R$ to some $S$, then $P$ will belong to some $R$: but we ¹ Disamis. ² Datisi. ³ Bocardo. ⁴ Comma after $\Sigma$ in l. 19. assumed$^1$ that it belongs to no $R$. We must put the matter as before.$^2$ Since the expression ‘it does not belong to some’ is indefinite, it may be used truly of that also which belongs to none. But if $R$ belongs to no $S$, no syllogism is possible, as has been shown.$^3$ Clearly then no syllogism will be possible here. But if the negative term is universal, whenever the major is negative and the minor affirmative there will be a syllogism. For if $P$ belongs to no $S$, and $R$ belongs to some $S$, $P$ will not belong to some $R$: for we shall have the first figure again, if the premiss $RS$ is converted. But when the minor is negative, there will be no syllogism. Terms for the positive relation are animal, man, wild: for the negative relation, animal, science, wild—the middle in both being the term wild. Nor is a syllogism possible when both are stated in the negative, but one is universal, the other particular. When the minor is related universally to the middle, take the terms animal, science, wild; animal, man, wild. When the major is related universally to the middle, take as terms for a negative relation raven, snow, white. For a positive relation terms cannot be found, if $R$ belongs to some $S$, and does not belong to some $S$. For if $P$ belongs to all $R$, and $R$ to some $S$, then $P$ belongs to some $S$: but we assumed that it belongs to no $S$. Our point, then, must be proved from the indefinite nature of the particular statement. Nor is a syllogism possible anyhow, if each of the extremes belongs to some of the middle, or does not belong, or one belongs and the other does not to some of the middle, or one belongs to some of the middle, the other not to all, or if the premisses are indefinite. Common terms for all are animal, man, white: animal, inanimate, white. It is clear then in this figure also when a syllogism will be possible, and when not; and that if the terms are as stated, a syllogism results of necessity, and if there is a syllogism, the terms must be so related. It is clear also that all the $^1$ i.e. in supposing the universal negative relation between the extremes. $^2$ 27$^b$ 20. $^3$ 28$^a$ 30. $^4$ Ferison. syllogisms in this figure are imperfect (for all are made perfect by certain supplementary assumptions), and that it will not be possible to reach a universal conclusion by means of this figure, whether negative or affirmative. It is evident also that in all the figures, whenever a proper syllogism does not result, if both the terms are affirmative or negative nothing necessary follows at all, but if one is affirmative, the other negative, and if the negative is stated universally, a syllogism always results relating the minor$^1$ to the major term,$^2$ e.g. if $A$ belongs to all or some $B$, and $B$ belongs to no $C$: for if the premisses are converted it is necessary that $C$ does not belong to some $A$.$^3$ Similarly also in the other figures: a syllogism always results by means of conversion. It is evident also that the substitution of an indefinite for a particular affirmative will effect the same syllogism in all the figures. It is clear too that all the imperfect syllogisms are made perfect by means of the first figure. For all are brought to a conclusion either ostensively or per impossibile. In both ways the first figure is formed: if they are made perfect ostensively, because (as we saw) all are brought to a conclusion by means of conversion, and conversion produces the first figure: if they are proved per impossibile, because on the assumption of the false statement the syllogism comes about by means of the first figure, e.g. in the last figure, if $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, it follows that $A$ belongs to some $B$: for if $A$ belonged to no $B$, and $B$ belongs to all $C$, $\neg A$ would belong to no $C$: but (as we stated) it belongs to all $C$. Similarly also with the rest. It is possible also to reduce all syllogisms to the universal syllogisms in the first figure. Those in the second figure are clearly made perfect by these, though not all in the same way; the universal syllogisms are made perfect by converting the negative premiss, each of the particular syllogisms by reduction ad impossibile. In the first figure particular syllogisms are indeed made perfect by themselves, but it is possible also to prove them by means of the second figure, $^1$ As predicate. $^2$ As subject. $^3$ Fesapo, Fresison. reducing them ad impossibile, e.g. if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, it follows that $A$ belongs to some $C$. For if it belonged to no $C$, and belongs to all $B$, then $B$ will belong to no $C$: this we know by means of the second figure. Similarly also demonstration will be possible in the case of the negative. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ belongs to some $C$, $A$ will not belong to some $C$: for if it belonged to all $C$, and belongs to no $B$, then $B$ will belong to no $C$: and this (as we saw) is the middle figure. Consequently, since all syllogisms in the middle figure can be reduced to universal syllogisms in the first figure, and since particular syllogisms in the first figure can be reduced to syllogisms in the middle figure, it is clear that particular syllogisms$^1$ can be reduced to universal syllogisms in the first figure. Syllogisms in the third figure, if the terms are universal, are directly made perfect by means of those syllogisms;$^2$ but, when one of the premisses is particular, by means of the particular syllogisms in the first figure: and these (we have seen) may be reduced to the universal syllogisms in the first figure: consequently also the particular syllogisms in the third figure may be so reduced. It is clear then that all syllogisms may be reduced to the universal syllogisms in the first figure. We have stated then how syllogisms which prove that something belongs or does not belong to something else are constituted, both how syllogisms of the same figure are constituted in themselves, and how syllogisms of different figures are related to one another. Since there is a difference according as something belongs, necessarily belongs, or may belong to something else (for many things belong indeed, but not necessarily, others neither necessarily nor indeed at all, but it is possible for them to belong), it is clear that there will be different syllogisms to prove each of these relations, and syllogisms with differently related terms, one syllogism concluding from what is necessary, another from what is, a third from what is possible. There is hardly any difference between syllogisms from $^1$ sc. in the first figure. $^2$ viz. by reduction per impossibile to Celarent and Barbara. necessary premisses and syllogisms from premisses which merely assert. When the terms are put in the same way, then, whether something belongs or necessarily belongs (or does not belong) to something else, a syllogism will or will not result alike in both cases, the only difference being the addition of the expression 'necessarily' to the terms. For the negative statement is convertible alike in both cases, and we should give the same account of the expressions 'to be contained in something as in a whole' and 'to be predicated of all of something'. With the exceptions to be made below, the conclusion will be proved to be necessary by means of conversion, in the same manner as in the case of simple predication. But in the middle figure when the universal statement is affirmative, and the particular negative, and again in the third figure when the universal is affirmative and the particular negative, the demonstration will not take the same form, but it is necessary by the 'exposition' of a part of the subject of the particular negative proposition, to which the predicate does not belong, to make the syllogism in reference to this: with terms so chosen the conclusion will necessarily follow. But if the relation is necessary in respect of the part taken, it must hold of some of that term in which this part is included: for the part taken is just some of that. And each of the resulting syllogisms is in the appropriate figure. 1 Baroco. All $N$ is necessarily $M$. Some $O$ is necessarily not $M$. $\therefore$ Some $O$ is necessarily not $N$. Bocardo. Some $S$ is necessarily not $P$. All $S$ is necessarily $R$. $\therefore$ Some $R$ is necessarily not $P$. When the propositions are assertoric, the conclusions are proved by reduction ad impossibile. The contradictory of 'Some $O$ is necessarily not $N$' is 'Every $O$ is possibly $N$': but if this is combined with 'All $N$ is necessarily $M$', the combination of an apodictic with a problematic premiss does not give an apodictic conclusion. Aristotle therefore falls back on another method of proof. If some $O$ is necessarily not $M$, take some part of $O$—viz. $Q$—all of which is necessarily not $M$. Then It is necessary that all $N$ be $M$. It is necessary that no $Q$ be $M$. $\therefore$ It is necessary that no $Q$ be $N$. $\therefore$ It is necessary that some $O$ be not $N$. Baroco is proved by means of Camestres; similarly Bocardo is proved by means of Felapton—each by a syllogism in the same figure. It happens sometimes also that when one premiss is necessary the conclusion is necessary, not however when either premiss is necessary, but only when the major is, e.g. if $A$ is taken as necessarily belonging or not belonging to $B$, but $B$ is taken as simply belonging to $C$: for if the premisses are taken in this way, $A$ will necessarily belong or not belong to $C$. For since $A$ necessarily belongs, or does not belong, to every $B$, and since $C$ is one of the $B$s, it is clear that for $C^1$ also the positive or the negative relation to $A$ will hold necessarily. But if the major premiss is not necessary, but the minor is necessary, the conclusion will not be necessary. For if it were, it would result both through the first figure and through the third that $A$ belongs necessarily to some $B$. But this is false; for $B$ may be such that it is possible that $A$ should belong to none of it. Further, an example also makes it clear that the conclusion will not be necessary, e.g. if $A$ were movement, $B$ animal, $C$ man: man is an animal necessarily, but an animal does not move necessarily, nor does man. Similarly also if the major premiss is negative; for the proof is the same. In particular syllogisms, if the universal premiss is necessary, then the conclusion will be necessary; but if the particular, the conclusion will not be necessary, whether the universal premiss is negative or affirmative. First let the universal be necessary, and let $A$ belong to all $B$ necessarily, but let $B$ simply belong to some $C$: it is necessary then that $A$ belongs to some $C$ necessarily: for $C$ falls under $B$, and $A$ was assumed to belong necessarily to all $B$. Similarly also if the syllogism should be negative: for the proof will be the same. But if the particular premiss is necessary, the conclusion will not be necessary: for from the denial of such a conclusion nothing impossible results,$^2$ just as it does not in the universal syllogisms. The same is true of negative syllogisms. Try the terms movement, animal, white. In the second figure, if the negative premiss is necessary, then the conclusion will be necessary, but if the affirmative, as itself (l. 13). Camestres and Felapton can then by conversion be proved by means of Celarent and Ferio (ll. 3–5). $^1$ Read $\tau\phi\Gamma$ in l. 22 with A, B, C, Phil., and Waitz. $^2$ i.e. from the assumption ‘all $C$ is possibly not $A$’. Cf. 36a 22–5. not necessary. First let the negative be necessary; let $A$ be possible of no $B$, and simply belong to $C$. Since then the negative statement is convertible, $B$ is possible of no $A$. But $A$ belongs to all $C$; consequently $B$ is possible of no $C$. For $C$ falls under $A$. The same result would be obtained if the minor premiss were$^1$ negative: for if $A$ is possible of no $C$, $C$ is possible of no $A$: but $A$ belongs to all $B$, consequently $C$ is possible of none of the $B$s: for again we have obtained the first figure. Neither then is $B$ possible of $C$: for conversion is possible without modifying the relation. But if the affirmative premiss is necessary, the conclusion will not be necessary. Let $A$ belong to all $B$ necessarily, but to no $C$ simply. If then the negative premiss is converted; the first figure results. But it has been proved$^2$ in the case of the first figure that if the negative major premiss is not necessary the conclusion will not be necessary either. Therefore the same result will obtain here. Further, if the conclusion is necessary, it follows that $C$ necessarily does not belong to some $A$. For if $B$ necessarily belongs to no $C$, $C$ will necessarily belong to no $B$. But $B$ at any rate must belong to some $A$, if it is true (as was assumed) that $A$ necessarily belongs to all $B$. Consequently it is necessary that $C$ does not belong to some $A$. But nothing prevents such an $A$ being taken that it is possible for $C$ to belong to all of it. Further one might show by an exposition of terms that the conclusion is not necessary without qualification, though it is a necessary conclusion from the premisses. For example let $A$ be animal, $B$ man, $C$ white, and let the premisses be assumed to correspond to what we had before:$^3$ it is possible that animal should belong to nothing white. Man then will not belong to anything white, but not necessarily: for it is possible for man to be born white, not however so long as animal belongs to nothing white. Consequently under these conditions the conclusion will be necessary, but it is not necessary without qualification. Similar results will obtain also in particular syllogisms. For whenever the negative premiss is both universal and $^1$ Read $\tau\varepsilon\theta\epsilon\eta$ in l. 14 with Al.$^1$, Phil.$^1$, and Them. $^2$ a 23-33. $^3$ l. 20. necessary, then the conclusion will be necessary: but whenever the affirmative premiss is universal, the negative particular, the conclusion will not be necessary. First then let the negative premiss be both universal and necessary: let it be possible for no $B$ that $A$ should belong to it, and let $A$ simply belong to some $C$. Since the negative statement is convertible, it will be possible for no $A$ that $B$ should belong to it: but $A$ belongs to some $C$; consequently $B$ necessarily does not belong to some of the $Cs$. Again let the affirmative premiss be both universal and necessary, and let the major premiss be affirmative. If then $A$ necessarily belongs to all $B$, but does not belong to some $C$, it is clear that $B$ will not belong to some $C$, but not necessarily. For the same terms can be used to demonstrate the point, which were used in the universal syllogisms.\footnote{30b 33-40} Nor again, if the negative statement is necessary but particular, will the conclusion be necessary. The point can be demonstrated by means of the same terms. II In the last figure when the terms are related universally to the middle, and both premisses are affirmative, if one of the two is necessary, then the conclusion will be necessary. But if one is negative, the other affirmative, whenever the negative is necessary the conclusion also will be necessary, but whenever the affirmative is necessary the conclusion will not be necessary. First let both the premisses be affirmative, and let $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, and let $AC$ be necessary. Since then $B$ belongs to all $C$, $C$ also will belong to some $B$, because the universal is convertible into the particular: consequently if $A$ belongs necessarily to all $C$, and $C$ belongs to some $B$, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to some $B$ also. For $B$ is under $C$. The first figure then is formed. A similar proof will be given also if $BC$ is necessary. For $C$ is convertible with some $A$: consequently if $B$ belongs necessarily to all $C$, it will belong necessarily also to some $A$. Again let $AC$ be negative, $BC$ affirmative, and let the negative premiss be necessary. Since then $C$ is convertible with some $B$, but $A$ necessarily belongs to no $C$, $A$ will necessarily not belong to some $B$ either: for $B$ is under $C$. But if the affirmative is necessary, the conclusion will not be necessary. For suppose $BC$ is affirmative and necessary, while $AC$ is negative and not necessary. Since then the affirmative is convertible, $C$ also will belong to some $B$ necessarily: consequently if $A$ belongs to none of the $Cs$, while $C$ belongs$^1$ to some of the $Bs$, $A$ will not belong to some of the $Bs$—but not of necessity; for it has been proved, in the case of the first figure, that if the negative premiss is not necessary, neither will the conclusion be necessary. Further, the point may be made clear by considering the terms. Let the term $A$ be ‘good’, let that which $B$ signifies be ‘animal’, let the term $C$ be ‘horse’. It is possible then that the term good should belong to no horse, and it is necessary that the term animal should belong to every horse: but it is not necessary that some animal should not be good, since it is possible for every animal to be good. Or if that is not possible, take as the term ‘awake’ or ‘asleep’: for every animal can accept these. If, then, the premisses are universal, we have stated when the conclusion will be necessary. But if one premiss is universal, the other particular, and if both are affirmative, whenever the universal is necessary the conclusion also must be necessary. The demonstration is the same as before;$^2$ for the particular affirmative also is convertible. If then it is necessary that $B$ should belong to all $C$, and $A$ falls under $C$,$^3$ it is necessary that $B$ should belong to some $A$. But if $B$ must belong to some $A$, then $A$ must belong to some $B$: for conversion is possible. Similarly also if $AC$ should be necessary and universal: for $B$ falls under $C$.$^4$ But if the particular premiss is necessary, the conclusion will not be necessary. Let the premiss $BC$ be both particular and necessary, and let $A$ belong to all $C$, not however necessarily. If the proposition $BC$ is converted the first figure is formed, and the universal premiss is not necessary, but the particular is necessary. But when the premisses were thus, the conclusion (as we proved$^5$) was not necessary: consequently it $^1$ sc. necessarily. $^2$ a 24-33. $^3$ i.e. some $C$ is $A$. $^4$ i.e. some $C$ is $B$. $^5$ 30a 35-7, b 1-5. is not here either. Further, the point is clear if we look at the terms. Let $A$ be waking, $B$ biped, and $C$ animal. It is necessary that $B$ should belong to some $C$, but it is possible for $A$ to belong to $C$, and that $A$ should belong to $B$ is not necessary. For there is no necessity that some biped should be asleep or awake. Similarly and by means of the same terms proof can be made, should the proposition $AC$ be both particular and necessary. But if one premiss is affirmative, the other negative, whenever the universal is both negative and necessary the conclusion also will be necessary. For if it is not possible that $A$ should belong to any $C$, but $B$ belongs to some $C$, it is necessary that $A$ should not belong to some $B$. But whenever the affirmative proposition is necessary, whether universal or particular, or the negative is particular, the conclusion will not be necessary. The proof of this by reduction will be the same as before;¹ but if terms are wanted, when the universal affirmative is necessary, take the terms ‘waking’—‘animal’—‘man’, ‘man’ being middle, and when the affirmative is particular and necessary, take the terms ‘waking’—‘animal’—‘white’: for it is necessary that animal should belong to some white thing, but it is possible that waking should belong to none, and it is not necessary that waking should not belong to some animal. But when the negative proposition being particular is necessary, take the terms ‘biped’, ‘moving’, ‘animal’, ‘animal’ being middle. It is clear then that a simple conclusion is not reached unless both premisses are simple assertions, but a necessary conclusion is possible although one only of the premisses is necessary. But in both cases, whether the syllogisms are affirmative or negative, it is necessary that one premiss should be similar to the conclusion. I mean by ‘similar’, if the conclusion is a simple assertion, the premiss must be simple; if the conclusion is necessary, the premiss must be necessary. Consequently this also is clear, that the conclusion will be neither necessary nor simple unless a necessary or simple premiss is assumed. ¹ Cf. a 37–b 4, b 20–7. Perhaps enough has been said about the proof of necessity, how it comes about and how it differs from the proof of a simple statement. We proceed to discuss that which is possible, when and how and by what means it can be proved. I use the terms 'to be possible' and 'the possible' of that which is not necessary but, being assumed, results in nothing impossible. We say indeed ambiguously of the necessary that it is possible. But that my definition of the possible is correct is clear from the phrases by which we deny or on the contrary affirm possibility. For the expressions 'it is not possible to belong', 'it is impossible to belong', and 'it is necessary not to belong' are either identical or follow from one another; consequently their opposites also, 'it is possible to belong', 'it is not impossible to belong', and 'it is not necessary not to belong', will either be identical or follow from one another. For of everything the affirmation or the denial holds good. That which is possible then will be not necessary and that which is not necessary will be possible. It results that all premisses in the mode of possibility are convertible into one another. I mean not that the affirmative are convertible into the negative, but that those which are affirmative in form admit of conversion by opposition, e.g. 'it is possible to belong' may be converted into 'it is possible not to belong', and 'it is possible for $A$ to belong to all $B$' into 'it is possible for $A$ to belong to no $B$' or 'not to all $B$', and 'it is possible for $A$ to belong to some $B$' into 'it is possible for $A$ not to belong to some $B$'. And similarly the other propositions in this mode can be converted. For since that which is possible is not necessary, and that which is not necessary may possibly not belong, it is clear that if it is possible that $A$ should belong to $B$, it is possible also that it should not belong to $B$: and if it is possible that it should belong to all, it is also possible that it should not belong to all. The same holds good in the case of particular affirmations: for the proof is identical. And such premisses are affirmative and not negative; for 'to be possible' is in the same rank as 'to be', as was said above. 1 25b 21. Having made these distinctions we next point out that the expression ‘to be possible’ is used in two ways. In one it means to happen generally and fall short of necessity, e.g. man’s turning grey or growing or decaying, or generally what naturally belongs to a thing (for this has not its necessity unbroken, since man’s existence is not continuous for ever, although if a man does exist, it comes about either necessarily or generally). In another sense the expression means the indefinite, which can be both thus and not thus, e.g. an animal’s walking or an earthquake’s taking place while it is walking, or generally what happens by chance: for none of these inclines by nature in the one way more than in the opposite. That which is possible in each of its two senses is convertible into its opposite, not however in the same way: but what is natural is convertible because it does not necessarily belong (for in this sense it is possible that a man should not grow grey) and what is indefinite is convertible because it inclines this way no more than that. Science and demonstrative syllogism are not concerned with things which are indefinite, because the middle term is uncertain; but they are concerned with things that are natural, and as a rule arguments and inquiries are made about things which are possible in this sense. Syllogisms indeed can be made about the former, but it is unusual at any rate to inquire about them. These matters will be treated more definitely in the sequel; our business at present is to state the moods and nature of the syllogism made from possible premises. The expression ‘it is possible for this to belong to that’ may be understood in two senses: ‘that’ may mean either that to which ‘that’ belongs or that to which it may belong; for the expression ‘A is possible of the subject of B’ means that it is possible either of that of which B is stated or of that of which B may possibly be stated. It makes no difference whether we say, A is possible of the subject of B, or all B admits of A. It is 1 i.e. it is because man does not necessarily grow grey that ‘man may grow grey’ is convertible into ‘man may not grow grey’. 2 Post. An. i. 8. clear then that the expression 'A may possibly belong to all B' might be used in two senses. First then we must state the nature and characteristics of the syllogism which arises if B is possible of the subject of C, and A is possible of the subject of B. For thus both premisses are assumed in the mode of possibility; but whenever A is possible of that of which B is true, one premiss is a simple assertion, the other a problematic. Consequently we must start from premisses which are similar in form, as in the other cases. Whenever A may possibly belong to all B, and B to all C, there will be a perfect syllogism to prove that A may possibly belong to all C. This is clear from the definition: for it was in this way that we explained 'to be possible for one term to belong to all of another'. Similarly if it is possible for A to belong to no B, and for B to belong to all C, then it is possible for A to belong to no C. For the statement that it is possible for A not to belong to that of which B may be true means (as we saw) that none of those things which can possibly fall under the term B is left out of account. But whenever A may belong to all B, and B may belong to no C, then indeed no syllogism results from the premisses assumed, but if the premiss BC is converted after the manner of problematic propositions, the same syllogism results as before. For since it is possible that B should belong to no C, it is possible also that it should belong to all C. This has been stated above. Consequently if B is possible for all C, and A is possible for all B, the same syllogism again results. Similarly if in both the premisses the negative is joined with 'it is possible': e.g. if A may belong to none of the Bs, and B to none of the Cs. No syllogism results from the assumed premisses, but if they are converted we shall have the same syllogism as before. It is clear then that if the minor premiss is negative, or if both premisses are negative, either no syllogism results, or if one does it is not perfect. For the necessity results from the conversion. 1 Read ὁμοιοσχημόνων in l. 37 with A., B, C, Al., Phil., and Waitz. 2 32b 25-37. 3 In 32b 38-40. 4 32a 34. 5 Read ὀσπέρ for ως in l. 17 with B. But if one of the premisses is universal, the other particular, when the major premiss is universal there will be a perfect syllogism. For if $A$ is possible for all $B$, and $B$ for some $C$, then $A$ is possible for some $C$. This is clear from the definition of being possible.$^1$ Again if $A$ may belong to no $B$, and $B$ may belong to some of the $C$s, it is necessary that $A$ may possibly not belong to some of the $C$s. The proof is the same as above. But if the particular premiss is negative, and the universal is affirmative, the major still being universal and the minor particular, e.g. $A$ is possible for all $B$, $B$ may possibly not belong to some $C$, then a clear syllogism does not result from the assumed premisses, but if the particular premiss is converted and it is laid down that $B$ possibly may belong to some $C$, we shall have the same conclusion as before,$^2$ as in the cases given at the beginning.$^3$ But if the major premiss is particular, the minor universal, whether both are affirmative, or negative, or different in quality, or if both are indefinite or particular, in no way will a syllogism be possible. For nothing prevents $B$ from reaching beyond $A$, so that as predicates they cover unequal areas. Let $C$ be that by which $B$ extends beyond $A$. To $C$ it is not possible that $A$ should belong—either to all or to none or to some or not to some, since premisses in the mode of possibility are convertible and it is possible for $B$ to belong to more things than $A$ can. Further, this is obvious if we take terms; for if the premisses are as assumed, the major term is both possible for none of the minor and must belong to all of it. Take as terms common to all the cases under consideration ‘animal’—‘white’—‘man’, where the major belongs necessarily to the minor; ‘animal’—‘white’—‘garment’, where it is not possible that the major should belong to the minor. It is clear then that if the terms are related in this manner, no syllogism results. For every syllogism proves that something belongs either simply or necessarily or possibly. It is clear that there is no proof of the first or of the second. For the affirmative is destroyed by the negative, and the negative by the affirmative. There remains the proof of possibility. But this is impossible. $^1$ 32$^b$ 25-37. $^2$ l. 24. $^3$ ll. 5-17. For it has been proved that if the terms are related in this manner it is both necessary that the major should belong to all the minor and not possible that it should belong to any. Consequently there cannot be a syllogism to prove the possibility; for the necessary (as we stated) is not possible.$^1$ It is clear that if the terms are universal in possible premisses a syllogism always results in the first figure, whether they are affirmative or negative, only a perfect syllogism results in the first case, an imperfect in the second. But possibility must be understood according to the definition laid down,$^2$ not as covering necessity. This is sometimes forgotten. If one premiss is a simple proposition, the other a problematic, whenever the major premiss indicates possibility all the syllogisms will be perfect and establish possibility in the sense defined;$^3$ but whenever the minor premiss indicates possibility all the syllogisms will be imperfect, and those which are negative will establish not possibility according to the definition, but that the major does not necessarily belong to any, or to all, of the minor. For if this is so, we say it is possible that it should belong to none or not to all. Let $A$ be possible for all $B$, and let $B$ belong to all $C$. Since $C$ falls under $B$, and $A$ is possible for all $B$, clearly it is possible for all $C$ also. So a perfect syllogism results. Likewise if the premiss $AB$ is negative, and the premiss $BC$ is affirmative, the former stating possible, the latter simple attribution, a perfect syllogism results proving that $A$ possibly belongs to no $C$. It is clear that perfect syllogisms result if the minor premiss states simple belonging: but that syllogisms will result if the modality of the premisses is reversed, must be proved per impossibile. At the same time it will be evident that they are imperfect: for the proof proceeds not from the premisses assumed. First we must state that if $B$'s being follows necessarily from $A$'s being, $B$'s possibility will follow necessarily from $A$'s possibility. Suppose, the terms $^1$ 32$^a$ 28. $^2$ 32$^a$ 18. $^3$ 32$^a$ 18. being so related, that $A$ is possible, and $B$ is impossible. If then that which is possible, when it is possible for it to be, might happen, and if that which is impossible, when it is impossible, could not happen, and if at the same time $A$ is possible and $B$ impossible, it would be possible for $A$ to happen without $B$, and if to happen, then to be. For that which has happened, when it has happened, is. But we must take the impossible and the possible not only in the sphere of becoming, but also in the spheres of truth and predicability, and the various other spheres in which we speak of the possible: for it will be alike in all. Further we must understand the statement that $B$'s being depends on $A$'s being, not as meaning that if some single thing $A$ is, $B$ will be: for nothing follows of necessity from the being of some one thing, but from two at least, i.e. when the premisses are related in the manner stated to be that of the syllogism. For if $C$ is predicated of $D$, and $D$ of $F$, then $C$ is necessarily predicated of $F$. And if each is possible, the conclusion also is possible. If then, for example, one should indicate the premisses by $A$, and the conclusion by $B$, it would not only result that if $A$ is necessary $B$ is necessary, but also that if $A$ is possible, $B$ is possible. Since this is proved it is evident that if a false and not impossible assumption is made, the consequence of the assumption will also be false and not impossible: e.g. if $A$ is false, but not impossible, and if $B$ is the consequence of $A$, $B$ also will be false but not impossible. For since it has been proved that if $B$'s being is the consequence of $A$'s being, then $B$'s possibility will follow from $A$'s possibility (and $A$ is assumed to be possible), consequently $B$ will be possible: for if it were impossible, the same thing would at the same time be possible and impossible. Since we have defined these points, let $A$ belong to all $B$, and $B$ be possible for all $C$: it is necessary then that $A$ should be a possible attribute for all $C$. Suppose that it is not possible, but assume that $B$ belongs to all $C$: this is false but not impossible. If then $A$ is not possible for $C$ but $B$ belongs to all $C$, then $A$ is not possible for all $B$: for 1 That $B$'s being follows necessarily from $A$'s being. a syllogism is formed in the third figure. But it was assumed that $A$ is a possible attribute for all $B$. It is necessary then that $A$ is possible for all $C$. For though the assumption we made$^1$ is false and not impossible, the conclusion is impossible.$^2$ It is possible also in the first figure to bring about the impossibility, by assuming that $B$ belongs to $C$. For if $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ is possible for all $B$, then $A$ would be possible for all $C$. But the assumption was made that $A$ is not possible for all $C$. We must understand ‘that which belongs to all’ with no limitation in respect of time, e.g. to the present or to a particular period, but simply without qualification. For it is by the help of such premisses that we make syllogisms, since if the premiss is understood with reference to the present moment, there cannot be a syllogism. For nothing perhaps prevents ‘man’ belonging at a particular time to everything that is moving, i.e. if nothing else were moving: but ‘moving’ is possible for every horse; yet ‘man’ is possible for no horse. Further let the major term be ‘animal’, the middle ‘moving’, the minor ‘man’. The premisses then will be as before, but the conclusion necessary, not possible. For man is necessarily animal. It is clear then that the universal must be understood simply, without limitation in respect of time. Again let the premiss $AB$ be universal and negative, and assume that $A$ belongs to no $B$, but $B$ possibly belongs to all $C$. These propositions being laid down, it is necessary that $A$ possibly belongs to no $C$. Suppose that it cannot belong, and that $B$ belongs to $C$, as above.$^3$ It is necessary then that $A$ belongs to some $B$: for we have a syllogism in the third figure: but this is impossible. Thus it will be possible for $A$ to belong to no $C$; for if that is supposed false, the consequence is an impossible one. This syllogism then does not establish that which is possible according to the definition,$^4$ but that which does not necessarily belong to any part of the subject (for this is the contradictory of --- $^1$ That all $C$ is $B$. $^2$ And therefore the other premiss, that $A$ is not possible for all $C$, must have been impossible. $^3$ a 36. $^4$ Cf. 32$^a$ 18. the assumption which was made: for it was supposed that $A$ necessarily belongs to some $C$, but the syllogism per impossibile establishes the contradictory which is opposed to this). Further, it is clear also from an example that the conclusion will not establish possibility. Let $A$ be ‘raven’, $B$ ‘intelligent’, and $C$ ‘man’. $A$ then belongs to no $B$: for no intelligent thing is a raven. But $B$ is possible for all $C$: for every man may possibly be intelligent. But $A$ necessarily belongs to no $C$: so the conclusion does not establish possibility. But neither is it always necessary. Let $A$ be ‘moving’, $B$ ‘science’, $C$ ‘man’. $A$ then will belong to no $B$; but $B$ is possible for all $C$. And the conclusion will not be necessary. For it is not necessary that no man should move; rather it is not necessary that any man should move. Clearly then the conclusion establishes that one term does not necessarily belong to any instance of another term. But we must take our terms better. If the minor premiss is negative and indicates possibility, from the actual premisses taken there can be no syllogism, but if the problematic premiss is converted, a syllogism will be possible, as before. Let $A$ belong to all $B$, and let $B$ possibly belong to no $C$. If the terms are arranged thus, nothing necessarily follows: but if the proposition $BC$ is converted and it is assumed that $B$ is possible for all $C$, a syllogism results as before: for the terms are in the same relative positions. Likewise if both the relations are negative, if the major premiss states that $A$ does not belong to $B$, and the minor premiss indicates that $B$ may possibly belong to no $C$. Through the premisses actually taken nothing necessary results in any way; but if the problematic premiss is converted, we shall have a syllogism. Suppose that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ may possibly belong to no $C$. Through these comes nothing necessary. But if $B$ is assumed to be possible for all $C$ (and this is true) and if the premiss $AB$ remains as before, we shall again have the same syllogism. But if it be assumed that $B$ does not --- 1 Read a comma after $\iota\pi\acute{\alpha}\rho\chi\epsilon\nu$ l. 30 and remove the bracket to after $\dot{\alpha}\nu\tau\phi\alpha\sigma\epsilon\nu\omega$s l. 31. 2 33v 7. 3 34a 34: 4 i.e. the major premiss is pure, the minor problematic. belong to any $C$, instead of possibly not belonging, there cannot be a syllogism anyhow, whether the premiss $AB$ is negative or affirmative. As common instances of a necessary and positive relation we may take the terms white—animal—snow: of a necessary and negative relation, white—animal—pitch. Clearly then if the terms are universal, and one of the premisses is assertoric, the other problematic, whenever the minor premiss is problematic a syllogism always results, only sometimes it results from the premisses that are taken, sometimes it requires the conversion of one premiss. We have stated when each of these happens and the reason why. But if one of the relations is universal, the other particular, then whenever the major premiss is universal and problematic, whether affirmative or negative, and the particular is affirmative and assertoric, there will be a perfect syllogism, just as when the terms are universal. The demonstration is the same as before.$^1$ But whenever the major premiss is universal, but assertoric, not problematic, and the minor is particular and problematic, whether both premisses are negative or affirmative, or one is negative, the other affirmative, in all cases there will be an imperfect syllogism. Only some of them will be proved \textit{per impossibile}, others by the conversion of the problematic premiss, as has been shown above.$^2$ And a syllogism will be possible by means of conversion when the major premiss is universal and assertoric, whether positive or negative, and the minor particular, negative, and problematic, e.g. if $A$ belongs to all $B$ or to no $B$, and $B$ may possibly not belong to some $C$. For if the premiss $BC$ is converted in respect of possibility, a syllogism results. But whenever the particular premiss is assertoric and negative, there cannot be a syllogism. As instances of the positive relation we may take the terms white—animal—snow; of the negative, white—animal—pitch. For the demonstration must be made through the indefinite nature of the particular premiss.$^3$ But if the minor premiss is universal, and the major particular, whether either premiss is negative or affirmative, problematic or $^1$ Cf. 33$^b$ 33–40. $^2$ a 14. $^3$ Cf. 26$^b$ 14, 27$^b$ 20. assertoric, nohow is a syllogism possible. Nor is a syllogism possible when the premisses are particular or indefinite, whether problematic or assertoric, or the one problematic, the other assertoric. The demonstration is the same as above.$^1$ As instances of the necessary and positive relation we may take the terms animal—white—man; of the necessary and negative relation, animal—white—garment. It is evident then that if the major premiss is universal, a syllogism always results, but if the minor is universal nothing at all can ever be proved. Whenever one premiss is necessary, the other problematic, there will be a syllogism when the terms are related as before;$^2$ and a perfect syllogism when the minor premiss is necessary. If the premisses are affirmative the conclusion will be problematic, not assertoric, whether the premisses are universal or not: but if one is affirmative, the other negative, when the affirmative is necessary the conclusion will be problematic, not negative assertoric; but when the negative is necessary the conclusion will be problematic negative, and assertoric negative, whether the premisses are universal or not. Possibility in the conclusion must be understood in the same manner as before.$^3$ There cannot be an inference to the necessary negative proposition: for ‘not necessarily to belong’ is different from ‘necessarily not to belong’. If the premisses are affirmative, clearly the conclusion which follows is not necessary. Suppose $A$ necessarily belongs to all $B$, and let $B$ be possible for all $C$. We shall have an imperfect syllogism to prove that $A$ may belong to all $C$. That it is imperfect is clear from the proof: for it will be proved in the same manner as above.$^4$ Again, let $A$ be possible for all $B$, and let $B$ necessarily belong to all $C$. We shall then have a syllogism to prove that $A$ may belong to all $C$, not that $A$ does belong to all $C$: and it is perfect, not imperfect: for it is completed directly through the original premisses. But if the premisses are not similar in quality, suppose $^1$ 33$^a$ 34$^b$ 17. $^2$ Cf. 25$^b$ 8. $^3$ 33$^b$ 29, 34$^b$ 27. $^4$ 34$^a$ 34$^b$ 6. first that the negative premiss is necessary, and let $A$ necessarily not be possible for any $B$, but let $B$ be possible for all $C$. It is necessary then that $A$ belongs to no $C$. For suppose $A$ to belong to all $C$ or to some $C$. Now we assumed that $A$ is not possible for any $B$. Since then the negative proposition is convertible, $B$ is not possible for any $A$. But $A$ is supposed to belong to all $C$ or to some $C$. Consequently $B$ will not be possible for any $C$ or for all $C$. But it was originally laid down that $B$ is possible for all $C$. And it is clear that the possibility of not belonging can be inferred, since the fact of not belonging is inferred. Again, let the affirmative premiss be necessary, and let $A$ possibly not belong to any $B$, and let $B$ necessarily belong to all $C$. The syllogism will be perfect, but it will establish a problematic negative, not an assertoric negative. For the major premiss was problematic, and further it is not possible to prove the assertoric conclusion per impossibile. For if it were supposed that $A$ belongs to some $C$, and it is laid down that $A$ possibly does not belong to any $B$, no impossible relation between $B$ and $C$ follows from these premisses. But if the minor premiss is negative, when it is problematic a syllogism is possible by conversion, as above;¹ but when it is necessary no syllogism can be formed. Nor again when both premisses are negative, and the minor is necessary. The same terms as before² serve both for the positive relation—white—animal—snow, and for the negative relation—white—animal—pitch. The same relation will obtain in particular syllogisms. Whenever the negative proposition is necessary, the conclusion will be negative assertoric: e.g. if it is not possible that $A$ should belong to any $B$, but $B$ may belong to some of the $C$s, it is necessary that $A$ should not belong to some of the $C$s. For if $A$ belongs to all $C$, but cannot belong to any $B$, neither can $B$ belong to any $A$. So if $A$ belongs to all $C$, to none of the $C$s can $B$ belong. But it was laid down that $B$ may belong to some $C$. But when the particular affirmative in the negative syllogism, e.g. $BC$ the minor premiss, or the universal proposition in the affirmative syllogism, ¹ 35b 7. Cf. 33a 7. ² 35b 10. e.g. $ AB $ the major premiss, is necessary, there will not be an assertoric conclusion. The demonstration is the same as before.$^1$ But if the minor premiss is universal, and problematic, whether affirmative or negative, and the major premiss is particular and necessary, there cannot be a syllogism. Premisses of this kind are possible both where the relation is positive and necessary, e.g. animal—white—man, and where it is necessary and negative, e.g. animal—white—garment. But when the universal is necessary, the particular problematic, if the universal is negative we may take the terms animal—white—raven to illustrate the positive relation, or animal—white—pitch to illustrate the negative; and if the universal is affirmative we may take the terms animal—white—swan to illustrate the positive relation, and animal—white—snow to illustrate the negative and necessary relation. Nor again is a syllogism possible when the premisses are indefinite, or both particular. Terms applicable in either case to illustrate the positive relation are animal—white—man: to illustrate the negative, animal—white—inanimate. For the relation of animal to some white, and of white to some inanimate, is both necessary and positive and necessary and negative. Similarly if the relation is problematic: so the terms may be used for all cases. Clearly then from what has been said a syllogism results or not from similar relations of the terms whether we are dealing with simple existence or necessity, with this exception, that if the negative premiss is assertoric the conclusion is problematic, but if the negative premiss is necessary the conclusion is both problematic and negative assertoric. [It is clear also that all the syllogisms are imperfect and are perfected by means of the figures above mentioned.$^2$] In the second figure whenever both premisses are problematic, no syllogism is possible, whether the premisses are affirmative or negative, universal or particular. But when one premiss is assertoric, the other problematic, if the $^1$ a 19–25. $^2$ Maier, Syllogistik des Aristoteles, ii. i. 176, n. 2, shows that this sentence has been wrongly introduced from 39$^a$ i. affirmative is assertoric no syllogism is possible, but if the universal negative is assertoric a conclusion can always be drawn. Similarly when one premiss is necessary, the other problematic. Here also we must understand the term 'possible' in the conclusions, in the same sense as before.$^1$ First we must point out that the negative problematic proposition is not convertible, e.g. if $A$ may belong to no $B$, it does not follow that $B$ may belong to no $A$. For suppose it to follow and assume that $B$ may belong to no $A$. Since then problematic affirmations are convertible with negations, whether they are contraries or contradictories, and since $B$ may belong to no $A$, it is clear that $B$ may belong to all $A$. But this is false: for if all this can be that, it does not follow that all that can be this: consequently the negative proposition is not convertible. Further, these propositions are not incompatible, ' $A$ may belong to no $B$', ' $B$ necessarily does not belong to some of the $As$'; e.g. it is possible that no man should be white (for it is also possible that every man should be white), but it is not true to say that it is possible that no white thing should be a man: for many white things are necessarily not men, and the necessary (as we saw $\textsuperscript{2}$) is other than the possible. Moreover it is not possible to prove the convertibility of these propositions by a reductio ad absurdum, i.e. by claiming assent to the following argument: 'since it is false that $B$ may belong to no $A$, it is true that it cannot belong to no $A$, for the one statement is the contradictory of the other. But if this is so, it is true that $B$ necessarily belongs to some of the $As$: consequently $A$ necessarily belongs to some of the $Bs$. But this is impossible.'$^3$ The argument cannot be admitted, for it does not follow that some $A$ is necessarily $B$, if it is not possible that no $A$ should be $B$. For the latter expression is used in two senses, one if some $A$ is necessarily $B$, another if some $A$ is necessarily not $B$. For it is not true to say that that which necessarily does not belong to some of the $As$ may possibly not belong to any $A$, just as it is not true to say that what necessarily $^1$ 33\textsuperscript{b} 29, 34\textsuperscript{b} 27. $^2$ 32\textsuperscript{a} 28. $^3$ Colon after $B$, full stop after $\delta\delta\nu\nu.\tau\tau\tau\tau$ in l. 14, with Maier. belongs to some $A$ may possibly belong to all $A$. If any one then should claim that because it is not possible for $C$ to belong to all $D$, it necessarily does not belong to some $D$, he would make a false assumption: for it does belong to all $D$, but because in some cases it belongs necessarily, therefore we say that it is not possible for it to belong to all. Hence both the propositions ‘$A$ necessarily belongs to some $B$’ and ‘$A$ necessarily does not belong to some $B$’ are opposed to the proposition ‘$A$ may belong to all $B$’. Similarly also they are opposed to the proposition ‘$A$ may belong to no $B$’. It is clear then that in relation to what is possible and not possible, in the sense originally defined,$^1$ we must assume, not that $A$ necessarily belongs to some $B$, but that $A$ necessarily does not belong to some $B$. But if this is assumed, no absurdity results: consequently no syllogism. It is clear from what has been said that the negative proposition is not convertible.$^2$ This being proved, suppose it possible that $A$ may belong to no $B$ and to all $C$. By means of conversion no syllogism will result: for the major premiss, as has been said, is not convertible. Nor can a proof be obtained by a reductio ad --- $^1$ 32$^a$ 18. $^2$ The argument put into the mouth of Aristotle’s opponent in ll. 10–14 is as follows: If $A$ may be true of no $B$, $B$ may be true of no $A$. $(X)$ For if not, $B$ cannot be true of no $A$. $(Y)$ $\therefore B$ must be true of some $A$. $\therefore A$ must be true of some $B$. But this is impossible, since ex hypothesi $A$ may be true of no $B$. $\therefore B$ may be true of no $A$. Aristotle’s criticism in ll. 14–31 is as follows: The step from $X$ to $Y$ is unsound. ‘$B$ must be true of some $A$’ is not the only alternative to ‘$B$ may be true of no $A$’. There is also the alternative ‘$B$ must be untrue of some $A$’. Necessity, not only the necessity that some $B$ be $A$, but equally the necessity that some $B$ be not $A$, is incompatible with the possibility that no $B$ be $A$. The proper inference then in place of $(Y)$ is ‘Either $B$ must be true of some $A$, or $B$ must be untrue of some $A$’. And from the second alternative no impossible conclusion follows, so that the proof per impossibile that $B$ may be true of no $A$ fails. Waitz’s reading in l. 28 $\nu\acute{e}\mu\nu\nu\nu\nu$ (cod. $B$) τὸ ἐξ ἀνάγκης . . . ἀλλὰ καὶ ($BC$) τὸ ἐξ ἀνάγκης is supported by Philop. and Them. But Al. has the lectio difficilior without $\mu\nu\nu\nu\nu$ and καὶ, and the other is evidently only an attempt to make things easier. Not either alternative, nor both, but the disjunction of the two, is the proper inference from $X$. But in answer to the opponent’s assumption of $Y$ we must make the counter-assumption ‘$B$ must be untrue of some $A$’. absurdum: for if it is assumed that $B$ can belong to all $C$, no false consequence results: for $A$ may belong both to all $C$ and to no $C$. In general, if there is a syllogism, it is clear that its conclusion will be problematic because neither of the premisses is assertoric; and this must be either affirmative or negative. But neither is possible. Suppose the conclusion is affirmative: it will be proved by an example that the predicate cannot belong to the subject. Suppose the conclusion is negative: it will be proved that it is not problematic but necessary. Let $A$ be white, $B$ man, $C$ horse. It is possible then for $A$ to belong to all of the one and to none of the other. But it is not possible for $B$ to belong nor not to belong to $C$. That it is not possible for it to belong, is clear. For no horse is a man. Neither is it possible for it not to belong. For it is necessary that no horse should be a man, but the necessary we found to be different from the possible.\footnote{If Aristotle is to be saved from a fallacious inference we must, with Maier, in ll. 35, 36 insert $\mu\acute{\eta}$ before $\pi\alpha\nu\tau\iota$ and before $\iota\pi\acute{\alpha}\rho\chi\epsilon\nu$. But in view of the consent of the MSS. and the ancient commentators the mistake seems to go back to Aristotle.} No syllogism then results. A similar proof can be given if the major premiss is negative, the minor affirmative, or if both are affirmative or negative. The demonstration can be made by means of the same terms. And whenever one premiss is universal, the other particular, or both are particular or indefinite, or in whatever other way the premisses can be altered, the proof will always proceed through the same terms. Clearly then, if both the premisses are problematic, no syllogism results. But if one premiss is assertoric, the other problematic, if the affirmative is assertoric and the negative problematic no syllogism will be possible, whether the premisses are universal or particular. The proof is the same as above, and by means of the same terms. But when the affirmative premiss is problematic, and the negative assertoric, we shall have a syllogism. Suppose $A$ belongs to no $B$, but can belong to all $C$. If the negative proposition is converted, $B$ will belong to no $A$. But $A$ ex hypothesi can \footnote{32a 28.} belong to all $C$: so a syllogism is made, proving by means of the first figure that $B$ may belong to no $C$. Similarly also if the minor premiss is negative. But if both premisses are negative, one being assertoric, the other problematic, nothing follows necessarily from these premisses as they stand, but if the problematic premiss is converted into its complementary affirmative$^1$ a syllogism is formed to prove that $B$ may belong to no $C$, as before: for we shall again have the first figure. But if both premisses are affirmative, no syllogism will be possible. This arrangement of terms is possible both when the relation is positive, e.g. health, animal, man, and when it is negative, e.g. health, horse, man. The same will hold good if the syllogisms are particular. Whenever the affirmative proposition is assertoric, whether universal or particular, no syllogism is possible (this is proved similarly and by the same examples as above), but when the negative proposition is assertoric, a conclusion can be drawn by means of conversion, as before. Again if both the relations are negative, and the assertoric proposition is universal, although no conclusion follows from the actual premisses, a syllogism can be obtained by converting the problematic premiss into its complementary affirmative as before. But if the negative proposition is assertoric, but particular, no syllogism is possible, whether the other premiss is affirmative or negative. Nor can a conclusion be drawn when both premisses are indefinite, whether affirmative or negative, or particular. The proof is the same and by the same terms. If one of the premisses is necessary, the other problematic, then if the negative is necessary a syllogistic conclusion can be drawn, not merely a negative problematic but also a negative assertoric conclusion; but if the affirmative premiss is necessary, no conclusion is possible. Suppose that $A$ necessarily belongs to no $B$, but may belong to all $C$. If the negative premiss is converted $B$ will belong to no $A$: but $A$ ex hypothesi is capable of belonging to all $C$: so once $^1$ Cf. 32$^a$ 29. more a conclusion is drawn by the first figure that $B$ may belong to no $C$. But at the same time it is clear that $B$ will not belong to any $C$. For assume that it does: then if $A$ cannot belong to any $B$, and $B$ belongs to some of the $Cs$, $A$ cannot belong to some of the $Cs$: but ex hypothesi it may belong to all. A similar proof can be given if the minor premiss is negative. Again let the affirmative proposition be necessary, and the other problematic; i.e. suppose that $A$ may belong to no $B$, but necessarily belongs to all $C$. When the terms are arranged in this way, no syllogism is possible. For (1) it sometimes turns out that $B$ necessarily does not belong to $C$. Let $A$ be white, $B$ man, $C$ swan. White then necessarily belongs to swan, but may belong to no man; and man necessarily belongs to no swan. Clearly then we cannot draw a problematic conclusion; for that which is necessary is admittedly distinct from that which is possible. (2) Nor again can we draw a necessary conclusion: for that presupposes that both premisses are necessary, or at any rate the negative premiss.\footnote{Cf. 30\textsuperscript{b} 7, 31\textsuperscript{a} 21.} (3) Further it is possible also, when the terms are so arranged, that $B$ should belong to $C$: for nothing prevents $C$ falling under $B$, $A$ being possible for all $B$, and necessarily belonging to $C$; e.g. if $C$ stands for ‘awake’, $B$ for ‘animal’, $A$ for ‘motion’. For motion necessarily belongs to what is awake, and is possible for every animal: and everything that is awake is animal. Clearly then the conclusion cannot be the negative assertion, if the relation must be positive when the terms are related as above. Nor can the opposite affirmations\footnote{Read καταφύσεων in l. 4 with cod. n, Al. [Amm.], and Waitz. The opposite affirmations are ‘$C$ may be $B$’ ‘$C$ must be $B$’ ‘$C$ is $B$’.} be established: consequently no syllogism is possible. A similar proof is possible if the major premiss is affirmative. But if the premisses are similar in quality, when they are negative a syllogism can always be formed by converting the problematic premiss into its complementary affirmative as before.\footnote{Cf. 32\textsuperscript{a} 29.} Suppose $A$ necessarily does not belong to $B$, and possibly may not belong to $C$: if the premises are converted $B$ belongs to no $A$, and $A$ may possibly belong to all $C$: thus we have the first figure. Similarly if the minor premiss is negative.\footnote{sc. and necessary.} But if the premisses are affirmative there cannot be a syllogism. Clearly the conclusion cannot be a negative assertoric or a negative necessary proposition because no negative premiss has been laid down either in the assertoric or in the necessary mode. Nor can the conclusion be a problematic negative proposition. For if the terms are so related, there are cases in which $B$ necessarily will not belong to $C$; e.g. suppose that $A$ is white, $B$ swan, $C$ man. Nor can the opposite affirmations\footnote{Read καταφάσεων in l. 21 with Al. and Waitz.} be established, since we have shown a case in which $B$ necessarily does not belong to $C$. A syllogism then is not possible at all. Similar relations will obtain in particular syllogisms. For whenever the negative proposition is universal and necessary, a syllogism will always be possible to prove both a problematic and a negative assertoric proposition (the proof proceeds by conversion); but when the affirmative proposition is universal and necessary, no syllogistic conclusion can be drawn. This can be proved in the same way as for universal propositions, and by the same terms.\footnote{Cf. a 26–b 5.} Nor is a syllogistic conclusion possible when both premisses are affirmative: this also may be proved as above.\footnote{ll. 12–23.} But when both premisses are negative, and the premiss that definitely disconnects two terms is universal and necessary,\footnote{‘And necessary’ is pointless, as the whole chapter is concerned only with combinations of a necessary with a problematic premiss. Possibly we should read ἥ for καὶ in l. 32. The reading of Al.’s lemma στερητικαὶ καὶ καθόλου δὲ ἀναγκαί suggests that καὶ may have originated by dittography.} though nothing follows necessarily from the premisses as they are stated, a conclusion can be drawn as above\footnote{ll. 25–7.} if the problematic premiss is converted into its complementary affirmative. But if both are indefinite or particular, no syllogism can be formed. The same proof will serve, and the same terms.\footnote{Cf. 36b 12–18.} It is clear then from what has been said that if the universal and negative premiss is necessary, a syllogism is always possible, proving not merely a negative problematic, but also a negative assertoric proposition; but if the affirmative premiss is necessary no conclusion can be drawn. It is clear too that a syllogism is possible or not under the same conditions whether the mode of the premisses is assertoric or necessary. And it is clear that all the syllogisms are imperfect, and are completed by means of the figures mentioned. In the last figure a syllogism is possible whether both or only one of the premisses is problematic. When the premisses are problematic the conclusion will be problematic; and also when one premiss is problematic, the other assertoric. But when the other premiss is necessary, if it is affirmative the conclusion will be neither necessary nor assertoric; but if it is negative the syllogism will result in a negative assertoric proposition, as above. In these also we must understand the expression ‘possible’ in the conclusion in the same way as before. First let the premisses be problematic and suppose that both $A$ and $B$ may possibly belong to every $C$. Since then the affirmative proposition is convertible into a particular, and $B$ may possibly belong to every $C$, it follows that $C$ may possibly belong to some $B$. So, if $A$ is possible for every $C$, and $C$ is possible for some of the $B$s, then $A$ is possible for some of the $B$s. For we have got the first figure. And if $A$ may possibly belong to no $C$, but $B$ may possibly belong to all $C$, it follows that $A$ may possibly not belong to some $B$: for we shall have the first figure again by conversion. But if both premisses should be negative no necessary consequence will follow from them as they are stated, but if the premisses are converted into their corresponding affirmatives there will be a syllogism as before. For if $A$ and $B$ may possibly not belong to $C$, if ‘may possibly belong’ is substituted we shall again have the first figure by means of conversion. But if one of the premisses is universal, the other particular, a syllogism will be possible, or not, under the 1 38a 14. same arrangement of the terms as in the case of assertoric propositions. Suppose that $A$ may possibly belong to all $C$, and $B$ to some $C$. We shall have the first figure again if the particular premiss is converted. For if $A$ is possible for all $C$, and $C$ for some of the $B$s, then $A$ is possible for some of the $B$s. Similarly if the proposition $BC$ is universal. Likewise also if the proposition $AC$ is negative, and the proposition $BC$ affirmative: for we shall again have the first figure by conversion. But if both premisses should be negative—the one universal and the other particular—although no syllogistic conclusion will follow from the premisses as they are put, it will follow if they are converted, as above. But when both premisses are indefinite or particular, no syllogism can be formed: for $A$ must belong sometimes to all $B$ and sometimes to no $B$. To illustrate the affirmative relation take the terms animal—man—white; to illustrate the negative, take the terms horse—man—white—white being the middle term. If one premiss is pure, the other problematic, the conclusion will be problematic, not pure; and a syllogism will be possible under the same arrangement of the terms as before.\footnote{i.e. where the premisses were pure, or problematic.} First let the premisses be affirmative: suppose that $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $B$ may possibly belong to all $C$. If the proposition $BC$ is converted, we shall have the first figure, and the conclusion that $A$ may possibly belong to some of the $B$s. For when one of the premisses in the first figure is problematic, the conclusion also (as we saw\footnote{33\textsuperscript{b} 25–40.}) is problematic. Similarly if the proposition $BC$ is pure, $AC$ problematic; or if $AC$ is negative, $BC$ affirmative, no matter which of the two is pure; in both cases the conclusion will be problematic: for the first figure is obtained once more,\footnote{Omit \textit{evdex'ouevov} in I. 22 with cod. n, Al., Phil., Them., and Waitz. \textit{evdex'ouevov} can easily be supplied in thought, since it is obvious that a negative assertoric minor gives no conclusion in the third figure.} and it has been proved that if one premiss is problematic in that figure the conclusion also will be problematic. But if the minor premiss $BC$ is negative,\footnote{645.24-8} or if both premisses are negative, no syllogistic conclusion can be drawn from the premisses as they stand, but if they are converted a syllogism is obtained as before. If one of the premisses is universal, the other particular, then when both are affirmative, or when the universal is negative, the particular affirmative, we shall have the same sort of syllogisms: for all are completed by means of the first figure. So it is clear that we shall have not a pure but a problematic syllogistic conclusion. But if the affirmative premiss is universal, the negative particular, the proof will proceed by a reductio ad impossibile. Suppose that $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ may possibly not belong to some $C$: it follows that $A$ may possibly not belong to some $B$. For if $A$ necessarily belongs to all $B$, and $B$ (as has been assumed) belongs to all $C$, $A$ will necessarily belong to all $C$: for this has been proved before.$^1$ But it was assumed at the outset that $A$ may possibly not belong to some $C$. Whenever both premisses are indefinite or particular, no syllogism will be possible. The demonstration is the same as was given in the case of universal premisses,$^2$ and proceeds by means of the same terms. If one of the premisses is necessary, the other problematic, when the premisses are affirmative a problematic affirmative conclusion can always be drawn; when one proposition is affirmative, the other negative, if the affirmative is necessary a problematic negative can be inferred; but if the negative proposition is necessary both a problematic and a pure negative conclusion are possible. But a necessary negative conclusion will not be possible, any more than in the other figures. Suppose first that the premisses are affirmative, i.e. that $A$ necessarily belongs to all $C$, and $B$ may possibly belong to all $C$. Since then $A$ must belong to all $C$, and $C$ may belong to some $B$, it follows that $A$ may (not does) belong to some $B$: for so it resulted$^3$ in the first figure. A similar proof may be given if the proposition $BC$ is necessary, and $AC$ is problematic. Again suppose one $^1$ 30$^a$ 15–23. $^2$ No such demonstration occurs in the discussion of the case of two universal premisses. The reference is a careless one to the discussion of the case of two problematic premisses, 39$^b$ 2–6. $^3$ 35$^a$ 26–8. proposition is affirmative, the other negative, the affirmative being necessary: i.e. suppose $A$ may possibly belong to no $C$, but $B$ necessarily belongs to all $C$. We shall have the first figure once more: and—since the negative premiss is problematic—it is clear that the conclusion will be problematic: for when the premisses stand thus in the first figure, the conclusion (as we found$^1$) is problematic. But if the negative premiss is necessary, the conclusion will be not only that $A$ may possibly not belong to some $B$ but also that it does not belong to some $B$. For suppose that $A$ necessarily does not belong to $C$, but $B$ may belong to all $C$. If the affirmative proposition $BC$ is converted, we shall have the first figure, and the negative premiss is necessary. But when the premisses stood thus, it resulted$^2$ that $A$ might possibly not belong to some $C$, and that it did not belong to some $C$; consequently here it follows that $A$ does not belong to some $B$. But when the minor premiss is negative, if it is problematic we shall have a syllogism by altering the premiss into its complementary affirmative, as before; but if it is necessary no syllogism can be formed. For $A$ sometimes necessarily belongs to all $B$, and sometimes cannot possibly belong to any $B$. To illustrate the former take the terms sleep—sleeping horse—man; to illustrate the latter take the terms sleep—waking horse—man. Similar results will obtain if one of the terms is related universally to the middle, the other in part. If both premisses are affirmative, the conclusion will be problematic, not pure; and also when one premiss is negative, the other affirmative, the latter being necessary. But when the negative premiss is necessary, the conclusion also will be a pure negative proposition; for the same kind of proof can be given whether the terms are universal or not. For the syllogisms must be made perfect by means of the first figure, so that a result which follows in the first figure follows also in the third. But when the minor premiss is negative and universal, if it is problematic a syllogism can be formed by means of conversion; but if it is necessary a syllogism is not possible. The proof will follow the same $^1$ 36$^a$ 17-25. $^2$ 36$^a$ 32-9. course as where the premises are universal; and the same terms may be used. It is clear then in this figure also when and how a syllogism can be formed, and when the conclusion is problematic, and when it is pure. It is evident also that all syllogisms in this figure are imperfect, and that they are made perfect by means of the first figure. It is clear from what has been said that the syllogisms in these figures are made perfect by means of universal syllogisms in the first figure and are reduced to them. That every syllogism without qualification can be so treated, will be clear presently, when it has been proved that every syllogism is formed through one or other of these figures. It is necessary that every demonstration and every syllogism should prove either that something belongs or that it does not, and this either universally or in part, and further either ostensively or hypothetically. One sort of hypothetical proof is the reductio ad impossibile. Let us speak first of ostensive syllogisms: for after these have been pointed out the truth of our contention will be clear with regard to those which are proved per impossibile, and in general hypothetically. If then one wants to prove syllogistically $A$ of $B$, either as an attribute of it or as not an attribute of it, one must assert something of something else. If now $A$ should be asserted of $B$, the proposition originally in question will have been assumed. But if $A$ should be asserted of $C$, but $C$ should not be asserted of anything, nor anything of it, nor anything else of $A$, no syllogism will be possible. For nothing necessarily follows from the assertion of some one thing concerning some other single thing. Thus we must take another premiss as well. If then $A$ be asserted of something else, or something else of $A$, or something different of $C$, nothing prevents a syllogism being formed, but it will not be in relation to $B$ through the premisses taken. Nor when $C$ belongs to something else, and that to something else and so on, no connexion however being made with $B$, will a syllogism be possible concerning $A$ in its relation to $B$. For in general we stated$^1$ that no syllogism can establish the attribution of one thing to another, unless some middle term is taken, which is somehow related to each by way of predication. For the syllogism in general is made out of premisses, and a syllogism referring to this$^5$ out of premisses with the same reference, and a syllogism relating this to that proceeds through premisses which relate this to that. But it is impossible to take a premiss in reference to $B$, if we neither affirm nor deny anything of it; or again to take a premiss relating $A$ to $B$, if we take nothing common, but affirm or deny peculiar attributes of each. So we must take something midway between the two, which will connect the predications, if we are to have a syllogism relating this to that. If then we must take something common in relation to both, and this is possible in three ways (either by predicating $A$ of $C$, and $C$ of $B$, or $C$$_{15}$ of both, or both of $C$), and these are the figures of which we have spoken, it is clear that every syllogism must be made in one or other of these figures. The argument is the same if several middle terms should be necessary to establish the relation to $B$; for the figure will be the same whether there is one middle term or many. It is clear then that the ostensive syllogisms are effected by means of the aforesaid figures; these considerations will show that reductiones ad impossibile also are effected in the same way. For all who effect an argument per impossibile infer syllogistically what is false, and prove the original conclusion hypothetically when something impossible results$^2$ from the assumption of its contradictory; e.g. that the diagonal of the square is incommensurate with the side, because odd numbers are equal to evens if it is supposed to be commensurate.$^2$ One infers syllogistically that odd numbers come out equal to evens, and one proves hypothetically the incommensurability of the diagonal, since a falsehood results through contradicting this. For this we found to be reasoning per impossibile, viz. proving some- $^1$ Cf. 25$^b$ 32. $^2$ The proof is given in Euclid, Elements, Bk. x, App. 27 (ed. Heiberg and Menge). Cf. B. Russell, Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy, p. 67. thing impossible by means of an hypothesis conceded at the beginning. Consequently, since the falsehood is established in reductions ad impossibile by an ostensive syllogism, and the original conclusion is proved hypothetically, and we have already stated that ostensive syllogisms are effected by means of these figures, it is evident that syllogisms per impossibile also will be made through these figures. Likewise all the other hypothetical syllogisms: for in every case the syllogism leads up to the proposition that is substituted for the original thesis; but the original thesis is reached by means of a concession or some other hypothesis.$^1$ But if this is true, every demonstration and every syllogism must be formed by means of the three figures mentioned above. But when this has been shown it is clear that every syllogism is perfected by means of the first figure and is reducible to the universal syllogisms in this figure. Further in every syllogism one of the premisses must be affirmative, and universality must be present: unless one of the premisses is universal either a syllogism will not be possible, or it will not refer to the subject proposed, or the original position will be begged. Suppose we have to prove that pleasure in music is good. If one should claim as a premiss that pleasure is good without adding ‘all’, no syllogism will be possible; if one should claim that some pleasure is good, then if it is different from pleasure in music, it is not relevant to the subject proposed; if it is this very pleasure, one is assuming that which was proposed at the outset to be proved. This is more obvious in geometrical proofs, e.g. that the angles at the base of an isosceles triangle are equal. Suppose the lines $A$ and $B$ have been drawn to the centre. If then one should assume that the angle $AC$ is equal to the angle $BD$, without claiming generally that angles of semicircles are equal; and again if one should assume that the angle $C$ is equal to the angle $D$, without the additional assumption that every angle of $^1$ Aristotle is thinking of the method of establishing a proposition $A$ is $B$ by inducing the opponent to agree that $A$ is $B$ if $X$ is $Y$. All that remains then is to establish syllogistically that $X$ is $Y$. That $A$ is $B$ thus follows from the agreement. a segment is equal to every other angle of the same segment; and further if one should assume that when equal angles are taken from the whole angles, which are themselves equal, the remainders $E$ and $F$ are equal, he will beg the thing to be proved, unless he also states that when equals are taken from equals the remainders are equal.\footnote{The diagram Aristotle has in mind appears to be the following:} It is clear then that in every syllogism there must be a universal premiss, and that a universal statement is proved only when all the premisses are universal, while a particular statement is proved both from two universal premisses and from one only: consequently if the conclusion is universal, the premisses also must be universal, but if the \footnote{Here $A$ and $B$ are the equal sides, $E$ and $F$ the angles at the base of the isosceles triangle. $C$ and $D$ are the angles formed by the base with the circumference. The angles formed by the equal sides with the base are loosely called $AC, BD$. That the angles of the semicircle of the segment mean those formed by the diameter and the chord respectively with the circumference (as supposed by Al., Phil., Pacius, and Blancanus), not those in the semicircle and in the segment (as supposed by Waitz) seems to be sufficiently indicated by the language of Euclid, iii. 16, 31. Contrast ἵ ἐν ἱμικυκλίω, Post. An. 94\textsuperscript{a} 28, Met. 1051\textsuperscript{a} 27.} premises are universal it is possible that the conclusion may not be universal. And it is clear also that in every syllogism either both or one of the premises must be like the conclusion. I mean not only in being affirmative or negative, but also in being necessary, pure, or problematic. We must consider also the other forms of predication. It is clear also when a syllogism in general can be made and when it cannot; and when a valid,$^1$ when a perfect syllogism can be formed; and that if a syllogism is formed the terms must be arranged in one of the ways that have been mentioned. It is clear too that every demonstration will proceed through three terms and no more, unless the same conclusion is established by different pairs of propositions; e.g. the conclusion $E$ may be established through the propositions $A$ and $B$, and through the propositions $C$ and $D$, or through the propositions $A$ and $B$, or $A$ and $C$, or $B$ and $C$.$^2$ For nothing prevents there being several middles for the same terms. But in that case there is not one but several syllogisms. Or again when each of the propositions $A$ and $B$ is obtained by syllogistic inference, e.g. $A$ by means of $D$ and $E$, and again $B$ by means of $F$ and $G$. Or one may be obtained by syllogistic, the other by inductive inference. But thus also the syllogisms are many; for the conclusions are many, e.g. $A$ and $B$ and $C$. But if this can be called one syllogism, not many, the same conclusion may be reached by more than three terms in this way, but it cannot be reached as $C$ is established by means of $A$ and $B$.$^3$ Suppose that the proposition $E$ is inferred from the premises $A$, $B$, $C$, and $D$. It is necessary then that of these one should be related to another as whole to part: for it has already been proved that if a syllogism is formed some of its terms must be related in this way.$^4$ Suppose then that $A$ stands in this relation to $B$. Some conclusion then $^1$ sc. but imperfect. $^2$ Insert $\kappa\alpha\iota\ A\iota'$ after $AB$ in l. 39 with $A_2$, C, Al., Phil., and Waitz. $^3$ i.e. by way of a simple syllogism. This is incompatible with there being more than three terms. $^4$ 40b 30. follows from them. It must either be $E$ or one or other of $C$ and $D$, or something other than these. (1) If it is $E$ the syllogism will have $A$ and $B$ for its sole 15 premises. But if $C$ and $D$ are so related that one is whole, the other part, some conclusion will follow from them also; and it must be either $E$, or one or other of the propositions $A$ and $B$, or something other than these. And if it is (i) $E$, or (ii) $A$ or $B$, either (i) the syllogisms will be more than one, or (ii) the same thing happens to be inferred by means of several terms only in the sense which we saw to be possible.$^1$ But if (iii) the conclusion is other than $E$ or $A$ or $B$, the 20 syllogisms will be many, and unconnected with one another. But if $C$ is not so related to $D$ as to make a syllogism, the propositions will have been assumed to no purpose, unless for the sake of induction or of obscuring the argument or something of the sort. (2) But if from the propositions $A$ and $B$ there follows not $E$ but some other conclusion, and if from $C$ and $D$ either $A$ or 25 $B$ follows or something else, then there are several syllogisms, and they do not establish the conclusion proposed: for we assumed that the syllogism proved $E$. And if no conclusion follows from $C$ and $D$, it turns out that these propositions have been assumed to no purpose, and the syllogism does not prove the original proposition. So it is clear that every demonstration and every syllogism will proceed through three terms only. This being evident, it is clear that a syllogistic conclusion follows from two premisses and not from more than two. For the three terms make two premisses, unless a new premiss is assumed, as was said at the beginning,$^2$ to perfect the syllogisms. It is clear therefore that in whatever 35 syllogistic argument the premisses through which the main conclusion follows (for some of the preceding conclusions must be premisses) are not even in number, this argument either has not been drawn syllogistically or it has assumed more than was necessary to establish its thesis. $^1$ I. 6. $^2$ The reference is to the new premisses produced by conversion, when a syllogism in the second or third figure is being reduced to one in the first. Cf. 24$^b$ 24. If then syllogisms are taken with respect to their main premisses, every syllogism will consist of an even number of premisses and an odd number of terms (for the terms exceed the premisses by one), and the conclusions will be half the number of the premisses. But whenever a conclusion is reached by means of prosyllogisms or by means of several continuous middle terms,$^1$ e.g. the proposition $AB$ by means of the middle terms $C$ and $D$, the number of the terms will similarly exceed that of the premisses by one (for the extra term must either be added outside or inserted: but in either case it follows that the relations of predication are one fewer than the terms related), and the premisses will be equal in number to the relations of predication. The premisses however will not always be even, the terms odd; but they will alternate—when the premisses are even, the terms must be odd; when the terms are even, the premisses must be odd: for along with one term one premiss is added, if a term is added from any quarter. Consequently since the premisses were (as we saw) even, and the terms odd, we must make them alternately even and odd at each addition. But the conclusions will not follow the same arrangement either in respect to the terms or to the premisses. For if one term is added, conclusions will be added less by one than the pre-existing terms: for the conclusion is drawn not in relation to the single term last added, but in relation to all the rest, e.g. if to $ABC$ the term $D$ is added, two conclusions are thereby added, one in relation to $A$, the other in relation to $B$. Similarly with any further additions. And similarly too if the term is inserted in the middle: for in relation to one term only, a syllogism will not be constructed. Consequently the conclusions will be much more numerous than the terms or the premisses. Since we understand the subjects with which syllogisms are concerned, what sort of conclusion is established in each figure, and in how many moods this is done, it is evident to us both what sort of problem is difficult and what sort is easy to prove. For that which is concluded in many figures and $^1$ Omit $\mu'\eta$ in l. 6 with cod. n, Al., Them., and Waitz. through many moods is easier; that which is concluded in few figures and through few moods is more difficult to attempt. The universal affirmative is proved by means of the first figure only and by this in only one mood; the universal negative is proved both through the first figure and through the second, through the first in one mood, through the second in two. The particular affirmative is proved through the first and through the last figure, in one mood through the first, in three moods through the last. The particular negative is proved in all the figures, but once in the first, in two moods in the second, in three moods in the third. It is clear then that the universal affirmative is most difficult to establish, most easy to overthrow. In general, universals are easier game for the destroyer than particulars: for whether the predicate belongs to none or not to some, they are destroyed: and the particular negative is proved in all the figures, the universal negative in two. Similarly with universal negatives: the original statement is destroyed, whether the predicate belongs to all or to some: and this we found possible in two figures. But particular statements can be refuted in one way only—by proving that the predicate belongs either to all or to none. But particular statements are easier to establish: for proof is possible in more figures and through more moods. And in general we must not forget that it is possible to refute statements by means of one another, I mean, universal statements by means of particular, and particular statements by means of universal: but it is not possible to establish universal statements by means of particular, though it is possible to establish particular statements by means of universal. At the same time it is evident that it is easier to refute than to establish. The manner in which every syllogism is produced, the number of the terms and premises through which it proceeds, the relation of the premises to one another, the character of the problem proved in each figure, and the number of the figures appropriate to each problem, all these matters are clear from what has been said. We must now state how we may ourselves always have a supply of syllogisms in reference to the problem proposed and by what road we may reach the principles relative to the problem: for perhaps we ought not only to investigate the construction of syllogisms, but also to have the power of making them. Of all the things which exist some are such that they cannot be predicated of anything else truly and universally, e.g. Cleon and Callias, i.e. the individual and sensible, but other things may be predicated of them (for each of these is both man and animal); and some things are themselves predicated of others, but nothing prior is predicated of them; and some are predicated of others, and yet others of them, e.g. man of Callias and animal of man. It is clear then that some things are naturally not stated of anything: for as a rule each sensible thing is such that it cannot be predicated of anything, save incidentally: for we sometimes say that that white object is Socrates, or that that which approaches is Callias. We shall explain in another place$^1$ that there is an upward limit also to the process of predicating: for the present we must assume this. Of these ultimate predicates it is not possible to demonstrate another predicate, save as a matter of opinion, but these may be predicated of other things. Neither can individuals be predicated of other things, though other things can be predicated of them. Whatever lies between these limits can be spoken of in both ways: they may be stated of others, and others stated of them. And as a rule arguments and inquiries are concerned with these things. We must select the premisses suitable to each problem in this manner: first we must lay down the subject and the definitions and the properties of the thing; next we must lay down those attributes which follow$^2$ the thing, and again those which the thing follows, and those which cannot belong to it. But those to which it cannot belong need not be selected, because the negative statement implied above --- $^1$ Post. An. i. 19-22. $^2$ The term ‘follow’ has been used to translate ἐπεσθαί with the implication of logical sequence. Though the usage is hardly idiomatic in regard to terms, one of which is consequent on or implied by the other, it has become current with respect to propositions. is convertible. Of the attributes which follow we must distinguish those which fall within the definition, those which are predicated as properties, and those which are predicated as accidents, and of the latter those which apparently and those which really belong. The larger the supply a man has of these, the more quickly will he reach a conclusion; and in proportion as he apprehends those which are truer, the more cogently will he demonstrate. But he must select not those which follow some particular but those which follow the thing as a whole, e.g. not what follows a particular man but what follows every man: for the syllogism proceeds through universal premisses. If the statement is indefinite, it is uncertain whether the premiss is universal, but if the statement is definite, the matter is clear. Similarly one must select those attributes which the subject follows as wholes, for the reason given. But that which follows one must not suppose to follow as a whole, e.g. that every animal follows man or every science music, but only that it follows, without qualification, as indeed we state it in a proposition: for the other statement is useless and impossible, e.g. that every man is every animal or justice is all good. But that which something follows receives the mark 'every'. Whenever the subject, for which we must obtain the attributes that follow, is contained by something else, what follows or does not follow the highest term universally must not be selected in dealing with the subordinate term (for these attributes have been taken in dealing with the superior term; for what follows animal also follows man, and what does not belong to animal does not belong to man); but we must choose those attributes which are peculiar to each subject. For some things are peculiar to the species as distinct from the genus; for species being distinct there must be attributes peculiar to each. Nor must we take as things which the superior term follows, those things which the inferior term follows, e.g. take as subjects of the predicate 'animal' what are really subjects of the predicate 'man'. It is necessary indeed, if animal follows man, that it should follow all these also. But these belong more properly to the choice of what concerns man. One must apprehend also normal consequents and normal antecedents; for propositions which obtain normally are established syllogistically from premises which obtain normally, some if not all of them having this character of normality. For the conclusion of each syllogism resembles its principles. We must not however choose attributes which are consequent upon all the terms: for no syllogism can be made out of such premises. The reason why this is so will be clear in the sequel. If men wish to establish something about some whole, they must look to the subjects of that which is being established (the subjects of which it happens to be asserted), and the attributes which follow that of which it is to be predicated. For if any of these subjects is the same as any of these attributes, the attribute originally in question must belong to the subject originally in question. But if the purpose is to establish not a universal but a particular proposition, they must look for the terms of which the terms in question are predicable: for if any of these are identical, the attribute in question must belong to some of the subject in question. Whenever the one term has to belong to none of the other, one must look to the consequents of the subject, and to those attributes which cannot possibly be present in the predicate in question: or conversely to the attributes which cannot possibly be present in the subject, and to the consequents of the predicate. If any members of these groups are identical, one of the terms in question cannot possibly belong to any of the other. For sometimes a syllogism in the first figure results, sometimes a syllogism in the second. But if the object is to establish a particular negative proposition, we must find antecedents of the subject in question and attributes which cannot possibly belong to the predicate in question. If any members of these two groups are identical, 1 i.e. on the major and minor terms. Two affirmative premisses in the second figure give no conclusion. 2 44b 20. 3 We thus get a syllogism in Barbara. 4 Darapti. 5 Cesare. 6 Camestres. 7 By converting the major premiss of the Cesare syllogism or the minor premiss of the Camestres syllogism. 8 Felapton, by conversion. it follows that one of the terms in question does not belong to some of the other. Perhaps each of these statements will become clearer in the following way. Suppose the consequents of $A$ are designated by $B$, the antecedents of $A$ by $C$, attributes which cannot possibly belong to $A$ by $D$. Suppose again that the attributes of $E$ are designated by $F$, the antecedents of $E$ by $G$, and attributes which cannot belong to $E$ by $H$. If then one of the $C$s should be identical with one of the $F$s, $A$ must belong to all $E$: for $F$ belongs to all $E$, and $A^1$ to all $C$, consequently $A$ belongs to all $E$. If $C$ and $G$ are identical, $A$ must belong to some of the $E$s: for $A$ follows $C$, and $E$ follows all $G$. If $F$ and $D$ are identical, $A$ will belong to none of the $E$s by a prosyllogism: for since the negative proposition is convertible, and $F$ is identical with $D$, $A$ will belong to none of the $F$s, but $F$ belongs to all $E$. Again, if $B$ and $H$ are identical, $A$ will belong to none of the $E$s: for $B$ will belong to all $A$, but to no $E$: for it was assumed to be identical with $H$, and $H$ belonged to none of the $E$s. If $D$ and $G$ are identical, $A$ will not belong to some of the $E$s: for it will not belong to $G$, because it does not belong to $D$: but $G$ falls under $E$: consequently $A$ will not belong to some of the $E$s. If $B$ is identical with $G$, there will be a converted syllogism: for $E^3$ will belong to all $A$, since $B$ belongs to $A$ and $E$ to $B$ (for $B$ was found to be identical with $G$): but that $A$ should belong to all $E$ is not necessary, but it must belong to some $E$ because it is possible to convert the universal statement into a particular. It is clear then that in every proposition which requires proof we must look to the aforesaid relations of the subject and predicate in question: for all syllogisms proceed through these. But if we are seeking consequents and antecedents we must look for those which are primary and most universal, e.g. in reference to $E$ we must look to $KF$ rather than to $F$ alone, and in reference to $A$ we must look to $KC$ rather than --- 1 τῶ A in Bekker, l. 19, is a misprint for τὸ A. 2 Read τῶ δ' for τὸ δ' in l. 26 with A₂, C, and Waitz. 3 Read E in l. 31 with A, B₂, C, and treat τὸ γὰρ . . . H ll. 32–3 as parenthetical (Waitz). 44b to C alone.1 For if A belongs to KF, it belongs both to F and to E: but if it does not follow KF, it may yet follow F. Similarly we must consider the antecedents of A itself: for if a term follows the primary antecedents, it will follow those also which are subordinate, but if it does not follow the former, it may yet follow the latter. It is clear too that the inquiry proceeds through the three terms and the two premisses, and that all the syllogisms proceed through the aforesaid figures. For it is proved that A belongs to all E, whenever an identical term is found among the Cs and Fs. This will be the middle term; A and E will be the extremes. So the first figure is formed. And A will belong to some E, whenever C and G are apprehended to be the same. This is the last figure: for G becomes the middle term. And A will belong to no E, when D and F are identical. Thus we have both the first figure and the middle figure; the first, because A belongs to no F, since the negative statement is convertible, and F belongs to all E; the middle figure because D belongs to no A, and to all E. And A will not belong to some E, whenever D and G are identical. This is the last figure: for A will belong to no G, and E will belong to all G. Clearly then all syllogisms proceed through the aforesaid figures, and we must not select consequents of all the terms,2 because no syllogism is produced from them. For (as we saw)3 it is not possible at all to establish a proposition from consequents, and it is not possible to refute by means of a consequent of both the terms in question: for the middle term must belong to the one, and not belong to the other. 1 Aristotle has in mind the proof in a 12-19, where All E is F. F = C. All C is A. ∴ All E is A. He now points out that it is preferable to take both the antecedents and the consequents of A and of E in their most general form, e.g. to take KF, a καθ' ὁλον which includes F, and KC, a καθ' ὁλον which includes C. If all KF is A, then all F and ∴ all E is A, and by taking account of KF as well as of F we shall have put the proof in a more satisfactory because more universal way. 2 i.e. the consequents of A and E. 3 27a 18-20, b 23-8. It is clear too that other methods of inquiry by selection of middle terms are useless to produce a syllogism, e.g. if the consequents of the terms in question are identical, or if the antecedents of $A$ are identical with those attributes which cannot possibly belong to $E$, or if those attributes are identical which cannot belong to either term: for no syllogism is produced by means of these. For if the consequents are identical, e.g. $B$ and $F$, we have the middle figure with both premisses affirmative: if the antecedents of $A$ are identical with attributes which cannot belong to $E$, e.g. $C$ with $H$, we have the first figure with its minor premiss negative. If attributes which cannot belong to either term are identical, e.g. $C$ and $H$, both premisses are negative, either in the first or in the middle figure. But no syllogism is possible in this way. It is evident too that we must find out which terms in this inquiry are identical, not which are different or contrary, first because the object of our investigation is the middle term, and the middle term must be not diverse but identical. Secondly, wherever it happens that a syllogism results from taking contraries or terms which cannot belong to the same thing, all arguments can be reduced to the aforesaid moods, e.g. if $B$ and $F$ are contraries or cannot belong to the same thing. For if these are taken, a syllogism will be formed to prove that $A$ belongs to none of the $E$s, not however from the premisses taken but in the aforesaid mood. For $B$ will belong to all $A$ and to no $E$. Consequently $B$ must be identical with one of the $H$s. Again, if $B$ and $G$ cannot belong to the same thing, it follows that $A$ will not belong to some of the $E$s: for then too we shall have the middle figure: for $B$ will belong to all $A$ and to no $G$.1 Consequently $B$ must be identical with some of the $H$s.2 For the fact that $B$ and $G$ cannot belong to the same thing differs in no way from the fact that $B$ is identical with some of the $H$s: for that includes everything which cannot belong to $E$. It is clear then that from the inquiries taken by them- 1 And $\therefore$ not to some $E$. 2 This does not actually follow. selves no syllogism results; but if $B$ and $F$ are contraries $B$ must be$^1$ identical with one of the $H$s, and the syllogism results through these terms. It turns out then that those who inquire in this manner are looking gratuitously for some other way than the necessary way because they have failed to observe the identity of the $B$s with the $H$s. Syllogisms which lead to impossible conclusions are similar to ostensive syllogisms; they also are formed by means of the consequents and antecedents of the terms in question. In both cases the same inquiry is involved. For what is proved ostensively may also be concluded syllogistically \textit{per impossibile} by means of the same terms; and what is proved \textit{per impossibile} may also be proved ostensively, e.g. that $A$ belongs to none of the $E$s. For suppose $A$ to belong to some $E$: then since $B$ belongs to all $A$ and $A$ to some of the $E$s, $B$ will belong to some of the $E$s: but it was assumed that it belongs to none. Again we may prove that $A$ belongs to some $E$: for if $A$ belonged to none of the $E$s, and $E$ belongs to all $G$, $A$ will belong to none of the $G$s: but it was assumed to belong to all. Similarly with the other propositions requiring proof. The proof \textit{per impossibile} will always and in all cases be from the consequents and antecedents of the terms in question. Whatever the problem the same inquiry is necessary whether one wishes to use an ostensive syllogism or a reduction to impossibility. For both the demonstrations start from the same terms, e.g. suppose it has been proved that $A$ belongs to no $E$, because it turns out that otherwise $B$ belongs to some of the $E$s and this is impossible—if now it is assumed that $B$ belongs to no $E$ and to all $A$, it is clear that $A$ will belong to no $E$. Again if it has been proved by an ostensive syllogism that $A$ belongs to no $E$, assume that $A$ belongs to some $E$ and it will be proved \textit{per impossibile} to belong to no $E$. Similarly with the rest. In all cases it is necessary to find some common term other than the subjects of inquiry, to which the syllogism establishing the false conclusion may relate, so that if this premiss is $^1$ Read ἀνάγκη δ’ εἰ for ἐὰν δὲ in l. 18 with Bnu and Waitz. converted, and the other remains as it is, the syllogism will be ostensive by means of the same terms. For the ostensive syllogism differs from the reductio ad impossibile in this: in the ostensive syllogism both premisses are laid down in accordance with the truth, in the reductio ad impossibile one of the premisses is assumed falsely. These points will be made clearer by the sequel, when we discuss the reduction to impossibility: at present this much must be clear, that we must look to terms of the kinds mentioned whether we wish to use an ostensive syllogism or a reduction to impossibility. In the other hypothetical syllogisms, I mean those which proceed by substitution, or by positing a certain quality, the inquiry will be directed to the terms of the problem to be proved—not the terms of the original problem, but the new terms introduced; and the method of the inquiry will be the same as before. But we must consider and determine in how many ways hypothetical syllogisms are possible. Each of the problems then can be proved in the manner described; but it is possible to establish some of them syllogistically in another way, e.g. universal problems by the inquiry which leads up to a particular conclusion, with the addition of an hypothesis. For if the Cs and the Gs should be identical, but E should be assumed to belong to the Gs only, then A would belong to every E: and again if the Ds and the Gs should be identical, but E should be predicated of the Gs only, it follows that A will belong to none of the Es. Clearly then we must consider the matter in this way also. The method is the same whether the relation is necessary or possible. For the inquiry will be the same, and the syllogism will proceed through terms 1 i.e. if this false conclusion is replaced by its contradictory and this is treated as a premiss. 2 ii. 14. 3 Cf. 41a 39. 4 Al. and Phil. interpret this as referring to arguments ἀπὸ τοῦ μᾶλλον καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ καὶ διὰ μίαν, from the possession of a quality in unequal or equal degree by two terms, i.e. arguments a fortiori and by analogy. 5 i.e. the assumption that C = G, which in 44a 19-21 proved that some E is A, will, if we add the hypothesis that only G is E, prove that all E is A; and the assumption that D = G, which in 44a 28-30 proved that some E is not A, will, if we suppose that only G is E, prove that no E is A. arranged in the same order whether a possible or a pure proposition is proved. We must find in the case of possible relations, as well as terms that belong, terms which can belong though they actually do not: for we have proved that the syllogism which establishes a possible relation proceeds through these terms as well. Similarly also with the other modes of predication.$^1$ It is clear then from what has been said not only that all syllogisms can be formed in this way, but also that they cannot be formed in any other. For every syllogism has been proved to be formed through one of the aforementioned figures, and these cannot be composed through other terms than the consequents and antecedents of the terms in question: for from these we obtain the premises and find the middle term. Consequently a syllogism cannot be formed by means of other terms. The method is the same in all cases, in philosophy, in any art or study. We must look for the attributes and the subjects of both our terms,$^2$ and we must supply ourselves with as many of these as possible, and consider them by means of the three terms, refuting statements in one way, confirming them in another, in the pursuit of truth starting from premises in which the arrangement of the terms is in accordance with truth, while if we look for dialectical syllogisms we must start from probable premises. The principles of syllogisms have been stated in general terms, both how they are characterized and how we must hunt for them, so as not to look to everything that is said about the terms of the problem or to the same points whether we are confirming or refuting, or again whether we are confirming of all or of some, and whether we are refuting of all or some; we must look to fewer points and they must be definite. We have also stated how we must select with reference to everything that is, e.g. about good or knowledge. But in each science the principles which are peculiar$^3$ are the most numerous. Consequently it is the business $^1$ e.g. propositions asserting non-necessity, impossibility, &c. $^2$ Read ἐκάτερον in l. 5 with A, B, C, Al., and Waitz. $^3$ Read ἰδιαῖ in l. 17 with Al. and Waitz. of experience to give the principles which belong to each subject. I mean for example that astronomical experience supplies the principles of astronomical science: for once the phenomena were adequately apprehended, the demonstrations of astronomy were discovered. Similarly with any other art or science. Consequently, if the attributes of the thing are apprehended, our business will then be to exhibit readily the demonstrations. For if none of the true attributes of things had been omitted in the historical survey, we should be able to discover the proof and demonstrate everything which admitted of proof, and to make that clear, whose nature does not admit of proof. In general then we have explained fairly well how we must select premisses: we have discussed the matter accurately in the treatise concerning dialectic.$^1$ It is easy to see that division into classes$^2$ is a small part of the method we have described: for division is, so to speak, a weak syllogism; for what it ought to prove, it begs, and it always establishes something more general than the attribute in question. First, this very point had escaped all those who used the method of division; and they attempted to persuade men that it was possible to make a demonstration of substance and essence. Consequently they did not understand what it is possible to prove syllogistically by division,$^3$ nor did they understand that it was possible to prove syllogistically in the manner we have described.$^4$ In demonstrations, when there is a need to prove a positive statement, the middle term through which the syllogism is formed must always be inferior to and not comprehend the first of the extremes. But division has a contrary intention: for it takes the universal as middle. Let animal be the term signified by $A$, mortal by $B$, and immortal by $C$, and let man, whose definition is to be got, --- $^1$ Topics, especially i. 14. $^2$ Aristotle is thinking of Plato's establishment of definitions by means of division by dichotomy. $^3$ Read $\deltaιαρουμένους$ in l. 38 with codd. mn, Al., Phil., Them., and Waitz. $^4$ In cc. 1-30. be signified by $D$. The man who divides assumes that every animal is either mortal or immortal: i.e. whatever is $A$ is all either $B$ or $C$. Again, always dividing, he lays it down that man is an animal, so he assumes $A$ of $D$ as belonging to it. Now the true conclusion is that every $D$ is either $B$ or $C$, consequently man must be either mortal or immortal, but it is not necessary that man should be a mortal animal—this is begged: and this is what ought to have been proved syllogistically. And again, taking $A$ as mortal animal, $B$ as footed, $C$ as footless, and $D$ as man, he assumes in the same way that $A$ inheres either in $B$ or in $C$ (for every mortal animal is either footed or footless), and he assumes $A$ of $D$ (for he assumed man, as we saw, to be a mortal animal); consequently it is necessary that man should be either a footed or a footless animal; but it is not necessary that man should be footed: this he assumes: and it is just this again which he ought to have demonstrated. Always dividing then in this way it turns out that these logicians assume as middle the universal term, and as extremes that which ought to have been the subject of demonstration and the differentiae. In conclusion, they do not make it clear, and show it to be necessary, that this is man or whatever the subject of inquiry may be: for they pursue the other method altogether, never even suspecting the presence of the rich supply of evidence which might be used. It is clear that it is neither possible to refute a statement by this method of division, nor to draw a conclusion about an accident or property of a thing, nor about its genus, nor in cases in which it is unknown whether it is thus or thus, e.g. whether the diagonal is incommensurate. For if he assumes that every length is either commensurate or incommensurate, and the diagonal is a length, he has proved that the diagonal is either incommensurate or commensurate. But if he should assume that it is incommensurate, he will have assumed what he ought to have proved. He cannot then prove it: for this is his method, but proof is not possible by this method. Let $A$ stand for 'incommensurate or commensurate', $B$ for 'length', $C$ for 'diagonal'. It is clear then that this method of investigation is not suitable for every inquiry, nor is it useful in those cases in which it is thought to be most suitable. From what has been said it is clear from what elements demonstrations are formed and in what manner, and to what points we must look in each problem. 32 Our next business is to state how we can reduce syllogisms to the aforementioned figures: for this part of the inquiry still remains. If we should investigate the production of the syllogisms and had the power of discovering them, and further if we could resolve the syllogisms produced into the aforementioned figures, our original problem would be brought to a conclusion. It will happen at the same time that what has been already said will be confirmed and its truth made clearer by what we are about to say. For everything that is true must in every respect agree with itself. First then we must attempt to select the two premisses of the syllogism (for it is easier to divide into large parts than into small,¹ and the composite parts are larger than the elements out of which they are made); next we must inquire which are universal and which particular, and if both premisses have not been stated, we must ourselves assume the one which is missing. For sometimes men put forward the universal premiss, but do not posit the premiss which is contained in it, either in writing or in discussion: or men put forward the premisses of the principal syllogism, but omit those through which they are inferred, and invite the concession of others to no purpose.² We must inquire then whether anything unnecessary has been assumed, or anything necessary has been omitted, and we must posit the one and take away the other, until we have reached the two premisses: for unless we have these, we cannot reduce³ arguments put forward in the way described. In some arguments it is easy to see what is wanting, but some escape us, and appear to be syllogisms, because something necessary results from what has been laid ¹ i.e. the terms. ² Top. viii. 1. ³ Read ἀναγαγέων in l. 21 with B, C₂, Al., and Waitz. down, e.g. if the assumptions were made that substance is not annihilated by the annihilation of what is not substance, and that if the elements out of which a thing is made are annihilated, then that which is made out of them is destroyed: these propositions being laid down, it is necessary that any part of substance is substance; this has not however been drawn by syllogism from the propositions assumed, but premises are wanting. Again if it is necessary that animal should exist, if man does, and that substance should exist, if animal does, it is necessary that substance should exist if man does: but as yet the conclusion has not been drawn syllogistically: for the premises are not in the shape we required. We are deceived in such cases because something necessary results from what is assumed, since the syllogism also is necessary. But that which is necessary is wider than the syllogism: for every syllogism is necessary, but not everything which is necessary is a syllogism. Consequently, though something results when certain propositions are assumed, we must not try to reduce it directly, but must first state the two premises, then divide them into their terms. We must take that term as middle which is stated in both the premises: for it is necessary that the middle should be found in both premises in all the figures. If then the middle term is a predicate and a subject of predication, or if it is a predicate, and something else is denied of it, we shall have the first figure: if it both is a predicate and is denied of something, the middle figure: if other things are predicated of it, or one is denied, the other predicated, the last figure. For it was thus that we found the middle term placed in each figure. It is placed similarly too if the premises are not universal: for the middle term is determined in the same way. Clearly then, if the same term is not stated more than once in the course of an argument, a syllogism cannot be made: for a middle term has not been taken. Since we know what sort of thesis is established in each figure, and in which the universal, in what sort the particular is established, clearly we must not look for all the figures, but for that which is appropriate to the thesis in hand. If the thesis is established in more figures than one, we shall recognize the figure by the position of the middle term. 33 Men are frequently deceived about syllogisms because the inference is necessary, as has been said above; sometimes they are deceived by the similarity in the positing of the terms; and this ought not to escape our notice. E.g. if $ A $ is stated of $ B $, and $ B $ of $ C $: it would seem that a syllogism is possible since the terms stand thus: but nothing necessary results, nor does a syllogism. Let $ A $ represent the term ‘being eternal’, $ B $ ‘Aristomenes as an object of thought’, $ C $ ‘Aristomenes’. It is true then that $ A $ belongs to $ B $. For Aristomenes as an object of thought is eternal. But $ B $ also belongs to $ C $: for Aristomenes is Aristomenes as an object of thought. But $ A $ does not belong to $ C $: for Aristomenes is perishable. For no syllogism was made although the terms stood thus: that required that the premiss $ AB $ should be stated universally. But this is false, that every Aristomenes who is an object of thought is eternal, since Aristomenes is perishable. Again let $ C $ stand for ‘Miccalus’, $ B $ for ‘musical Miccalus’, $ A $ for ‘perishing to-morrow’. It is true to predicate $ B $ of $ C $: for Miccalus is musical Miccalus. Also $ A $ can be predicated of $ B $: for musical Miccalus might perish to-morrow. But to state $ A $ of $ C $ is false at any rate. This argument then is identical with the former; for it is not true universally that musical Miccalus perishes to-morrow: but unless this is assumed, no syllogism (as we have shown) is possible. This deception then arises through ignoring a small distinction. For we accept the conclusion as though it made no difference whether we said ‘This belongs to that’ or ‘This belongs to all of that’. 34 Men will frequently fall into fallacies through not setting out the terms of the premiss well, e.g. suppose $ A $ to be health, $ B $ disease, $ C $ man. It is true to say that $ A $ cannot belong to any $ B $ (for health belongs to no disease) and again that $ B $ belongs to every $ C $ (for every man is capable $^1$ a 31. $^2$ Read $ \omega \nu \gamma \alpha \rho $ in l. 26 with A, B, C, and Waitz. $^3$ i.e. Miccalus might to-morrow cease to be musical. of disease). It would seem to follow that health cannot belong to any man. The reason for this is that the terms are not set out well in the statement, since if the things which are in the conditions are substituted, no syllogism can be made, e.g. if 'healthy' is substituted for 'health' and 'diseased' for 'disease'. For it is not true to say that being healthy cannot belong to one who is diseased. But unless this is assumed no conclusion results, save in respect of possibility: but such a conclusion is not impossible: for it is possible that health should belong to no man. Again the fallacy may occur in a similar way in the middle figure: 'it is not possible that health should belong to any disease, but it is possible that health should belong to every man, consequently it is not possible that disease should belong to any man'. In the third figure the fallacy results in reference to possibility. For health and disease, and knowledge and ignorance, and in general contraries, may possibly belong to the same thing, but cannot belong to one another. This is not in agreement with what was said before: for we stated$^1$ that when several things could belong to the same thing, they could belong to one another. It is evident then that in all these cases the fallacy arises from the setting out of the terms: for if the things that are in the conditions are substituted, no fallacy arises. It is clear then that in such premisses what possesses the condition ought always to be substituted for the condition and taken as the term. We must not always seek to set out the terms in a single word: for we shall often have complexes of words to which a single name is not given. Hence it is difficult to reduce syllogisms with such terms. Sometimes too fallacies will result from such a search, e.g. the belief that syllogism can establish that which has no mean. Let $A$ stand for two right angles, $B$ for triangle, $C$ for isosceles triangle. $A$ then belongs to $C$ because of $B$: but $A$ belongs to $B$ without the mediation of another term: for the triangle in virtue of its own nature contains two right angles, consequently $^1$ 39$^a$ 14-19. of the good, we conclude that there is a genus of the good. But nothing is predicated of anything. And if that 25 of which there is a science is a genus, and if there is a science of the good, we conclude that the good is a genus. The first term then is predicated of the extreme, but in the premisses one thing is not stated of another. The same holds good where the relation is negative. For ‘that does not belong to this’ does not always mean 30 that ‘this is not that’, but sometimes that ‘this is not of that’ or ‘for that’, e.g. ‘there is not a motion of a motion or a becoming of a becoming, but there is a becoming of pleasure: so pleasure is not a becoming.’ Or again it may be said that there is a sign of laughter, but there is not a sign of a sign, consequently laughter is not a sign. This holds in the other cases too, in which the thesis is refuted 35 because the genus is asserted in a particular way, in relation to the terms of the thesis.¹ Again take the inference ‘opportunity is not the right time: for opportunity belongs to God, but the right time does not, since nothing is useful to God’. We must take as terms opportunity—right time —God: but the premiss must be understood according to the case of the noun. For we state this universally without 40 qualification, that the terms ought always to be stated in the nominative, e.g. man, good, contraries, not in oblique 49a cases, e.g. of man, of good, of contraries, but the premisses ought to be understood with reference to the cases of each term—either the dative, e.g. ‘equal to this’, or the genitive, e.g. ‘double of this’, or the accusative, e.g. ‘that which strikes or sees this’, or the nominative, e.g. ‘man is an animal’, or in whatever other way the word falls in the premiss. The expressions ‘this belongs to that’ and ‘this holds 37 true of that’ must be understood in as many ways as there are different categories, and these categories must be taken either with or without qualification, and further as simple or compound: the same holds good of the corresponding ¹ i.e. negative syllogisms in the second figure in which the middle term is not strictly predicated of the extremes but is said to stand in some relation to them such as is indicated by the use of an oblique case. negative expressions. We must consider these points and define them better. A term which is repeated in the premisses ought to be joined to the first extreme, not to the middle. I mean for example that if a syllogism should be made proving that there is knowledge of justice, that it is good, the expression 'that it is good' (or 'quà good') should be joined to the first term. Let $A$ stand for 'knowledge that it is good', $B$ for good, $C$ for justice. It is true to predicate $A$ of $B$. For of the good there is knowledge that it is good. Also it is true to predicate $B$ of $C$. For justice is identical with a good. In this way an analysis of the argument can be made. But if the expression 'that it is good' were added to $B$, the conclusion will not follow: for $A$ will be true of $B$, but $B$ will not be true of $C$. For to predicate of justice the term 'good that it is good' is false and not intelligible. Similarly if it should be proved that the healthy is an object of knowledge quà good, or goat-stag an object of knowledge quà not existing,$^1$ or man perishable quà an object of sense: in every case in which an addition is made to the predicate, the addition must be joined to the extreme.$^2$ The position of the terms is not the same when something is established without qualification and when it is qualified by some attribute or condition, e.g. when the good is proved to be an object of knowledge and when it is proved to be an object of knowledge that it is good.$^3$ If it has been proved to be an object of knowledge without qualification, we must put as middle term 'that which is', but if we add the qualification 'that it is good', the middle term must be 'that which is something'. Let $A$ stand for 'knowledge that it is something', $B$ stand for 'something', and $C$ stand for 'good'. It is true to predicate $A$ of $B$: for ex hypothesi there is a science of that which is something, that it is something. $B$ too is true of $C$: for that which $C$ $^1$ i.e. in the sense that it can be known not to exist. Omit δοξαστὸν in l. 24 with A, B, C, Al., Phil., and Waitz. $^2$ i.e. the major term. $^3$ Omit τι in l. 29 with Al., Phil., Them., and Waitz. represents is something. Consequently $A$ is true of $C$: there will then be knowledge of the good, that it is good: for ex hypothesi the term ‘something’ indicates the thing’s special nature. But if ‘being’ were taken as middle and ‘being’ simply were joined to the extreme, not ‘being something’, we should not have had a syllogism proving that there is knowledge of the good, that it is good, but that it is; e.g. let $A$ stand for knowledge that it is, $B$ for being, $C$ for good. Clearly then in syllogisms which are thus limited we must take the terms in the way stated. We ought also to exchange terms which have the same value, word for word, and phrase for phrase, and word and phrase, and always take a word in preference to a phrase: for thus the setting out of the terms will be easier. For example if it makes no difference whether we say that the supposable is not the genus of the opinable or that the opinable is not identical with a particular kind of supposable (for what is meant is the same in both statements), it is better to take as the terms the supposable and the opinable in preference to the phrase suggested. Since the expressions ‘pleasure is good’ and ‘pleasure is the good’ are not identical, we must not set out the terms in the same way; but if the syllogism is to prove that pleasure is the good, the term must be ‘the good’, but if the object is to prove that pleasure is good, the term will be ‘good’. Similarly in all other cases. It is not the same, either in fact or in speech, that $A$ belongs to all of that to which $B$ belongs, and that $A$ belongs to all of that to all of which $B$ belongs: for nothing prevents $B$ from belonging to $C$, though not to all $C$: e.g. let $B$ stand for beautiful, and $C$ for white. If beauty belongs to something white, it is true to say that beauty belongs to that which is white; but not perhaps to everything that is white. If then $A$ belongs to $B$, but not to everything of which $B$ is predicated, then whether $B$ belongs to all $C$ or merely belongs to $C$, it is not necessary that $A$ should belong, I do not say to all $C$, but even to $C$ at all. But if $A$ belongs to everything of which $B$ is truly stated, it will follow that $A$ can be said of all of that of all of which $B$ is said. If however $A$ is said of that of all of which $^1 B$ may be said, nothing prevents $B$ belonging to $C$, and yet $A$ not belonging to all $C$ or to any $C$ at all. If then we take three terms it is clear that the expression ‘$A$ is said of all of which $B$ is said’ $^2$ means this, ‘$A$ is said of all the things of which $B$ is said’. And if $B$ is said of all of a third term, so also is $A$: but if $B$ is not said of all of the third term, there is no necessity that $A$ should be said of all of it. We must not suppose that something absurd results through setting out the terms: for we do not use the existence of this particular thing, but imitate the geometrician who says that ‘this line a foot long’ or ‘this straight line’ or ‘this line without breadth’ exists although it does not, but does not use the diagrams in the sense that he reasons from them. For in general, if two things are not related as whole to part and part to whole, the prover does not prove from them, and so no syllogism is formed. We (I mean the learner) use the process of setting out terms like perception by sense, not as though it were impossible to demonstrate without these illustrative terms, as it is to demonstrate without the premisses of the syllogism. 42 We should not forget that in the same syllogism not all conclusions are reached through one figure, but one through one figure, another through another. Clearly then we must analyse arguments in accordance with this. Since not every problem is proved in every figure, but certain problems in each figure, it is clear from the conclusion in what figure the premisses should be sought. 43 In reference to those arguments aiming at a definition which have been directed to prove some part of the definition, we must take as a term the point to which the argument has been directed, not the whole definition: for so we shall be less likely to be disturbed by the length of the term: e.g. if a man proves that water is a drinkable liquid, we must take as terms drinkable and water. $^1$ Omit the comma after $\lambda\epsilon\gamma\eta\tau\alpha\iota$ in l. 26 with Waitz. $^2$ Omit the comma after $B$ in l. 28 with Waitz. The Greek phrase is there ambiguous, and Aristotle’s object is to remove this ambiguity. Further we must not try to reduce hypothetical syllogisms; for with the given premisses it is not possible to reduce them. For they have not been proved by syllogism, but assented to by agreement. For instance if a man should suppose that unless there is one faculty of contraries, there cannot be one science, and should then argue that not every $^1$ faculty is of contraries, e.g. of what is healthy and what is sickly: for the same thing will then be at the same time healthy and sickly. He has shown $^2$ that there is not one faculty of all contraries, but he has not proved that there is not a science. And yet one must agree. But the agreement does not come from a syllogism, but from an hypothesis. This argument cannot be reduced: but the proof that there is not a single faculty can. The latter argument perhaps was a syllogism: but the former was an hypothesis. The same holds good of arguments which are brought to a conclusion per impossibile. These cannot be analysed either; but the reduction to what is impossible can be analysed since it is proved by syllogism, though the rest of the argument cannot, because the conclusion is reached from an hypothesis. But these differ from the previous arguments: for in the former a preliminary agreement must be reached if one is to accept the conclusion; e.g. an agreement that if there is proved to be one faculty of contraries, then contraries fall under the same science; whereas in the latter, even if no preliminary agreement has been made, men still accept the reasoning, because the falsity is patent, e.g. the falsity of what follows from the assumption that the diagonal is commensurate, viz. that then odd numbers are equal to evens.$^3$ Many other arguments are brought to a conclusion by the help of an hypothesis; these we ought to consider and mark out clearly. We shall describe in the sequel $^4$ their differences, and the various ways in which hypothetical arguments are formed: but at present this much must be clear, that it is not possible to resolve such arguments into the figures. And we have explained the reason. $^1$ Read $\pi\alpha\sigma\alpha$ for $\mu\alpha$ in l. 21 with B, Al., and Waitz. $^2$ Read $\varepsilon\pi\iota\delta\delta\epsilon\kappa\tau\alpha$ for $\dot{\alpha}\pi\o\delta\delta\epsilon\kappa\tau\alpha$ in l. 24 with A, B, C, and Waitz. $^3$ Cf. 41$^a$ 26. $^4$ This promise is not fulfilled in Aristotle’s extant works. Whatever problems are proved in more than one figure, it they have been established in one figure by syllogism, can be reduced to another figure, e.g. a negative syllogism in the first figure can be reduced to the second, and a syllogism in the middle figure to the first, not all however but some only. The point will be clear in the sequel. If $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, then $A$ belongs to no $C$. Thus the first figure; but if the negative statement is converted, we shall have the middle figure. For $B$ belongs to no $A$, and to all $C$. Similarly if the syllogism is not universal but particular, e.g. if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to some $C$. Convert the negative statement and you will have the middle figure. The universal syllogisms in the second figure can be reduced to the first, but only one of the two particular syllogisms. Let $A$ belong to no $B$ and to all $C$. Convert the negative statement, and you will have the first figure. For $B$ will belong to no $A$, and $A$ to all $C$. But if the affirmative statement concerns $B$, and the negative $C$, $C$ must be made first term. For $C$ belongs to no $A$, and $A$ to all $B$: therefore $C$ belongs to no $B$. $B$ then belongs to no $C$: for the negative statement is convertible. But if the syllogism is particular, whenever the negative statement concerns the major extreme, reduction to the first figure will be possible, e.g. if $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to some $C$: convert the negative statement and you will have the first figure. For $B$ will belong to no $A$, and $A$ to some $C$. But when the affirmative statement concerns the major extreme, no resolution will be possible, e.g. if $A$ belongs to all $B$, but not to all $C$: for the statement $AB$ does not admit of conversion,$^1$ nor would there be a syllogism if it did. Again syllogisms in the third figure cannot all be resolved into the first, though all syllogisms in the first figure can be resolved into the third. Let $A$ belong to all $B$ and $B$ to some $C$. Since the particular affirmative is convertible, $C$ will belong to some $B$: but $A$ belonged to all $B$: so that the third figure is formed. Similarly if the syllogism is $^1$ i.e. simple conversion. negative: for the particular affirmative is convertible: therefore $A$ will belong to no $B$, and to some $C$. 51a Of the syllogisms in the last figure one only cannot be resolved into the first, viz. when the negative statement is not universal: all the rest can be resolved. Let $A$ and $B$ be affirmed of all $C$: then $C$ can be converted partially with either $A$ or $B$: $C$ then belongs to some $B$. Consequently we shall get the first figure, if $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to some of the $Bs$. If $A$ belongs to all $C$ and $B$ to some $C$, the argument is the same: for $B$ is convertible in reference to $C$. But if $B$ belongs to all $C$ and $A$ to some $C$, the first term must be $B$: for $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to some $A$, therefore $B$ belongs to some $A$. But since the particular statement is convertible, $A$ will belong to some $B$. If the syllogism is negative, when the terms are universal we must take them in a similar way. Let $B$ belong to all $C$, and $A$ to no $C$: then $C$ will belong to some $B$, and $A$ to no $C$; and so $C$ will be middle term. Similarly if the negative statement is universal, the affirmative particular: for $A$ will belong to no $C$, and $C$ to some of the $Bs$. But if the negative statement is particular, no resolution will be possible, e.g. if $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ does not belong to some $C$: convert the statement $BC$ and both premisses will be particular. It is clear that in order to resolve the figures$^1$ into one another the premiss which concerns the minor extreme must be converted in both the figures: for when this premiss is altered, the transition to the other figure is made. One of the syllogisms in the middle figure can, the other cannot, be resolved into the third figure. Whenever the universal statement is negative, resolution is possible. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to some $C$, both $B$ and $C$ alike are convertible in relation to $A$, so that $B$ belongs to no $A$, and $C$ to some $A$. $A$ therefore is middle term. But when $A$ belongs to all $B$, and not to some $C$, resolution will not be possible: for neither of the premisses is universal after conversion. Syllogisms in the third figure can be resolved into the $^1$ i.e. the first and third figures. middle figure, whenever the negative statement is universal, e.g. if $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to some or all $C$. For $C$ then will belong to no $A$ and to some $B$. But if the negative statement is particular, no resolution will be possible: for the particular negative does not admit of conversion. It is clear then that the same syllogisms cannot be resolved in these figures which could not be resolved into the first figure, and that when syllogisms are reduced to the first figure these alone are confirmed by reduction to what is impossible. It is clear from what we have said how we ought to reduce syllogisms, and that the figures may be resolved into one another. 46 In establishing or refuting, it makes some difference whether we suppose the expressions 'not to be this' and 'to be not-this' are identical or different in meaning, e.g. 'not to be white' and 'to be not-white'. For they do not mean the same thing, nor is 'to be not-white' the negation of 'to be white', but 'not to be white'. The reason for this is as follows. The relation of 'he can walk' to 'he can not-walk' is similar to the relation of 'it is white' to 'it is not-white'; so is that of 'he knows what is good' to 'he knows what is not-good'. For there is no difference between the expressions 'he knows what is good' and 'he is knowing what is good', or 'he can walk' and 'he is able to walk': therefore there is no difference between their contraries 'he cannot walk'—'he is not able to walk'. If then 'he is not able to walk' means the same as 'he is able not to walk', capacity to walk and incapacity to walk will belong at the same time to the same person (for the same man can both walk and not-walk, and is possessed of knowledge of what is good and of what is not-good), but an affirmation and a denial which are opposed to one another do not belong at the same time to the same thing. As then 'not to know what is good' is not the same as 'to know what is not good', so 'to be not-good' is not the same as 'not to be good'. For when two pairs correspond, if the one pair are different from one another, the other pair also must be different. Nor is 'to be not-equal' the same as 'not to be equal': for there is something underlying the one, viz. that which is not-equal, and this is the unequal, but there is nothing underlying the other. Wherefore not everything is either equal or unequal, but everything is equal or is not equal. Further the expressions 'it is a not-white log' and 'it is not a white log' do not imply one another's truth. For if 'it is a not-white log', it must be a log: but that which is not a white log need not be a log at all. Therefore it is clear that 'it is not-good' is not the denial of 'it is good'. If then every single statement may truly be said to be either an affirmation or a negation, if it is not a negation clearly it must in a sense be an affirmation. But every affirmation has a corresponding negation. The negation then of 'it is not-good' is 'it is not not-good'. The relation of these statements to one another is as follows. Let $A$ stand for 'to be good', $B$ for 'not to be good', let $C$ stand for 'to be not-good' and be placed under $B$, and let $D$ stand for 'not to be not-good' and be placed under $A$. Then either $A$ or $B$ will belong to everything, but they will never belong to the same thing; and either $C$ or $D$ will belong to everything, but they will never belong to the same thing. And $B$ must belong to everything to which $C$ belongs. For if it is true to say 'it is not-white', it is true also to say 'it is not white': for it is impossible that a thing should simultaneously be white and be not-white, or be a not-white log and be a white log; consequently if the affirmation does not belong, the denial must belong. But $C$ does not always belong to $B$: for what is not a log at all, cannot be a not-white log either. On the other hand $D$ belongs to everything to which $A$ belongs. For either $C$ or $D$ belongs to everything to which $A$ belongs. But since a thing cannot be simultaneously not-white --- 1 The text implies the following diagram: - $A$ (It is good.) - $B$ (It is not good.) - $D$ (It is not not-good.) - $C$ (It is not-good.) Aristotle points out that $A$ and $B$ are contradictory. - $C$ and $D$ " contraries. - $A$ and $C$ " contraries. - $B$ and $D$ " compatible. - $D$ is inferable from $A$. - $B$ " " " " $C$. and white, $D$ must belong to everything to which $A$ belongs. For of that which is white it is true to say that it is not not-white. But $A$ is not true of all $D$. For of that which is not a log at all it is not true to say $A$, viz. that it is a white$^1$ log. Consequently $D$ is true, but $A$ is not true, i.e. that it is a white log. It is clear also that $A$ and $C$ cannot together belong to the same thing, and that $B$ and $D$ may possibly belong to the same thing. Privative terms are similarly related to positive terms in respect of this arrangement. Let $A$ stand for ‘equal’, $B$ for ‘not equal’, $C$ for ‘unequal’, $D$ for ‘not unequal’. In many things also, to some of which something belongs which does not belong to others, the negation may be true in a similar way,$^2$ viz. that all are not white or that each is not white, while that each is not-white or all are not-white is false. Similarly also ‘every animal is not-white’ is not the negation of ‘every animal is white’ (for both are false): the proper negation is ‘every animal is not white’. Since it is clear that ‘it is not-white’ and ‘it is not white’ mean different things, and one is an affirmation, the other a denial, it is evident that the method of proving each cannot be the same, e.g. that whatever is an animal is not white or may not be white, and that it is true to call it not-white; for this means that it is not-white. But we may prove that it is true to call it white or not-white in the same way—for both are proved constructively by means of the first figure. For the expression ‘it is true’ stands on a similar footing to ‘it is’. For the negation of ‘it is true to call it white’ is not ‘it is true to call it not-white’ but ‘it is not true to call it white’. If then it is to be$^3$ true to say that whatever is a man is musical or is not-musical, we must assume that whatever is an animal either is musical or is not-musical; and the proof has been made. That whatever is a man is not musical is proved destructively in the three ways mentioned.$^4$ In general whenever $A$ and $B$ are such that they cannot belong at the same time to the same thing, and one of the two necessarily belongs to everything, and again $C$ and $D$ $^1$ Omit $\omega\nu$ in l. 11 with B, C$_2$, Al., and Waitz. $^2$ Cf. ll. 4, 5. $^3$ Read $\varepsilon\sigma\tau\alpha\iota$ in l. 34. $^4$ Celarent, Cesare, Camestres. are related in the same way, and $ A $ follows $ C $ but the relation cannot be reversed, then $ D $ must follow $ B $ and the relation cannot be reversed. And $ A $ and $ D $ may belong to the same thing, but $ B $ and $ C $ cannot. First it is clear from the following consideration that $ D $ follows $ B $. For since either $ C $ or $ D $ necessarily belongs to everything; and since $ C $ cannot belong to that to which $ B $ belongs, because it carries $ A $ along with it and $ A $ and $ B $ cannot belong to the same thing; it is clear that $ D $ must follow $ B $. Again since $ C $ does not reciprocate with $ A $, but $ C $ or $ D $ belongs to everything, it is possible that $ A $ and $ D $ should belong to the same thing. But $ B $ and $ C $ cannot belong to the same thing, because $ A $ follows $ C $; and so something impossible results. It is clear then that $ B $ does not reciprocate with $ D $ either, since it is possible that $ D $ and $ A $ should belong at the same time to the same thing. It results sometimes even in such an arrangement of terms that one is deceived through not apprehending the opposites rightly, one of which must belong to everything, e.g. we may reason that ‘if $ A $ and $ B $ cannot belong at the same time to the same thing, but it is necessary that one of them should belong to whatever the other does not belong to: and again $ C $ and $ D $ are related in the same way, and $ A $ follows everything which $ C $ follows: it will result$^1$ that $ B $ belongs necessarily to everything to which $ D $ belongs’: but this is false. ‘Assume that $ F $ stands for the negation of $ A $ and $ B $, and again that $ H $ stands for the negation of $ C $ and $ D $. It is necessary then that either $ A $ or $ F $ should belong to everything: for either the affirmation or the denial must belong. And again either $ C $ or $ H $ must belong to everything: for they are related as affirmation and denial. And ex hypothesi $ A $ belongs to everything to which $ C $ belongs. Therefore $ H $ belongs to everything to which $ F $ belongs. Again since either $ F $ or $ B $ belongs to everything, and similarly either $ H $ or $ D $, and since $ H $ follows $ F $, $ B $ must follow $ D $: for we know this.$^2$ If then $ A $ follows $ C $, $ B $ must follow $ D’$. But this is false: for as we proved$^3$ the sequence is reversed in terms $^1$ Omit $\gamma\alpha\rho$ in l. 19 with $ A $ and $ B $. $^2$ From $a^{39-b}13$. $^3$ $a^{39-b}13$. so constituted. The fallacy arises because perhaps it is not necessary that $A$ or $F$ should belong to everything, or that $F$ or $B$ should belong to everything: for $F$ is not the denial of $A$. For not-good is the negation of good: and not-good is not identical with ‘neither good nor not-good’. Similarly also with $C$ and $D$. For two negations have been assumed in respect to one term. 1 In ll. 18, 21. BOOK II 52b We have already explained the number of the figures, the character and number of the premisses, when and how a syllogism is formed;¹ further what we must look for when refuting and establishing propositions, and how we should investigate a given problem in any branch of inquiry, also by what means we shall obtain principles appropriate to each subject.² Since some syllogisms are universal, others particular, all the universal syllogisms give more than one result, and of particular syllogisms the affirmative yield more than one, the negative yield only the stated conclusion. For all propositions are convertible save only the particular negative: and the conclusion states one definite thing about another definite thing. Consequently all syllogisms save the particular negative yield more than one conclusion, e.g. if $ A $ has been proved to belong to all or to some $ B $, then $ B $ must belong to some $ A $: and if $ A $ has been proved to belong to no $ B $, then $ B $ belongs to no $ A $. This is a different conclusion from the former. But if $ A $ does not belong to some $ B $, it is not necessary that $ B $ should not belong to some $ A $: for it may possibly belong to all $ A $. This then is the reason common to all syllogisms whether universal or particular. But it is possible to give another reason concerning those which are universal. For all the things that are subordinate to the middle term or to the conclusion may be proved by the same syllogism, if the former are placed in the middle, the latter in the conclusion; e.g. if the conclusion $ AB $ is proved through $ C $, whatever is subordinate to $ B $ or $ C $ must accept the predicate $ A $: for if $ D $ is included in $ B $ as in a whole, and $ B $ is included in $ A $, then $ D $ will be included in $ A $. Again if $ E $ is included in $ C $ as in a whole, and $ C $ is included in $ A $, then $ E $ will be included in $ A $. Similarly if the syllogism is negative. ¹ i. 1-26. ² . 27-31. figure it will be possible to infer only that which is subordinate to the conclusion, e.g. if $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to all $C$; we conclude that $B$ belongs to no $C$. If then $D$ is subordinate to $C$, clearly $B$ does not belong to it. But that $B$ does not belong to what is subordinate to $A$, is not clear by means of the syllogism. And yet $B$ does not belong to $E$, if $E$ is subordinate to $A$. But while it has been proved through the syllogism that $B$ belongs to no $C$, it has been assumed without proof that $B$ does not belong to $A$, consequently it does not result through the syllogism that $B$ does not belong to $E$. But in particular syllogisms there will be no necessity of inferring what is subordinate to the conclusion (for a syllogism does not result when this premiss$^1$ is particular), but whatever is subordinate to the middle term may be inferred, not however through the syllogism, e.g. if $A$ belongs to all $B$ and $B$ to some $C$. Nothing can be inferred about that which is subordinate to $C$; something can be inferred about that which is subordinate to $B$, but not through the preceding syllogism. Similarly in the other figures. That which is subordinate to the conclusion cannot be proved; the other subordinate can be proved, only not through the syllogism, just as in the universal syllogisms what is subordinate to the middle term is proved (as we saw) from a premiss which is not demonstrated: consequently either a conclusion is not possible in the case of universal syllogisms or else it is possible also in the case of particular syllogisms. 2 It is possible for the premisses of the syllogism to be true, or to be false, or to be the one true, the other false. The conclusion is either true or false necessarily. From true premisses it is not possible to draw a false conclusion, but a true conclusion may be drawn from false premisses, true however only in respect to the fact, not to the reason. The reason cannot be established from false premisses: why this is so will be explained in the sequel.$^2$ $^1$ i.e. the conclusion of the original syllogism, which would have to become the major premiss of the further syllogism required. A particular major premiss yields no conclusion (in the first figure). $^2$ 57$^a$ 40–b 17. First then that it is not possible to draw a false conclusion from true premisses, is made clear by this consideration. If it is necessary that $B$ should be when $A$ is, it is necessary that $A$ should not be when $B$ is not. If then $A$ is true, $B$ must be true: otherwise it will turn out that the same thing both is and is not at the same time. But this is impossible. Let it not, because $A$ is laid down as a single term, be supposed that it is possible, when a single fact is given, that something should necessarily result. For that is not possible. For what results necessarily is the conclusion, and the means by which this comes about are at the least three terms, and two relations of subject and predicate or premisses. If then it is true that $A$ belongs to all that to which $B$ belongs, and that $B$ belongs to all that to which $C$ belongs, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to all that to which $C$ belongs, and this cannot be false: for then the same thing will belong and not belong at the same time. So $A$ is posited as one thing, being two premisses taken together. The same holds good of negative syllogisms: it is not possible to prove a false conclusion from true premisses. But from what is false a true conclusion may be drawn, whether both the premisses are false or only one, provided that this is not either of the premisses indifferently,$^1$ if it is taken as wholly false: but if the premiss is not taken as wholly false, it does not matter which of the two is false.$^2$ (1) Let $A$ belong to the whole of $C$, but to none of the $Bs$, --- $^1$ Omit ἀλλὰ τῆς δευτέρας in l. 28 with codd. Bu. $^2$ The following cases are discussed in the sequel: Universal premisses. \| Page \| Description \| \|------\|-------------\| \| 53b 30–54a 1 \| Both premisses wholly false, conclusion true. \| \| 54a I, 2 \| Both premisses partly false, conclusion true. \| \| 54a 2–18 \| Major wholly false, minor true, conclusion false. \| \| 54a 18–28 \| Major partly false, minor true, conclusion true. \| \| 54a 28–b 2 \| Major true, minor wholly false, conclusion true. \| \| 54b 2–16 \| Major true, minor partly false, conclusion true. \| One premiss particular. \| Page \| Description \| \|------\|-------------\| \| 54b 21–35 \| Major wholly false, minor true, conclusion true. \| \| 54b 35–55a 4 \| Major partly false, minor true, conclusion true. \| \| 55a 4–19 \| Major true, minor wholly false, conclusion true. \| \| 55a 19–28 \| Major partly false, minor wholly false, conclusion true. \| \| 55a 28–b 2 \| Both premisses wholly false, conclusion true. \| neither let $B$ belong to $C$. This is possible, e.g. animal belongs to no stone, nor stone to any man. If then $A$ is taken to belong to all $B$ and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong to all $C$; consequently though both the premisses are false the conclusion is true: for every man is an animal. Similarly with the negative. For it is possible that neither $A$ nor $B$ should belong to any $C$, although $A$ belongs to all $B$, e.g. if the same terms are taken and man is put as middle: for neither animal nor man belongs to any stone, but animal belongs to every man.\footnote{No $B$ (men) are $A$ (animals). All $C$ (stones) are $B$ (men). $\therefore$ No $C$ (stones) are $A$ (animals).} Consequently if one term is taken to belong to none of that to which it does belong, and the other term is taken to belong to all of that to which it does not belong, though both the premisses are false the conclusion will be true. (2) A similar proof may be given if each premiss is partially false. (3) But if one only of the premisses is false, when the first premiss is wholly false, e.g. $AB$, the conclusion will not be true, but if the premiss $BC$ is wholly false, a true conclusion will be possible. I mean by ‘wholly false’ the contrary of the truth, e.g. if what belongs to none is assumed to belong to all, or if what belongs to all is assumed to belong to none. Let $A$ belong to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$. If then the premiss $BC$ which I take is true, and the premiss $AB$ is wholly false, viz. that $A$ belongs to all $B$, it is impossible that the conclusion should be true: for $A$ belonged to none of the $C$s, since $A$ belonged to nothing to which $B$ belonged, and $B$ belonged to all $C$. Similarly there cannot be a true conclusion if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, but while the true premiss $BC$ is assumed, the wholly false premiss $AB$ is also assumed, viz. that $A$ belongs to nothing to which $B$ belongs: here the conclusion must be false. For $A$ will belong to all $C$, since $A$ belongs to everything to which $B$ belongs, and $B$ to all $C$. It is clear then that when the first premiss is wholly false, whether affirmative or negative, and the other premiss is true, the conclusion cannot be true. (4) But if the premiss is not wholly false, a true conclusion is possible. For if $A$ belongs to all $C$ and to some $B$, and if $B$ belongs to all $C$, e.g. animal to every swan and to some white thing, and white to every swan, then if we take as premisses that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong to all $C$ truly: for every swan is an animal. Similarly if the statement $AB$ is negative. For it is possible that $A$ should belong to some $B$ and to no $C$, and that $B$ should belong to all $C$, e.g. animal to some white thing, but to no snow, and white to all snow. If then one should assume that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, then $A$ will belong to no $C$. (5) But if the premiss $AB$, which is assumed, is wholly true, and the premiss $BC$ is wholly false, a true syllogism will be possible: for nothing prevents $A$ belonging to all $B$ and to all $C$, though $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. these being species of the same genus which are not subordinate one to the other: for animal belongs both to horse and to man, but horse to no man. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$ and $B$ to all $C$, the conclusion will be true, although the premiss $BC$ is wholly false. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative. For it is possible that $A$ should belong neither to any $B$ nor to any $C$, and that $B$ should not belong to any $C$, e.g. a genus to species of another genus: for animal belongs neither to music nor to the art of healing, nor does music belong to the art of healing. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, the conclusion will be true. (6) And if the premiss $BC$ is not wholly false but in part only, even so the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to the whole of $B$ and of $C$, while $B$ belongs to some $C$, e.g. a genus to its species and difference: for animal belongs to every man and to every footed thing, and man to some footed things though not to all. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong to all $C$: and this ex hypothesi is true. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative. For it is possible that $A$ should neither belong to any $B$ nor to any $C$, though $B$ belongs to some $C$, e.g. a genus to the species of another genus and its difference: for animal neither belongs to any wisdom nor to any instance of ‘speculative’, but wisdom belongs to some instance of 'speculative'. If then it should be assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong to no $C$: and this ex hypothesi is true. In particular syllogisms it is possible when the first premiss is wholly false, and the other true, that the conclusion should be true; also when the first premiss is false in part, and the other true; and when the first is true, and the particular is false; and when both are false. (7) For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to no $B$, but to some $C$, and $B$ to some $C$, e.g. animal belongs to no snow, but to some white thing, and snow to some white thing. If then snow is taken as middle, and animal as first term, and it is assumed that $A$ belongs to the whole of $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, then the premiss $AB$ is wholly false, the premiss $BC$ true, and the conclusion true. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative: for it is possible that $A$ should belong to the whole of $B$, but not to some $C$, although $B$ belongs to some $C$, e.g. animal belongs to every man, but does not follow some white, but man belongs to some white; consequently if man be taken as middle term and it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$ but $B$ belongs to some $C$, the conclusion will be true although the premiss $AB$ is wholly false. (8) If the premiss $AB$ is false in part, the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging both to $B$ and to some $C$, and $B$ belonging to some $C$, e.g. animal to something beautiful and to something great, and beautiful belonging to something great. If then $A$ is assumed to belong to all $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, the premiss $AB$ will be partially false, the premiss $BC$ will be true, and the conclusion true. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative. For the same terms will serve, and in the same positions, to prove the point. (9) Again if the premiss $AB$ is true, and the premiss $BC$ is false, the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to the whole of $B$ and to some $C$, while $B$ belongs 1 Omit $\delta\lambda\eta\varsigma$ in l. 20 with A, B, C, and Waitz. 2 $o\dot{u}$ in l. 24 (Bekker) is a misprint for $o\dot{\nu}$. 3 See note 43b 3. 4 viz. that a true conclusion may follow if one premiss is partially false, the other true. to no $C$, e.g. animal to every swan and to some black things, though swan belongs to no black thing. Consequently if it should be assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, the conclusion will be true, although the statement $BC$ is false. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative. For it is possible that $A$ should belong to no $B$, and not to some $C$, while $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. a genus to the species of another genus and to the accident of its own species: for animal belongs to no number and not to some white things,$^1$ and number belongs to nothing white. If then number is taken as middle, and it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, then $A$ will not belong to some $C$, which ex hypothesi is true. And the premiss $AB$ is true, the premiss $BC$ false. (10) Also if the premiss $AB$ is partially false, and the premiss $BC$ is false too, the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to some $B$ and to some $C$, though $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. if $B$ is the contrary of $C$, and both are accidents of the same genus: for animal belongs to some white things and to some black things, but white belongs to no black thing. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, the conclusion will be true. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is negative: for the same terms arranged in the same way will serve for the proof. (11) Also though both premisses are false the conclusion may be true. For it is possible that $A$ may belong to no $B$ and to some $C$, while $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. a genus in relation to the species of another genus, and to the accident of its own species: for animal belongs to no number, but to some white things, and number to nothing white. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$ and $B$ to some $C$, the conclusion will be true, though both premisses are false. Similarly also if the premiss $AB$ is negative. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to the whole of $B$, and not to some $C$, while $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. animal belongs to every swan, $^1$ Read in l. 15 τινὶ ὀν, which seems to have been read by Phil. No $B$ (number) is $A$ (animal). (True.) Some $C$ (white) is $B$ (number). (False.) ∴ Some $C$ (white) is not $A$ (animal). (True.) and not to some black things, and swan belongs to nothing black. Consequently if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, then $A$ does not belong to some $C$. The conclusion then is true, but the premisses are false. 3 In the middle figure it is possible in every way to reach a true conclusion through false premisses, whether the syllogisms are universal or particular, viz. when both premisses are wholly false; when each is partially false; when one is true, the other wholly false (it does not matter which of the two premisses is false); if both premisses are partially false; if one is quite true, the other partially false; if one is wholly false, the other partially true.$^1$ For (1) if $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to all $C$, e.g. animal to no stone and to every horse, then if the premisses are stated contrariwise and it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$ and to no $C$, though the premisses are wholly false they will yield a true conclusion. $^1$ The possible combinations of premisses in which there is some element of falsity are: (1) Wholly false with wholly false. (2) True with wholly false. (3) Partly false with partly false. (4) True with partly false. (5) Wholly false with partly false. ἐπὶ τι ἐκατέρας seems, in the light of 56$^b$ 20–33, to mean the third (and not the fifth) of these cases, which is also expressed by καὶ εἰ ἀμφότεραι ἐπὶ τι ψευδεῖς. Waitz would excise the latter clause for this reason, and καὶ εἰ ἡ μὲν ὅλη ψευδής ἥ δ’ ἐπὶ τι ἀληθής because (α’ ἐπὶ τι ἀληθής does not occur elsewhere in Aristotle, (β) it must mean either (i) the same as ‘partly false’, so that case (5) is meant, a case entirely ignored by Aristotle throughout cc. 2–4, and therefore not to be expected here, or (ii) something else, in which case Aristotle illogically omits all the other combinations which include one ‘partly true’ premiss. To (α) it may be replied that ἐπὶ τι ἀληθής is justified by the use of its opposite ἀπλῶς ἀληθής l. 7, which Waitz does not reject (cf. ὅλη ἀληθής l. 17, &c.). To (β) it may be replied that the clause plainly does indicate case (5) and that this case is expressly dealt with in the discussion of the first figure, 55$^a$ 19–28. It is true that this case is omitted in the detailed discussion of the second figure, where with reference to universal syllogisms (1) is discussed in 55$^b$ 10–16, (2) in 55$^b$ 16–23, (4) in 55$^b$ 23–38, (3) in 55$^b$ 38–56$^a$ 4, and with reference to particular syllogisms (2) is discussed in 56$^a$ 5–32, (1) in 56$^a$ 32–3. But similarly (3) is omitted in the discussion of particular syllogisms in the first figure. Aristotle does not attempt to work out all the possibilities. There remains the repetition involved in ἐπὶ τι ἐκατέρας and εἰ ἀμφότεραι ἐπὶ τι ψευδεῖς. It is quite possible that through confusion Aristotle wrote the passage as it stands; if anything is to go it seems better to excise ἐπὶ τι ἐκατέρας as introduced by imitation of c. 4, 56$^b$ 5. Similarly if $A$ belongs to all $B$ and to no $C$: for we shall have the same syllogism. (2) Again if one premiss is wholly false, the other wholly true: for nothing prevents $A$ belonging to all $B$ and to all $C$, though $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. a genus to its co-ordinate species. For animal belongs to every horse and man, and no man is a horse. If then it is assumed that animal belongs to all of the one, and none of the other, the one premiss will be wholly false, the other wholly true, and the conclusion will be true whichever term the negative statement concerns. (3) Also if one premiss is partially false, the other wholly true. For it is possible that $A$ should belong to some $B$ and to all $C$, though $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. animal to some white things and to every raven, though white belongs to no raven. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, but to the whole of $C$, the premiss $AB$ is partially false, the premiss $AC$ wholly true, and the conclusion true. Similarly if the negative statement is transposed:¹ the proof can be made by means of the same terms. Also if the affirmative premiss is partially false, the negative wholly true, a true conclusion is possible. For nothing prevents $A$ belonging to some $B$, but not to $C$ as a whole,² while $B$ belongs to no $C$, e.g. animal belongs to some white things, but to no pitch, and white belongs to no pitch. Consequently if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to the whole of $B$, but to no $C$, the premiss $AB$ is partially false, the premiss $AC$ is wholly true, and the conclusion is true. (4) And if both the premisses are partially false, the conclusion may be true. For it is possible that $A$ should belong to some $B$ and to some $C$, and $B$ to no $C$, e.g. animal to some white things and to some black things, though white belongs to nothing black. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $B$ and to no $C$, both premisses are partially false, but the conclusion is true. Similarly, if the negative premiss is transposed, the proof can be made by means of the same terms. ¹ i.e. treated as minor instead of major premiss. ² i.e. not to any $C$. It is clear also that our thesis holds in particular syllogisms. For (5) nothing prevents $A$ belonging to all $B$ and to some $C$, though $B$ does not belong to some $C$, e.g. animal to every man and to some white things, though man will not belong to some white things. If then it is stated that $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to some $C$, the universal premiss is wholly false, the particular premiss is true, and the conclusion is true. Similarly if the premiss $AB$ is affirmative: for it is possible that $A$ should belong to no $B$, and not to some $C$, though $B$ does not belong to some $C$, e.g. animal belongs to nothing lifeless, and does not belong to some white things, and lifeless will not belong to some white things.$^1$ If then it is stated that $A$ belongs to all $B$ and not to some $C$, the premiss $AB$ which is universal is wholly false, the premiss $AC$ is true, and the conclusion is true. Also a true conclusion is possible when the universal premiss is true, and the particular is false. For nothing prevents $A$ following neither $B$ nor $C$ at all, while $B$ does not belong to some $C$, e.g. animal belongs to no number nor to anything lifeless, and number does not follow some lifeless things. If then it is stated that $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to some $C$, the conclusion will be true, and the universal premiss true, but the particular false. Similarly if the premiss which is stated universally is affirmative. For it is possible that $A$ should belong both to $B$ and to $C$ as wholes, though $B$ does not follow some $C$, e.g. a genus in relation to its species and difference: for animal follows every man and footed things as a whole, but man does not follow every footed thing. Consequently if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to the whole of $B$, but does not belong to some $C$, the universal premiss is true, the particular false, and the conclusion true. (6) It is clear too that though both premisses are false they may yield a true conclusion, since it is possible that $A$ $^1$ Read $\omega\bar{\nu}$ for $\omega\bar{\nu}\chi\bar{\nu}\pi\acute{\alpha}\rho\chi\epsilon\iota$ in l. 15 with C$_2$. The sense requires a negative, though this has little MS. support. All $B$ (lifeless) is $A$ (animal). (False.) Some $C$ (white) is not $A$ (animal). (True.) $\therefore$ Some $C$ (white) is not $B$ (lifeless). (True.) $^2$ See note 43$^b$ 3. should belong both to $B$ and to $C$ as wholes,\textsuperscript{1} though $B$ does not follow some $C$. For if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $B$ and to some $C$, the premisses are both false, but the conclusion is true. Similarly if the universal premiss is affirmative and the particular negative. For it is possible that $A$ should follow no $B$ and all $C$, though $B$ does not belong to some $C$, e.g. animal follows no science but every man, though science does not follow every man. If then $A$ is assumed to belong to the whole of $B$, and not to follow some $C$, the premisses are false but the conclusion is true. In the last figure a true conclusion may come through what is false, alike when both premisses are wholly false, when each is partly false, when one premiss is wholly true, the other false, when one premiss is partly false, the other wholly true, and vice versa, and in every other way in which it is possible to alter the premisses.\textsuperscript{2} For (1) nothing prevents neither $A$ nor $B$ from belonging to any $C$, while $A$ belongs to some $B$, e.g. neither man nor footed follows anything lifeless, though man belongs to some footed things. If then it is assumed that $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, the premisses will be wholly false, but the conclusion true. Similarly if one premiss is negative, the other affirmative. For it is possible that $B$ should belong to no $C$, but $A$ to all $C$, and that $A$ should not belong to some $B$, e.g. black belongs to no swan, animal to every swan, and animal not to everything black. Consequently if it is assumed that $B$ belongs to \textsuperscript{1} The sense requires something like the reading implied in l. 34 by Boethius’ translation, viz. $\tau\phi\mu\epsilon\nu\delta\lambda\omega\tau\phi\delta\epsilon\mu\eta\delta\epsilon\nu$, in place of $\delta\lambda\varphi$. No $B$ is $A$. (False.) Some $C$ is $A$. (False.) $\therefore$ Some $C$ is not $B$. (True.) But the confusion may be in Aristotle. \textsuperscript{2} The following cases are discussed in the sequel: \textit{Both premisses universal.} 56\textsuperscript{b} 9–20 Both premisses wholly false, conclusion true. 56\textsuperscript{b} 20–33 Both premisses partly false, conclusion true. 56\textsuperscript{b} 33–57\textsuperscript{a} 9 One premiss true, the other wholly false, conclusion true. 57\textsuperscript{a} 9–28 One premiss true, the other partly false, conclusion true. \textit{One premiss particular.} 57\textsuperscript{a} 29–35 Same situation as when both premisses are universal. all $C$, and $A$ to no $C$, $A$ will not belong to some $B$: and the conclusion is true, though the premisses are false. (2) Also if each premiss is partly false, the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents both $A$ and $B$ from belonging to some $C$ while $A$ belongs to some $B$, e.g. white and beautiful belong to some animals, and white to some beautiful things. If then it is stated that $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, the premisses are partially false, but the conclusion is true. Similarly if the premiss $AC$ is stated as negative. For nothing prevents $A$ from not belonging, and $B$ from belonging, to some $C$, while $A$ does not belong to all $B$, e.g. white does not belong to some animals, beautiful belongs to some animals, and white does not belong to everything beautiful. Consequently if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to all $C$, both premisses are partly false, but the conclusion is true. (3) Similarly if one of the premisses assumed is wholly false, the other wholly true. For it is possible that both $A$ and $B$ should follow all $C$, though $A$ does not belong to some $B$, e.g. animal and white follow every swan, though animal does not belong to everything white. Taking these then as terms, if one assumes that $B$ belongs to the whole of $C$, but $A$ does not belong to $C$ at all, the premiss $BC$ will be wholly true, the premiss $AC$ wholly false, and the conclusion true. Similarly if the statement $BC$ is false, the statement $AC$ true, the conclusion may be true. The same terms will serve for the proof.\footnote{‘Black—swan—lifeless’, which follow in the MSS. at l. 1, are not ‘the same terms’, and owe their origin to the (lost) commentary of Alexander, who saw that ‘the same terms’—animal, white, swan—will not serve Aristotle’s turn—i.e. if they are as before respectively major, minor, and middle term.} Also if both the premisses assumed are affirmative, the conclusion may be true. For nothing prevents $B$ from following all $C$, and $A$ from not belonging to $C$ at all, though $A$ belongs to some $B$, e.g. animal belongs to every swan,\footnote{Omit $\mu\dot{\epsilon}\nu$ in l. 4 with B and Waitz.} black to no swan, and black to some animals. Consequently if it is assumed that $A$ and $B$ belong to every $C$, the premiss $BC$ is wholly true, the premiss $AC$ is wholly false, and the conclusion is true. Similarly if the premiss $AC$ which is assumed is true: the proof can be made through the same terms. (4) Again if one premiss is wholly true, the other partly false, the conclusion may be true. For it is possible that $B$ should belong to all $C$, and $A$ to some $C$, while $A$ belongs to some $B$, e.g. biped belongs to every man, beautiful not to every man, and beautiful to some bipeds. If then it is assumed that both $A$ and $B$ belong to the whole of $C$, the premiss $BC$ is wholly true, the premiss $AC$ partly false, the conclusion true. Similarly if of the premisses assumed $AC$ is true and $BC$ partly false, a true conclusion is possible: this can be proved, if the same terms as before are transposed. Also the conclusion may be true if one premiss is negative, the other affirmative. For since it is possible that $B$ should belong to the whole of $C$, and $A$ to some $C$, and, when they are so, that $A$ should not belong to all $B$, therefore if it is assumed that $B$ belongs to the whole of $C$, and $A$ to no $C$, the negative premiss is partly false, the other premiss wholly true, and the conclusion is true. Again since it has been proved that if $A$ belongs to no $C$ and $B$ to some $C$, it is possible that $A$ should not belong to some $C$, it is clear that if the premiss $AC$ is wholly true, and the premiss $BC$ partly false, it is possible that the conclusion should be true. For if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to all $C$, the premiss $AC$ is wholly true, and the premiss $BC$ is partly false. (5) It is clear also in the case of particular syllogisms$^1$ that a true conclusion may come through what is false, in every possible way. For the same terms must be taken as have been taken when the premises are universal, positive terms in positive syllogisms, negative terms in negative. For it makes no difference to the setting out of the terms, whether one assumes that what belongs to none belongs to all or that what belongs to some belongs to all. The same applies to negative statements. It is clear then that if the conclusion is false, the premisses of the argument must be false, either all or some of them; but when the conclusion is true, it is not necessary $^1$ i.e. syllogisms having one premiss particular. that the premisses should be true, either one or all, yet it is possible, though no part of the syllogism is true, that the conclusion may none the less be true; but it is not necessitated. The reason is that when two things are so related to one another, that if the one is, the other necessarily is, then if the latter is not, the former will not be either, but if the latter is, it is not necessary that the former should be. But it is impossible that the same thing should be necessitated by the being and by the not-being of the same thing. I mean, for example, that it is impossible that $B$ should necessarily be great since $A$ is white and that $B$ should necessarily be great since $A$ is not white. For whenever since this, $A$, is white it is necessary that that, $B$, should be great, and since $B$ is great that $C$ should not be white, then it is necessary if $A$ is white that $C$ should not be white. And whenever it is necessary, since one of two things is, that the other should be, it is necessary, if the latter is not, that the former (viz. $A$) should not be. If then $B$ is not great $A$ cannot be white. But if, when $A$ is not white, it is necessary that $B$ should be great, it necessarily results that if $B$ is not great, $B$ itself is great. (But this is impossible.) For if $B$ is not great, $A$ will necessarily not be white. If then when this is not white $B$ must be great, it results that if $B$ is not great, it is great, just as if it were proved through three terms. Circular and reciprocal proof means proof by means of the conclusion, i.e. by converting one of the premisses simply and inferring the other premiss which was assumed in the original syllogism: e.g. suppose it has been necessary to prove that $A$ belongs to all $C$, and it has been proved through $B$; suppose that $A$ should now be proved to belong to $B$ by assuming that $A$ belongs to $C$, and $C$ to $B$—so $A$ belongs to $B$: but in the first syllogism the converse was assumed, viz. that $B$ belongs to $C$. Or suppose it is necessary to prove that $B$ belongs to $C$, and $A$ is assumed to belong to $C$, which was the conclusion of the first syllogism, and $B$ to belong to $A$: but the converse was assumed in the earlier syllogism, 1 The sentence would be clearer if we could read $\lambda\alpha\beta\epsilon\nu$ in l. 20. viz. that $A$ belongs to $B$. In no other way is reciprocal proof possible. If another term is taken as middle, the proof is not circular: for neither of the propositions assumed is the same as before: if one of the accepted terms is taken as middle, only one of the premisses of the first syllogism can be assumed in the second: for if both of them are taken the same conclusion as before will result: but it must be different. If the terms are not convertible, one of the premisses from which the syllogism results must be undemonstrated: for it is not possible to demonstrate through these terms that the third belongs to the middle or the middle to the first. If the terms are convertible, it is possible to demonstrate everything reciprocally, e.g. if $A$ and $B$ and $C$ are convertible with one another. Suppose the proposition $AC$ has been demonstrated through $B$ as middle term, and again the proposition $AB$ through the conclusion and the premiss $BC$ converted, and similarly the proposition $BC$ through the conclusion and the premiss $AB$ converted. But it is necessary to prove both the premiss $CB$, and the premiss $BA$: for we have used these alone without demonstrating them. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to all $A$, we shall have a syllogism relating $B$ to $A$. Again if it is assumed that $C$ belongs to all $A$, and $A$ to all $B$, $C$ must belong to all $B$. In both these syllogisms the premiss $CA$ has been assumed without being demonstrated: the other premisses had ex hypothesi been proved. Consequently if we succeed in demonstrating this premiss, all the premisses will have been proved reciprocally. If then it is assumed that $C$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to all $A$, both the premisses assumed have been proved, and $C$ must belong to $A$. It is clear then that only if the terms are convertible is circular and reciprocal demonstration possible (if the terms are not convertible, the matter stands as we said above). But it turns out in these also that we use for the demonstration the very thing that is being proved: for $C$ is proved of $B$, and $B$ of $A$, by assuming that $C$ is said of $A$, and $C$ is proved of $A$ through these premisses, so that we use the conclusion for the demonstration. In negative syllogisms reciprocal proof is as follows. Let $B$ belong to all $C$, and $A$ to none of the $Bs$: we conclude that $A$ belongs to none of the $Cs$. If again it is necessary to prove that $A$ belongs to none of the $Bs$ (which was previously assumed) $A$ must belong to no $C$, and $C$ to all $B$: thus the previous premiss is reversed. If it is necessary to prove that $B$ belongs to $C$, the proposition $AB$ must no longer be converted as before: for the premiss ‘$B$ belongs to no $A$’ is identical with the premiss ‘$A$ belongs to no $B$’. But we must assume that $B$ belongs to all of that to none of which $A$ belongs. Let $A$ belong to none of the $Cs$ (which was the previous conclusion) and assume that $B$ belongs to all of that to none of which $A$ belongs. It is necessary then that $B$ should belong to all $C$. Consequently each of the three propositions has been made a conclusion, and this is circular demonstration, to assume the conclusion and the converse of one of the premisses, and deduce the remaining premiss. In particular syllogisms it is not possible to demonstrate the universal premiss through the other propositions, but the particular premiss can be demonstrated. Clearly it is impossible to demonstrate the universal premiss: for what is universal is proved through propositions which are universal, but the conclusion is not universal, and the proof must start from the conclusion and the other premiss. Further a syllogism cannot be made at all if the other premiss is converted: for the result is that both premisses are particular. But the particular premiss may be proved. Suppose that $A$ has been proved of some $C$ through $B$. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to all $A$, and the conclusion is retained, $B$ will belong to some $C$: for we obtain the first figure and $A$ is middle. But if the syllogism is negative, it is not possible to prove the universal premiss, for the reason given above. But it is possible to prove the particular premiss, if the proposition $AB$ is converted as in the universal syllogism, i.e. ‘$B$ belongs to some of that to --- 1 Read δι' ὅ in l. 7 with Buhle. 2 Cf. a 29. Omit with A, B, and Waitz in l. 8 μὲν and in l. 9 οὐκ ἔστιν, διὰ προσλήψεως δ' ἐστίν. some of which $A$ does not belong': otherwise no syllogism results because the particular premiss is negative. In the second figure it is not possible to prove an affirmative proposition in this way, but a negative proposition may be proved. An affirmative proposition is not proved because both premisses of the new syllogism are not affirmative (for the conclusion is negative) but an affirmative proposition is (as we saw) proved from premisses which are both affirmative. The negative is proved as follows. Let $A$ belong to all $B$, and to no $C$: we conclude that $B$ belongs to no $C$. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to all $A$, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to no $C$: for we get the second figure, with $B$ as middle. But if the premiss $AB$ was negative, and the other affirmative, we shall have the first figure. For $C$ belongs to all $A$, and $B$ to no $C$, consequently $B$ belongs to no $A$: neither then does $A$ belong to $B$. Through the conclusion, therefore, and one premiss, we get no syllogism, but if another premiss is assumed in addition, a syllogism will be possible. But if the syllogism is not universal, the universal premiss cannot be proved, for the same reason as we gave above, but the particular premiss can be proved whenever the universal statement is affirmative. Let $A$ belong to all $B$, and not to all $C$: the conclusion is $BC$. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to all $A$, but not to all $C$, $A$ will not belong to some $C$, $B$ being middle. But if the universal premiss is negative, the premiss $AC$ will not be demonstrated by the conversion of $AB$: for it turns out that either both or one of the premisses is negative; consequently a syllogism will not be possible. But the proof will proceed as in the universal syllogisms, if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to some of that to some of which $B$ does not belong. In the third figure, when both premisses are taken universally, it is not possible to prove them reciprocally: for that which is universal is proved through statements which are universal, but the conclusion in this figure is always --- 1 Omit τὸ δὲ Γ μηδενί in l. 20 with A, B, and Waitz. 2 a 38. 3 Cf. a 29. particular, so that it is clear that it is not possible at all to prove through this figure the universal premiss. But if one premiss is universal, the other particular, proof of the latter will sometimes be possible, sometimes not. When both the premisses assumed are affirmative, and the universal concerns the minor extreme, proof will be possible, but when it concerns the other extreme, impossible. Let $A$ belong to all $C$ and $B$ to some $C$: the conclusion is the statement $AB$. If then it is assumed that $C$ belongs to all $A$, it has been proved that $C$ belongs to some $B$, but that $B$ belongs to some $C$ has not been proved. And yet it is necessary, if $C$ belongs to some $B$, that $B$ should belong to some $C$. But it is not the same that this should belong to that, and that to this: but we must assume besides that if this belongs to some of that, that belongs to some of this. But if this is assumed the syllogism no longer results from the conclusion and the other premiss. But if $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ to some $C$, it will be possible to prove the proposition $AC$, when it is assumed that $C$ belongs to all $B$, and $A$ to some $B$. For if $C$ belongs to all $B$ and $A$ to some $B$, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to some $C$, $B$ being middle. And whenever one premiss is affirmative, the other negative, and the affirmative is universal, the other premiss can be proved. Let $B$ belong to all $C$, and $A$ not to some $C$: the conclusion is that $A$ does not belong to some $B$. If then it is assumed further that $C$ belongs to all $B$, it is necessary that $A$ should not belong to some $C$, $B$ being middle. But when the negative premiss is universal, the other premiss is not proved, except as before, viz. if it is assumed that that belongs to some of that, to some of which this does not belong, e.g. if $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to some $C$: the conclusion is that $A$ does not belong to some $C$. If then it is assumed that $C$ belongs to some of that to some of which $A$ does not belong, it is necessary that $C$ should belong to some of the $Bs$. In no other way is it possible by converting the universal premiss to prove the other: for in no other way can a syllogism be formed. It is clear then that in the first figure reciprocal proof is 1 58b9. made both through the third and through the first figure—if the conclusion is affirmative through the first; if the conclusion is negative through the last. For it is assumed that that belongs to all of that to none of which this belongs. In the middle figure, when the syllogism is universal, proof is possible through the second figure and through the first, but when particular through the second and the last. In the third figure all proofs are made through itself. It is clear also that in the third figure and in the middle figure those syllogisms which are not made through those figures themselves$^1$ either are not of the nature of circular proof or are imperfect. To convert a syllogism means to alter the conclusion and make another syllogism to prove that either the extreme$^2$ cannot belong to the middle or the middle to the last$^3$ term. For it is necessary, if the conclusion has been changed into its opposite and one of the premisses stands, that the other premiss should be destroyed. For if it should stand, the conclusion also must stand. It makes a difference whether the conclusion is converted into its contradictory or into its contrary. For the same syllogism does not result whichever form the conversion takes. This will be made clear by the sequel. By contradictory opposition I mean the opposition of ‘to all’ to ‘not to all’, and of ‘to some’ to ‘to none’; by contrary opposition I mean the opposition of ‘to all’ to ‘to none’, and of ‘to some’ to ‘not to some’. Suppose that $A$ has been proved of $C$, through $B$ as middle term. If then it should be assumed that $A$ belongs to no $C$, but to all $B$, $B$ will belong to no $C$. And if $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong, not to no $B$ at all, but not to all $B$. For (as we saw) the universal is not proved through the last figure.$^4$ In a word it is not possible to refute universally by conversion the premiss which concerns the major extreme: for the refutation always proceeds through the third figure; since it is necessary to take both premisses in reference to the minor extreme. Similarly if the syllogism is negative. $^1$ Cf. 58$^{b}$ 22–7, 59$^{a}$ 6–14. $^2$ Major term. $^3$ Minor. $^4$ i. 6. Suppose it has been proved that $A$ belongs to no $C$ through $B$. Then if it is assumed that $A$ belongs to all $C$, and to no $B$, $B$ will belong to none of the $Cs$. And if $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, $A$ will belong to some $B$: but in the original premiss it belonged to no $B$. If the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, the syllogisms will be contradictory and not universal. For one premiss is particular, so that the conclusion also will be particular. Let the syllogism be affirmative, and let it be converted as stated. Then if $A$ belongs not to all $C$, but to all $B$, $B$ will belong not to all $C$. And if $A$ belongs not to all $C$, but $B$ belongs to all $C$, $A$ will belong not to all $B$. Similarly if the syllogism is negative. For if $A$ belongs to some $C$, and to no $B$, $B$ will belong, not to no $C$ at all, but --not to some $C$. And if $A$ belongs to some $C$, and $B$ to all $C$, as was originally assumed, $A$ will belong to some $B$. In particular syllogisms when the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, both premisses may be refuted, but when it is converted into its contrary, neither. For the result is no longer, as in the universal syllogisms, a refutation in which the conclusion reached by conversion lacks universality, but no refutation at all. Suppose that $A$ has been proved of some $C$. If then it is assumed that $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $B$ to some $C$, $A$ will not belong to some $B$: and if $A$ belongs to no $C$, but to all $B$, $B$ will belong to no $C$. Thus both premisses are refuted. But neither can be refuted if the conclusion is converted into its contrary. For if $A$ does not belong to some $C$, but to all $B$, then $B$ will not belong to some $C$. But the original premiss is not yet refuted: for it is possible that $B$ should belong to some $C$, and should not belong to some $C$. The universal premiss $AB$ cannot be affected by a syllogism at all: for if $A$ does not belong to some of the $Cs$, but $B$ belongs to some of the $Cs$, neither of the premisses is universal. Similarly if the syllogism is negative: for if it should be assumed that $A$ belongs to all $C$, both premisses are refuted: but if the assumption is that $A$ belongs to some $C$, neither premiss is refuted. The proof is the same as before. 1 ll. 13-20, 23-4. In the second figure it is not possible to refute the premiss which concerns the major extreme by establishing something contrary to it, whichever form the conversion of the conclusion may take. For the conclusion of the refutation will always be in the third figure, and in this figure (as we saw$^1$) there is no universal syllogism. The other premiss can be refuted in a manner similar to the conversion: I mean, if the conclusion of the first syllogism is converted into its contrary, the conclusion of the refutation will be the contrary of the minor premiss of the first, if into its contradictory, the contradictory. Let $A$ belong to all $B$ and to no $C$: conclusion $BC$. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to all $C$, and the proposition $AB$ stands, $A$ will belong to all $C$, since the first figure is produced. If $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ to no $C$, then $A$ belongs not to all $B$: the figure is the last. But if the conclusion $BC$ is converted into its contradictory, the premiss $AB$ will be refuted as before,$^2$ the premiss $AC$ by its contradictory. For if $B$ belongs to some $C$, and $A$ to no $C$, then $A$ will not belong to some $B$. Again if $B$ belongs to some $C$, and $A$ to all $B$, $A$ will belong to some $C$, so that the syllogism results in the contradictory of the minor premiss. A similar proof can be given if the premisses are transposed in respect of their quality. If the syllogism is particular, when the conclusion is converted into its contrary neither premiss can be refuted, as also happened in the first figure,$^3$ but if the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, both premisses can be refuted. Suppose that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and to some $C$: the conclusion is $BC$. If then it is assumed that $B$ belongs to some $C$, and the statement $AB$ stands, the conclusion will be that $A$ does not belong to some $C$. But the original statement has not been refuted: for it is possible that $A$ should belong to some $C$ and also not to some $C$. Again if $B$ belongs to some $C$ and $A$ to some $C$, no syllogism will be possible: for neither of the premisses taken is universal. Consequently the proposition $AB$ is not refuted. But if the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, both $^1$ i. 6. $^2$ i.e. by its contradictory. $^3$ 59$^b$ 39–60$^a$ 1, 60$^a$ 5–14. premises can be refuted. For if $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ to no $B$, $A$ will belong to no $C$: but it was assumed to belong to some $C$. Again if $B$ belongs to all $C$ and $A$ to some $C$, $A$ will belong to some $B$. The same proof can be given if the universal statement is affirmative. 10 In the third figure when the conclusion is converted into its contrary, neither of the premises can be refuted in any of the syllogisms, but when the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, both premises may be refuted and in all the moods. Suppose it has been proved that $A$ belongs to some $B$, $C$ being taken as middle, and the premises being universal. If then it is assumed that $A$ does not belong to some $B$, but $B$ belongs to all $C$, no syllogism is formed about $A$ and $C$. Nor if $A$ does not belong to some $B$, but belongs to all $C$, will a syllogism be possible about $B$ and $C$. A similar proof can be given if the premises are not universal. For either both premises arrived at by the conversion must be particular, or the universal premiss must refer to the minor extreme. But we found that no syllogism is possible thus either in the first or in the middle figure.\footnote{26a 17-21, 27a 4-12.} But if the conclusion is converted into its contradictory, both the premises\footnote{Read ἀντιστρέφηται in l. 19 (which Phil. seems to have read), and place the comma before αἱ προπασεις with Waitz.} can be refuted. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, then $A$ belongs to no $C$: again if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and to all $C$, $B$ belongs to no $C$. And similarly if one of the premises is not universal. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, $A$ will not belong to some $C$: if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and to all $C$, $B$ will belong to no $C$. Similarly if the original syllogism is negative. Suppose it has been proved that $A$ does not belong to some $B$, $BC$ being affirmative, $AC$ being negative: for it was thus that, as we saw,\footnote{28b 1-4, 15-29a 10.} a syllogism could be made. Whenever then the contrary of the conclusion is assumed a syllogism will not be possible. For if $A$ belongs to some $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, no syllogism is possible (as we saw\footnote{26a 30-6.}) about $A$ and $C$. Nor, if $A$ belongs to some $B$, and to no $C$, was a syllogism possible concerning $B$ and $C$. Therefore the premisses are not refuted. But when the contradictory of the conclusion is assumed, they are refuted. For if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to $C$, $A$ belongs to all $C$: but $A$ was supposed originally to belong to no $C$. Again if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and to no $C$, then $B$ belongs to no $C$: but it was supposed to belong to all $C$. A similar proof is possible if the premisses are not universal. For $AC$ becomes universal and negative, the other premiss particular and affirmative. If then $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to some $C$, it results that $A$ belongs to some $C$: but it was supposed to belong to no $C$. Again if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and to no $C$, then $B$ belongs to no $C$: but it was assumed to belong to some $C$. If $A$ belongs to some $B$ and $B$ to some $C$, no syllogism results: nor yet if $A$ belongs to some $B$, and to no $C$. Thus in one way the premisses are refuted, in the other way they are not. From what has been said it is clear how a syllogism results in each figure when the conclusion is converted; when a result contrary to the premiss, and when a result contradictory to the premiss, is obtained. It is clear that in the first figure the syllogisms are formed through the middle and the last figures, and the premiss which concerns the minor extreme is always refuted through the middle figure, the premiss which concerns the major through the last figure. In the second figure syllogisms proceed through the first and the last figures, and the premiss which concerns the minor extreme is always refuted through the first figure, the premiss which concerns the major extreme through the last. In the third figure the refutation proceeds through the first and the middle figures; the premiss which concerns the major is always refuted through the first figure, the premiss which concerns the minor through the middle figure. It is clear then what conversion is, how it is effected in each figure, and what syllogism results. The syllogism per impossibile is proved when the contradictory of the conclusion is stated and another premiss is assumed; it can be 1 27b 6–8. 2 i.e. in refutation of the premisses of a syllogism in the first figure. made in all the figures. For it resembles conversion, differing only in this: conversion takes place after a syllogism has been formed and both the premises have been taken, but a reduction to the impossible takes place not because the contradictory has been agreed to already, but because it is clear that it is true.$^1$ The terms are alike in both, and the premises of both are taken in the same way. For example if $A$ belongs to all $B$, $C$ being middle, then if it is supposed that $A$ does not belong to all $B$ or belongs to no $B$, but to all $C$ (which was admitted to be true), it follows that $C$ belongs to no $B$ or not to all $B$. But this is impossible; consequently the supposition is false: its contradictory then is true. Similarly in the other figures: for whatever moods admit of conversion admit also of the reduction per impossibile. All the problems can be proved per impossibile in all the figures, excepting the universal affirmative, which is proved in the middle and third figures, but not in the first. Suppose that $A$ belongs not to all $B$, or to no $B$, and take besides another premiss concerning either of the terms, viz. that $C$ belongs to all $A$, or that $B$ belongs to all $D$; thus we get the first figure. If then it is supposed that $A$ does not belong to all $B$, no syllogism results whichever term the assumed premiss concerns; but if it is supposed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, when the premiss $BD$ is assumed as well we shall prove syllogistically what is false, but not the problem proposed. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $B$ belongs to all $D$, $A$ belongs to no $D$. Let this be impossible: it is false then that $A$ belongs to no $B$. But the universal affirmative is not necessarily true if the universal negative is false. But if the premiss $CA$ is assumed as well, no syllogism results, nor does it do so when it is supposed that $A$ does not belong to all $B$. Consequently it is clear that the universal affirmative cannot be proved in the first figure per impossibile. $^1$ i.e. in conversion we explicitly assume one premiss and the opposite of the conclusion, and thus form a syllogism; in reduction ad impossibile we need not explicitly assume the original premiss which is the opposite of the conclusion of the new syllogism; we may treat its truth as obvious. But the particular affirmative and the universal and particular negatives can all be proved. Suppose that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and let it have been assumed that $B$ belongs to all or to some $C$. Then it is necessary that $A$ should belong to no $C$ or not to all $C$. But this is impossible (for let it be true and clear that $A$ belongs to all $C$): consequently if this is false, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to some $B$. But if the other premiss assumed relates to $A$, no syllogism will be possible. Nor can a conclusion be drawn when the contrary of the conclusion is supposed, e.g. that $A$ does not belong to some $B$. Clearly then we must suppose the contradictory. Again suppose that $A$ belongs to some $B$, and let it have been assumed that $C$ belongs to all $A$. It is necessary then that $C$ should belong to some $B$. But let this be impossible, so that the supposition is false: in that case it is true that $A$ belongs to no $B$. We may proceed in the same way if the proposition $CA$ has been taken as negative. But if the premiss assumed concerns $B$, no syllogism will be possible. If the contrary is supposed, we shall have a syllogism and an impossible conclusion, but the problem in hand is not proved. Suppose that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and let it have been assumed that $C$ belongs to all $A$. It is necessary then that $C$ should belong to all $B$. But this is impossible, so that it is false that $A$ belongs to all $B$. But we have not yet shown it to be necessary that $A$ belongs to no $B$, if it does not belong to all $B$. Similarly if the other premiss taken concerns $B$; we shall have a syllogism and a conclusion which is impossible, but the hypothesis is not refuted. Therefore it is the contradictory that we must suppose. To prove that $A$ does not belong to all $B$, we must suppose that it belongs to all $B$: for if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $C$ to all $A$, then $C$ belongs to all $B$; so that if this is impossible, the hypothesis is false. Similarly if the other premiss assumed concerns $B$. The same results if the original proposition $CA$ was negative: for thus also we get a syllogism. But if the negative proposition concerns $B$, 1 Read ἐστω... A ll. 13, 14 in brackets, and omit the comma after ἀληθές, with Waitz. nothing is proved. If the hypothesis is that $A$ belongs not to all but to some $B$, it is not proved that $A$ belongs not to all $B$, but that it belongs to no $B$. For if $A$ belongs to some $B$, and $C$ to all $A$, then $C$ will belong to some $B$. If then this is impossible, it is false that $A$ belongs to some $B$; consequently it is true that $A$ belongs to no $B$. But if this is proved, the truth is refuted as well; for the original conclusion was that $A$ belongs to some $B$, and does not belong to some $B$. Further the impossible does not result from the hypothesis: for then the hypothesis would be false, since it is impossible to draw a false conclusion from true premises: but in fact it is true: for $A$ belongs to some $B$. Consequently we must not suppose that $A$ belongs to some $B$, but that it belongs to all $B$. Similarly if we should be proving that $A$ does not belong to some $B$: for if ‘not to belong to some’ and ‘to belong not to all’ have the same meaning, the demonstration of both will be identical. It is clear then that not the contrary but the contradictory ought to be supposed in all the syllogisms. For thus we shall have necessity of inference, and the claim we make is one that will be generally accepted. For if of everything one or other of two contradictory statements holds good, then if it is proved that the negation does not hold, the affirmation must be true. Again if it is not admitted that the affirmation is true, the claim that the negation is true will be generally accepted. But in neither way does it suit to maintain the contrary: for it is not necessary that if the universal negative is false, the universal affirmative should be true, nor is it generally accepted that if the one is false the other is true. 12 It is clear then that in the first figure all problems except the universal affirmative are proved per impossibile. But in the middle and the last figures this also is proved. Suppose that $A$ does not belong to all $B$, and let it have been assumed that $A$ belongs to all $C$. If then $A$ belongs not to all $B$, but to all $C$, $C$ will not belong to all $B$. But this is impossible (for suppose it to be clear that $C$ belongs to all $B$): consequently the hypothesis is false. It is true then that $A$ belongs to all $B$. But if the contrary is supposed, we shall have a syllogism and a result which is impossible: but the problem in hand is not proved. For if $A$ belongs to no $B$, and to all $C$, $C$ will belong to no $B$. This is impossible; so that it is false that $A$ belongs to no $B$. But though this is false, it does not follow that it is true that $A$ belongs to all $B$. When $A$ belongs to some $B$, suppose that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and let $A$ belong to all $C$. It is necessary then that $C$ should belong to no $B$. Consequently, if this is impossible, $A$ must belong to some $B$. But if it is supposed that $A$ does not belong to some $B$, we shall have the same results$^1$ as in the first figure.$^2$ Again suppose that $A$ belongs to some $B$, and let $A$ belong to no $C$. It is necessary then that $C$ should not belong to some $B$. But originally it belonged to all $B$, consequently the hypothesis is false: $A$ then will belong to no $B$. When $A$ does not belong to all $B$, suppose it does belong to all $B$, and to no $C$. It is necessary then that $C$ should belong to no $B$. But this is impossible: so that it is true that $A$ does not belong to all $B$. It is clear then that all the syllogisms can be formed in the middle figure. Similarly they can all be formed in the last figure.$^3$ Suppose that $A$ does not belong to some $B$, but $C$ belongs to all $B$: then $A$ does not belong to some $C$. If then this is impossible, it is false that $A$ does not belong to some $B$; so that it is true that $A$ belongs to all $B$. But if it is supposed that $A$ belongs to no $B$, we shall have a syllogism and a conclusion which is impossible: but the problem in hand is not proved: for if the contrary is supposed, we shall have the same results as before.$^3$ But to prove that $A$ belongs to some $B$, this hypothesis must be made. If $A$ belongs to no $B$, and $C$ to some $B$, $A$ will belong not to all $C$. If then this is false, it is true that $A$ belongs to some $B$. When $A$ belongs to no $B$, suppose $A$ belongs to some $B$, and let it have been assumed that $C$ belongs to all $B$. Then $^1$ Read $\tau\alpha\nu\tau'\xi\sigma\tau\alpha i$ in l. 36. $^2$ 61$^{b}$ 39–62$^{a}$ 8. $^3$ a 28–32. Read $\tau\alpha\nu\tau'\xi\sigma\tau\alpha i$ in l. 10 with cod. n. it is necessary that $A$ should belong to some $C$. But ex hypothesi it belongs to no $C$, so that it is false that $A$ belongs to some $B$. But if it is supposed that $A$ belongs to all $B$, the problem is not proved. But this hypothesis must be made if we are to prove that $A$ belongs not to all $B$. For if $A$ belongs to all $B$ and $C$ to some $B$, then $A$ belongs to some $C$. But this we assumed not to be so, so it is false that $A$ belongs to all $B$. But in that case it is true that $A$ belongs not to all $B$. If however it is assumed that $A$ belongs to some $B$, we shall have the same result as before.\footnote{61\textsuperscript{b} 39-62\textsuperscript{a} 8. Read τὰν’ ἐστιν in l. 23 with cod. n.} It is clear then that in all the syllogisms which proceed per impossibile the contradictory must be assumed. And it is plain that in the middle figure an affirmative conclusion, and in the last figure a universal conclusion, are proved in a way. Demonstration per impossibile differs from ostensive proof in that it posits what it wishes to refute by reduction\footnote{Omit the comma after ἀναγέν in l. 30.} to a statement admitted to be false; whereas ostensive proof starts from admitted positions.\footnote{Omit ἀληθῶν in l. 32 with B, C, and Waitz.} Both, indeed, take two premisses that are admitted, but the latter takes the premisses from which the syllogism starts, the former takes one of these, along with the contradictory of the original conclusion. Also in the ostensive proof it is not necessary that the conclusion should be known, nor that one should suppose beforehand that it is true or not: in the other it is necessary to suppose beforehand that it is not true. It makes no difference whether the conclusion is affirmative or negative; the method is the same in both cases. Everything which is concluded ostensively can be proved per impossibile, and that which is proved per impossibile can be proved ostensively, through the same terms.\footnote{Omit οὐκ . . . σχῆμασιν in l. 41 with the MSS. and Waitz.} Whenever the syllogism\footnote{i.e. the reduction ad impossibile.} is formed in the first figure, the truth\footnote{i.e. the ostensive syllogism.} will be found in the middle or the last figure, if negative in the middle, if affirmative in the last. Whenever the syllogism is formed in the middle figure, the truth will be found in the first, whatever the problem may be. Whenever the syllogism is formed in the last figure, the truth will be found in the first and middle figures, if affirmative in the first, if negative in the middle. Suppose that $A$ has been proved to belong to no $B$, or not to all $B$, through the first figure. Then the hypothesis must have been that $A$ belongs to some $B$, and the original premisses that $C$ belongs to all $A$ and to no $B$. For thus the syllogism was made and the impossible conclusion reached. But this is the middle figure, if $C$ belongs to all $A$ and to no $B$. And it is clear from these premisses that $A$ belongs to no $B$. Similarly if $A$ has been proved not to belong to all $B$. For the hypothesis is that $A$ belongs to all $B$; and the original premisses are that $C$ belongs to all $A$ but not to all $B$. Similarly too, if the premiss $CA$ should be negative: for thus also we have the middle figure. Again suppose it has been proved that $A$ belongs to some $B$. The hypothesis here is that $A$ belongs to no $B$; and the original premisses that $B$ belongs to all $C$, and $A$ either to all or to some $C$: for in this way we shall get what is impossible. But if $A$ and $B$ belong to all $C$, we have the last figure. And it is clear from these premisses that $A$ must belong to some $B$. Similarly if $B$ or $A$ should be assumed to belong to some $C$. Again suppose it has been proved in the middle figure that $A$ belongs to all $B$. Then the hypothesis must have been that $A$ belongs not to all $B$, and the original premisses that $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to all $B$: for thus we shall get what is impossible. But if $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to all $B$, we have the first figure. Similarly if it has been proved that $A$ belongs to some $B$: for the hypothesis then must have been that $A$ belongs to no $B$, and the original premisses that $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to some $B$. If the syllogism is negative, the hypothesis must have been that $A$ belongs to some $B$, and the original premisses that $A$ belongs to no $C$, and $C$ to all $B$, so that the first figure results. If the syllogism is not universal, but proof has been given that $A$ does not belong to some $B$, we may infer in the same way. The hypothesis is that $ A $ belongs to all $ B $, the original premisses that $ A $ belongs to no $ C $, and $ C $ belongs to some $ B $: for thus we get the first figure. Again suppose it has been proved in the third figure that $ A $ belongs to all $ B $. Then the hypothesis must have been that $ A $ belongs not to all $ B $, and the original premisses that $ C $ belongs to all $ B $, and $ A $ belongs to all $ C $: for thus we shall get what is impossible. And the original premisses form the first figure. Similarly if the demonstration establishes a particular proposition: the hypothesis then must have been that $ A $ belongs to no $ B $, and the original premisses that $ C $ belongs to some $ B $, and $ A $ to all $ C $. If the syllogism is negative, the hypothesis must have been that $ A $ belongs to some $ B $, and the original premisses that $ C $ belongs to no $ A $ and to all $ B $, and this is the middle figure. Similarly if the demonstration is not universal. The hypothesis will then be that $ A $ belongs to all $ B $, the premisses that $ C $ belongs to no $ A $ and to some $ B $: and this is the middle figure. It is clear then that it is possible through the same terms to prove each of the problems ostensively as well.$^1$ Similarly it will be possible if the syllogisms are ostensive to reduce them ad impossibile in the terms which have been taken, whenever the contradictory of the conclusion of the ostensive syllogism is taken as a premiss. For the syllogisms become identical with those which are obtained by means of conversion, so that we obtain immediately the figures through which each problem will be solved. It is clear then that every thesis can be proved in both ways, i.e. per impossibile and ostensively, and it is not possible to separate one method from the other. In what figure it is possible to draw a conclusion from premisses which are opposed, and in what figure this is not possible, will be made clear in this way. Verbally four kinds of opposition are possible, viz. universal affirmative to universal negative, universal affirmative to particular negative, particular affirmative to universal negative, and particular affirmative to particular negative: but really there are only $^1$ Omit καὶ . . . ἀδυνάτου in l. 13 with A, C, and Waitz. three: for the particular affirmative is only verbally opposed to the particular negative. Of the genuine opposites I call those which are universal contraries, the universal affirmative and the universal negative, e.g. 'every science is good', 'no science is good'; the others I call contradictories. In the first figure no syllogism whether affirmative or negative can be made out of opposed premisses: no affirmative syllogism is possible because both premisses must be affirmative, but opposites are, the one affirmative, the other negative: no negative syllogism is possible because opposites affirm and deny the same predicate of the same subject, and the middle term in the first figure is not predicated of both extremes, but one thing is denied of it, and it is affirmed of something else: but such premisses are not opposed. In the middle figure a syllogism can be made both of contradictories and of contraries. Let $A$ stand for good, let $B$ and $C$ stand for science. If then one assumes that every science is good, and no science is good, $A$ belongs to all $B$ and to no $C$, so that $B$ belongs to no $C$: no science then is a science. Similarly if after taking 'every science is good' one took 'the science of medicine is not good'; for $A$ belongs to all $B$ but to no $C$, so that a particular science will not be a science. Again, a particular science will not be a science if $A$ belongs to all $C$ but to no $B$, and $B$ is science, $C$ medicine, and $A$ supposition: for after taking 'no science is supposition', one has assumed that a particular science is supposition. This syllogism differs from the preceding because the relations between the terms are reversed: before, the affirmative statement concerned $B$, now it concerns $C$. Similarly if one premiss is not universal: for the middle term is always that which is stated negatively of one extreme, and affirmatively of the other. Consequently it is possible that contradictories may lead to a conclusion, though not always or in every mood, but only if the terms subordinate to the middle are such that they are either identical or related as whole to part. Otherwise 1 Elsewhere Aristotle sometimes expresses this by ἀντιφατικῶς ἀντικεῖσθαι. it is impossible: for the premisses cannot anyhow be either contraries or contradictories. In the third figure an affirmative syllogism can never be made out of opposite premisses, for the reason given in reference to the first figure; but a negative syllogism is possible whether the terms are universal or not. Let $B$ and $C$ stand for science, $A$ for medicine. If then one should assume that all medicine is science and that no medicine is science, he has assumed that $B$ belongs to all $A$ and $C$ to no $A$, so that a particular science will not be a science. Similarly if the premiss $BA^2$ is not assumed universally: For if some medicine is science and again no medicine is science, it results that some science is not science. The premisses are contrary if the terms are taken universally; if one is particular, they are contradictory. We must recognize that it is possible to take opposites in the way we said, viz. 'all science is good' and 'no science is good' or 'some science is not good'. This does not usually escape notice. But it is possible to establish one part of a contradiction through other premisses, or to assume it in the way suggested in the Topics. Since there are three oppositions to affirmative statements, it follows that opposite statements may be assumed as premisses in six ways; we may have either universal affirmative and negative, or universal affirmative and particular negative, or particular affirmative and universal negative, and the relations between the terms may be reversed; e.g. $A$ may belong to all $B$ and to no $C$, or to all $C$ and to no $B$, or to all of the one, not to all of the other; here too the relation between the terms may be reversed. Similarly in the third figure. So it is clear in how many ways and in what figures a syllogism can be made by means of premisses which are opposed. It is clear too that from false premisses it is possible to draw a true conclusion, as has been said before, but it is not possible if the premisses are opposed. For the syllogism is always contrary to the fact, e.g. if a thing is good, it is proved that it is not good, if an animal, that it is not an --- 1 63b 33. 2 Read BA in l. 28 with A, B, C, and Waitz. 3 viii. 1. 4 cc. 2-4. animal, because the syllogism springs out of a contradiction and the terms presupposed are either identical or related as whole and part. It is evident also that in fallacious reasonings nothing prevents a contradiction to the hypothesis from resulting, e.g. if something is odd, it is not odd. For the syllogism owed its contrariety to its contradictory premisses; if we assume such premisses we shall get a result that contradicts our hypothesis. But we must recognize that contraries cannot be inferred from a single syllogism in such a way that we conclude that what is not good is good, or anything of that sort,$^1$ unless a self-contradictory premiss is at once assumed, e.g. 'every animal is white and not white', and we proceed 'man is an animal'. Either we must introduce the contradiction by an additional assumption, assuming, e.g., that every science is supposition,$^2$ and then assuming 'Medicine is a science, but none of it is supposition' (which is the mode in which refutations are made), or we must argue from two syllogisms. In no other way than this, as was said before,$^3$ is it possible that the premisses should be really contrary. To beg and assume the original question is a species of failure to demonstrate the problem proposed; but this happens in many ways. A man may not reason syllogistically at all, or he may argue from premisses which are less known or equally unknown, or he may establish the antecedent by means of its consequents; for demonstration proceeds from what is more certain and is prior. Now begging the question is none of these: but since we get to know some things naturally through themselves, and other things by means of something else (the first principles through themselves, what is subordinate to them through something else), whenever a man tries to prove what is not$^4$ self-evident by means of itself, then he begs the original question. This may be done by assuming what is in $^1$ i.e. in such a way that our conclusion is formally affirmative. $^2$ Omit καὶ ὀὐχ ἐπὸληψίς in l. 23 with B, n, and Waitz. $^3$ It has been shown that contrary premisses will not yield an affirmative self-contradictory conclusion in the first figure (63$^b$ 33) or in the third (64$^a$ 20). In the second of course all conclusions are negative. $^4$ Read μὴ τὸ in l. 36 with A, B, C, and Waitz. question at once; it is also possible to make a transition to other things which would naturally be proved through the thesis proposed, and demonstrate it through them, e.g. if $A$ should be proved through $B$, and $B$ through $C$, though it was natural that $C$ should be proved through $A$: for it turns out that those who reason thus are proving $A$ by means of itself. This is what those persons do who suppose that they are constructing parallel straight lines: for they fail to see that they are assuming facts which it is impossible to demonstrate unless the parallels exist. So it turns out that those who reason thus merely say a particular thing is, if it is: in this way everything will be self-evident. But that is impossible. If then it is uncertain whether $A$ belongs to $C$, and also whether $A$ belongs to $B$, and if one should assume that $A$ does belong to $B$, it is not yet clear whether he begs the original question, but it is evident that he is not demonstrating: for what is as uncertain as the question to be answered cannot be a principle of a demonstration. If however $B$ is so related to $C$ that they are identical, or if they are plainly convertible, or the one belongs to the other,\footnote{As genus to species.} the original question is begged. For one might equally well prove that $A$ belongs to $B$ through those terms if they are convertible. But if they are not convertible, it is the fact that they are not that prevents such a demonstration, not the method of demonstrating. But if one were to make the conversion, then he would be doing what we have described\footnote{In ll. 1-4.} and effecting a reciprocal proof with three propositions.\footnote{Omit $\omega$s in l. 19 with A, B, C, and Waitz.} Similarly if he should assume that $B$ belongs to $C$, this being as uncertain as the question whether $A$ belongs to $C$, the question is not yet begged, but no demonstration is made. If however $A$ and $B$ are identical either because they are convertible or because $A$ follows $B$, then the question is begged for the same reason as before. For we have explained the meaning of begging the question, viz. proving that which is not self-evident by means of itself. If then begging the question is proving what is not selfevident by means of itself, in other words failing to prove when the failure is due to the thesis to be proved and the premiss through which it is proved being equally uncertain, either because predicates which are identical belong to the same subject, or because the same predicate belongs to subjects which are identical, the question may be begged in the middle and third figures in both ways,$^1$ though, if the syllogism is affirmative, only in the third and first figures. If the syllogism is negative, the question is begged when identical predicates are denied of the same subject;$^2$ and both premisses do not beg the question indifferently (in a similar way the question may be begged in the middle figure$^3$), because the terms in negative syllogisms are not convertible.$^4$ In scientific demonstrations the question is begged when the terms are really related in the manner described, in dialectical arguments when they are according to common opinion so related. The objection that ‘this is not the reason why the result is false’, which we frequently make in argument, is made primarily in the case of a reductio ad impossibile, to rebut the proposition which was being proved by the reduction. For unless a man has contradicted this proposition he will not say, ‘False cause’, but urge that something false has been assumed in the earlier parts of the argument; nor will he use the formula in the case of an ostensive proof; for here what one denies$^5$ is not assumed as a premiss. $^1$ ταὐτὰ τὸ ἀὐτό and ταὐτὸν τοῖς ἀὐτοῖς are explained by ll. 14-23; they refer to petitio principii in the minor and major premiss respectively. Now from the forms and rules of the figures it follows that the former can arise only in fig. I (affirmatively) and fig. II (negatively), the latter in figs. I and III (affirmatively and negatively). Thus the statement that both can occur in figs. II and III is not, in its natural meaning, true. $^2$ τὰ αὐτὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀὐτοῦ is apparently meant to cover the case of ταὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν, the stress being on ἀπὸ. Strictly τὰ αὐτὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀὐτοῦ is found only in the second figure. $^3$ ωσαίτως . . . μέσῳ in l. 34 is parenthetical. $^4$ i.e. terms negatively related are not convertible, therefore it must be the terms in the affirmative premiss that are convertible, and the petitio principii must be in the negative premiss. It will be noticed that both in accuracy and in form this paragraph falls below the general level of the Prior Analytics. It bears clear marks of haste. $^5$ Read τιθησι ὁ ἀντίφησιν in l. 3 with A$_2$, B, C, and Waitz. Further when anything is refuted ostensively by the terms $ABC$, it cannot be objected that the syllogism does not depend on the assumption laid down. For we use the expression ‘false cause’, when the syllogism is concluded in spite of the refutation of this position; but that is not possible in ostensive proofs: since if an assumption is refuted, a syllogism can no longer be drawn in reference to it. It is clear then that the expression ‘false cause’ can only be used in the case of a reductio ad impossibile, and when the original hypothesis is so related to the impossible conclusion, that the conclusion results indifferently whether the hypothesis is made or not. The most obvious case of the irrelevance of an assumption to a conclusion which is false is when a syllogism drawn from middle terms to an impossible conclusion is independent of the hypothesis, as we have explained in the Topics.$^1$ For to put that which is not the cause as the cause, is just this: e.g. if a man, wishing to prove that the diagonal of the square is incommensurate with the side, should try to prove Zeno’s theorem that motion is impossible, and so establish a reductio ad impossibile: for Zeno’s false theorem has no connexion at all with the original assumption. Another case is where the impossible conclusion is connected with the hypothesis, but does not result from it. This may happen whether one traces the connexion upwards or downwards, e.g. if it is laid down that $A$ belongs to $B$, $B$ to $C$, and $C$ to $D$, and it should be false that $B$ belongs to $D$: for if we eliminated $A$ and assumed all the same that $B$ belongs to $C$ and $C$ to $D$, the false conclusion would not depend on the original hypothesis. Or again trace the connexion upwards; e.g. suppose that $A$ belongs to $B$, $E$ to $A$, and $F$ to $E$, it being false that $F$ belongs to $A$. In this way too the impossible conclusion would result, though the original hypothesis were eliminated. But the impossible conclusion ought to be connected with the original terms: in this way it will depend on the hypothesis, e.g. when one traces the connexion downwards, the impossible conclusion must be connected with that term which is predicate in the hypo- $^1$ Soph. El. 167b 21-36. thesis: for if it is impossible that $A$ should belong to $D$, the false conclusion will no longer result after $A$ has been eliminated. If one traces the connexion upwards, the impossible conclusion must be connected with that term which is subject in the hypothesis: for if it is impossible that $F$ should belong to $B$, the impossible conclusion will disappear if $B$ is eliminated. Similarly when the syllogisms are negative. 66a It is clear then that when the impossibility is not related to the original terms, the false conclusion does not result on account of the assumption. Or perhaps even so it may sometimes be independent.$^1$ For if it were laid down that $A$ belongs not to $B$ but to $K$, and that $K$ belongs to $C$ and $C$ to $D$, the impossible conclusion$^2$ would still stand. Similarly if one takes the terms in an ascending series. Consequently since the impossibility results whether the first assumption is suppressed or not, it would appear to be independent of that assumption. Or perhaps we ought not to understand the statement that the false conclusion results independently of the assumption, in the sense that if something else were supposed the impossibility would result; but rather we mean that when the first assumption is eliminated, the same impossibility results through the remaining premisses; since it is not perhaps absurd that the same false result should follow from several hypotheses, e.g. that parallels meet, both on the assumption that the interior angle is greater than the exterior and on the assumption that a triangle contains more than two right angles. A false argument depends on the first false statement in it. Every syllogism is made out of two or more premisses. If then the false conclusion is drawn from two premisses, one or both of them must be false: for (as was proved$^3$) a false syllogism cannot be drawn from true premisses. But if the premisses are more than two, e.g. if $C$ is established through $A$ and $B$, and these through $D$, $E$, $F$, and $G$, $^1$ Mark of interrogation after $\psi\varepsilon\hat{\nu}\delta\sigma\varsigma$ in l. 3 (Waitz). $^2$ i.e. that $A$ belongs to $D$. $^3$ 53b 11-25. one of these higher propositions must be false, and on this the argument depends: for $A$ and $B$ are inferred by means of $D$, $E$, $F$, and $G$. Therefore the conclusion and the error results from one of them. 19 In order to avoid having a syllogism drawn against us, we must take care, whenever an opponent asks us to admit the reason without the conclusions, not to grant him the same term twice over in his premisses, since we know that a syllogism cannot be drawn without a middle term, and that term which is stated more than once is the middle. How we ought to watch the middle in reference to each conclusion, is evident from our knowing what kind of thesis is proved in each figure. This will not escape us since we know how we are maintaining the argument. That which we urge men to beware of in their admissions, they ought in attack to try to conceal. This will be possible first, if, instead of drawing the conclusions of preliminary syllogisms, they take the necessary premisses and leave the conclusions in the dark; secondly if instead of inviting assent to propositions which are closely connected they take as far as possible those that are not connected by middle terms.\footnote{Read $\mu\alpha\lambda\iota\sigma\tau\alpha\ \delta\mu\epsilon\sigma\alpha$ in l. 37 with A, B, C$_2$, and Waitz, and perhaps Phil.} For example suppose that $A$ is to be inferred to be true of $F$; $B$, $C$, $D$, and $E$ being middle terms. One ought then to ask whether $A$ belongs to $B$, and next whether $D$ belongs to $E$, instead of asking whether $B$ belongs to $C$; after that he may ask whether $B$ belongs to $C$, and so on. If the syllogism is drawn through one middle term, he ought to begin with that: in this way he will most likely deceive his opponent. 20 Since we know when a syllogism can be formed and how its terms must be related, it is clear when refutation will be possible and when impossible. A refutation is possible whether everything is conceded, or the answers alternate (one, I mean, being affirmative, the other negative). For as has been shown a syllogism is possible whether the terms are related in affirmative propositions or one proposition is affirmative, the other negative: consequently, if what is laid down is $^1$ contrary to the conclusion, a refutation must take place: for a refutation is a syllogism which establishes the contradictory. But if nothing is conceded, a refutation is impossible: for no syllogism is possible (as we saw$^2$) when all the terms are negative: therefore no refutation is possible. For if a refutation were possible, a syllogism must be possible; although if a syllogism is possible it does not follow that a refutation is possible. Similarly refutation is not possible if nothing is conceded universally: since the fields of refutation and syllogism are defined in the same way. It sometimes happens that just as we are deceived in the arrangement of the terms,$^3$ so error may arise in our thought about them, e.g. if it is possible that the same predicate should belong to more than one subject immediately,$^4$ but although knowing the one, a man may forget the other and think the opposite true. Suppose that $A$ belongs to $B$ and to $C$ in virtue of their nature, and that $B$ and $C$ belong to all $D$ in the same way. If then a man thinks that $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to $D$, but $A$ to no $C$, and $C$ to all $D$, he will both know and not know the same thing$^5$ in respect of the same thing.$^6$ Again if a man were to make a mistake about the members of a single series; e.g. suppose $A$ belongs to $B$, $B$ to $C$, and $C$ to $D$, but some one thinks that $A$ belongs to all $B$, but to no $C$: he will both know that $A$ belongs to $D$, and think that it does not. Does he then maintain after this simply that what he knows, he does not think? For he knows in a way that $A$ belongs to $C$ through $B$, since the part is included in the whole; so that what he knows in a way, this he maintains he does not think at all: but that is impossible. In the former case, where the middle term does not belong to the same series, it is not possible to think both the premisses with reference to each of the two middle terms: e.g. that $A$ belongs to all $B$, but to no $C$, and both $^1$ Read $\epsilon i\eta$ in l. 10 with cod. m, n$_2$, and Waitz. $^2$ 41$^b$ 6. $^3$ Cf. i. 32 ff. $^4$ Read $\pi\rho\omega\tau\alpha\iota\varsigma$ in l. 20 with A, B, C, and Waitz. $^5$ i.e. subject. $^6$ i.e. attribute. $B$ and $C$ belong to all $D$. For it turns out that the first premiss of the one syllogism is either wholly or partially contrary to the first premiss of the other. For if he thinks that $A$ belongs to everything to which $B$ belongs, and he knows that $B$ belongs to $D$, then he knows that $A$ belongs to $D$. Consequently if again he thinks that $A$ belongs to nothing to which $C$ belongs, he thinks that $A$ does not belong to some of that to which $B$ belongs; but if he thinks that $A$ belongs to everything to which $B$ belongs, and again thinks that $A$ does not belong to some of that to which $B$ belongs, these beliefs are wholly or partially contrary. In this way then it is not possible to think; but nothing prevents a man thinking one premiss of each syllogism or both premisses of one of the two syllogisms: e.g. $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to $D$, and again $A$ belongs to no $C$. An error of this kind is similar to the error into which we fall concerning particulars: e.g. if $A$ belongs to all $B$, and $B$ to all $C$, $A$ will belong to all $C$. If then a man knows that $A$ belongs to everything to which $B$ belongs, he knows that $A$ belongs to $C$. But nothing prevents his being ignorant that $C$ exists; e.g. let $A$ stand for two right angles, $B$ for triangle, $C$ for a particular diagram of a triangle. A man might think that $C$ did not exist, though he knew that every triangle contains two right angles; consequently he will know and not know the same thing at the same time. For the expression 'to know that every triangle has its angles equal to two right angles' is ambiguous, meaning to have the knowledge either of the universal or of the particulars. Thus then he knows that $C$ contains two right angles with a knowledge of the universal, but not with a knowledge of the particulars; consequently his knowledge will not be contrary to his ignorance. The argument in the Meno that learning is recollection may be criticized in a similar way. For it never happens that a man starts with a foreknowledge of the particular, but along with the process of being led to see the general --- 1. Φι τὸ β ἵπάρχει, τινὶ τοῦτω would be more correct, but perhaps the text may stand. 2. 81. principle he receives a knowledge of the particulars, by an act (as it were) of recognition. For we know some things directly; e.g. that the angles are equal to two right angles, if we know that the figure is a triangle. Similarly in all other cases. By a knowledge of the universal then we see the particulars, but we do not know them by the kind of knowledge which is proper to them; consequently it is possible that we may make mistakes about them, but not that we should have the knowledge and error that are contrary to one another: rather we have the knowledge of the universal but make a mistake in apprehending the particular. Similarly in the cases stated above.$^1$ The error in respect of the middle term is not contrary to the knowledge obtained through the syllogism, nor is the thought in respect of one middle term contrary to that in respect of the other. Nothing prevents a man who knows both that $A$ belongs to the whole of $B$, and that $B$ again belongs to $C$, thinking that $A$ does not belong to $C$, e.g. knowing that every mule is sterile and that this is a mule, and thinking that this animal is with foal: for he does not know that $A$ belongs to $C$, unless he considers the two propositions together. So it is evident that if he knows the one and does not know the other, he will fall into error. And this is the relation of knowledge of the universal to knowledge of the particular. For we know no sensible thing, once it has passed beyond the range of our senses, even if we happen to have perceived it, except by means of the universal and the possession of the knowledge which is proper to the particular, but without the actual exercise of that knowledge. For to know is used in three senses: it may mean either to have knowledge of the universal or to have knowledge proper to the matter in hand or to exercise such knowledge: consequently three kinds of error also are possible. Nothing then prevents a man both knowing and being mistaken about the same thing, provided that his knowledge and his error are not contrary. And this happens also to the man whose knowledge is limited to each $^1$ 66$^{11}$ 20-6, 26-30. of the premises and who has not previously considered the particular question. For when he thinks that the mule is with foal he has not the knowledge in the sense of its actual exercise, nor on the other hand has his thought caused an error contrary to his knowledge: for the error contrary to the knowledge of the universal would be a syllogism. But he who thinks the essence of good is the essence of bad will think the same thing to be the essence of good and the essence of bad. Let $A$ stand for the essence of good and $B$ for the essence of bad, and again $C$ for the essence of good. Since then he thinks $B$ and $C$ identical, he will think that $C$ is $B$, and similarly that $B$ is $A$, consequently that $C$ is $A$. For just as we saw that if $B$ is true of all of which $C$ is true, and $A$ is true of all of which $B$ is true, $A$ is true of $C$, similarly with the word ‘think’. Similarly also with the word ‘is’; for we saw that if $C$ is the same as $B$, and $B$ as $A$, $C$ is the same as $A$. Similarly therefore with ‘opine’. Perhaps then this$^1$ is necessary if a man will grant the first point.$^2$ But presumably that is false, that any one could suppose the essence of good to be the essence of bad, save incidentally. For it is possible to think this in many different ways. But we must consider this matter better.$^3$ Whenever the extremes are convertible it is necessary that the middle should be convertible with both. For if $A$ belongs to $C$ through $B$, then if $A$ and $C$ are convertible and $C$ belongs to everything to which $A$ belongs, $B$ is convertible with $A$, and $B$ belongs to everything to which $A$ belongs, through $C$ as middle, and $C$ is convertible with $B$ through $A$ as middle.$^4$ Similarly if the conclusion is negative, e.g. if $B$ belongs to $C$, but $A$ does not belong to $B$, neither will $A$ belong to $C$. If then $B$ is convertible with $A$, $C$ will --- $^1$ That a man should think the same thing to be the essence of good and to be the essence of bad. $^2$ That the essence of good is the essence of bad. $^3$ The reference may be to Met. I. 4. $^4$ All $B$ is $A$ All $C$ is $B$ $\therefore$ All $C$ is $A$ All $C$ is $B$ All $A$ is $C$ $\therefore$ All $A$ is $B$ All $A$ is $C$ All $B$ is $A$ $\therefore$ All $B$ is $C$ be convertible with $A$. Suppose $B$ does not belong to $A$; neither then will $C$: for ex hypothesi $B$ belonged to all $C$. And if $C$ is convertible with $B$, $B$ is convertible also with $A$: for $C$ is said of that of all of which $B$ is said. And if $C$ is convertible in relation to $A$ and to $B$, $B$ also is convertible in relation to $A$. For $C$ belongs to that to which $B$ belongs: but $C$ does not belong to that to which $A$ belongs. And this alone starts from the conclusion; the preceding moods do not do so as in the affirmative syllogism. Again if $A$ and $B$ are convertible, and similarly $C$ and $D$, and if $A$ or $C$ must belong to anything whatever, then $B$ and $D$ will be such that one or other belongs to anything whatever. For since $B$ belongs to that to which $A$ belongs, and $D$ belongs to that to which $C$ belongs, and since $A$ or $C$ belongs to everything, but not together, it is clear that $B$ or $D$ belongs to everything, but not together. For example if that which is uncreated is incorruptible and that which is incorruptible is uncreated, it is necessary that what is created should be corruptible and what is corruptible should have been created. For two syllogisms have been put together. Again if $A$ or $B$ belongs to everything and if $C$ or $D$ belongs to everything, but they cannot belong together, then when $A$ and $C$ are convertible $B$ and $D$ are convertible. For if $B$ does not belong to something to which $D$ belongs, it is clear that $A$ belongs to it. But if $A$ then $C$: for they are convertible. Therefore $C$ and $D$ belong together. But this is impossible. When $A$ belongs to the 1 No $B$ is $A$ All $C$ is $B$ ∴ No $C$ is $A$ 2 Read τω A τὸ B for τὁ A in l. 37 with Pacius. 3 No $B$ is $A$ All $C$ is $B$ ∴ No $C$ is $A$ 4 Read ἀντιστρέφει (καὶ τὸ B), καὶ τὸ B ἀντιστρέφει in l. 39. 5 Read τὸ A, τὸ Γ in l. I with $A_2$, $B_2$, Phil., and Pacius. 6 No $B$ is $A$ All $C$ is $B$ ∴ No $C$ is $A$ No $C$ is $A$ All $B$ is $C$ ∴ No $A$ is $B$ No $A$ is $C$ ∴ No $A$ is $B$ whole of $B$ and to $C$ and is affirmed of nothing else, and $B$ also belongs to all $C$, it is necessary that $A$ and $B$ should be convertible: for since $A$ is said of $B$ and $C$ only, and $B$ is affirmed both of itself and of $C$, it is clear that $B$ will be said of everything of which $A$ is said, except $A$ itself. Again when $A$ and $B$ belong to the whole of $C$, and $C$ is convertible with $B$, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to all $B$: for since $A$ belongs to all $C$, and $C$ to $B$ by conversion, $A$ will belong to all $B$. When, of two opposites $A$ and $B$, $A$ is preferable to $B$, and similarly $D$ is preferable to $C$, then if $A$ and $C$ together are preferable to $B$ and $D$ together, $A$ must be preferable to $D$. For $A$ is an object of desire to the same extent as $B$ is an object of aversion, since they are opposites: and $C$ is similarly related to $D$, since they also are opposites. If then $A$ is an object of desire to the same extent as $D$, $B$ is an object of aversion to the same extent as $C$ (since each is to the same extent as each—the one an object of aversion, the other an object of desire). Therefore both $A$ and $C$ together, and $B$ and $D$ together, will be equally objects of desire or aversion. But since $A$ and $C$ are preferable to $B$ and $D$ $A$ cannot be equally desirable with $D$; for then $B$ along with $D$ would be equally desirable with $A$ along with $C$. But if $D$ is preferable to $A$, then $B$ must be less an object of aversion than $C$: for the less is opposed to the less. But the greater good and lesser evil are preferable to the lesser good and greater evil: the whole $BD$ then is preferable to the whole $AC$. But ex hypothesi this is not so. $A$ then is preferable to $D$, and $C$ consequently is less an object of aversion than $B$. If then every lover in virtue of his love would prefer $A$, viz. that the beloved should be such as to grant a favour, and yet should not grant it (for which $C$ stands), to the beloved’s granting the favour (represented by $D$) without being such as to grant it (represented by $B$), it is clear that $A$ (being of such a nature) is preferable to granting the favour. To receive affection then is preferable in love to sexual intercourse. Love then is more dependent on friendship than on intercourse. And if it is most dependent on receiving affection, then this is its end. Intercourse then either is not an end at all or is an end relative to the further end, the receiving of affection. And indeed the same is true of the other desires and arts. It is clear then how the terms are related in conversion, and in respect of being in a higher degree objects of aversion or of desire.$^1$ We must now state that not only dialectical and demonstrative syllogisms are formed by means of the afore-said figures, but also rhetorical syllogisms and in general any form of persuasion, however it may be presented. For every belief comes either through syllogism or from induction. Now induction, or rather the syllogism which springs out of induction, consists in establishing syllogistically a relation between one extreme and the middle by means of the other extreme, e.g. if $B$ is the middle term between $A$ and $C$, it consists in proving through $C$ that $A$ belongs to $B$. For this is the manner in which we make inductions. For example let $A$ stand for long-lived, $B$ for bileless, and $C$ for the particular long-lived animals, e.g. man, horse, mule. $A$ then belongs to the whole of $C$: for whatever is bileless is long-lived. But $B$ also ('not possessing bile') belongs to all $C$. If then $C$ is convertible with $B$, and the middle term is not wider in extension, it is necessary that $A$ should belong to $B$. For it has already been proved$^2$ that if two things belong to the same thing, and the extreme$^3$ is convertible with one of them, then the other predicate will belong to the predicate that is converted. But we must apprehend $C$ as made up of all the particulars. For induction proceeds through an enumeration of all the cases. Such is the syllogism which establishes the first and --- $^1$ Read $\phi\varepsilon\nu\kappa\tau\omega\tau\epsilon\rho\omega\iota\hat{\eta}$ ($\hat{\eta}$ $\kappa\alpha\iota$ $C$) $\alpha\iota\tau\omega\tau\epsilon\rho\omega\iota\iota$ in l. 9 with A, B, C, and Waitz. $^2$ a21–25. $^3$ i.e. the subject of both predicates, which, being a particular thing, is of the nature of a minor term, and would be minor term in the first figure, though as subject of both premisses it actually serves as middle term in the supposed syllogism in the third figure. The transition from the syllogism in the third figure which yields only a particular conclusion to that in the first figure, which yields a universal conclusion, may be represented thus: \[ \begin{align} \text{All } C & \text{ is } A \\ \text{All } C & \text{ is } B \\ \therefore \text{ Some } B & \text{ is } A \end{align} \] \[ \begin{align} \text{All } C & \text{ is } A \\ \text{All } B & \text{ is } C \\ \therefore \text{ All } B & \text{ is } A \end{align} \] immediate premiss: for where there is a middle term the syllogism proceeds through the middle term; when there is no middle term, through induction. And in a way induction is opposed to syllogism: for the latter proves the major term to belong to the third term by means of the middle, the former proves the major to belong to the middle by means of the third. In the order of nature, syllogism through the middle term is prior and better known, but syllogism through induction is clearer to us. 24 We have an 'example' when the major term is proved to belong to the middle by means of a term which resembles the third. It ought to be known both that the middle belongs to the third term, and that the first belongs to that which resembles the third. For example let $ A $ be evil, $ B $ making war against neighbours, $ C $ Athenians against Thebans, $ D $ Thebans against Phocians. If then we wish to prove that to fight with the Thebans is an evil, we must assume that to fight against neighbours is an evil. Evidence of this is obtained from similar cases, e.g. that the war against the Phocians was an evil to the Thebans. Since then to fight against neighbours is an evil, and to fight against the Thebans is to fight against neighbours, it is clear that to fight against the Thebans is an evil. Now it is clear that $ B $ belongs to $ C $ and to $ D $ (for both are cases of making war upon one's neighbours) and that $ A $ belongs to $ D $ (for the war against the Phocians did not turn out well for the Thebans): but that $ A $ belongs to $ B $ will be proved through $ D $. Similarly if the belief in the relation of the middle term to the extreme should be produced by several similar cases. Clearly then to argue by example is neither like reasoning from part to whole, nor like reasoning from whole to part, but rather reasoning from part to part, when both particulars are subordinate to the same term, and one of them is known. It differs from induction, because induction starting from all the particular cases proves (as we saw$^1$) that the major term belongs to the middle, and does not apply the syllogistic conclusion to the minor term, whereas argument by example $^1$ ch. 23. does make this application and does not draw its proof from all the particular cases. By reduction we mean an argument in which the first term clearly belongs to the middle, but the relation of the middle to the last term is uncertain though equally or more probable than the conclusion; or again an argument in which the terms intermediate between the last term and the middle are few. For in any of these cases it turns out that we approach more nearly to knowledge. For example let $A$ stand for what can be taught, $B$ for knowledge, $C$ for justice. Now it is clear that knowledge can be taught: but it is uncertain whether virtue is knowledge. If now the statement $BC^1$ is equally or more probable than $AC$, we have a reduction: for we are nearer to knowledge, since we have taken a new term, being so far without knowledge that $A$ belongs to $C$. Or again suppose that the terms intermediate between $B$ and $C$ are few: for thus too we are nearer knowledge. For example let $D$ stand for squaring, $E$ for rectilinear figure, $F$ for circle. If there were only one term intermediate between $E$ and $F$ (viz. that the circle is made equal to a rectilinear figure by the help of lunules), we should be near to knowledge. But when $BC$ is not more probable than $AC$, and the intermediate terms are not few, I do not call this reduction: nor again when the statement $BC$ is immediate: for such a statement is knowledge. An objection is a premiss contrary to a premiss. It differs from a premiss, because it may be particular, but a premiss either cannot be particular at all or not in universal syllogisms. An objection is brought in two ways and through two figures; in two ways because every objection is either universal or particular, by two figures because objections are brought in opposition to the premiss, and opposites can be proved only in the first and third figures. If a man maintains a universal affirmative, we reply with a universal or a particular negative; the former is proved from the first --- 1 See note 26a 29. 2 viz. $B$, thus obtaining a certain premiss $AB$, and a premiss $BC$, on which the inquiry now turns. figure, the latter from the third. For example let $A$ stand for there being a single science, $B$ for contraries. If a man premises that contraries are subjects of a single science, the objection may be either that opposites are never subjects of a single science, and contraries are opposites, so that we get the first figure, or that the knowable and the unknowable are not subjects of a single science: this proof is in the third figure: for it is true of $C$ (the knowable and the unknowable) that they are contraries, and it is false that they are the subjects of a single science. Similarly if the premiss objected to is negative. For if a man maintains that contraries are not subjects of a single science, we reply either that all opposites or that certain contraries, e.g. what is healthy and what is sickly, are subjects of the same science: the former argument issues from the first, the latter from the third figure. In general if a man urges a universal objection he must frame his contradiction with reference to the universal of the terms taken by his opponent, e.g. if a man maintains that contraries are not subjects of the same science, his opponent must reply that there is a single science of all opposites.$^1$ Thus we must have the first figure: for the term which embraces the original subject becomes the middle term. If the objection is particular, the objector must frame his contradiction with reference to a term relatively to which the subject of his opponent's premiss is universal, e.g. he will point out that the knowable and the unknowable are not subjects of the same science: 'contraries' is universal relatively to these. And we have the third figure: for the particular term assumed is middle, e.g. the knowable and the unknowable. Premisses from which it is possible to draw the contrary conclusion are what we start from when we try to make objections. Consequently we bring objections in these figures only: for in them only are opposite syllogisms possible, since the second figure cannot produce an affirmative conclusion. $^1$ Read a comma before, not after, $\pi\acute{\alpha}\nu\tau\omega\nu$, l. 22. Besides, an objection in the middle figure would require a fuller argument, e.g. if it should not be granted that $A$ belongs to $B$, because $C$ does not follow $B$. This can be made clear only by other premisses. But an objection ought not to turn off into other things, but have its new premiss quite clear immediately. For this reason also this is the only figure from which proof by signs cannot be obtained. We must consider later the other kinds of objection, namely the objection from contraries, from similars, and from common opinion, and inquire whether a particular objection cannot be elicited from the first figure or a negative objection from the second. A probability and a sign are not identical, but a probability is a generally approved proposition: what men know to happen or not to happen, to be or not to be, for the most part thus and thus, is a probability, e.g. ‘the envious hate’, ‘the beloved show affection’. A sign means a demonstrative proposition necessary or generally approved: for anything such that when it is another thing is, or when it has come into being the other has come into being before or after, is a sign of the other’s being or having come into being. Now an enthymeme is a syllogism starting from probabilities or signs, and a sign may be taken in three ways, corresponding to the position of the middle term in the figures. For it may be taken as in the first figure or the second or the third. For example the proof that a woman is with child because she has milk is in the first figure: for to have milk is the middle term. Let $A$ represent to be with child, $B$ to have milk, $C$ woman. The proof that wise men are 1 i.e. if the objection takes the form All $A$ is $C$. No $B$ is $C$. ∴ No $B$ is $A$. 2 It may be conjectured that this sentence is a gloss (so Susemihl), or that it should come after καταφατικῶς in l. 32. The fact that the second figure is necessarily negative is in effect the reason given in 70a 35-7 for the invalidity of proof by signs in that figure. 3 This sentence is inconsistent with what precedes, and is perhaps, as Cook Wilson has pointed out, a gloss added by some one who was familiar with the treatment of ἐντοπισμός in Rhet. ii. 25. good, since Pittacus is good, comes through the last figure. Let $A$ stand for good, $B$ for wise men, $C$ for Pittacus. It is true then to affirm both $A$ and $B$ of $C$: only men do not say the latter, because they know it, though they state the former. The proof that a woman is with child because she is pale is meant to come through the middle figure: for since paleness follows women with child and is a concomitant of this woman, people suppose it has been proved that she is with child. Let $A$ stand for paleness, $B$ for being with child, $C$ for woman. Now if the one proposition is stated, we have only a sign, but if the other is stated as well, a syllogism, e.g. 'Pittacus is generous, since ambitious men are generous and Pittacus is ambitious.' Or again 'Wise men are good, since Pittacus is not only good but wise.' In this way then syllogisms are formed, only that which proceeds through the first figure is irrefutable if it is true (for it is universal), that which proceeds through the last figure is refutable even if the conclusion is true, since the syllogism is not universal nor correlative to the matter in question: for though Pittacus is good, it is not therefore necessary that all other wise men should be good. But the syllogism which proceeds through the middle figure is always refutable in any case: for a syllogism can never be formed when the terms are related in this way: for though a woman with child is pale, and this woman also is pale, it is not necessary that she should be with child. Truth then may be found in signs whatever their kind, but they have the differences we have stated. We must either divide signs in the way stated, and among them designate the middle term as the index (for people call that the index which makes us know, and the middle term above all has this character), or else we must call the arguments derived from the extremes signs, that derived from the middle term the index: for that which is proved through the first figure is most generally accepted and most true. It is possible to infer character from features, if it is 1 This points to the argument in the first figure, whose middle term is a genuine middle term. granted that the body and the soul are changed together by the natural affections: I say 'natural', for though perhaps by learning music a man has made some change in his soul, this is not one of those affections which are natural to us; rather I refer to passions and desires when I speak of natural motions. If then this were granted and also that for each change there is a corresponding sign, and we could state the affection and sign proper to each kind of animal, we shall be able to infer character from features. For if there is an affection which belongs properly to an individual kind, e.g. courage to lions, it is necessary that there should be a sign of it: for ex hypothesi body and soul are affected together. Suppose this sign is the possession of large extremities: this may belong to other kinds also though not universally. For the sign is proper in the sense stated, because the affection is proper to the whole kind, though not proper to it alone, according to our usual manner of speaking. The same thing then will be found in another kind, and man may be brave, and some other kinds of animal as well. They will then have the sign: for ex hypothesi there is one sign corresponding to each affection. If then this is so, and we can collect signs of this sort in these animals which have only one affection proper to them—but each affection has its sign, since it is necessary that it should have a single sign—we shall then be able to infer character from features. But if the kind as a whole has two properties, e.g. if the lion is both brave and generous, how shall we know which of the signs which are its proper concomitants is the sign of a particular affection? Perhaps if both belong to some other kind though not to the whole of it, and if, in those kinds in which each is found though not in the whole of their members, some members possess one of the affections and not the other: e.g. if a man is brave but not generous, but possesses, of the two signs, large extremities, it is clear that this is the sign of courage in the lion also. To judge character from features, then, is possible in the first figure if$^1$ the middle term is convertible with the first extreme, but is wider than the third term and $^1$ Read $\tau\phi$ for $\tau\omega\nu$ in l. 32 with codd. c, d, m, ($\tau\delta$ C), and Waitz. not convertible with it: e.g. let $A$ stand for courage, $B$ for large extremities, and $C$ for lion. $B$ then belongs to everything to which $C$ belongs, but also to others. But $A$ belongs to everything to which $B$ belongs, and to nothing besides, but is convertible with $B$: otherwise, there would not be a single sign correlative with each affection. ANALYTICA POSTERIORA BY G. R. G. MURE, M.A. FELLOW AND TUTOR OF MERTON COLLEGE Oxford University Press London Edinburgh Glasgow Copenhagen New York Toronto Melbourne Cape Town Bombay Calcutta Madras Shanghai Humphrey Milford Publisher to the UNIVERSITY I doubt whether I should have undertaken to translate the Posterior Analytics had I not been encouraged by a promise of assistance from Professor Joachim. That promise he has most generously fulfilled, and if this translation has any value it is largely because it embodies an amount of his constructive criticism far too great for detailed acknowledgement. I have, however, also received a number of valuable suggestions from the Editor, and the errors from which these two scholars were unable to save me probably constitute the remainder of the book. I have taken Bekker's text as a foundation, noting departures from it, and in this connexion I have to thank Professor J. A. Smith for the gift of a photograph of Cod. A of the Posterior Analytics. The notes are perhaps too numerous for a translation, certainly too few to form anything resembling a commentary. I have not known how to avoid this compromise. Finally my thanks are due to the late Mr. H. Beighton, who read about half the proofs and made several suggestions which I have adopted, and to Mr. Joseph of New College for the loan of his notes on Professor Cook Wilson's lectures on the Posterior Analytics. October 5, 1925. CONTENTS BOOK I CHAP. 1. The student's need of pre-existent knowledge. Its nature. 2. The nature of scientific knowledge. The conditions of demonstration. The meaning of Contradiction, Enunciation, Proposition, Basic truth, Thesis, Axiom, Hypothesis, Definition. 3. Two erroneous views of scientific knowledge. The futility of circular demonstration. 4. Types of attribute: 'True in every instance', 'Essential', 'Commensurate and universal', 'Accidental'. 5. Causes through which we erroneously suppose a conclusion commensurate and universal when it is not. How to avoid this error. 6. The premisses of demonstration must be necessary and essential. 7. The premisses and conclusion of a demonstration must fall within a single genus. The three constituent elements of demonstration. 8. Only eternal connexions can be demonstrated. 9. Demonstration must proceed from the basic premisses peculiar to each science, except in the case of subalternate sciences. 10. The different sorts of basic truth. 11. The function of the common axioms in demonstration. 12. The scientific premiss in interrogative form. Formal fallacy. The growth of a science. 13. The difference between knowledge of the fact and knowledge of the reasoned fact. 14. The first figure is the true type of scientific syllogism. 15. Immediate negative propositions. 16. Ignorance as erroneous inference when the premisses are immediate. 17. Ignorance as erroneous inference when the premisses are mediate. 18. Ignorance as the negation of knowledge, e.g. such as must result from the lack of a sense. 19. Can demonstration develop an indefinite regress of premisses, (1) supposing the primary attribute fixed? (2) supposing the ultimate subject fixed? (3) supposing both primary attribute and ultimate subject fixed? 20. If (1) and (2) are answered negatively, the answer to (3) must be in the negative. 21. If affirmative demonstration cannot develop an indefinite regress, then negative demonstration cannot. CONTENTS CHAP. 22. Dialectical and analytic proofs that the answer to both (1) and (2) is in the negative. 23. Corollaries. 24. The superiority of universal to particular demonstration. 25. The superiority of affirmative to negative demonstration. 26. The superiority of affirmative and negative demonstration to reductio ad impossibile. 27. The more abstract science is the prior and the more accurate science. 28. What constitutes the unity of a science. 29. How there may be several demonstrations of one connexion. 30. Chance conjunctions are not demonstrable. 31. There can be no demonstration through sense-perception. 32. Different sciences must possess different basic truths. 33. The relation of opinion to knowledge. 34. Quick wit: the faculty of instantaneously hitting upon the middle term. BOOK II 1. The four possible forms of inquiry. 2. They all concern the middle term. 3. The difference between definition and demonstration. 4. Essential nature cannot be demonstrated. 5. Essential nature cannot be inferred by division. 6. Attempts to prove a thing’s essential nature either hypothetically or through the definition of its contrary beg the question. 7. Definition does not touch the question of existence; demonstration proves existence. Hence definition cannot demonstrate. 8. Yet only demonstration can reveal the essential nature of things which have a cause other than themselves—i.e. attributes. 9. That which is self-caused—the basic premisses—is grasped immediately. 10. Types of definition. 11. The several causes as middle terms. 12. The question of time in causal inference. 13. How to obtain the definition of a substance. The use of division for this purpose. 14. How to select a connexion for demonstration. 15. One middle will often serve to prove several connexions. 16. If the effect is present, is the cause also present? Plurality of causes is impossible where cause and effect are commensurate. 17. Different causes may produce the same effect, but not in things specifically identical. 18. The true cause of a connexion is the proximate and not the more universal cause. 19. How the individual mind comes to know the basic truths. ANALYTICA POSTERIORA BOOK I 1 All instruction given or received by way of argument proceeds from pre-existent knowledge. This becomes evident upon a survey of all the species of such instruction. The mathematical sciences and all other speculative disciplines are acquired in this way, and so are the two forms of dialectical reasoning, syllogistic and inductive; for each of these latter makes use of old knowledge to impart new, the syllogism assuming an audience that accepts its premises, induction exhibiting the universal as implicit in the clearly known particular. Again, the persuasion exerted by rhetorical arguments is in principle the same, since they use either example, a kind of induction, or enthymeme, a form of syllogism. The pre-existent knowledge required is of two kinds. In some cases admission of the fact must be assumed, in others comprehension of the meaning of the term used, and sometimes both assumptions are essential. Thus, we assume that every predicate can be either truly affirmed or truly denied of any subject, and that 'triangle' means so and so; as regards 'unit' we have to make the double assumption of the meaning of the word and the existence of the thing. The reason is that these several objects are not equally obvious to us. Recognition of a truth may in some cases 1 The sense of ἐπάγειν implied in the use of ἐπαγωγή by Aristotle is probably that of 'leading the pupil on' from the particular to the universal by making him recognize the latter as implicit in the former. 2 i.e. the law of excluded middle. 3 Elsewhere τρίγωνον as a rule appears as one of the subjects of which the geometer assumes the meaning and being and demonstrates properties: here it seems to be instanced as a property, of which only the meaning is assumed. This chapter is, however, preliminary, and probably Aristotle is only drawing the distinction, which appears in ch. 10, 76b 16 ff., between tacit and explicit assumptions. Possibly, however, Aristotle is thinking of 'triangular' as an attribute of number, cf. note on 73a 40, or as a particular modification of σημεῖα καὶ γραμμαί, the πρῶτα of space. contain as factors both previous knowledge and also knowledge acquired simultaneously with that recognition—knowledge, this latter, of the particulars actually falling under the universal and therein already virtually known. For example, the student knew beforehand that the angles of every triangle are equal to two right angles; but it was only at the actual moment at which he was being led on to recognize this as true in the instance before him that he came to know ‘this figure inscribed in the semicircle’ to be a triangle.$^1$ For some things (viz. the singulars finally reached which are not predicable of anything else as subject) are only learnt in this way, i.e. there is here no recognition through a middle of a minor term as subject to a major. Before he was led on to recognition or before he actually drew a conclusion, we should perhaps say that in a manner he knew, in a manner not. If he did not in an unqualified sense of the term know the existence of this triangle, how could he know without qualification that its angles were equal to two right angles? No: clearly he knows not without qualification but only in the sense that he knows universally. If this distinction is not drawn, we are faced with the dilemma in the Meno:$^2$ either a man will learn nothing or what he already knows; for we cannot accept the solution which some people offer. A man is asked, ‘Do you, or do you not, know that every pair is even?’ He says he does know it. The questioner then produces a particular pair, of the existence, and so a fortiori of the evenness, of which he was unaware. The solution which some people offer is to assert that they do not know that every pair is even, but only that everything $^1$ Though he uses syllogistic terms, Aristotle is hardly describing syllogism, but rather the conversion of a universal known $\varepsilon\xi\epsilon\epsilon$ into actual knowledge. The ‘major premiss’ here is a previously known universal (in Aristotle’s example ‘the angles of all triangles are together equal to two right angles’), the ‘minor’ is the recognition of a singular (in the example, ‘this is a triangle’), and the ‘conclusion’, with which the minor is simultaneous, is the recognition of this singular as an instance embodying the universal (‘the angles of this triangle in the semi-circle are equal to two right angles’). Hence $\delta\upsilon\chi\epsilon\tau\eta\gamma\omega\sigma\omega$ in $^a$ 19 refers to $\ddot{o}\sigma\alpha$, and means ‘the singulars of which he has knowledge as a $\varepsilon\xi\epsilon\epsilon$ in that he knows the universal’. $^2$ Plato, Meno, 80 E. which they know to be a pair is even: yet what they know to be even is that of which they have demonstrated evenness, i.e. what they made the subject of their premiss, viz. not merely every triangle or number which they know to be such, but any and every number or triangle without reservation. For no premiss is ever couched in the form 'every number which you know to be such', or 'every rectilinear figure which you know to be such': the predicate is always construed as applicable to any and every instance of the thing. On the other hand, I imagine there is nothing to prevent a man in one sense knowing what he is learning, in another not knowing it. The strange thing would be, not if in some sense he knew what he was learning, but if he were to know it in that precise sense and manner in which he was learning it.$^1$ 2 We suppose ourselves to possess unqualified scientific knowledge of a thing, as opposed to knowing it in the accidental way in which the sophist knows, when we think that we know the cause on which the fact depends, as the cause of that fact and of no other, and, further, that the fact could not be other than it is. Now that scientific knowing is something of this sort is evident—witness both those who falsely claim it and those who actually possess it, since the former merely imagine themselves to be, while the latter are also actually, in the condition described. Consequently the proper object of unqualified scientific knowledge is something which cannot be other than it is. There may be another manner of knowing as well—that will be discussed later.$^2$ What I now assert is that at all events we do know by demonstration. By demonstration I mean a syllogism productive of scientific knowledge, a syllogism, that is, the grasp of which is \textit{eo ipso} such knowledge. Assuming then that my thesis as to the nature of scientific knowing is correct, the premisses of demonstrated knowledge must be true, primary, immediate, better known than and prior to the conclusion, which is further related to them as effect to cause. Unless these conditions are satisfied, the $^1$ Cf. \textit{An. Pr. ii}, ch. 21. $^2$ Cf. the following chapter and more particularly ii, ch. 19. basic truths will not be 'appropriate' to the conclusion. Syllogism there may indeed be without these conditions, but such syllogism, not being productive of scientific knowledge, will not be demonstration. The premisses must be true: for that which is non-existent cannot be known—we cannot know, e.g., that the diagonal of a square is commensurate with its side. The premisses must be primary and indemonstrable; otherwise they will require demonstration in order to be known, since to have knowledge, if it be not accidental knowledge, of things which are demonstrable, means precisely to have a demonstration of them. The premisses must be the causes of the conclusion, better known than it, and prior to it; its causes, since we possess scientific knowledge of a thing only when we know its cause; prior, in order to be causes; antecedently known, this antecedent knowledge being not our mere understanding of the meaning, but knowledge of the fact as well. Now 'prior' and 'better known' are ambiguous terms, for there is a difference between what is prior and better known in the order of being and what is prior and better known to man. I mean that objects nearer to sense are prior and better known to man; objects without qualification prior and better known are those further from sense. Now the most universal causes are furthest from sense and particular causes are nearest to sense, and they are thus exactly opposed to one another. In saying that the premisses of demonstrated knowledge must be primary, I mean that they must be the 'appropriate' basic truths, for I identify primary premiss and basic truth. A 'basic truth' in a demonstration is an immediate proposition. An immediate proposition is one which has no other proposition prior to it. A proposition is either part of an enunciation, i.e. it predicates a single 1 i.e. within the same genus. Cf. i, ch. 7. 2 Within the conditions of ἀπόδειξις here laid down, false premisses would give a false conclusion corresponding to a μὴ ὃν ὡς ψεύδος such as διάμετρος—σύμμετρος, which is not anything ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν. Such a μὴ ὃν cannot be the object of demonstration. 3 Cf. 71a II ff. False ἀπόδειξις is a contradiction in terms. Though false premisses may yield a true conclusion, a syllogism in which this occurs is not ἀπόδειξις but gives only the ὅτι: cf. An. Pr. ii. 2. 53b 7–10. 4 'Magis universalia in causando', Zabarella. Cf. 76a 19 and 85b 24. attribute of a single subject. If a proposition is dialectical, it assumes either part indifferently; if it is demonstrative, it lays down one part to the definite exclusion of the other because that part is true. The term 'enunciation' denotes either part of a contradiction indifferently. A contradiction is an opposition which of its own nature excludes a middle. The part of a contradiction which conjoins a predicate with a subject is an affirmation; the part disjoining them is a negation. I call an immediate basic truth of syllogism a 'thesis' when, though it is not susceptible of proof by the teacher, yet ignorance of it does not constitute a total bar to progress on the part of the pupil: one which the pupil must know if he is to learn anything whatever is an axiom. I call it an axiom because there are such truths and we give them the name of axioms par excellence.$^1$ If a thesis assumes one part or the other of an enunciation, i.e. asserts either the existence or the non-existence of a subject, it is a hypothesis;$^2$ if it does not so assert, it is a definition. Definition is a 'thesis' or a 'laying something down', since the arithmetician lays it down that to be a unit is to be quantitatively indivisible; but it is not a hypothesis, for to define what a unit is is not the same as to affirm its existence. Now since the required ground of our knowledge—i.e. of our conviction$^3$—of a fact is the possession of such a syllogism as we call demonstration, and the ground of the syllogism is the facts constituting its premisses, we must not only know the primary premisses—some if not all of them—beforehand, but know them better than the conclusion: for the cause of an attribute's inherence in a subject always itself inheres in the subject more firmly than that attribute; e.g. the cause of our loving anything is dearer to us than the object of our love. So since the primary premisses are the cause --- $^1$ sc. because the quantitative axioms—ignorance of which is a bar only to mathematical knowledge—are also called axioms. $^2$ 'Hypothesis' to Aristotle and Plato means an assumption not calling for proof within the sphere of the special science in which it functions, not a 'working hypothesis'. $^3$ For Aristotle's view of the relation of belief to knowledge see i, ch. 33. of our knowledge—i.e. of our conviction—it follows that we know them better—that is, are more convinced of them—than their consequences, precisely because our knowledge of the latter is the effect of our knowledge of the premisses. Now a man cannot believe in anything more than in the things he knows, unless he has either actual knowledge of it or something better than actual knowledge. But we are faced with this paradox if a student whose belief rests on demonstration has not prior knowledge;¹ a man must believe in some, if not in all, of the basic truths more than in the conclusion. Moreover, if a man sets out to acquire the scientific knowledge that comes through demonstration, he must not only have a better knowledge of the basic truths and a firmer conviction of them than of the connexion which is being demonstrated: more than this, nothing must be more certain or better known to him than these basic truths in their character as contradicting the fundamental premisses which lead to the opposed and erroneous conclusion.² For indeed the conviction of pure science must be unshakable. Some hold that, owing to the necessity of knowing the primary premisses, there is no scientific knowledge. Others think there is, but that all truths are demonstrable. Neither doctrine is either true or a necessary deduction from the premisses. The first school, assuming that there is no way ¹ I take τις . . . τῶν δι’ ἀπόδεξιν πιστευόντων in a 35 as a periphrasis meaning ‘a man convinced by demonstration’ (the traditional interpretation), though the construction is harsh. Zabarella suggests that in 1.37 τὸν δὲ μέλλοντα . . . Aristotle passes from a dialectical proof applicable to all syllogisms to a strict proof confined to ἀπόδεξις, observing that ἐπιστασθαι, ἐπιστήμη do not occur in the immediately preceding passage. Prof. Joachim suggests to me that εἰ μὴ τις . . . πιστευόντων may mean ‘unless a man knows the premisses before those who believe them owing to a demonstration’—i.e. ‘before anyone demonstrates them to him’—but suspects the text. Aristotle clearly intends a contrast between (a) those convinced—e.g. of a particular truth—δι’ ἀπόδεξιν, and (b) those who set out to acquire the scientific knowledge that comes by demonstration. The former to be convinced by demonstration must be more convinced of the premisses than of the conclusion, but of the latter even more is required, since their conviction must be unshakable. ² To read αὐτῶν with M in 72b 1 and ως for τῶν in b 2 would assist this interpretation. of knowing other $^1$ than by demonstration, maintain that an infinite regress is involved, on the ground that if behind the prior stands no primary, we could not know the posterior through the prior (wherein they are right, for one cannot traverse an infinite series): if on the other hand—they say—the series terminates and there are primary premisses, yet these are unknowable because incapable of demonstration, which according to them is the only form of knowledge. And since thus one cannot know the primary premisses, knowledge of the conclusions which follow from them is not pure scientific knowledge nor properly knowing at all, but rests on the mere supposition that the premisses are true. The other party agree with them as regards knowing, holding that it is only possible by demonstration, but they see no difficulty in holding that all truths are demonstrated, on the ground that demonstration may be circular and reciprocal. Our own doctrine is that not all knowledge is demonstrative: on the contrary, knowledge of the immediate premisses is independent of demonstration. (The necessity of this is obvious; for since we must know the prior premisses from which the demonstration is drawn, and since the regress must end in immediate truths, those truths must be indemonstrable.) Such, then, is our doctrine, and in addition we maintain that besides scientific knowledge there is its originative source which enables us to recognize the definitions.$^2$ Now demonstration must be based on premisses prior to and better known than the conclusion; and the same things cannot simultaneously be both prior and posterior to one another: so circular demonstration is clearly not possible in the unqualified sense of ‘demonstration’, but only possible if ‘demonstration’ be extended to include that other method of argument which rests on a distinction between truths prior to us and truths without qualification prior, i.e. the --- $^1$ Reading $\delta\lambda\lambda\omega s$ with A, B, C. $^2$ Zabarella takes $\delta\rho\nu l$ as meaning ‘definitions’ = ‘middle terms’, which in demonstratio potissima are elements in the definition of the subjects. method by which induction produces knowledge.\textsuperscript{1} But if we accept this extension of its meaning, our definition of unqualified knowledge will prove faulty; for there seem to be two kinds of it. Perhaps, however, the second form of demonstration, that which proceeds from truths better known to us, is not demonstration in the unqualified sense of the term.\textsuperscript{2} The advocates of circular demonstration are not only faced with the difficulty we have just stated: in addition their theory reduces to the mere statement that if a thing exists, then it does exist—an easy way of proving anything. That this is so can be clearly shown by taking three terms,\textsuperscript{3} for to constitute the circle it makes no difference whether many terms or few or even only two are taken. Thus by direct proof, if $A$ is, $B$ must be; if $B$ is, $C$ must be; therefore if $A$ is, $C$ must be. Since then—by the circular proof—if $A$ is, $B$ must be, and if $B$ is, $A$ must be, $A$ may be substituted for $C$ above. Then ‘if $B$ is, $A$ must be’ = ‘if $B$ is, $C$ must be’, which above gave the conclusion ‘if $A$ is, $C$ must be’: but $C$ and $A$ have been identified.\textsuperscript{4} \textsuperscript{1} Placing a comma after $\gamma\upsilon\omega\rho\mu\omega\tau\epsilon\rho\omega\nu$ in \textsuperscript{b} 27, and taking $\varepsilon i\ \mu\eta\ldots$ in \textsuperscript{b} 28 ff. as qualifying $\alpha\delta\iota\nu\alpha\tau\alpha\nu$ in \textsuperscript{b} 25. Aristotle seems to mean that circular demonstration is impossible unless demonstration is taken to include a type of argument based on truths prior only in the sense of ‘prior to us’, such as induction, where we grasp the particular and recognize in it the universal, which is however $\alpha\pi\lambda\omega\varsigma\ \pi\rho\sigma\tau\epsilon\rho\nu$. The next sentence, $\varepsilon i\ \delta'\ \omega\nu\tau\omega\varsigma\ldots$, seems to confirm this interpretation, which does, however, involve a verbal contradiction. $\omega\nu\omega\ r\alpha\ \mu\epsilon\nu\ \pi\rho\varsigma\ \eta\mu\alpha\varsigma$, $r\alpha\ \delta'\ \alpha\pi\lambda\omega\varsigma$ may be a marginal gloss crept into the text. The Greek would be less harsh without it. \textsuperscript{2} \textit{sc.} ‘and therefore our definition is not faulty’. \textsuperscript{3} \textit{sc.} to constitute the valid syllogism which Aristotle sets up in \textsuperscript{b} 37–9 to illustrate the tautology of the circular demonstration when reduced to explicit syllogism. \textsuperscript{4} $\tau\omega\tau\alpha\ \delta'\ \theta\tau\iota\ \tau\alpha\ \alpha\ \delta\upsilon\tau\varsigma\ \tau\alpha\ \Gamma\ \xi\iota\tau\iota$ seems to mean that ‘$B$ implies $C$’ taken in conjunction with ‘$A$ implies $B$’ gave the conclusion ‘$A$ implies $C$’. Aristotle tries to show the circular proof tautologous by reducing it to syllogism, apparently arguing thus: ‘$B$ implies $C$’, ‘$A$ implies $B$’, $\therefore$ ‘$A$ implies $C$’ is valid syllogism (a \textit{schema} for comparison): while according to the circular proof $A$ necessitates $B$ and $B$ necessitates $A$. If $A-B$, $B-A$ (‘$A$ implies $B$’, ‘$B$ implies $A$’) are to be made the premisses of a syllogism, there is nothing but $A$ to take the place of $C$ in the \textit{schema}—no major term different from the minor: $\therefore B-A$ is all we have to fill the place of the major premiss $B-C$. Now, in the \textit{schema}, $B-C$ (taken in conjunction with the minor premiss $A-B$, which is common to both syllogisms) gave the conclusion $A-C$. But $C$ is now $A$ (a restatement of the fact that $B-C$ has become $B-A$). Therefore the conclusion is $A-A$. sequently the upholders of circular demonstration are in the position of saying that if $A$ is, $A$ must be—a simple way of proving anything. Moreover, even such circular demonstration is impossible except in the case of attributes that imply one another, viz. 'peculiar' properties. Now, it has been shown that the positing of one thing—be it one term or one premiss—never involves a necessary consequent: two premisses constitute the first and smallest foundation for drawing a conclusion at all and therefore \textit{a fortiori} for the demonstrative syllogism of science. If, then, $A$ is implied in $B$ and $C$, and $B$ and $C$ are reciprocally implied in one another and in $A$, it is possible, as has been shown in my writings on the syllogism, to prove all the assumptions on which the original conclusion rested, by circular demonstration in the first figure. But it has also been shown that in the other figures either no conclusion is possible, or at least none which proves both the original premisses. Propositions the terms of which are not convertible cannot be circularly demonstrated at all, and since convertible terms occur rarely in actual demonstrations, it is clearly frivolous and impossible to say that demonstration is reciprocal and that therefore everything can be demonstrated. Since the object of pure scientific knowledge cannot be other than it is, the truth obtained by demonstrative knowledge will be necessary. And since demonstrative knowledge is only present when we have a demonstration, it follows that demonstration is an inference from necessary premisses. So we must consider what are the premisses of demonstration—i.e. what is their character: and as a preliminary, let us define what we mean by an attribute 'true' in every instance of its subject', an 'essential' \footnote{1}{\textit{τὸ ἰδίου} is defined in \textit{Top.} i. 102\textsuperscript{a} 18 as ὃ μὴ δηλοῖ μὲν τὸ τὶ ἦν εἶναι, μόνῳ δ’ ὑπάρχει καὶ ἀντικατηγορεῖται τοῦ πράγματος. \textit{τὰ ἰδια} in this sense are in fact \textit{τὰ καθ’ αὐτὰ συμβεβηκότα} as Aristotle elsewhere calls them: but Aristotle often uses \textit{iδίου} more widely to include also elements in the \textit{τὶ ἦν εἶναι} and even as in \textit{An. Post.} ii, ch. 6. 92\textsuperscript{a} 8 to differentiate these from other characters of a substance.} \footnote{2}{\textit{An. Pr.} i, ch. 25.} \footnote{3}{\textit{Ibid.} ii, ch. 5.} \footnote{4}{\textit{Ibid.} ii, cc. 5 and 6.} attribute, and a 'commensurate and universal' attribute. I call 'true in every instance' what is truly predicable of all instances—not of one to the exclusion of others—and at all times, not at this or that time only; e.g. if animal is truly predicable of every instance of man, then if it be true to say 'this is a man', 'this is an animal' is also true, and if the one be true now the other is true now. A corresponding account holds if point is in every instance predicable as contained in line. There is evidence for this in the fact that the objection we raise against a proposition put to us as true in every instance is either an instance in which, or an occasion on which, it is not true. Essential attributes are (1) such as belong to their subject as elements in its essential nature (e.g. line thus belongs to triangle, point to line; for the very being or 'substance' of triangle and line is composed of these elements, which are contained in the formulae defining triangle and line): (2) such that, while they belong to certain subjects, the subjects to which they belong are contained in the attribute's own defining formula. Thus straight and curved belong to line, odd and even, prime and compound, square and oblong, to number; and also the formula defining any one of these attributes contains its subject—e.g. line or number as the case may be. Extending this classification to all other attributes, I distinguish those that answer the above description as belonging essentially to their respective subjects; whereas attributes related in neither of these two ways to their subjects I call accidents or 'coincidents'; e.g. musical or white is a 'coincident' of animal. Further (a) that is essential which is not predicated of a subject other than itself: e.g. 'the walking [thing]' walks --- 1 καθόλου is not always used by Aristotle in the strict sense here defined. It has therefore seemed advisable to add 'commensurate' in translating it where it is used in the strict sense. 2 The reference is to a method of naming numbers according to the geometrical arrangements of which their units are capable. Cf. Plato, Theaetetus, 147 E–148 B. 3 συμβεβηκός is elsewhere except in i, cc. 19 and 22 translated 'accident', which less adequately covers the sense of the word here and in that chapter. For the meaning expressed by 'coincident' cf. 81b 28–29. and is white in virtue of being something else besides; whereas substance, in the sense of whatever signifies a 'this somewhat', is not what it is in virtue of being something else besides. Things, then, not predicated of a subject I call essential; things predicated of a subject I call accidental or 'coincidental'. In another sense again (b) a thing consequentially connected with anything is essential; one not so connected is 'coincidental'. An example of the latter is 'While he was walking it lightened': the lightning was not due to his walking; it was, we should say, a coincidence. If, on the other hand, there is a consequential connexion, the predication is essential; e.g. if a beast dies when its throat is being cut, then its death is also essentially connected with the cutting, because the cutting was the cause of death, not death a 'coincident' of the cutting. So far then as concerns the sphere of connexions scientifically known in the unqualified sense of that term, all attributes which (within that sphere) are essential either in the sense that their subjects are contained in them, or in the sense that they are contained in their subjects, are necessary as well as consequentially connected with their subjects. For it is impossible for them not to inhere in their subjects—either simply or in the qualified sense that one or other of a pair of opposites must inhere in the subject; e.g. in line must be either straightness or curvature, in number either oddness or evenness. For within a single identical genus the contrary of a given attribute is either its privative or its contradictory; e.g. within number what is not odd is even, inasmuch as within this sphere even is a --- 1 sc. the unexpressed subject. Aristotle's point cannot be rendered in English, which seldom uses an adjective or participle substantially. Cf. Met. z, ch. 10, where Aristotle distinguishes τὸ λευκόν from the πάθος λευκότης. 2 i.e. any this which is designable as characterized under the Category of Substance. Cf. Prof. J. A. Smith in Class. Rev., vol. xxxv, p. 19. 3 δὲ ἀντό implies a connexion really wider than causation, and would include e.g. the inherence of mathematical properties. 4 So Zabarella and Pacius, taking Aristotle's meaning to be that only types (1) and (2) have the degree of necessity requisite for scientific knowledge—a view borne out by i, ch. 22, §4a 7–28. necessary consequent of not-odd. So, since any given predicate must be either affirmed or denied of any subject,$^1$ essential attributes must inhere in their subjects of necessity.$^2$ Thus, then, we have established the distinction between the attribute which is ‘true in every instance’ and the ‘essential’ attribute. I term ‘commensurately universal’ an attribute which belongs to every instance of its subject, and to every instance essentially and as such; from which it clearly follows that all commensurate universals inhere necessarily in their subjects. The essential attribute, and the attribute that belongs to its subject as such, are identical. E.g. point and straight belong to line essentially, for they belong to line as such; and triangle as such has two right angles, for it is essentially equal to two right angles. An attribute belongs commensurately and universally to a subject when it can be shown to belong to any random instance of that subject and when the subject is the first thing to which it can be shown to belong. Thus, e.g., (1) the equality of its angles to two right angles is not a commensurately universal attribute of figure. For though it is possible to show that a figure has its angles equal to two right angles, this attribute cannot be demonstrated of any figure selected at haphazard, nor in demonstrating does one take a figure at random—a square is a figure but its angles are not equal to two right angles. On the other hand, any isosceles triangle has its angles equal to two right angles, yet isosceles triangle is not the primary subject of this attribute but triangle is prior. So whatever can be shown $^1$ i.e. the law of excluded middle. $^2$ Aristotle argues as follows: Essential attributes of type (2) which inhere in their subjects as disjunctive pairs of opposites are necessary because the disjunction covers the whole ground of the subject. The disjunction covers the whole ground because the subject is within a single genus, and the law of excluded middle here ‘invests the contrary with the character of the contradictory’ or privative—i.e. though this law only entitles you either to affirm or deny a predicate, yet here the affirmation of one predicate is ipso facto the denial of its opposite and vice versa: ‘number is odd or not-odd’ must mean ‘number is odd or even’; ‘animal is seeing or not-seeing’ is identical with ‘animal is seeing or blind’. to have its angles equal to two right angles, or to possess any other attribute, in any random instance of itself and primarily—that is the first subject to which the predicate in question belongs commensurately and universally, and the demonstration, in the essential sense, of any predicate is the proof of it as belonging to this first subject commensurately and universally: while the proof of it as belonging to the other subjects to which it attaches is demonstration only in a secondary and unessential sense. Nor again (2) is equality to two right angles a commensurately universal attribute of isosceles; it is of wider application. 5 We must not fail to observe that we often fall into error because our conclusion is not in fact primary and commensurately universal in the sense in which we think we prove it so. We make this mistake (1) when the subject is an individual or individuals above which there is no universal to be found: (2) when the subjects belong to different species and there is a higher universal, but it has no name: (3) when the subject which the demonstrator takes as a whole is really only a part of a larger whole; for then the demonstration will be true of the individual instances within the part and will hold in every instance of it, yet the demonstration will not be true of this subject primarily and commensurately and universally. When a demonstration is true of a subject primarily and commensurately and universally, that is to be taken to mean that it is true of a given subject primarily and as such. Case (3) may be thus exemplified. If a proof were given that perpendiculars to the same line are parallel, it might be supposed that lines thus perpendicular were the proper subject of the demonstration because being parallel is true of every instance of them. But it is not so, for the parallelism depends not on these angles being equal to one another because each is a right angle, but simply on their being equal to one another. An example of (1) would be as follows: if isosceles were the only triangle, it would be thought to 1 If oὐδὲ in ²2 is the right reading, it seems necessary to regard καίτοι (73b 34) . . . καθ' αὐτό (74a 2) as a parenthesis, however clumsy. In b 36 I place a comma after σχηματος. have its angles equal to two right angles qua isosceles. An instance of (2) would be the law that proportionals alternate.$^1$ Alternation used to be demonstrated separately of numbers, lines, solids, and durations,$^2$ though it could have been proved of them all by a single demonstration. Because there was no single name to denote that in which numbers, lengths, durations, and solids are identical, and because they differed specifically from one another, this property was proved of each of them separately. To-day, however, the proof is commensurately universal, for they do not possess this attribute qua lines or qua numbers, but qua manifesting this generic character which they are postulated as possessing universally. Hence, even if one prove of each kind of triangle that its angles are equal to two right angles, whether by means of the same or different proofs; still, as long as one treats separately equilateral, scalene, and isosceles, one does not yet know, except sophistically, that triangle has its angles equal to two right angles, nor does one yet know that triangle has this property commensurately and universally, even if there is no other species of triangle but these. For one does not know that triangle as such has this property, nor even that ‘all’ triangles have it—unless ‘all’ means ‘each taken singly’: if ‘all’ means ‘as a whole class’, then, though there be none in which one does not recognize this property, one does not know it of ‘all triangles’. When, then, does our knowledge fail of commensurate universality, and when is it unqualified knowledge? If triangle be identical in essence with equilateral, i.e. with each or all equilaterals, then clearly we have unqualified knowledge:$^3$ if on the other hand it be not, and the attribute belongs to equilateral qua triangle; then our knowledge fails of commensurate universality. ‘But’, it will be asked, ‘does this attribute belong to the subject of which $^1$ i.e. the law by which if $A : B :: C : D$, then $A : C :: B : D$. $^2$ The reference is perhaps to $\chi\rho\dot{\omega}\iota\omega\iota$ as the time-units of music and metre. $^3$ sc. of the attribute ‘equal to two right angles’ which, known to inhere in equilateral, would then be known to inhere in a primary subject, i.e. fully known. it has been demonstrated qua triangle or qua isosceles? What is the point at which the subject to which it belongs is primary? (i.e. to what subject can it be demonstrated as belonging commensurately and universally?)’ Clearly this point is the first term in which it is found to inhere as the elimination of inferior differentiae proceeds. Thus the angles of a brazen isosceles triangle are equal to two right angles: but eliminate brazen and isosceles and the attribute remains. ‘But’—you may say—‘eliminate figure or limit, 74b and the attribute vanishes.’ True, but figure and limit are not the first differentiae whose elimination destroys the attribute. ‘Then what is the first?’ If it is triangle, it will be in virtue of triangle that the attribute belongs to all the other subjects of which it is predicable, and triangle is the subject to which it can be demonstrated as belonging commensurately and universally. 6 Demonstrative knowledge must rest on necessary basic truths; for the object of scientific knowledge$^1$ cannot be other than it is. Now attributes attaching essentially to their subjects attach necessarily to them: for essential attributes are either elements in the essential nature of their subjects, or contain their subjects as elements in their own essential nature. (The pairs of opposites which the latter class includes are necessary because one member or the other necessarily inheres.) It follows from this that pre-10 misses of the demonstrative syllogism must be connexions essential in the sense explained: for all attributes must inhere essentially or else be accidental, and accidental attributes are not necessary to their subjects. We must either state the case thus, or else premise that the conclusion of demonstration is necessary$^2$ and that a demonstrated conclusion cannot be other than it is, and then infer that the conclusion must be developed from 15 necessary premises. For though you may reason from true premisses without demonstrating, yet if your premisses are necessary you will assuredly demonstrate—in such necessity $^1$ i.e. that which is known by demonstration. $^2$ Reading ἀναγκαῖον. you have at once a distinctive character of demonstration. That demonstration proceeds from necessary premisses is also indicated by the fact that the objection we raise against a professed demonstration is that a premiss of it is not a necessary truth—whether we think it altogether devoid of necessity, or at any rate so far as our opponent’s previous argument goes. This shows how naïve it is to suppose one’s basic truths rightly chosen if one starts with a proposition which is (1) popularly accepted and (2) true, such as the sophists’ assumption that to know is the same as to possess knowledge.$^1$ For (1) popular acceptance or rejection is no criterion of a basic truth, which can only be the primary law of the genus constituting the subject matter of the demonstration; and (2) not all truth is ‘appropriate’.$^2$ A further proof that the conclusion must be the development of necessary premisses is as follows. Where demonstration is possible, one who can give no account which includes the cause has no scientific knowledge. If, then, we suppose a syllogism in which, though $A$ necessarily inheres in $C$, yet $B$, the middle term of the demonstration, is not necessarily connected with $A$ and $C$, then the man who argues thus has no reasoned knowledge of the conclusion, since this conclusion does not owe its necessity to the middle term; for though the conclusion is necessary, the mediating link is a contingent fact. Or again, if a man is without knowledge now, though he still retains the steps of the argument, though there is no change in himself or in the fact and no lapse of memory on his part; then neither had he knowledge previously. But the mediating link, not being necessary, may have perished in the interval; and if so, though there be no change in him nor in the fact, and though he will still retain the steps of the argument, yet he has not knowledge, and therefore had not knowledge before. Even if the link has not actually perished but is liable to perish, this situation is possible and might occur. But such a condition cannot be knowledge. When the conclusion is necessary, the middle through which it was proved may yet quite easily be non-necessary. $^1$ Plato, Euthydemus, 277 B. $^2$ Cf. note on 71$^b$ 23. You can in fact infer the necessary even from a non-necessary premiss, just as you can infer the true from the not true. On the other hand, when the middle is necessary the conclusion must be necessary; just as true premisses always give a true conclusion. Thus, if $A$ is necessarily predicated of $B$ and $B$ of $C$, then $A$ is necessarily predicated of $C$. But when the conclusion is non-necessary the middle cannot be necessary either. Thus: let $A$ be predicated non-necessarily of $C$ but necessarily of $B$, and let $B$ be a necessary predicate of $C$; then $A$ too will be a necessary predicate of $C$, which by hypothesis it is not. To sum up, then: demonstrative knowledge must be knowledge of a necessary nexus, and therefore must clearly be obtained through a necessary middle term; otherwise its possessor will know neither the cause nor the fact that his conclusion is a necessary connexion. Either he will mistake the non-necessary for the necessary and believe the necessity of the conclusion without knowing it, or else he will not even believe it—in which case he will be equally ignorant, whether he actually infers the mere fact through middle terms or the reasoned fact and from immediate premisses.$^1$ Of accidents that are not essential according to our definition of essential there is no demonstrative knowledge; for since an accident, in the sense in which I here speak of it, may also not inhere, it is impossible to prove its inherence as a necessary conclusion. A difficulty, however, might be raised as to why in dialectic, if the conclusion is not a necessary connexion, such and such determinate premisses should be proposed in order to deal with such and such determinate problems. Would not the result be the same if one asked any questions whatever and then merely stated one’s conclusion? The solution is that determinate questions have to be put, not because the replies to them affirm facts which necessitate facts affirmed by the conclusion, but because these answers are propositions which if the answerer affirm, $^1$ So Zabarella, taking Aristotle to mean that you may construct a formally perfect syllogism, inferring the fact, or even the reasoned fact, from what are actually true and necessary premisses; yet because you do not realize their necessity, you have not knowledge. One would, however, have expected συλλογίσηται for εἰδῇ in 16. he must affirm the conclusion—and affirm it with truth if they are true. Since it is just those attributes within every genus which are essential and possessed by their respective subjects as such that are necessary, it is clear that both the conclusions and the premisses of demonstrations which produce scientific knowledge are essential.$^1$ For accidents are not necessary: and, further,$^2$ since accidents are not necessary one does not necessarily have reasoned knowledge of a conclusion drawn from them (this is so even if the accidental premisses are invariable but not essential, as in proofs through signs;$^3$ for though the conclusion be actually essential, one will not know it as essential nor know its reason); but to have reasoned knowledge of a conclusion is to know it through its cause. We may conclude that the middle must be consequentially connected with the minor, and the major with the middle. It follows that we cannot in demonstrating pass from one genus to another. We cannot, for instance, prove geometrical truths by arithmetic. For there are three elements in demonstration: (1) what is proved, the conclusion—an attribute inhering essentially in a genus; (2) the axioms,$^5$ i.e. axioms which are premisses of demonstration; (3) the subject-genus whose attributes, i.e. essential properties, are revealed by the demonstration. The axioms which are premisses of demonstration may be identical$^6$ in two or --- $^1$ The implied minor premiss required for this conclusion is the already proved fact that the conclusions and premisses of demonstration are necessary. I take $\omega\delta'\epsilon'\ 32—\delta\iota\tau\ 34$ as a parenthesis. $^2$ A further reason for excluding accidental premisses from demonstration: they cannot give reasoned knowledge of a conclusion, i.e. ($^\circ 35$) knowledge of it through its cause (and this, Aristotle implies, was one of the first conditions of demonstration. Cf. $71^b$ 10, 11). $^3$ Usually proofs from effect to cause, cf. i, ch. 13, $78^a$ 30 ff. $^4$ Zabarella begins ch. 7 at $75^a$ 28—perhaps a better division. $^5$ It is not clear whether by $\varepsilon\xi\ \delta\nu$ Aristotle implies that the quantitative axioms can be premisses of demonstration—a view perhaps supported by i, ch. 9, $75^b$ 40, 41 if the interpretation of Bryson's quadrature of the circle suggested in my note on $76^a$ 3 is correct—or whether, like such axioms as the laws of contradiction and excluded middle, they are implied as canons regulating all mathematical demonstrations but do not serve as premisses. I have with hesitation adopted the former alternative here and in ch. 10, $76^b$ 14. $^6$ $\varsigma\iota.\ \kappa\alpha'\ \delta\nu\lambda\omega\gamma\iota\alpha\nu$ more sciences: but in the case of two different genera such as arithmetic and geometry you cannot apply arithmetical demonstration to the properties of magnitudes unless the 5 magnitudes in question are numbers.$^1$ How in certain cases transference is possible I will explain later.$^2$ Arithmetical demonstration and the other sciences likewise possess, each of them, their own genera; so that if the demonstration is to pass from one sphere to another, the genus must be either absolutely or to some extent $^3$ the same. If this is not so, transference is clearly impossible,$^4$ because the extreme and the middle terms must be drawn from the same genus:$^4$ otherwise, as predicated, they will not be essential and will thus be accidents. That is why it cannot be proved by geometry that opposites fall under one science, nor even that the product of two cubes is a cube. Nor can the theorem of any one science be demonstrated by means of another science, unless these theorems are related $_{15}$ as subordinate to superior (e.g. as optical theorems to geometry or harmonic theorems to arithmetic). Geometry again $_{5}$ cannot prove of lines any property which they do not possess $_{qua}$ lines, i.e. in virtue of the fundamental truths of their peculiar genus: it cannot show, for example, that the straight line is the most beautiful of lines or the contrary of the circle; for these qualities do not belong to lines in virtue of their peculiar genus, but through some property which it shares with other genera. 8 It is also clear that if the premisses from which the syllogism proceeds are commensurately universal, the conclusion of such demonstration—demonstration, i.e., in the unqualified sense—must also be eternal. Therefore no attribute can be demonstrated nor known by strictly scientific knowledge to inhere in perishable things. The proof can only be accidental, because the attribute’s connexion $_{25}$ with its perishable subject is not commensurately universal $^1$ Cf. Met. 1039$^a$ 9. $^2$ Cf. i, cc. 9 and 13. $^3$ i.e. in the case of subalternate sciences: cf. e.g. 75$^b$ 15 ff. $^4$ sc. ‘in all the demonstrations of the science.’ $^5$ Aristotle has given two examples of the vicious transference of a middle term from one science to another: he now gives two examples of the vicious transference of a complete major premiss. but temporary and special. If such a demonstration is made, one premiss must be perishable and not commensurately universal (perishable$^1$ because only if it is perishable will the conclusion be perishable; not commensurately universal, because the predicate will be predicable of some instances of the subject and not of others); so that the conclusion can only be that a fact is true at the moment—not commensurately and universally. The same is true of definitions, since a definition is either a primary premiss$^2$ or a conclusion of a demonstration, or else only differs from a demonstration in the order of its terms. Demonstration and science of merely frequent occurrences—e.g. of eclipse as happening to the moon—are, as such,$^3$ clearly eternal: whereas so far as they are not eternal they are not fully commensurate.$^4$ Other subjects too have properties attaching to them in the same way as eclipse attaches to the moon. It is clear that if the conclusion is to show an attribute inhering as such, nothing can be demonstrated except from its ‘appropriate’$^5$ basic truths. Consequently a proof even from true, indemonstrable, and immediate premisses does not constitute knowledge. Such proofs are like Bryson’s method of squaring the circle; for they operate by taking as their middle a common character—a character, therefore, which the subject may share with another—and consequently they apply equally to subjects different in kind. They therefore afford knowledge of an attribute only as inhering accidentally, not as belonging to its subject as such: otherwise they would not have been applicable to another genus.$^6$ --- $^1$ Taking $\phi\theta\alpha\rho\tau\eta\nu\mu\epsilon\nu\ldots\epsilon'\phi'\delta\nu$ as a parenthesis. $^2$ i.e. the minor premiss in a basic syllogism of a science. Cf. ii. ch. 10. $^3$ sc. ‘as far as they are demonstration and science’—the thesis which the chapter establishes. In so far as eclipse, demonstrated through its proximate cause, is regarded as embodying an unalterable nexus of cause and effect, the demonstration is genuine demonstration. $^4$ In so far as the eclipse so demonstrated is a particular event, the demonstration is not fully commensurate and so not truly universal. $^5$ Cf. note on 71$^{b}$23. $^6$ The usual explanation of Bryson’s method, viz. that he argued that a circle is the mean area between the areas of the circumscribed and inscribed squares, renders it improbably futile. A more probable account (cf. Heath, Greek Mathematics, vol. i. 223–5) is as follows: Bryson circumscribed regular polygons about a circle and inscribed Our knowledge of any attribute's connexion with a subject is accidental unless we know that connexion through the middle term in virtue of which it inheres, and as an inference from basic premises essential and 'appropriate' to the subject—unless we know, e.g., the property of possessing angles equal to two right angles as belonging to that subject in which it inheres essentially, and as inferred from basic premises essential and 'appropriate' to that subject: so that if that middle term also belongs essentially to the minor, the middle must belong to the same kind as the major and minor terms. The only exceptions to this rule are such cases as theorems in harmonics which are demonstrable by arithmetic. Such theorems are proved by the same middle terms as arithmetical properties, but with a qualification—the fact falls under a separate science (for the subject genus is separate), but the reasoned fact concerns the superior science, to which the attributes essentially belong. Thus, even these apparent exceptions show that no attribute is strictly demonstrable except from its 'appropriate' basic truths, which, however, in the case of these sciences have the requisite identity of character. It is no less evident that the peculiar basic truths of each inhering attribute are indemonstrable; for basic truths from which they might be deduced would be basic truths of all regular polygons within it, in each case increasing the number of sides so that the area of the resulting polygon more and more nearly approached that of the circle, arguing that eventually the external and internal polygons would approximate so closely that there could be only one polygon mean in area between them, which would consequently coincide in area with the circle. He may then have reasoned thus: 'Things which are greater and less than the same things respectively are equal. The mean polygon is greater than all the internal polygons and less than all the external polygons; so is the circle: therefore they are equal.' Now the axiom contained by the major premiss is true, but requires specification within each science to be effective; e.g. in arithmetic it can only prove a number equal to itself, while in geometry it must be stated as 'Commensurate magnitudes &c.'. The difficulty of this explanation is that in Soph. Elench. 172a 2-7 Aristotle condemns Bryson's quadrature as 'eristic', because it can be extended outside the sphere of geometry altogether; leaving one to suppose that had Bryson reduced the application of the axiom to geometry and stated it as 'Magnitudes which are, &c.', the proof would have been valid, whereas in fact it requires a further reduction within geometry to connect it with the minor premiss. It is also highly questionable whether Aristotle held that a quantitative axiom could serve as major premiss of demonstration, cf. note on 75a 42. that is, and the science to which they belonged would possess universal sovereignty.$^1$ This is so because he knows better whose knowledge is deduced from higher causes, for his knowledge is from prior premisses when it derives from causes themselves uncaused: hence, if he knows better than others or best of all, his knowledge would be science in a higher or the highest degree. But, as things are, demonstration is not transferable to another genus, with such exceptions as we have mentioned of the application of geometrical demonstrations to theorems$^2$ in mechanics or optics, or of arithmetical demonstrations to those of harmonics. It is hard to be sure whether one knows or not; for it is hard to be sure whether one's knowledge is based on the basic truths appropriate to each attribute—the differentia of true knowledge. We think we have scientific knowledge if we have reasoned from true and primary premisses. But that is not so: the conclusion must be homogeneous with the basic facts of the science. I call the basic truths of every genus those elements in it the existence of which cannot be proved. As regards both these primary truths and the attributes dependent on them the meaning of the name is assumed. The fact of their existence as regards the primary truths must be assumed; but it has to be proved of the remainder,$^3$ the attributes. Thus we assume the meaning alike of unity, straight, and triangular; but while as regards unity and magnitude$^4$ we assume also the fact of their existence, in the case of the remainder proof is required. $^1$ Cf. Met. B, cc. 2 and 3. Aristotle must surely mean that there is no such dominant science. This interpretation, however, leaves the relation of science to metaphysics—to which a reference is clearly implied—obscure. Zabarella: 'notandum est Aristotelem non negare metaphysicum posse probare aliarum scientiarum principia, id namque non negari potest; sed solum negare quod in illis scientiis quarum sunt principia, id fieri queat: ex principiis enim metaphysicis possunt probari principia geometrica, non tamen in ipsa geometria sed in metaphysica'; i.e. as opposed to the relation of subalternate sciences. Pacius retains the discussion within the limits of a single science, but not without violence to the text. $^2$ μηχανικάς, ὀπτικάς, and ἀρμονικάς should almost certainly be neuter plurals. $^3$ sc. the remainder of the genus; vide 75$^{a}$ 42—b 1. $^4$ Unless μέγεθος stands for the genus of which εἶδος and τρίγωνον are species, the insertion of it is odd—though not without parallel. For τρίγωνον as apparently an attribute vide note on 71$^{a}$ 15. Of the basic truths used in the demonstrative sciences some are peculiar to each science, and some are common, but common only in the sense of analogous, being of use only in so far as they fall within the genus constituting the province of the science in question. Peculiar truths are, e.g., the definitions of line and straight; common truths are such as 'take equals from equals and equals remain'. Only so much of these common truths is required as falls within the genus in question: for a truth of this kind will have the same force even if not used generally but applied by the geometer only to magnitudes, or by the arithmetician only to numbers. Also peculiar to a science are the subjects the existence as well as the meaning of which it assumes, and the essential attributes of which it investigates, e.g. in arithmetic units, in geometry points and lines. Both the existence and the meaning of the subjects are assumed by these sciences; but of their essential attributes only the meaning is assumed. For example arithmetic assumes the meaning of odd and even, square and cube, geometry that of incommensurable, or of deflection or verging of lines, whereas the existence of these attributes is demonstrated by means of the axioms and from previous conclusions as premises. Astronomy too proceeds in the same way. For indeed every demonstrative science has three elements: (1) that which it posits, the subject genus whose essential attributes it examines; (2) the so-called axioms, which are primary premisses of its demonstration; (3) the attributes, the meaning of which it assumes. Yet some sciences may very well pass over some of these elements; e.g. we might not expressly posit the existence of the genus if its existence were obvious (for instance, the existence of hot and cold is more evident than that of number); or we might omit to assume expressly the meaning of the attributes if it were well understood. In the same way the meaning of axioms, such as 'Take equals from equals and equals remain', is well known and so not expressly assumed. Nevertheless in the nature of the case the essential elements of demonstration are three: the subject, the attributes, and the basic premisses. \footnote{Vide Heath, \textit{Euclid}, vol. i, p. 150.} \footnote{Cf. note on 75a 42.} That which expresses necessary self-grounded fact, and which we must necessarily believe,$^1$ is distinct both from the hypotheses$^2$ of a science and from illegitimate postulate—I say ‘must believe’, because all syllogism, and therefore $a fortiori$ demonstration, is addressed not to the spoken word, but to the discourse within the soul,$^3$ and though we can always raise objections to the spoken word, to the inward discourse we cannot always object. That which is capable of proof but assumed by the teacher without proof is, if the pupil believes and accepts it, hypothesis, though only in a limited sense hypothesis—that is, relatively to the pupil; if the pupil has no opinion or a contrary opinion on the matter, the same assumption is an illegitimate postulate. Therein lies the distinction between hypothesis and illegitimate postulate: the latter is the contrary of the pupil’s opinion,$^4$ demonstrable, but assumed and used without demonstration. The definitions—viz. those which are not expressed as statements that anything is or is not$^5$—are not hypotheses: but it is in the premisses of a science that its hypotheses are contained. Definitions require only to be understood, and this is not hypothesis—unless it be contended that the pupil’s hearing is also an hypothesis required by the teacher. Hypotheses, on the contrary, postulate facts on the being of which depends the being of the fact inferred. Nor are the geometer’s hypotheses false, as some have held, urging that one must not employ falsehood and that the geometer is uttering falsehood in stating that the line which he draws is a foot long or straight, when it is actually neither. The truth is that the geometer does not draw any conclusion from the being of the particular line of which he speaks, but from what his diagrams symbolize. A further distinction is that all hypotheses and illegitimate postulates are either universal or particular, whereas a definition is neither.$^6$ $^1$ sc. axioms. $^2$ Cf. note on 72$^{a}$ 20. $^3$ Cf. Plato, Theaetetus, 189 E ff. $^4$ Omitting $\eta$ after $\delta\delta\xi\eta$. $^5$ It seems easier to read $\omega\delta\epsilon\nu$ for $\omega\delta\epsilon$ with Waitz, but one would then expect $\lambda\epsilon\gamma\omega\nu\tau\omega$. $^6$ A $\delta\rho\sigma$ is not strictly a judgement at all; it is the unity of the constitutive moments of an $\alpha\tau\omicron\mu\omicron\epsilon\delta\omicron$ set out as a formula or $\lambda\omicron\gamma\omicron\sigma$. So demonstration does not necessarily imply the being of Forms nor a One beside a Many, but it does necessarily imply the possibility of truly predicating one of many; since without this possibility we cannot save the universal, and if the universal goes, the middle term goes with it, and so demonstration becomes impossible. We conclude, then, that there must be a single identical term unequivocally predicable of a number of individuals. The law that it is impossible to affirm and deny simultaneously the same predicate of the same subject is not expressly posited by any demonstration except when the conclusion also has to be expressed in that form; in which case the proof lays down as its major premiss that the major is truly affirmed of the middle but falsely denied. It makes no difference, however, if we add to the middle, or again to the minor term, the corresponding negative. For grant a minor term of which it is true to predicate man—even if it be also true to predicate not-man of it—still grant simply that man is animal and not not-animal, and the conclusion follows: for it will still be true to say that Callias—even if it be also true to say that not-Callias—is animal and not not-animal. The reason is that the major 1 Zabarella inserts the first paragraph of this chapter down to μὴ ὁμόνυμον in a 9 at 75 b 30. 2 i.e. if the required conclusion is ‘Callias is animal and not not-animal’, the syllogism is adequate in the form Man is animal and not not-animal, Callias is man, ∴ Callias is animal and not not-animal. There is no need to add ‘and not not-man’ to the middle or ‘and not not-Callias’ to the minor, for even if the opposites which these additions would exclude were taken as true, the same conclusion would follow: Man and also not-man (cat, dog, &c.) is animal and not not-animal, Callias and also not-Callias (Plato, Socrates, &c.) is man-and-also-not-man (i.e. belongs to a genus wider than man and narrower than animal). ∴ Callias is animal and not not-animal. The major once made definite, the width of the middle, provided it is narrower than the major, does not matter, and the width of the minor, provided it is narrower than the middle, is unimportant. The construction in a 15–17 perhaps presents two anacolutha: (a) the antecedent to καθ’ οὐ seems to be the subject to an unexpressed verb, presumably εἶναι (could εἶναι have dropped out between εἰπεῖν and εἰ term is predicable not only of the middle, but of something other than the middle as well, being of wider application; so that the conclusion is not affected even if the middle is extended to cover the original middle term and also what is not the original middle term. The law that every predicate can be either truly affirmed or truly denied of every subject is posited by such demonstration as uses reductio ad impossibile, and then not always universally, but so far as it is requisite; within the limits, that is, of the genus—the genus, I mean (as I have already explained), to which the man of science applies his demonstrations. In virtue of the common elements of demonstration—I mean the common axioms which are used as premisses of demonstration, not the subjects nor the attributes demonstrated as belonging to them—all the sciences have communion with one another, and in communion with them all is dialectic and any science which might attempt a universal proof of axioms such as the law of excluded middle, the law that the subtraction of equals from equals leaves equal remainders, or other axioms of the same kind. Dialectic has no definite sphere of this kind, not being confined to a single genus. Otherwise its method would not be interrogative; for the interrogative method is barred to the demonstrator, who cannot use the opposite facts to prove the same nexus. This was shown in my work on the syllogism. If a syllogistic question is equivalent to a proposition embodying one of the two sides of a contradiction, and if καὶ ?), and (b) a main clause, ‘the conclusion follows’, must be supplied. To avoid (a) I have with hesitation taken the antecedent to καθ’ οὐ as subject to ἐδόθη in the first εἰ clause, and ἐδόθη as followed by the infinitive ἔναι in the third εἰ clause. 1 Lit. ‘even if the middle is itself and also what is not itself’; i.e. you may pass from the middle term man to include not-man without affecting the conclusion. Cf. previous note. 2 Cf. 75a 42 ff. and 76b 13. 3 Cf. note on 75a 42. 4 An. Pr. I. i. The ‘opposite facts’ are those which would be expressed in the alternatively possible answers to the dialectical question, the dialectician’s aim being to refute his interlocutor whether the latter answers the question first put to him affirmatively or in the negative. 5 i.e. a premiss put in the form of a question. each science has its peculiar propositions from which its peculiar conclusion is developed, then there is such a thing as a distinctively scientific question, and it is the interrogative form of the premisses from which the 'appropriate' conclusion of each science is developed. Hence it is clear that not every question will be relevant to geometry, nor to medicine, nor to any other science: only those questions will be geometrical which form premisses for the proof of the theorems of geometry or of any other science,$^1$ such as optics, which uses the same basic truths as geometry. Of the other sciences the like is true. Of these questions the geometer is bound to give his account, using the basic truths of geometry in conjunction with his previous conclusions; of the basic truths the geometer, as such, is not bound to give any account. The like is true of the other sciences. There is a limit, then, to the questions which we may put to each man of science; nor is each man of science bound to answer all inquiries on each several subject, but only such as fall within the defined field of his own science. If, then, in controversy with a geometer \textit{qua} geometer the disputant confines himself to geometry and proves anything from geometrical premisses, he is clearly to be applauded; if he goes outside these he will be at fault, and obviously cannot even refute the geometer except accidentally.$^2$ One should therefore not discuss geometry among those who are not geometers, for in such a company an unsound argument will pass unnoticed. This is correspondingly true in the other sciences. Since there are 'geometrical' questions, does it follow that there are also distinctively 'ungeometrical' questions? Further, in each special science—geometry for instance—what kind of error$^3$ is it that may vitiate questions, and yet not exclude$^4$ them from that science? Again, is the erroneous conclusion one constructed from premisses opposite to $^1$ Reading ἦ ἀ ἐκ τῶν with C and Bonitz. $^2$ Placing a colon instead of a comma after δεικνύῃ, a comma instead of a full stop after καλῶς in $b$ 11, and a colon instead of a comma after συμβέβηκός in $b$ 12. $^3$ Reading πολὺν, $^4$ Omitting ἥ ἄγεωμέτρητα with A, B, and C. So Waitz. the true premisses, or is it formal fallacy though drawn from geometrical premisses? Or, perhaps, the erroneous conclusion is due to the drawing of premisses from another science; e.g. in a geometrical controversy a musical question is distinctively ungeometrical, whereas the notion that parallels meet is in one sense geometrical, being ungeometrical in a different fashion: the reason being that 'ungeometrical', like 'unrhythmical', is equivocal, meaning in the one case not geometry at all, in the other bad geometry? It is this error, i.e. error based on premisses of this kind—'of' the science but false—that is the contrary of science. In mathematics the formal fallacy is not so common, because it is the middle term in which the ambiguity lies, since the major is predicated of the whole of the middle and the middle of the whole of the minor (the predicate of course never has the prefix 'all'); and in mathematics one can, so to speak, see these middle terms with an intellectual vision, while in dialectic the ambiguity may escape detection. E.g. 'Is every circle a figure?' A diagram shows that this is so, but the minor premiss 'Are epics circles?' is shown by the diagram to be false. If a proof has an inductive minor premiss, one should not bring an 'objection' against it. For since every premiss must be applicable to a number of cases (otherwise it will not be true in every instance, which, since the syllogism proceeds from universals, it must be), then assuredly the same is true of an 'objection'; since premisses and 'objections' are so far the same that anything which can be validly advanced as an 'objection' must be such that it could take the form of a premiss, either demonstrative or dialectical. On the other hand, arguments formally illo- 1 i.e. wrong in its matter. 2 Placing a note of interrogation after κατὰ γεωμετρίαν δέ. 3 Omitting ὃσπερ τὸ ἀριθμον in 77b 25. 4 Reading αὐτὴν καὶ ἡ ἐκ with A, B, C and Waitz. 5 ἐπαντία: but not contradictory. The ignorance contradictory to science is blank nescience, cf. i, ch. 18. 6 Reading ἄει τὸ διττόν with A, B, and C first hand. 7 The reference is to τὰ κυκλικά, the cycle of post-Homeric epics supplementing Homer. 8 The connexion of this section 77b 34-9 is not very clear. logical do sometimes occur through taking as middles mere attributes of the major and minor terms. An instance of this is Caeneus' proof that fire increases in geometrical proportion: 'Fire', he argues, 'increases rapidly, and so does geometrical proportion'. There is no syllogism so, but there is a syllogism if the most rapidly increasing proportion is geometrical and the most rapidly increasing proportion is attributable to fire in its motion. Sometimes, no doubt, it is impossible to reason from premises predicating mere attributes: but sometimes it is possible, though the possibility is overlooked.$^1$ If false premises could never give true conclusions 'resolution' would be easy, for premises and conclusion would in that case inevitably reciprocate.$^2$ I might then argue thus: let $A$$^3$ be an existing fact; let the existence of $A$ imply such and such facts actually known to me to exist, which we may call $B$.$^4$ I can now, since they reciprocate, infer $A$ from $B$. Reciprocation of premises and conclusion is more frequent in mathematics, because mathematics takes definitions, but never an accident, for its premises—a second characteristic distinguishing mathematical reasoning from dialectical disputations. A science expands not by the interposition of fresh middle Zabarella inserts it at the end of ch. 17. I take it as an obiter dictum on $\varepsilon\nu\sigma\tau\alpha\sigma\iota\varsigma$, and Aristotle as saying that the proper way to attack a proof containing an inductive minor premiss is not to urge an $\varepsilon\nu\sigma\tau\alpha\sigma\iota\varsigma$, for in science an $\varepsilon\nu\sigma\tau\alpha\sigma\iota\varsigma$, like a positive premiss of science, must be universal and must lead to the conclusion opposite to the inference it attacks. Hence if the $\varepsilon\nu\sigma\tau\alpha\sigma\iota\varsigma$ is another inductive premiss, it is equally unscientific—it does not demonstrate an opposite conclusion; if it is universal, it is gratuitous, for all one need do, Aristotle implies, is to point out that the original 'proof' proves nothing, because it has a premiss which is not $\kappa\alpha\theta\delta\lambda\omega\nu$. $^1$ It is possible, i.e. not of course by mere conversion to the first figure, but when, as in the above hypothetical example, a fresh truth ignored in the invalid argument can be brought in to amend the paralogism and produce a syllogism in the first figure. $^2$ Paralogism occurs because, though true premises must give a true conclusion, the converse does not hold. If it did, premises and conclusion would reciprocate, and it would be as easy to 'resolve' a conclusion into its premises as to see what conclusion must follow from given premises. $^3$ The premises regarded as an antecedent. $^4$ The conclusion regarded as a consequent. terms, but by the apposition of fresh extreme terms.$^1$ E.g. $A$ is predicated of $B$, $B$ of $C$, $C$ of $D$, and so indefinitely. Or the expansion may be lateral: e.g. one major, $A$, may be proved of two minors, $C$ and $E$. Thus let $A$ represent number—$a$ number or $number$ taken indeterminately; $B$ determinate odd number; $C$ any particular odd number. We can then predicate $A$ of $C$. Next let $D$ represent determinate even number, and $E$ even number. Then $A$ is predicable of $E$.$^2$ Knowledge of the fact differs from knowledge of the reasoned fact. To begin with, they differ within the same science and in two ways: (1) when the premisses of the syllogism are not immediate (for then the proximate cause is not contained in them—a necessary condition of knowledge of the reasoned fact): (2) when the premisses are immediate, but instead of the cause the better known of the two reciprocals is taken as the middle; for of two reciprocally predicable terms the one which is not the cause may quite easily be the better known and so become the $^1$ i.e. the old conclusion forms one premiss of the new syllogism and supplies the middle term: \[ \begin{align} A-B & \quad \text{That which has sensation, sleeps,} \\ B-C & \quad \text{Animal has sensation;} \\ \therefore A-C & \quad \text{Animal sleeps.} \end{align} \] Then (1) if the apposed term is a minor, \[ \begin{align} A-C & \quad \text{Animal sleeps,} \\ C-D & \quad \text{That which expels fatigue-products is animal;} \\ \therefore A-D & \quad \text{That which expels fatigue-products sleeps.} \end{align} \] (2) if the apposed term is a major, \[ \begin{align} D-A & \quad \text{That which sleeps expels fatigue-products,} \\ A-C & \quad \text{Animal sleeps;} \\ \therefore D-C & \quad \text{Animal expels fatigue-products.} \end{align} \] Cf. note on An. Pr. 26$^a$ 29. Aristotle here and in the passage immediately following, where he speaks of lateral expansion, is thinking of the scientist as setting out the body of his results in systematic form, as in fact writing a textbook: in passages such as i, ch. 22, 85$^a$ 1 ff. which regard the expansion of a science as proceeding by the insertion of fresh middle terms between the terms of a $\pi\rho\delta\beta\lambda\eta\mu\alpha$, he has in mind actual scientific discovery or at any rate a systematization of results prior to the final setting out of the science in its logical order. $^2$ i.e. \[ \begin{align} A-B & \quad \text{and } A-D \text{ are the two major premisses with } A \text{ for predicate which produce respectively the conclusions } A-C \text{ and } A-E. \end{align} \] middle term of the demonstration. Thus (2) (a) you might prove as follows that the planets are near because they do not twinkle: let $C$ be the planets, $B$ not twinkling, $A$ proximity. Then $B$ is predicable of $C$; for the planets do not twinkle. But $A$ is also predicable of $B$, since that which does not twinkle is near—we must take this truth as having been reached by induction or sense-perception. Therefore $A$ is a necessary predicate of $C$; so that we have demonstrated that the planets are near. This syllogism, then, proves not the reasoned fact but only the fact; since they are not near because they do not twinkle, but, because they are near, do not twinkle. The major and middle of the proof, however, may be reversed, and then the demonstration will be of the reasoned fact. Thus: let $C$ be the planets, $B$ proximity, $A$ not twinkling. Then $B$ is an attribute of $C$, and $A$—not twinkling—of $B$. Consequently $A$ is predicable of $C$, and the syllogism proves the reasoned fact, since its middle term is the proximate cause. Another example is the inference that the moon is spherical from its manner of waxing. Thus: since that which so waxes is spherical, and since the moon so waxes, clearly the moon is spherical. Put in this form, the syllogism turns out to be proof of the fact, but if the middle and major be reversed it is proof of the reasoned fact; since the moon is not spherical because it waxes in a certain manner, but waxes in such a manner because it is spherical. (Let $C$ be the moon, $B$ spherical, and $A$ waxing.) Again (b), in cases where the cause and the effect are not reciprocal and the effect is the better known, the fact is demonstrated but not the reasoned fact. This also occurs (1) when the middle falls outside the major and minor,$^1$ for here too the strict cause is not given, and so the demonstration is of the fact, not of the reasoned fact. For example, the question ‘Why does not a wall breathe?’ might be answered, ‘Because it is not an animal’; but that answer would not give the strict cause, because if not being an animal causes the absence of respiration, then being an animal should be the cause of respiration, $^1$ sc. in the second figure (vide 78$^{b}$ 24), in which the middle is predicate in both premises. Cf. An. Pr. i, ch. 5, 26$^{b}$ 39. according to the rule that if the negation of $ x $ causes the non-inherence of $ y $, the affirmation of $ x $ causes the inherence of $ y $; e.g. if the disproportion of the hot and cold elements is the cause of ill health, their proportion is the cause of health; and conversely, if the assertion of $ x $ causes the inherence of $ y $, the negation of $ x $ must cause $ y $'s non-inherence. But in the case given this consequence does not result; for not every animal breathes. A syllogism with this kind of cause takes place in the second figure. Thus: let $ A $ be animal, $ B $ respiration, $ C $ wall. Then $ A $ is predicable of all $ B $ (for all that breathes is animal), but of no $ C $; and consequently $ B $ is predicable of no $ C $; that is, the wall does not breathe. Such causes are like far-fetched explanations, which precisely consist in making the cause too remote, as in Anacharsis' account of why the Scythians have no flute-players; namely because they have no vines.$^1$ Thus, then, do the syllogism of the fact and the syllogism of the reasoned fact differ within one science and according to the position of the middle terms. But there is another way too in which the fact and the reasoned fact differ, and that is$^2$ when they are investigated respectively by different sciences. This occurs in the case of problems related to one another as subordinate and superior, as when optical problems are subordinated to geometry, mechanical problems to stereometry, harmonic problems to arithmetic, the data of observation to astronomy. (Some of these sciences bear almost the same name; e.g. mathematical and nautical astronomy, mathematical and acoustical harmonics.) Here it is the business of the empirical observers to know the fact, of the mathematicians to know the reasoned fact; for the latter are in possession of the demonstrations giving the causes, and are often ignorant of the fact: just as we have often a clear insight into a universal, but through lack of observation are ignorant of some of its particular instances. These connexions$^3$ have a perceptible existence though they are manifestations of forms. $^1$ i.e. they have no flute-players, '∴' they do not indulge in wine, '∴' they have no grapes, '∴' they have no vines. $^2$ In 78b 35 read $\tau\alpha\delta\iota'\ddot{\alpha}\lambda\eta\varsigma$ for $\tau\dot{o}\delta\iota'\ddot{\alpha}\lambda\eta\varsigma$ with $n$ and $p$. $^3$ sc. 'which require two sciences for their proof'. Cf. 78b 35. the mathematical sciences concern forms: they do not demonstrate properties of a substratum, since, even though the geometrical subjects are predicable as properties of a perceptible substratum, it is not as thus predicable that the mathematician demonstrates properties of them.$^1$ As optics is related to geometry, so another science is related to optics, namely the theory of the rainbow. Here knowledge of the fact is within the province of the natural philosopher, knowledge of the reasoned fact within that of the optician, either \textit{qua} optician or$^2$ \textit{qua} mathematical optician. Many sciences not standing in this mutual relation enter into it at points; e.g. medicine and geometry: it is the physician's business to know that circular wounds heal more slowly, the geometer's to know the reason why.$^3$ Of all the figures the most scientific is the first. Thus, it is the vehicle of the demonstrations of all the mathematical sciences, such as arithmetic, geometry, and optics, and practically of all sciences that investigate causes: for the syllogism of the reasoned fact is either exclusively or generally speaking and in most cases in this figure—a second proof that this figure is the most scientific; for grasp of a reasoned conclusion is the primary condition of knowledge. Thirdly, the first is the only figure which enables us to pursue knowledge of the essence of a thing. In the second figure no affirmative conclusion is possible, and knowledge of a thing's essence must be affirmative; while in the third figure the conclusion can be affirmative, but cannot be universal, and essence must have a universal character: e.g. man is not two-footed animal in any qualified sense, but universally. Finally, the first figure has no need of the others, while it is by means of the first that the other two figures are developed, and have their intervals $^1$ Cf. 81$^b$ 2–5 and note thereon. $^2$ Reading $\eta$ \textit{to$\bar{\imath}$} \textit{kara$\bar{\imath}$} for $\eta$ \textit{kara$\bar{\imath}$} in 79$^a$ 12, with the MSS. Bekker's omission of \textit{to$\bar{\imath}$} is an obvious misprint. $^3$ Perhaps because they expose the maximum amount of raw surface, or possibly because a wound forming an acute angle heals most easily—i.e. by first or second intention (granulation—and therefore a circular wound least easily. close-packed $^1$ until immediate premisses are reached. Clearly, therefore, the first figure is the primary condition of knowledge. Just as an attribute $A$ may (as we saw) be atomically connected with a subject $B$, so its disconnexion may be atomic. I call ‘atomic’ connexions or disconnexions which involve no intermediate term; since in that case the connexion or disconnexion will not be mediated by something other than the terms themselves. It follows that if either $A$ or $B$, or both $A$ and $B$, have a genus, their disconnexion cannot be primary. Thus: let $C$ be the genus of $A$. Then, if $C$ is not the genus of $B$—for $A$ may well have a genus which is not the genus of $B$—there will be a syllogism proving $A$’s disconnexion from $B$ thus: \[ \begin{align} \text{all } A & \text{ is } C, \\ \text{no } B & \text{ is } C, \\ \therefore \text{ no } B & \text{ is } A. \end{align} \] Or if it is $B$ which has a genus $D$, we have \[ \begin{align} \text{all } B & \text{ is } D, \\ \text{no } D & \text{ is } A, \\ \therefore \text{ no } B & \text{ is } A, \text{ by syllogism;} \end{align} \] and the proof will be similar if both $A$ and $B$ have a genus. That the genus of $A$ need not be the genus of $B$ and vice versa, is shown by the existence of mutually exclusive coordinate series of predication. If no term in the series $ACD \ldots$ is predicable of any term in the series $BEF \ldots$, and if $G$—a term in the former series—is the genus of $A$, clearly $G$ will not be the genus of $B$; since, if it were, the series would not be mutually exclusive. So also if $B$ has a genus, it will not be the genus of $A$. If, on the other hand, neither $A$ nor $B$ has a genus and $A$ does not inhere in $B$, this disconnexion must be atomic. If there be a middle term, one or other of them is bound to have $^1$ Cf. i, ch. 23, §4$^b$ 19 ff., and also note on 78$^a$ 14. $\pi'\kappa\nu\omega\sigma\iota s$ means the filling up with middle terms of the mediable loosely connected $\delta\iota\alpha\sigma\tau\eta\mu\alpha$ or interval between the terms of a $\pi\rho\dot{\beta}\lambda\eta\mu\alpha$ or proposition requiring proof—a process which continues until each term is immediately connected with its neighbour, and basic premisses are reached. Then only is the original $\pi\rho\dot{\beta}\lambda\eta\mu\alpha$ genuinely proved. a genus, for the syllogism will be either in the first or the second figure. If it is in the first, $B$ will have a genus—for the premiss containing it must be affirmative;¹ if in the second, either $A$ or $B$ indifferently, since syllogism is possible if either is contained in a negative premiss,² but not if both premisses are negative. Hence it is clear that one thing may be atomically disconnected from another,³ and we have stated when and how this is possible. 16 Ignorance—defined not as the negation of knowledge but as a positive state of mind—is error produced by inference. (1) Let us first consider propositions asserting a predicate’s immediate connexion with or disconnexion from a subject. Here,⁴ it is true, positive error may befall one in alternative ways; for it may arise where one directly believes a connexion or disconnexion as well as where one’s belief is acquired by inference. The error, however, that consists in a direct belief is without complication; but the error resulting from inference—which here concerns us—takes many forms. Thus, let $A$ be atomically disconnected from all $B$: then the conclusion inferred through a middle term $C$, that all $B$ is $A$, will be a case of error produced by syllogism. Now, two cases are possible. Either (a) both premisses, or (b) one premiss only, may be false. (a) If neither $A$ is an attribute of any $C$ nor $C$ of any $B$, whereas the contrary was posited in both cases, both premisses will be false. ($C$ may quite well be so related to $A$ and $B$ that $C$ is neither subordinate to $A$ nor a universal attribute of $B$: for $B$, since $A$ was said to be primarily disconnected from $B$, cannot have a genus, and $A$ need not necessarily be a universal attribute of all things. Consequently both ¹ i.e. in Celarent. ² i.e. in Cesare or Camestres. ³ Reading ἀλλο ἀλλο with MSS. and Waitz. The omission of ἀλλο in Bekker is clearly a misprint. ⁴ μὲν in b 25 is not answered till 81 a 38. It has seemed necessary to expand the translation of b 25-39. b 26 appears to contradict b 24; but really Aristotle begins to discuss error resulting from inference and is led by the mention of immediate propositions to comment in passing upon error in direct apprehension. premises may be false.\textsuperscript{1}) On the other hand, $(b)$ one of the premises may be true, though not either indifferently but only the major $A-C$; since, $B$ having no genus, the premiss $C-B$ will always be false, while $A-C$ may be true. This is the case if, for example, $A$ is related atomically to both $C$ and $B$; because when the same term is related atomically to more terms than one, neither of those terms will belong to the other.\textsuperscript{2} It is, of course, equally the case if $A-C$ is not atomic.\textsuperscript{3} Error of attribution, then, occurs through these causes and in this form only—for we found that no syllogism of universal attribution was possible in any figure but the first.\textsuperscript{4} On the other hand, an error of non-attribution may occur either in the first or in the second figure. Let us therefore first explain the various forms it takes in the first figure and the character of the premises in each case. $(c)$ It may occur when both premises are false; e.g. supposing $A$ atomically connected with both $C$ and $B$, \[\begin{array}{ccc} C & A \\ B & C \\ \end{array}\] All quantity is substance, All quality is quantity; \[\therefore\] All quality is substance. Had $B$ a genus, $A$'s disconnexion from $B$ would have been mediated by it. \[\begin{array}{ccc} C & A \\ B & C \\ \end{array}\] All body is substance—atomic, All quality is body; \[\therefore\] All quality is substance—atomic. The reference cannot be to the impossibility of predicating co-ordinate species of one another, because $B$ is stated to have no genus. We must therefore suppose $\kappaανηροπείν$ here to include negation as well as affirmation (cf. 82\textsuperscript{a}14 and note); e.g. substance is primarily affirmed of body and denied of quality, therefore quality and body cannot be predicated either of the other. Aristotle then adds that this is only one case, and that as long as the minor premiss is atomic the major need not be atomic; e.g. in the above example man or stone might be substituted for body. \[\begin{array}{ccc} C & A \\ B & C \\ \end{array}\] All man is substance—mediable, All quality is man; \[\therefore\] All quality is substance—atomic. \textit{An. Pr. i. 1.} if it be then assumed that no $C$ is $A$, and all $B$ is $C$, both premises are false.\footnote{e.g.} (d) It is also possible when one is false. This may be either premiss indifferently. $A-C$ may be true, $C-B$ false ---$A-C$ true because $A$ is not an attribute of all things, $C-B$ false because $C$, which never has the attribute $A$, cannot be an attribute of $B$; for if $C-B$ were true, the premiss $A-C$ would no longer be true, and besides if both premisses were true, the conclusion would be true.\footnote{Reading $\alpha\delta\iota\nu\tau\alpha\nu\ i\pi\alpha\rho\chi\epsilon\nu$ with codd.} Or again, $C-B$ may be true and $A-C$ false; e.g. if both $C$ and $A$ contain $B$ as genera, one of them must be subordinate to the other, so that if the premiss takes the form No $C$ is $A$, it will be false.\footnote{e.g. No stone is animal, (possibly true $\because$ animal is not true of all things, as is, e.g., being or one.) All man is stone; (false $\because$ stone, which is never animal, cannot be an attribute of man.)} This makes it clear that whether either or both premisses are false, the conclusion will equally be false. In the second figure the premisses cannot both be wholly false; for if all $B$ is $A$, no middle term can be with truth universally affirmed of one extreme and universally denied of the other: but premisses in which the middle is affirmed of one extreme and denied of the other are the necessary condition if one is to get a valid inference at all.\footnote{Here ‘living’ must be a genus of animal because both animal and living are predicable of man as genera. If living and animal were co-ordinate, they could not both be predicable of man.} Therefore \begin{align} C & \quad A \\ \text{No cat is animal,} \\ B & \quad C \\ \text{All man is cat;} \\ B & \quad A \\ \therefore \text{No man is animal.} \end{align} \begin{align} C & \quad A \\ \text{No living thing is animal,} \\ B & \quad C \\ \text{All man is living;} \\ B & \quad A \\ \therefore \text{No man is animal.} \end{align} fore if, taken in this way, they are wholly false, their contraries conversely should be wholly true. But this is impossible.$^1$ On the other hand, there is nothing to prevent both premisses being partially false; e.g. if actually some $A$ is $C$ and some $B$ is $C$, then if it is premised that all $A$ is $C$ and no $B$ is $C$, both premisses are false, yet partially, not wholly, false.$^2$ The same is true if the major is made negative instead of the minor. Or one premiss may be wholly false, and it may be either of them. Thus, supposing that actually an attribute of all $A$ must also be an attribute of all $B$,$^3$ then if $C$ is yet taken to be a universal attribute of all $A$ but universally non-attributable to $B$, $C-A$ will be true but $C-B$ false.$^4$ Again, actually that which is an attribute of no $B$ will not be an attribute of all $A$ either; for if it be an attribute of all $A$, it will also be an attribute of all $B$, which is contrary to supposition; but if $C$ be nevertheless assumed to be a universal attribute of $A$, but an attribute of no $B$, then the premiss $C-B$ is true $^1$ e.g. in Camestres, \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ B \\ \end{array} \] \[ \begin{array}{c} C \\ C \\ \end{array} \] All animal is immortal, No man is immortal, $B$ $A$ gives the false conclusion No man is animal: but if the contraries of these premisses were wholly true they would form a syllogism in Cesare— \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ B \\ \end{array} \] \[ \begin{array}{c} C \\ C \\ \end{array} \] No animal is immortal, All men are immortal— $B$ $A$ giving the same conclusion—No man is animal—which would have to be true. $^2$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ B \\ \end{array} \] \[ \begin{array}{c} C \\ C \\ \end{array} \] All animals are biped, No mammals are biped; $B$ $A$ $\therefore$ No mammals are animal. $^3$ sc. as must be the case on our initial assumption that in fact all $B$ is $A$. $^4$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ B \\ \end{array} \] \[ \begin{array}{c} C \\ C \\ \end{array} \] All animal is living, No man is living; $B$ $A$ $\therefore$ No man is animal. but the major is false.$^1$ The case is similar if the major is made the negative premiss. For in fact what is an attribute of no $A$ will not be an attribute of any $B$ either; and if it be yet assumed that $C$ is universally non-attributable to $A$, but a universal attribute of $B$, the premiss $C-A$ is true but the minor wholly false.$^2$ Again, in fact it is false to assume that that which is an attribute of all $B$ is an attribute of no $A$, for if it be an attribute of all $B$, it must be an attribute of some $A$. If then $C$ is nevertheless assumed to be an attribute of all $B$ but of no $A$, $C-B$ will be true but $C-A$ false.$^3$ It is thus clear that in the case of atomic propositions erroneous inference will be possible not only when both premises are false but also when only one is false. (2) In the case of attributes not atomically connected with or disconnected from their subjects, $(a)$ (i) as long as the false conclusion is inferred through the 'appropriate' middle, only the major and not both premisses can be false. By 'appropriate middle' I mean the middle term through which the contradictory—i.e. the true—conclusion is inferrible.$^4$ Thus, let $A$ be attributable to $B$ through a middle term $C$: then, since to produce a conclusion the premiss $C-B$ must be taken affirmatively, it is clear that this premiss must $^1$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} A & C \\ \text{All animal is stone,} \\ B & C \\ \text{No man is stone;} \\ B & A \\ \therefore \text{No man is animal.} \end{array} \] $^2$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} A & C \\ \text{No animal is stone,} \\ B & C \\ \text{All man is stone;} \\ B & A \\ \therefore \text{No man is animal.} \end{array} \] $^3$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} A & C \\ \text{No animal is living,} \\ B & C \\ \text{All man is living;} \\ B & A \\ \therefore \text{No man is animal.} \end{array} \] $^4$ Cf. note on 71$^b$ 3. This definition is a corollary of the definition there given of 'appropriate'. always be true, for its quality is not changed.$^1$ But the major $A-C$ is false, for it is by a change in the quality of $A-C$ that the conclusion becomes its contradictory—i.e. true.$^2$ Similarly (ii) if the middle is taken from another series of predication; e.g. suppose $D$ to be not only contained within $A$ as a part within its whole but also predicable of all $B$. Then the premiss $D-B$ must remain unchanged, but the quality of $A-D$ must be changed; so that $D-B$ is always true, $A-D$ always false.$^3$ Such error is practically identical with that which is inferred through the ‘appropriate’ middle. On the other hand, $(b)$ if the conclusion is not inferred through the ‘appropriate’ middle—(i) when the middle is subordinate to $A$ but is predicable of no $B$, both premisses must be false, because if there is to be a conclusion both must be posited as asserting the contrary of what is actually the fact, and so posited both become false: e.g. suppose that actually all $D$ is $A$ but no $B$ is $D$; then if these premisses are changed in quality, a conclusion will follow and both of the new premisses will be false.$^4$ When, however, $(ii)$ the middle $D$ is not subordinate to $A$, $A-D$ will be true, $D-B$ false—$A-D$ true because $A$ was not subordinate $^1$ i.e. it does not become negative instead of affirmative in the false syllogism. $^2$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} C \\ B \\ \end{array} \] Nothing rational laughs, \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ C \\ \end{array} \] All man is rational; \[ \begin{array}{c} B \\ A \\ \end{array} \] ∴ No man laughs. Change the quality of the minor and there is no inference; change the quality of the major and the contradictory and true conclusion follows. $^3$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} D \\ B \\ \end{array} \] Nothing that walks upright laughs, \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ D \\ \end{array} \] All men walk upright; \[ \begin{array}{c} B \\ A \\ \end{array} \] ∴ No man laughs. Change the quality of the minor and there is no inference; change the quality of the major and the contradictory—true—conclusion follows. $^4$ e.g. \[ \begin{array}{c} D \\ B \\ \end{array} \] No brute is living, \[ \begin{array}{c} A \\ D \\ \end{array} \] All men are brutes; \[ \begin{array}{c} B \\ A \\ \end{array} \] ∴ No man is living. to $D$, $D-B$ false because if it had been true, the conclusion too would have been true; but it is ex hypothesi false.\footnote{1}{e.g.} When the erroneous inference is in the second figure, both 5 premises cannot be entirely false; since if $B$ is subordinate to $A$, there can be no middle predicable of all of one extreme and of none of the other, as was stated before.\footnote{2}{Cf. 80\textsuperscript{a} 29.} One premiss, however, may be false, and it may be either of them. Thus, if $C$ is actually an attribute of both $A$ and $B$, but is assumed 10 to be an attribute of $A$ only and not of $B$, $C-A$ will be true, $C-B$ false:\footnote{3}{e.g.} or again if $C$ be assumed to be attributable to $B$ but to no $A$, $C-B$ will be true, $C-A$ false. We have stated when and through what kinds of premisses 15 error will result in cases where the erroneous conclusion is negative. If the conclusion is affirmative, (a) (i) it may be inferred through the ‘appropriate’ middle term. In this case both premisses cannot be false since, as we said before,\footnote{4}{Cf. 80\textsuperscript{b} 17-26.} $C-B$ must remain unchanged if there is to be a conclusion, and consequently $A-C$, the quality of which is changed, will always be false. This is equally true if (ii) the middle 20 is taken from another series of predication, as was stated to be the case also with regard to negative error;\footnote{5}{Cf. 80\textsuperscript{b} 26-32.} for $D-B$ must remain unchanged, while the quality of $A-D$ must be converted, and the type of error is the same as before. (b) The middle may be inappropriate. Then (i) if $D$ is 25 subordinate to $A$, $A-D$ will be true, but $D-B$ false; since $A$ may quite well be predicable of several terms no one of \begin{align} D & \quad A \\ \text{No stone is living,} \\ B & \quad D \\ \text{All man is stone;} \\ B & \quad A \\ \therefore \text{No man is living.} \end{align} which can be subordinated to another.\textsuperscript{1} If, however, (ii) $D$ is not subordinate to $A$, obviously $A-D$, since it is affirmed, will always be false, while $D-B$\textsuperscript{2} may be either true or false; for $A$ may very well be an attribute of no $D$, whereas all $B$ is $D$, e.g. no science is animal, all music is science. Equally well $A$ may be an attribute of no $D$, and $D$ of no $B$. It emerges, then, that if the middle term is not subordinate to the major, not only both premisses but either singly may be false. Thus we have made it clear how many varieties of erroneous inference are liable to happen and through what kinds of premisses they occur, in the case both of immediate and of demonstrable truths. It is also clear that the loss of any one of the senses entails the loss of a corresponding portion of knowledge, and that, since we learn either by induction or by demonstration, this knowledge cannot be acquired. Thus demonstration develops from universals, induction from particulars; but since it is possible to familiarize the pupil with even the so-called mathematical abstractions only through induction—i.e. only because each subject genus possesses, in virtue of a determinate mathematical character, certain properties which can be treated as separate even though they do not exist in isolation\textsuperscript{3}—it is consequently impossible to come to grasp universals except through induction. But induction is impossible for those who have not sense-perception. For it is sense-perception alone which is adequate for grasping the particulars: they cannot be objects of scientific knowledge, because neither can universals give us knowledge of \begin{align} D & \quad A \\ \text{All brutes are quadrupeds,} \\ B & \quad D \\ \text{All men are brutes;} \\ B & \quad A \\ \therefore \text{All men are quadrupeds.} \end{align} \textsuperscript{1} e.g. \textsuperscript{2} Reading $\tau\eta\upsilon\delta\epsilon\Delta\beta$ with MSS. \textsuperscript{3} Cf. 79\textsuperscript{a} 6–10. Tὰ μαθηματικά or τὰ ἐξ ἀφαιρέσεως, as Aristotle calls them, exist only as properties of sensible objects, not \textit{per se} as separate entities, although they can be isolated by abstraction and thus constitute the subjects of mathematical demonstration. Consequently it is only by ἐπαγωγή from sensible objects that the universal can be elicited and known: \textit{vide} Met. K. 1061\textsuperscript{a} 28. them without induction, nor can we get it through induction without sense-perception.\footnote{1} \textbf{19} Every syllogism is effected by means of three terms. One kind of syllogism serves to prove that $A$ inheres in $C$ by showing that $A$ inheres in $B$ and $B$ in $C$; the other is negative and one of its premisses asserts one term of another, while the other denies one term of another. It is clear, then, that these are the fundamentals and so-called hypotheses of syllogism. Assume them as they have been stated, and proof is bound to follow—proof that $A$ inheres in $C$ through $B$, and again that $A$ inheres in $B$ through some other middle term, and similarly that $B$ inheres in $C$. If our reasoning aims at gaining credence and so is merely dialectical, it is obvious that we have only to see that our inference is based on premisses as credible as possible: so that if a middle term between $A$ and $B$ is credible though not real, one can reason through it and complete a dialectical syllogism. If, however, one is aiming at truth, one must be guided by the real connexions of subjects and attributes. Thus:\footnote{2} since there are attributes which are predicated of a subject essentially or naturally\footnote{3} and not coincidentally\footnote{4}—not, that is, in the sense in which we say ‘That white (thing) is a man’, which is not the same mode of predication as when we say ‘The man is white’: the man is white not because he is something else but because he is man, but the white is man because ‘being white’ coincides with ‘humanity’ within one substratum—therefore there are terms such as are naturally subjects of predicates. Suppose, then, $C$ such a term not itself attributable to anything else as to a subject, but the proximate\footnote{5} subject of the attribute $B$—i.e. so that $B-C$ is immediate; suppose further $E$ related immediately to $F$, and $F$ to $B$. The first question is, must this series terminate, \footnote{1} \textit{vide} ii, ch. 19 and notes thereon. \footnote{2} Placing a colon after \textit{oὐτως}. \footnote{3} i.e. predication in which the predicate is essentially adjectival; cf. ch. 4, 73\textsuperscript{b} 5-10. Such predication is called by the Latin commentators ‘predicatio naturalis’, and is further discussed in ch. 22. \footnote{4} Cf. note on 73\textsuperscript{b} 4. \footnote{5} In ch. 21, 82\textsuperscript{a} 39 ff. Aristotle from the alternative point of view defines such a subject as \textit{ὑστατοῦ}. or can it proceed to infinity? The second question is as follows: Suppose nothing is essentially predicated of $A$, but $A$ is predicated primarily of $H$ and of no intermediate prior term, and suppose $H$ similarly related to $G$ and $G$ to $B$; then must this series also terminate, or can it too proceed to infinity? There is this much difference between the questions: the first is, is it possible to start from that which is not itself attributable to anything else but is the subject of attributes, and ascend to infinity? The second is the problem whether one can start from that which is a predicate but not itself a subject of predicates, and descend to infinity? A third question is, if the extreme terms are fixed, can there be an infinity of middles? I mean this: suppose for example that $A$ inheres in $C$ and $B$ is intermediate between them, but between $B$ and $A$ there are other middles, and between these again fresh middles; can these proceed to infinity or can they not? This is the equivalent of inquiring, do demonstrations proceed to infinity, i.e. is everything demonstrable? Or do ultimate subject and primary attribute limit one another? I hold that the same questions arise with regard to negative conclusions and premisses: viz. if $A$ is attributable to no $B$, then either this predication will be primary, or there will be an intermediate term prior to $B$ to which $A$ is not attributable—$G$, let us say, which is attributable to all $B$—and there may still be another term $H$ prior to $G$, which is attributable to all $G$. The same questions arise, I say, because in these cases too either the series of prior terms to which $A$ is not attributable$^1$ is infinite or it terminates. One cannot ask the same questions in the case of reciprocating terms, since when subject and predicate are convertible$^2$ there is neither primary nor ultimate subject, seeing that all the reciprocals \textit{qua} subjects stand in the same relation to one another, whether we say that the subject has an infinity of attributes or that both subjects and attributes—and we raised the question in both cases—are infinite in $^1$ Reading \textit{oùX ὑπάρχει} with D: or else \textit{ὑπάρχειν} is used generally to include negation. $^2$ Reading \textit{ἀντικατηγορουμένοις} with D. So Waitz. number. These questions then cannot be asked—unless, indeed, the terms can reciprocate by two different modes, by accidental predication in one relation and natural predication in the other.$^1$ Now,$^2$ it is clear that if the predications terminate in both the upward and the downward direction (by ‘upward’ I mean the ascent to the more universal, by ‘downward’ the descent to the more particular), the middle terms cannot be infinite in number. For suppose that $A$ is predicated of $F$, and that the intermediates—call them $BB'B''$. . . —are infinite, then clearly you might descend from $A$ and find one term predicated of another \textit{ad infinitum}, since you have an infinity of terms between you and $F$; and equally, if you ascend from $F$, there are infinite terms between you and $A$. It follows that if these processes are impossible there cannot be an infinity of intermediates between $A$ and $F$. Nor is it of any effect to urge that some terms of the series $AB...F$$^3$ are contiguous$^4$ so as to exclude intermediates, while others cannot be taken into the argument at all:$^5$ whichever terms of the series $B...$ I take, the number of intermediates in the direction either of $A$ or of $F$ must be finite or infinite: where the infinite series starts, whether from the first term or from a later one, is of no moment, for the succeeding terms in any case are infinite in number. Further,$^6$ if in affirmative demonstration the series terminates in both directions, clearly it will terminate too $^1$ The possibility of ‘unnatural’ predication is ruled out in ch. 22. $^2$ Ch. 20 consists of a hypothetical argument to the effect that if the first and second questions asked in ch. 19 are answered in the negative, then the answer to the third question must also be in the negative. $^3$ I read ABZ with Waitz. Codd. ABC read ABI', not, as Bekker indicates, AB; cod. M, AB. $^4$ Cf. note on 95$^b$4. $^5$ The objector apparently argues that even if \textit{in fact} the number of terms between $A$ and $F$ is infinite, yet \textit{in thought} we can reach from $A$ to $F$ since some of the intermediate terms will be contiguous and the rest—the possibly infinite series of middles separating two terms—may elude our apprehension altogether, so that for our thought these two terms constitute an immediate proposition. $^6$ The hypothetical argument of the last chapter is now extended to cover negation. in negative demonstration. Let us assume that we cannot proceed to infinity either by ascending from the ultimate term (by 'ultimate term' I mean a term such as $F$ was, not itself attributable to a subject but itself the subject of attributes), or by descending towards an ultimate from the primary term (by 'primary term' I mean a term predicable of a subject but not itself a subject$^1$). If this assumption is justified, the series will also terminate in the case of negation. For a negative conclusion can be proved in all three figures. In the first figure it is proved thus: no $B$ is $A$, all $C$ is $B$. In packing the interval $B-C$ we must reach immediate propositions—as is always the case with the minor premiss$^2$—since $B-C$ is affirmative. As regards the other premiss it is plain that if the major term is denied of a term $D$ prior to $B$, $D$ will have to be predicable of all $B$, and if the major is denied of yet another term prior to $D$, this term must be predicable of all $D$. Consequently, since the ascending series is finite, the descent will also terminate and there will be a subject of which $A$ is primarily non-predicable.$^3$ In the second figure the syllogism is, all $A$ is $B$, no $C$ is $B$, $\therefore$ no $C$ is $A$. If proof of this$^4$ is required, plainly it may be shown either in the first figure as above, in the second as here, or in the third. The first figure has been discussed, and we will proceed to display the second, proof by which will be as follows: all $B$ is $D$, no $C$ is $D \ldots$, since it is required that $B$ should be a subject of which a predicate is affirmed. Next, since $D$ is to be proved not to belong to $C$, then $D$ has a further predicate which is denied of $C$. Therefore, since the succession of predicates affirmed of an --- $^1$ sc. a predicate above which is no wider universal. $^2$ Because Celarent is the only mood of the first figure in which negative $\alpha\nu\delta\epsilon\xi\epsilon\varsigma$ is possible. $^3$ Interchanging $\kappa\iota\tau\omega$ and $\alpha\nu\omega$ in 82$^b$ 11 and 12 with Waitz. If we keep the text, $\hat{\eta} \epsilon\tau\iota \tau\circ \kappa\iota\tau\omega \delta\delta\varsigma$ must mean the series of subjects descending from the primary, i.e. most universal predicate of $C$, through $B$, to $C$; and in that case Aristotle's argument is: 'The minor premiss, $B-C$, being affirmative, the number of $B$'s—and $\therefore$ of $C$'s—predicates is finite; but it is this series which must contain the subject of which $A$ is primarily denied: therefore looking at the series from the opposite point of view as ascending towards the term of which $A$ is primarily denied ($\hat{\eta} \alpha\nu\omega \delta\delta\varsigma$), it is equally finite.' So Zabarella; but this interpretation is artificial, and 82$^b$ 21 below confirms Waitz's reading. $^4$ sc. 'that no $C$ is $B$'. ever higher universal terminates,$^1$ the succession of predicates denied terminates too.$^2$ The third figure shows it as follows: all $B$ is $A$, some $B$ is not $C$, $\therefore$ some $A$ is not $C$. This premiss, i.e. $C-B$, will be proved either in the same figure or in one of the two figures discussed above. In the first and second figures the series terminates. If we use the third figure, we shall take as premisses, all $E$ is $B$, some $E$ is not $C$, and this premiss again will be proved by a similar prosyllogism. But since it is assumed that the series of descending subjects also terminates, plainly the series of more universal non-predicables will terminate also. Even supposing that the proof is not confined to one method, but employs them all and is now in the first figure, now in the second or third—even so the regress will terminate, for the methods are finite in number, and if finite things are combined in a finite number of ways, the result must be finite. Thus it is plain that the regress of middles terminates in the case of negative demonstration, if it does so also in the case of affirmative demonstration. That in fact the regress terminates in both these cases may be made clear by the following dialectical considerations. In the case of predicates constituting the essential nature of a thing, it clearly terminates, seeing that if definition is possible, or in other words, if essential form is knowable, $^1$ i.e. each of the successive prosyllogisms required to prove the negative minors contains an affirmative major in which the middle is affirmed of a subject successively 'higher' or more universal than the subject of the first syllogism. Thus: Syllogism: All $B$ is $D$ No $C$ is $D$ $\therefore$ No $C$ is $B$ Prosylllogisms: All $D$ is $E$ No $C$ is $D$ $\therefore$ No $C$ is $B$ All $E$ is $F$ No $C$ is $E$ $\therefore$ No $C$ is $D$ $\therefore$ No $C$ is $E$ $B, D, E, &c.$, are successively more universal subjects; and the series of affirmative majors containing them must ex hypothesi terminate. $^2$ Since the series of affirmative majors terminates and since an affirmative major is required for each prosyllogism, we shall eventually reach a minor incapable of proof and therefore immediate. $^3$ This chapter attempts to answer the first and second questions raised in ch. 19. So obscure is it that it has seemed best to add a series of foot-notes constituting an analysis of the argument. This has been expanded where it has appeared possible to supplement the text of the translation, and contracted where the contrary was the case. Direct comment has been included only in parentheses contained in square brackets. and an infinite series cannot be traversed, predicates constituting a thing’s essential nature must be finite in number.$^1$ But as regards predicates generally we have the following prefatory remarks to make. (1) We can affirm without falsehood ‘the white (thing) is walking’, and ‘that big (thing) is a log’; or again, ‘the log is big’, and ‘the man walks’. But the affirmation differs in the two cases. When I affirm ‘the white is a log’, I mean that something which happens to be white is a log—not that white is the substratum in which log inheres, for it was not \textit{qua} white or \textit{qua} a species of white that the white (thing) came to be a log, and the white (thing) is consequently not a log except incidentally. On the other hand, when I affirm ‘the log is white’, I do not mean that something else, which happens also to be a log, is white (as I should if I said ‘the musician is white’, which would mean ‘the man who happens also to be a musician is white’); on the contrary, log is here the substratum—the substratum which actually came to be white, and did so \textit{qua} wood or \textit{qua} a species of wood and \textit{qua} nothing else. If we must lay down a rule, let us entitle the latter kind of statement predication, and the former not predication at all, or not strict but accidental predication. ‘White’ and ‘log’ will thus serve as types respectively of predicate and subject. We shall assume, then, that the predicate is invariably predicated strictly and not accidentally of the subject, for on such predication demonstrations depend for their force. It follows from this that when a single attribute is predicated of a single subject, the predicate must affirm of the subject either some element constituting its essential nature, or that it is in some way qualified, quantified, essentially related, active, passive, placed, or dated.$^2$ $^1$ If the attributes in a series of predication such as we are discussing are substantial, they must be finite in number, because they are then the elements constituting the definition of a substance. $^2$ The first of three statements preliminary to a proof that predicates which are accidental—other than substantial—cannot be unlimited in number: Accidental is to be distinguished from essential or natural predication [cf. i, ch. 4, 73$^b$ 5 ff. and \textit{An. Pr.} i, ch. 25, 43$^a$ 25–6]. The former is alien to demonstration: hence, provided that a single attribute is (2) Predicates which signify substance signify that the subject is identical with the predicate or with a species of the predicate. Predicates not signifying substance which are predicated of a subject not identical with themselves or with a species of themselves are accidental or coincidental; e.g. white is a "coincident of man, seeing that man is not identical with white or a species of white, but rather with animal, since man is identical with a species of animal. These predicates which do not signify substance must be predicates of some other subject, and nothing can be white which is not also other than white. The Forms we can dispense with, for they are mere sound without sense; and even if there are such things, they are not relevant to our discussion, since demonstrations are concerned with predicates such as we have defined.$^1$ (3) If $A$ is a quality of $B$, $B$ cannot be a quality of $A$—a quality of a quality. Therefore $A$ and $B$ cannot be predicated reciprocally of one another in strict predication: they can be affirmed without falsehood of one another, but not genuinely predicated of each other.$^2$ For one alternative is that they should be substantially predicated of one another, i.e. $B$ would become the genus or differentia of $A$—the predicate now become subject. But it has been shown that in these substantial predications neither the ascending predicates nor the descending subjects form an infinite series; e.g. neither the series, man is biped, biped is animal, &c., nor the series predicating animal of man, man of Callias, Callias of a further subject as an element of its predicated of a single subject, all genuine predicates fall either under the category of substance or under one of the adjectival categories. $^1$ Second preliminary statement: The precise distinction of substantive from adjectival predication makes clear (implicitly) the two distinctions, $(a)$ that between natural and accidental predication, $(b)$ that between substantival and adjectival predication, which falls within natural predication. [For 'coincidental', 'coincident', see note on 73$^{b}$ 4.] This enables us to reject the Platonic Forms. \[^{[In}^{a} 30 \text{ read } \xi\phi\omega\nu \tau_i, \text{ and for } \tau\epsilon\pi\epsilon\iota\alpha\mu\alpha\tau_a \text{ in } ^{a} 33 \text{ cf. Probl. 918}^{a} 29.\] $^2$ Third preliminary statement merging into the beginning of the proof proper: Reciprocal predication cannot produce an indefinite regress because it is not natural predication. \[\pi\iota\omega\tau\eta\sigma \text{ in } 83^{a} 37 \text{ seems to be equivalent to 'character' and to cover all the categories, cf. Met. } \Delta. 1020^{a} 33^{b} 2. \sigma\tau\omega\sigma \text{ in } ^{a} 38 \text{ is most naturally taken as meaning 'in strict or natural predication', but may mean 'so as to produce an indefinite regress'. The latter is, however, an implicit consequence of the predication being unnatural.}\] essential nature, is infinite. For all such substance is definable, and an infinite series cannot be traversed in thought: consequently neither the ascent nor the descent is infinite, since a substance whose predicates were infinite would not be definable. Hence they will not be predicated each as the genus of the other; for this would equate a genus with one of its own species. Nor (the other alternative) can a quale be reciprocally predicated of a quale, nor any term belonging to an adjectival category of another such term, except by accidental predication; for all such predicates are coincidents and are predicated of substances.$^1$ On the other hand—in proof of the impossibility of an infinite ascending series—every predication displays the subject as somehow qualified or quantified or as characterized under one of the other adjectival categories, or else is an element in its substantial nature: these latter are limited in number, and the number of the widest kinds under which predications fall is also limited, for every predication must exhibit its subject as somehow qualified, quantified, essentially related, acting or suffering, or in some place or at some time.$^2$ I assume first that predication implies a single subject and a single attribute, and secondly that predicates which are not substantial are not predicated of one another. We assume this because such predicates are all coincidents, and $^1$ Expansion of third preliminary statement: Reciprocals $A$ and $B$ might be predicated of one another $(a)$ substantially; but it has been proved already that because a definition cannot contain an infinity of elements substantial predication cannot generate infinity; and it would disturb the relation of genus and species: $(b)$ as qualia or quanta &c.; but this would be unnatural predication, because all such predicates are adjectival, i.e. accidents, or coincidents, of substances. \[^{[}\text{o}\delta\epsilon\mu\eta\nu\text{ in 83}\text{b 10, though an anacoluthon, answers}\text{$\eta\ldots\tau\omega$}\text{in a 39.}\] \[^{[}\pi\alpha\tau\alpha\gamma\alpha\ldots\kappa\alpha\gamma\eta\omega\rho\epsilon\tau\alpha\text{in b 11 and 12 seems to be Aristotle's proof that the descending series in the predication of accidents terminates; s.c. because it ends in an individual substance.}\] $^2$ The ascent of predicates is also finite; because all predicates fall under one or other of the categories, and $(a)$ the series of predicates under each category terminates when the category is reached, and $(b)$ the number of the categories is limited. $(a)$ seems to mean that an attribute as well as a substance is definable by genus and differentia, and the elements in its definition must terminate in an upward direction at the category, and can therefore no more form an infinite series than can the elements constituting the definition of a substance.] though some are essential coincidents, others of a different type, yet we maintain that all of them alike are predicated of some substratum and that a coincident is never a substratum—since we do not class as a coincident anything which does not owe its designation to its being something other than itself, but always hold that any coincident is predicated of some substratum other than itself, and that another group of coincidents may have a different substratum. Subject to these assumptions then, neither the ascending nor the descending series of predication in which a single attribute is predicated of a single subject is infinite.$^1$ For the subjects of which coincidents are predicated are as many as the constitutive elements of each individual substance, and these we have seen are not infinite in number, while in the ascending series are contained those constitutive elements with their coincidents—both of which are finite.$^2$ We conclude that there is a given subject $\langle D \rangle$ of which some attribute $\langle C \rangle$ is primarily predicable; that there must be an attribute $\langle B \rangle$ primarily predicable of the first attribute, and that the series must end with a term $\langle A \rangle$ not predicable of any term prior to the last subject of which it was predicated $\langle B \rangle$, and of which no term prior to it is predicable.$^3$ $^1$ To reinforce this brief proof that descent and ascent are both finite we may repeat the premisses on which it depends. These are (1) the assumption that predication means the predication of one attribute of one subject, and (2) our proof that accidents cannot be reciprocally predicated of one another, because that would be unnatural predication. It follows from these premisses that both ascent and descent are finite. [Actually (2) only reinforces the proof that the descent terminates.] $^2$ To repeat again the proof that both ascent and descent are finite: The subjects cannot be more in number than the constituents of a definable form, and these, we know, are not infinite in number; hence the descent is finite. The series regarded as an ascent contains subjects and ever more universal accidents, and neither subjects nor accidents are infinite in number. $^3$ Formal restatement of the last conclusion. [This is obscure: apparently Aristotle here contemplates a hybrid series: category, accident, further specified accident . . . substantial genus, subgenus . . . infima species, individual substance. If this interpretation of the first portion of the chapter is at all correct, Aristotle's first proof that the first two questions of ch. 19 must be answered in the negative is roughly as follows: The ultimate subject of all judgement is an individual substance, a concrete singular. Of such concrete singulars you can predicate substantially only the elements The argument we have given is one of the so-called proofs; an alternative proof follows. Predicates so related to their subjects that there are other predicates prior to them predicable of those subjects are demonstrable; but of demonstrable propositions one cannot have something better than knowledge, nor can one know them without demonstration. Secondly, if a consequent is only known through an antecedent (viz. premises prior to it) and we neither know this antecedent nor have something better than knowledge of it, then we shall not have scientific knowledge of the consequent. Therefore, if it is possible through demonstration to know anything without qualification and not merely as dependent on the acceptance of certain premisses—i.e. hypothetically—the series of intermediate predications must terminate. If it does not terminate, and beyond any predicate taken as higher than another there remains another still higher, then every predicate is demonstrable. Consequently, since these demonstrable predicates are infinite in number and therefore cannot be traversed, we shall not know them by demonstration. If, therefore, we have not something better than knowledge of them, we cannot through demonstration have unqualified but only hypothetical science of anything. constituting their infima species. These are limited in number because they form an intelligible synthesis. So far, then, as substantial predicates are concerned, the questions are answered. But these elements are also the subjects of which accidents, or coincidents, are predicated, and therefore as regards accidental predicates, at any rate, the descending series of subjects terminates. The ascending series of attributes also terminates, (1) because each higher attribute in the series can only be a higher genus of the accident predicated of the ultimate subject of its genus, and therefore an element in the accident's definition; (2) because the number of the categories is limited. We may note that the first argument seems to envisage a series which, viewed as an ascent, starts with a concrete individual of which the elements of its definition are predicated successively, specific differentia being followed by proximate genus, which latter is the starting-point of a succession of ever more universal attributes terminating in a category; and that the second argument extends the scope of the dispute to the sum total of all the trains of accidental predication which one concrete singular substance can beget. It is, as so often in Aristotle, difficult to be sure whether he is regarding the infima species or the concrete singular—the πρώτη οὐσία of the Categories—as the ultimate subject of judgement. I have assumed that he means the latter.] 1 The former proof was dialectical. So is that which follows in this paragraph. If a predicate inheres in a subject but is subAs dialectical proofs of our contention these may carry conviction, but an analytic process will show more briefly that neither the ascent nor the descent of predication can be infinite in the demonstrative sciences which are the object of our investigation. Demonstration proves the inherence of essential attributes in things. Now attributes may be essential for two reasons: either because they are elements in the essential nature of their subjects, or because their subjects are elements in their essential nature. An example of the latter is odd as an attribute of number—though it is number's attribute, yet number itself is an element in the definition of odd; of the former, multiplicity or the indivisible, which are elements in the definition of number. In neither kind of attribution can the terms be infinite. They are not infinite where each is related to the term below it as odd is to number, for this would mean the inherence in odd of another attribute of odd in whose nature odd was an essential element: but then number will be an ultimate subject of the whole infinite chain of attributes, and be an element in the definition of each of them. Hence, since an infinity of attributes such as contain their subject in their definition cannot inhere in a single thing, the ascending series is equally finite. Note, more-ordinate to a higher predicate also predicable of that subject [i.e. not to a wider predicate but to a middle term giving logically prior premisses and in that sense higher], then the inherence can be known by demonstration and only by demonstration. But that means that it is known as the consequent of an antecedent. Therefore, if demonstration gives genuine knowledge, the series must terminate; i.e. every predicate is demonstrable and known only as a consequent and therefore hypothetically, unless an antecedent known per se is reached. 1 Analytic proof [i.e. a proof from the appropriate ἀρχαὶ of the subject which Aristotle is here treating, namely τὰ ἀνάλυτικά: cf. the frequent corresponding use of φυσικῶς. Note, however, that τὰ ἀνάλυτικά have no proper place in Aristotle's classification of the sciences: there is no special γένος of reality forming their subject-matter]. Demonstration proves the inherence in subjects of attributes essential either (1) because they are elements in their subject's definition, e.g. multiplicity or the indivisible [reading in 84a 16 ὁδαιρέτων with the first hand of D. Number = πλῆθος ὁδαιρέτων, cf. Met. 1085b 22]; or (2) because their subjects are elements in their definition, as e.g. odd [περιττόν in a 14 is really an abbreviation for περιττὸν καὶ ἄρτιον, cf. i. ch. 4, 73a 39] in relation to number. Attribution of neither type of attribute can beget an infinite series. 2 As regards type (2) [the opening of the chapter has disposed of type (1)]: in any series of such predicates any given term will contain over, that all such attributes must so inhere in the ultimate subject—e.g. its attributes in number and number in them—as to be commensurate with the subject and not of wider extent. Attributes which are essential elements in the nature of their subjects are equally finite: otherwise definition would be impossible. Hence, if all the attributes predicated are essential and these cannot be infinite, the ascending series will terminate, and consequently the descending series too. If this is so, it follows that the intermediates between any two terms are also always limited in number. An immediately obvious consequence of this is that demonstrations necessarily involve basic truths, and that the contention of some—referred to at the outset—that all truths are demonstrable is mistaken. For if there are basic truths, (a) not all truths are demonstrable, and (b) an infinite regress is impossible; since if either (a) or (b) were not a fact, it would mean that no interval was immediate and indivisible, but that all intervals were divisible. This is true because a conclusion is demonstrated by the interposition, not the apposition, of a fresh term. If such interposition could continue to infinity there might be an infinite number of terms between any two terms; but this is impossible if both the ascending and descending series of predication terminate; and of this fact, which before was shown dialectically, analytic proof has now been given. in its definition all the lower terms, and the series will therefore terminate at the bottom in the ultimate subject. But since every term down to and including the ultimate subject is contained in the definition of any given term, if the series ascend infinitely there must be a term containing an infinity of terms in its definition. But this is impossible, and therefore the ascent terminates. 1 Note too that either type of essential attribute must be commensurate with its subject, because the first defines, the second is defined by, its subject; and consequently no subject can possess an infinite number of essential predicates of either type, or definition would be impossible. Hence if the attributes predicated are all essential, the series terminates in both directions. [This passage merely displays the ground underlying the previous argument that the ascent of attributes of type (2) is finite, and notes in passing its more obvious and already stated application to attributes of type (1).] 2 It follows that the intermediates between a given subject and a given attribute must also be limited in number. 3 Corollary: (a) demonstrations necessarily involve basic truths, It is an evident corollary of these conclusions that if the same attribute $A$ inheres in two terms $C$ and $D$ predicabie either not at all, or not of all instances, of one another, it does not always belong to them in virtue of a common middle term. Isosceles and scalene possess the attribute of having their angles equal to two right angles in virtue of a common middle; for they possess it in so far as they are both a certain kind of figure, and not in so far as they differ from one another. But this is not always the case; for, were it so, if we take $B$ as the common middle in virtue of which $A$ inheres in $C$ and $D$, clearly $B$ would inhere in $C$ and $D$ through a second common middle, and this in turn would inhere in $C$ and $D$ through a third, so that between two terms an infinity of intermediates would fall—an impossibility. Thus it need not always be in virtue of a common middle term that a single attribute inheres in several subjects, since there must be immediate intervals. Yet if the attribute to be proved common to two subjects is to be one of their essential attributes, the middle terms involved must be within one subject genus and be derived from the same group of immediate premisses; for we have seen that processes of proof cannot pass from one genus to another.\footnote{i, ch. 7.} It is also clear that when $A$ inheres in $B$, this can be demonstrated if there is a middle term. Further, the ‘elements’ of such a conclusion are the premisses contain- and therefore $(b)$ not all truths, as we saw [84\textsuperscript{a}32] that some maintain, are demonstrable [cf. 72\textsuperscript{b}6]. If either $(a)$ or $(b)$ were not a fact, since conclusions are demonstrated by the interposition of a middle and not by the apposition of an extreme term [cf. note on 78\textsuperscript{a}15], no premiss would be an immediate indivisible interval. This closes the analytic argument. [Thus the nerve of the dialectical and analytic arguments is the same: they differ only in that the former covers all syllogism. The basis of Aristotle’s contention is that predication is always a synthesis of determinate elements, a concrete whole which is essentially not $\alpha\pi\epsilon\rho\nu$. Unfortunately for Aristotle’s point this contention, however sound, involves the reciprocal interdependence of the elements of such a synthesis and, ultimately, of all the terms of a series of predication. It may prove that the series of predication cannot contain an infinity of terms, but it does not prove that it is terminated by self-evident $\delta\rho\xi\alpha i$, true within their own four corners. It is questionable how far Aristotle’s logical system can survive this chapter.] ing the middle in question, and they are identical in number with the middle terms, seeing that the immediate propositions—or at least such immediate propositions as are universal—are the ‘elements’. If, on the other hand, there is no middle term, demonstration ceases to be possible: we are on the way to the basic truths. Similarly if $A$ does not inhere in $B$, this can be demonstrated if there is a middle term or a term prior to $B$ in which $A$ does not inhere: otherwise there is no demonstration and a basic truth is reached.\footnote{Placing a full stop after $\dot{\alpha}\rho\chi\eta$ in b 26.} There are, moreover, as many ‘elements’ of the demonstrated conclusion as there are middle terms, since it is propositions containing these middle terms that are the basic premisses on which the demonstration rests; and as there are some indemonstrable basic truths asserting that ‘this is that’ or that ‘this inheres in that’, so there are others denying that ‘this is that’ or that ‘this inheres in that’—in fact some basic truths will affirm and some will deny being. When we are to prove a conclusion, we must take a primary essential predicate—suppose it $C$—of the subject $B$, and then suppose $A$ similarly predicable of $C$. If we proceed in this manner, no proposition or attribute which falls beyond $A$ is admitted in the proof: the interval is constantly condensed until subject and predicate become indivisible, i.e. one. We have our unit when the premiss becomes immediate,\footnote{Placing a comma after $\gamma\acute{e}\nu\tau\alpha\iota\iota$ in b 36.} since the immediate premiss alone is a single premiss in the unqualified sense of ‘single’. And as in other spheres the basic element is simple but not identical in all—in a system of weight it is the mina, in music the quarter-tone, and so on—so in syllogism the unit is an immediate premiss, and in the knowledge that demonstration gives it is an intuition.\footnote{‘$\nu\omega\varsigma$ grasps immediately an indivisible reality—e.g. the $\tau\acute{i}\dot{\eta}\nu\epsilon\iota\omega\iota$ of a substance the elements of which are not predicated of one another Cf. 77\textsuperscript{a} 4, 88\textsuperscript{b} 35–7, and notes thereon.’} In syllogisms, then, which prove the inherence of an attribute, nothing falls outside the major term. In the case of negative syllogisms on the other hand, (1) in the first figure nothing falls outside the major term whose inherence is in question; e.g. to prove through a middle $C$ that $A$ does not inhere in $B$ the premises required are, all $B$ is $C$, no $C$ is $A$. Then if it has to be proved that no $C$ is $A$, a middle must be found between $A$ and $C$; and this procedure will never vary. (2) If we have to show that $E$ is not $D$ by means of the premises, all $D$ is $C$; no $E$, or not all $E$, is $C$; then the middle will never fall beyond $E$, and $E$ is the subject of which $D$ is to be denied in the conclusion. (3) In the third figure the middle will never fall beyond the limits of the subject and the attribute denied of it. Since demonstrations may be either commensurately universal or particular, and either affirmative or negative; the question arises, which form is the better? And the same question may be put in regard to so-called 'direct' demonstration and reductio ad impossibile. Let us first examine the commensurately universal and the particular forms, and when we have cleared up this problem proceed to discuss 'direct' demonstration and reductio ad impossibile. The following considerations might lead some minds to prefer particular demonstration. (1) The superior demonstration is the demonstration which gives us greater knowledge (for this is the ideal of demonstration), and we have greater knowledge of a particular individual when we know it in itself than when we know it through something else; e.g. we know Coriscus the musician better when we know that Coriscus is musical than when we know only that man is musical, and a like argument holds in all other cases. But commensurately universal demonstration, instead of proving that the subject itself actually is $x$, proves only that something else is $x$—e.g. in attempting to prove that isosceles is $x$, it proves not that isosceles but only that triangle is $x$—whereas particular demonstration proves that the subject itself is $x$. The demonstration, then, that a subject, as such, possesses an attribute is superior. If this is so, and if the particular --- 1 Second figure, Camestres or Baroco. 2 The distinction is that of whole and part, genus and species; not that of universal and singular. rather than the commensurately universal form so demonstrates, particular demonstration is superior. (2) The universal has not a separate being over against groups of singulars. Demonstration nevertheless creates the opinion that its function is conditioned by something like this—some separate entity belonging to the real world; that, for instance, of triangle or of figure or number, over against particular triangles, figures, and numbers. But demonstration which touches the real and will not mislead is superior to that which moves among unrealities and is delusory. Now commensurately universal demonstration is of the latter kind: if we engage in it we find ourselves reasoning after a fashion well illustrated by the argument that the proportionate is what answers to the definition of some entity which is neither line, number, solid, nor plane, but a proportionate apart from all these. Since, then, such a proof is characteristically commensurate and universal, and less touches reality than does particular demonstration, and creates a false opinion, it will follow that commensurate and universal is inferior to particular demonstration. We may retort thus. (1) The first argument applies no more to commensurate and universal than to particular demonstration. If equality to two right angles is attributable to its subject not qua isosceles but qua triangle, he who knows that isosceles possesses that attribute knows the subject as qua itself possessing the attribute, to a less degree than he who knows that triangle has that attribute. To sum up the whole matter: if a subject is proved to possess qua triangle an attribute which it does not in fact possess qua triangle, that is not demonstration: but if it does possess it qua triangle, the rule applies that the greater knowledge is his who knows the subject as possessing its attribute qua that in virtue of which it actually does possess it. Since, then, triangle is the wider term, and there is one identical definition of triangle—i.e. the term is not equivocal—and since equality to two right angles belongs to all triangles, it is isosceles qua triangle and not triangle qua isosceles which has its angles so related. It follows that he who knows a connexion universally has greater knowledge of it as it in fact is than he who knows the particular; and the inference is that commensurate and universal is superior to particular demonstration. (2) If there is a single identical definition—i.e. if the commensurate universal is unequivocal—then the universal will possess being not less but more than some of the particulars, inasmuch as it is universals which comprise the imperishable, particulars that tend to perish. (3) Because the universal has a single meaning, we are not therefore compelled to suppose that in these examples it has being as a substance apart from its particulars—any more than we need make a similar supposition in the other cases of unequivocal universal predication, viz. where the predicate signifies not substance but quality, essential relatedness, or action. If such a supposition is entertained, the blame rests not with the demonstration but with the hearer. (4) Demonstration is syllogism that proves the cause, i.e. the reasoned fact, and it is rather the commensurate universal than the particular which is causative (as may be shown thus: that which possesses an attribute through its own essential nature is itself the cause of the inherence, and the commensurate universal is primary; hence the commensurate universal is the cause). Consequently commensurately universal demonstration is superior as more especially proving the cause, that is the reasoned fact. (5) Our search for the reason ceases, and we think that we know, when the coming to be or existence of the fact before us is not due to the coming to be or existence of some other fact, for the last step of a search thus conducted is eo ipso the end and limit of the problem. Thus: 'Why did he come?' 'To get the money—wherewith to pay a debt—that he might thereby do what was right.' When in this regress we can no longer find an efficient or final cause, we regard the last step of it as the end of the coming—or being or coming to be—and we regard ourselves as then only having full knowledge of the reason why he came. If, then, all causes and reasons are alike in this respect, 1 And therefore also essential; cf. i, ch. 4, 73b 26 ff. and if this is the means to full knowledge in the case of final causes such as we have exemplified, it follows that in the case of the other causes also full knowledge is attained when an attribute no longer inheres because of something else. Thus, when we learn that exterior angles are equal to four right angles because they are the exterior angles of an isosceles, there still remains the question 'Why has isosceles this attribute?' and its answer 'Because it is a triangle, and a triangle has it because a triangle is a rectilinear figure.' If rectilinear figure possesses the property for no further reason,$^1$ at this point we have full knowledge—but at this point our knowledge has become commensurately universal, and so we conclude that commensurately universal demonstration is superior. (6) The more demonstration becomes particular the more it sinks into an indeterminate manifold, while universal demonstration tends to the simple and determinate. But objects so far as they are an indeterminate manifold are unintelligible, so far as they are determinate, intelligible: they are therefore intelligible rather in so far as they are universal than in so far as they are particular. From this it follows that universals are more demonstrable: but since relative and correlative increase concomitantly, of the more demonstrable there will be fuller demonstration. Hence the commensurate and universal form, being more truly demonstration, is the superior. (7) Demonstration which teaches two things is preferable to demonstration which teaches only one. He who possesses commensurately universal demonstration knows the particular as well, but he who possesses particular demonstration does not know the universal. So that this is an additional reason for preferring commensurately universal demonstration. And there is yet this further argument: (8) Proof becomes more and more proof of the commensurate universal as its middle term approaches nearer to the basic truth, and nothing is so near as the immediate premiss which is itself the basic truth. If, then, proof from the basic truth is more accurate than proof not so derived, $^1$ i.e. for no reason other than its own nature. demonstration which depends more closely on it is more accurate than demonstration which is less closely dependent. But commensurately universal demonstration is characterized by this closer dependence, and is therefore superior. Thus, if $A$ had to be proved to inhere in $D$, and the middles were $B$ and $C$, $B$ being the higher term would render the demonstration which it mediated the more universal. Some of these arguments, however, are dialectical. The clearest indication of the precedence of commensurately universal demonstration is as follows: if of two propositions, a prior and a posterior, we have a grasp of the prior, we have a kind of knowledge—a potential grasp—of the posterior as well. For example, if one knows that the angles of all triangles are equal to two right angles, one knows in a sense—potentially—that the isosceles' angles also are equal to two right angles, even if one does not know that the isosceles is a triangle; but to grasp this posterior proposition is by no means to know the commensurate universal either potentially or actually. Moreover, commensurately universal demonstration is through and through intelligible; particular demonstration issues in sense-perception. The preceding arguments constitute our defence of the superiority of commensurately universal to particular demonstration. That affirmative demonstration excels negative may be shown as follows. (1) We may assume the superiority ceteris paribus of the demonstration which derives from fewer postulates or hypotheses—in short from fewer premises; for, given that all these are equally well known, where they are fewer knowledge will be more speedily acquired, and that is a desideratum. The argument implied in our contention that demonstration from fewer assumptions is superior may be set out in universal form as follows.$^1$ Assuming that in both cases alike the middle terms are known, and that middles which are prior are better known than such as are posterior, we may suppose two demonstrations of the inherence of $A$ in $E$, the one proving it through the middles $B$, $C$ and $D$, the other $^1$ Reading καθόλου ὅδε with Waitz; D καθόλου ὅδε. then, that through which a truth is proved is a better known and more certain truth, and if the negative proposition is proved through the affirmative and not vice versa, affirmative demonstration, being prior and better known and more certain, will be superior. (3) The basic truth of demonstrative syllogism is the universal immediate premiss, and the universal premiss asserts in affirmative demonstration and in negative denies: and the affirmative proposition is prior to and better known than the negative (since affirmation explains denial and is prior to denial, just as being is prior to not-being). It follows that the basic premiss of affirmative demonstration is superior to that of negative demonstration, and the demonstration which uses superior basic premisses is superior. (4) Affirmative demonstration is more of the nature of a basic form of proof, because it is a sine qua non of negative demonstration. Since affirmative demonstration is superior to negative, it is clearly superior also to reductio ad impossibile. We must first make certain what is the difference between negative demonstration and reductio ad impossibile. Let us suppose that no $B$ is $A$, and that all $C$ is $B$: the conclusion necessarily follows that no $C$ is $A$. If these premisses are assumed, therefore, the negative demonstration that no $C$ is $A$ is direct. Reductio ad impossibile, on the other hand, proceeds as follows. Supposing we are to prove that $A$ does not inhere in $B$, we have to assume that it does inhere, and further that $B$ inheres in $C$, with the resulting inference that $A$ inheres in $C$. This we have to suppose a known and admitted impossibility; and we then infer that $A$ cannot inhere in $B$. Thus if the inherence of $B$ in $C$ is not questioned, $A$'s inherence in $B$ is impossible. The order of the terms is the same in both proofs: they differ according to which of the negative propositions is the better known, the one denying $A$ of $B$ or the one denying $A$ of $C$. When the falsity of the conclusion$^1$ is the better $^1$ i.e. the impossibility of $A-C$, the conclusion of the hypothetical syllogism. known, we use reductio ad impossibile; when the major premiss of the syllogism is the more obvious, we use direct demonstration. All the same the proposition denying $A$ of $B$ is, in the order of being, prior to that denying $A$ of $C$; for premisses are prior to the conclusion which follows from them, and ‘no $C$ is $A$’ is the conclusion, ‘no $B$ is $A$’ one of its premisses. For the destructive result of reductio ad impossibile is not a proper conclusion, nor are its antecedents proper premisses. On the contrary: the constituents of syllogism are premisses related to one another as whole to part or part to whole,$^1$ whereas the premisses $A-C$ and $A-B$ are not thus related to one another. Now the superior demonstration is that which proceeds from better known and prior premisses, and while both these forms depend for credence on the not-being of something, yet the source of the one is prior to that of the other. Therefore negative demonstration will have an unqualified superiority to reductio ad impossibile, and affirmative demonstration, being superior to negative, will consequently be superior also to reductio ad impossibile. The science which is knowledge at once of the fact and of the reasoned fact, not of the fact by itself without the reasoned fact, is the more exact and the prior science. A science such as arithmetic, which is not a science of properties qua inhering in a substratum, is more exact than and prior to a science like harmonics, which is a science of properties inhering in a substratum; and similarly a science like arithmetic, which is constituted of fewer basic elements, is more exact than and prior to geometry, which requires additional elements. What I mean by ‘additional elements’ is this: a unit is substance without position, while a point is substance with position; the latter contains an additional element. $^1$ Deleting commas after $\omega\delta$ and $\varepsilon\sigma\tau\omega$ in $^a22$. In An. Pr. 25$b$32–5 Aristotle defines the first figure as that in which the middle term is contained in the major as in a whole and the minor is contained in the middle as in a whole. Hence major premiss is related to minor as whole to part. The first figure is perfect because it displays the natural organic movement of thought from minor through middle to major. Reductio ad impossibile perverts this natural movement and its ‘premisses’ do not stand in this organic relation. A single science is one whose domain is a single genus, viz. all the subjects constituted out of the primary entities of the genus—i.e. the parts of this total subject—and their essential properties. One science differs from another when their basic truths have neither a common source nor are derived those of the one science$^1$ from those of the other. This is verified when we reach the indemonstrable premisses of a science, for they must be within one genus with its conclusions: and this again is verified if the conclusions proved by means of them fall within one genus—i.e. are homogeneous. One can have several demonstrations of the same connexion not only by taking from the same series of predication middles which are other than the immediately cohering term$^2$—e.g. by taking $C$, $D$, and $F$ severally to prove $A-B$—but also by taking a middle from another series. Thus let $A$ be change, $D$ alteration of a property, $B$ feeling pleasure, and $G$ relaxation. We can then without falsehood predicate $D$ of $B$ and $A$ of $D$, for he who is pleased suffers alteration of a property, and that which alters a property changes. Again, we can predicate $A$ of $G$ without falsehood, and $G$ of $B$; for to feel pleasure is to relax, and to relax is to change. So the conclusion can be drawn through middles which are different, i.e. not in the same series—yet not so that neither of these middles is predicable of the other, for they must both be attributable to some one subject. A further point worth investigating is how many ways of proving the same conclusion can be obtained by varying the figure. There is no knowledge by demonstration of chance conjunctions; for chance conjunctions exist neither by necessity nor as general connexions but comprise what comes to be as something distinct from these. Now demonstration is concerned only with one or other of these two; for all reasoning proceeds from necessary or general premisses, the conclusion being necessary if the premisses $^1$ Reading $\alpha\tau\epsilon\rho\alpha\iota$. $^2$ Cf. note on 95$^b$ 3 and 4. are necessary and general if the premisses are general. Consequently, if chance conjunctions are neither general nor necessary, they are not demonstrable. Scientific knowledge is not possible through the act of perception. Even if perception as a faculty is of 'the such' and not merely of a 'this somewhat',¹ yet one must at any rate actually perceive a 'this somewhat', and at a definite present place and time: but that which is commensurately universal and true in all cases one cannot perceive, since it is not 'this' and it is not 'now'; if it were, it would not be commensurately universal—the term we apply to what is always and everywhere. Seeing, therefore, that demonstrations are commensurately universal and universals imperceptible, we clearly cannot obtain scientific knowledge by the act of perception: nay, it is obvious that even if it were possible to perceive that a triangle has its angles equal to two right angles, we should still be looking for a demonstration—we should not (as some² say) possess knowledge of it; for perception must be of a particular, whereas scientific knowledge involves the recognition of the commensurate universal. So if we were on the moon, and saw the earth shutting out the sun's light, we should not know the cause of the eclipse: we should perceive the present fact of the eclipse, but not the reasoned fact at all, since the act of perception is not of the commensurate universal. I do not, of course, deny that by watching the frequent recurrence of this event we might, after tracking the commensurate universal, possess a demonstration, for the commensurate universal is elicited from the several groups of singulars. The commensurate universal is precious because it makes clear the cause; so that in the case of facts like these which have a cause other than themselves universal knowledge³ is more precious than sense-perceptions and than intuition. (As regards primary truths there is of course a different account to be given.⁴) Hence it is clear that knowledge of ¹ Cf. note on 73b 7. ² Protagoras is perhaps referred to. ³ i.e. demonstration through the commensurate universal. ⁴ Cf. e.g. 100b 12. things demonstrable$^1$ cannot be acquired by perception, unless the term perception is applied to the possession of scientific knowledge through demonstration. Nevertheless certain points do arise with regard to connexions to be proved which are referred for their explanation to a failure in sense-perception: there are cases when an act of vision would terminate our inquiry, not because in seeing we should be knowing, but because we should have elicited the universal from seeing; if, for example, we saw the pores in the glass and the light passing through, the reason of the kindling would be clear to us$^2$ because we should at the same time see it in each instance and intuit that it must be so in all instances. 32 All syllogisms cannot have the same basic truths. This may be shown first of all by the following dialectical considerations. (1) Some syllogisms are true and some false: for though a true inference is possible from false premisses, yet this occurs once only—I mean if $A$, for instance, is truly predicable of $C$, but $B$, the middle, is false, both $A-B$ and $B-C$ being false; nevertheless, it middles are taken to prove these premisses, they will be false because every conclusion which is a falsehood has false premisses, while true conclusions have true premisses, and false and true differ in kind. Then again, (2) falsehoods are not all derived from a single identical set of principles: there are falsehoods which are the contraries of one another and cannot coexist, e.g. ‘justice is injustice’, and ‘justice is cowardice’; ‘man is horse’, and ‘man is ox’; ‘the equal is greater’, and ‘the equal is less.’ From our established principles we may argue the case as follows, confining ourselves therefore to true conclusions. Not even all these are inferred from the same basic truths; many of them in fact have basic truths which differ generically and are not transferable; units, for instance, which are without position, cannot take the place of points, which have position. The transferred terms could only fit $^1$ Reading $\alpha\piοδεικτῶν$ with Waitz; cf. 90$^b$ 10 and note. $^2$ A theory of the concentration of rays through a burning-glass which was not Aristotle’s. in as middle terms or as major or minor terms, or else have some of the other terms between them, others outside them.\textsuperscript{1} Nor can any of the common axioms—such, I mean, as the law of excluded middle—serve as premisses for the proof of all conclusions. For the kinds of being are different, and some attributes attach to \textit{quanta} and some to \textit{qualia} only; and proof is achieved by means of\textsuperscript{2} the common axioms taken in conjunction with these several kinds and their attributes. Again,\textsuperscript{3} it is not true that the basic truths are much fewer than the conclusions, for the basic truths are the premisses, and the premisses are formed by the apposition of a fresh extreme term or the interposition of a fresh middle. Moreover, the number of conclusions is indefinite, though the number of middle terms is finite; and lastly some of the basic truths are necessary, others variable. \textsuperscript{1} i.e. the transference of \textit{ἀρχαί} from one science to another must mean that the terms of which they consist will appear in the second science either always as middles or always as majors or always as minors, or else now as middles between terms native to the second science, now as extreme terms linked by middles native to the second science: therefore the second science would contain a demonstration the terms of which were not within one genus, and therefore not predicable \textit{kaiθ’ aiv’o’} of one another—as Aristotle has shown \textit{passim}, cf. e.g. 75\textsuperscript{b} 10-12. The usually assumed reference to the figures of syllogism seems irrelevant. \textsuperscript{2} N.B. διὰ, not ἐκ: i.e. if demonstration is to be possible, you require premisses containing the genus and its properties, as well as the \textit{κοινὰ ἀξιώματα} as regulative canons. \textsuperscript{3} The argument from ἐπὶ αἱ ἀρχαὶ 88\textsuperscript{b} 3 to ἐνδεχόμεναι in 18 appears to be as follows: ‘(Actually, the conclusions are many; but if the \textit{ἀρχαί} of all demonstration were the same, there would only be a few conclusions.) But it is not true that the \textit{ἀρχαί} are much fewer than the conclusions, for the \textit{ἀρχαί} are the premisses, and the premisses are formed either (1) by the apposition of fresh extreme terms, or (2) by the interpolation of fresh middles (and therefore in (1) you get a fresh \textit{ἀρχή} for every fresh conclusion, the other premiss being a previous conclusion (cf. note on 75\textsuperscript{a} 14); while in (2) the premisses become each in turn a conclusion). Moreover the number of conclusions is indefinite (i.e. once again that of the \textit{ἀρχαί} cannot be small)—though of course (if you are proceeding by \textit{πίκνωσις} of a \textit{διάστημα} requiring mediation) the middle terms (required before you reach immediate premisses) are not indefinite in number. Finally there are variable as well as necessary \textit{ἀρχαί} (and therefore once more the number cannot be small).’ The last sentence is a final argument that the \textit{ἀρχαί} are not few in number, and is admissible because the whole treatment is dialectical, cf. 88\textsuperscript{a} 19. Looking at it in this way we see that, since the number of conclusions is indefinite, the basic truths cannot be identical or limited in number. If, on the other hand, identity is used in another sense, and it is said, e.g., 'these and no other are the fundamental truths of geometry, these the fundamentals of calculation, these again of medicine'; would the statement mean anything except that the sciences have basic truths? To call them identical because they are self-identical is absurd, since everything can be identified with everything in that sense of identity. Nor again can the contention that all conclusions have the same basic truths mean that from the mass of all possible premisses any conclusion may be drawn. That would be exceedingly naïve, for it is not the case in the clearly evident mathematical sciences, nor is it possible in analysis, since it is the immediate premisses which are the basic truths, and a fresh conclusion is only formed by the addition of a new immediate premiss: but if it be admitted that it is these primary immediate premisses which are basic truths, each subject-genus will provide one basic truth. If, however, it is not argued that from the mass of all possible premisses any conclusion may be proved, nor yet admitted that basic truths differ so as to be generically different for each science, it remains to consider the possibility that, while the basic truths of all knowledge are within one genus, special premisses are required to prove special conclusions. But that this cannot be the case has been shown by our proof that the basic truths of things generically different themselves differ generically. For fundamental truths are of two kinds, those which are premisses of demonstration and the subject-genus; and though the former are common, the latter—number, for instance, and magnitude—are peculiar. 1 Reading ἡ πεπερασμένης with D. 2 Such a suggestion would be stupid (1) because you can see at once—so clear are they—that the demonstrations which build up the mathematical sciences by synthesis from their basic elements do not all start from the same ἀρχαί; and (2) because in analysis of a conclusion into its ultimate premisses (= from the complementary point of view πύκνωσις of a διάστημα) different ἀρχαί are reached in different sciences. 3 sc. 'at least one—its own definition'. 4 Cf. note on 75b 2. Scientific knowledge and its object differ from opinion and the object of opinion in that scientific knowledge is commensurately universal and proceeds by necessary connexions, and that which is necessary cannot be otherwise. So though there are things which are true and real and yet can be otherwise, scientific knowledge clearly does not concern them: if it did, things which can be otherwise would be incapable of being otherwise. Nor are they any concern of rational intuition—by rational intuition I mean an originative source of scientific knowledge—nor of indemonstrable knowledge,$^1$ which is the grasping of the immediate premiss. Since then rational intuition, science, and opinion, and what is revealed by these terms, are the only things that can be ‘true’, it follows that it is opinion that is concerned with that which may be true or false, and can be otherwise: opinion in fact is the grasp of a premiss which is immediate but not necessary. This view also fits the observed facts, for opinion is unstable, and so is the kind of being we have described as its object. Besides, when a man thinks a truth incapable of being otherwise he always thinks that he knows it, never that he opines it. He thinks that he opines when he thinks that a connexion, though actually so, may quite easily be otherwise; for he believes that such is the proper object of opinion, while the necessary is the object of knowledge. In what sense, then, can the same thing be the object of both opinion and knowledge? And if any one chooses to maintain that all that he knows he can also opine, why should not $^2$ opinion be knowledge? For he that knows and he that opines will follow the same train of thought through the same middle terms until the immediate premisses are reached; because it is possible to opine not only the fact but also the reasoned fact, and the reason is the middle term; so that, since the former knows, he that opines also has knowledge. The truth perhaps is that if a man grasp truths that $^1$ $\rho\alpha\nu\delta$ (cf. notes on 85$^{a}$1 and 77$^{a}$4) grasps the individual nature, $\tau\delta\ \tau\iota\ \eta\nu\ \epsilon\iota\nu\iota$ or the definition, as a unity; $\epsilon\pi\sigma\tau\iota\mu\eta\ \delta\alpha\pi\omega\delta\epsilon\iota\kappa\tau\oslash$ gives this as a premiss. $^2$ Reading $\xi\sigma\tau\alpha$ for $\xi\sigma\tau\iota$ with A, B, C, and Waitz. cannot be other than they are, in the way in which he grasps$^1$ the definitions through which demonstrations take place, he will have not opinion but knowledge: if on the other hand he apprehends these attributes as inhering in their subjects, but not in virtue of the subjects' substance and essential nature, he possesses opinion and not genuine knowledge; and his opinion, if obtained through immediate premisses, will be both of the fact and of the reasoned fact; if not so obtained, of the fact alone. The object of opinion and knowledge is not quite identical; it is only in a sense identical, just as the object of true and false opinion is in a sense identical. The sense in which some maintain that true and false opinion can have the same object leads them to embrace many strange doctrines, particularly the doctrine that what a man opines falsely he does not opine at all. There are really many senses of 'identical', and in one sense the object of true and false opinion can be the same, in another it cannot. Thus, to have a true opinion that the diagonal is commensurate with the side would be absurd: but because the diagonal with which they are both concerned is the same, the two opinions have objects so far the same: on the other hand, as regards their essential definable nature these objects differ. The identity of the objects of knowledge and opinion is similar. Knowledge is the apprehension of, e.g., the attribute 'animal' as incapable of being otherwise, opinion the apprehension of 'animal' as capable of being otherwise—e.g. the apprehension that animal is an element in the essential nature of man is knowledge; the apprehension of animal as predicable of man but not as an element in man's essential nature is opinion: man is the subject in both judgments, but the mode of inherence differs. This also shows that one cannot opine and know the same thing simultaneously; for then one would apprehend the same thing as both capable and incapable of being otherwise—an impossibility. Knowledge and opinion of the same thing can coexist in two different people in the sense we have explained, but not simultaneously in the $^1$ Reading $\xi\chi\epsilon$ with MSS. same person. That would involve a man’s simultaneously apprehending, e.g., (1) that man is essentially animal—i.e. cannot be other than animal—and (2) that man is not essentially animal, that is, we may assume,$^1$ may be other than animal. Further consideration of modes of thinking and their distribution under the heads of discursive thought, intuition, science, art, practical wisdom, and metaphysical thinking, belongs rather partly to natural science, partly to moral philosophy. Quick wit is a faculty of hitting upon the middle term instantaneously. It would be exemplified by a man who saw that the moon has her bright side always turned towards the sun, and quickly grasped the cause of this, namely that she borrows her light from him; or observed somebody in conversation with a man of wealth and divined that he was borrowing money, or that the friendship of these people sprang from a common enmity. In all these instances he has seen the major and minor terms and then grasped the causes, the middle terms. Let $A$ represent ‘bright side turned sunward’, $B$ ‘lighted from the sun’, $C$ the moon. Then $B$, ‘lighted from the sun’, is predicable of $C$, the moon, and $A$, ‘having her bright side towards the source of her light’, is predicable of $B$. So $A$ is predicable of $C$ through $B$. $^1$ Reading $\varepsilon\sigma\tau\omega$ with B, C, and Waitz. BOOK II 1 The kinds of question we ask are as many as the kinds of things which we know. They are in fact four:—(1) whether the connexion of an attribute with a thing is a fact, (2) what is the reason of the connexion, (3) whether a thing exists, (4) what is the nature of the thing. Thus, when our question concerns a complex of thing and attribute $^1$ and we ask whether the thing is thus or otherwise qualified—whether, e.g., the sun suffers eclipse or not—then we are asking as to the fact of a connexion. That our inquiry ceases with the discovery that the sun does suffer eclipse is an indication of this; and if we know from the start that the sun suffers eclipse, we do not inquire whether it does so or not. On the other hand, when we know the fact we ask the reason; as, for example, when we know that the sun is being eclipsed and that an earthquake is in progress, it is the reason of eclipse or earthquake into which we inquire. Where a complex is concerned, then, those are the two questions we ask; but for some objects of inquiry we have a different kind of question to ask, such as whether there is or is not a centaur or a God. (By ‘is or is not’ I mean ‘is or is not, without further qualification’; as opposed to ‘is or is not (e.g.) white’.) On the other hand, when we have ascertained the thing’s existence, we inquire as to its nature, asking, for instance, ‘what, then, is God?’ or ‘what is man?’. 2 These, then, are the four kinds of question we ask, and it is in the answers to these questions that our knowledge consists.$^2$ $^1$ So Zabarella and Pacius explain $\varepsilon i s \ \alpha \rho i \theta \mu \omega v \ \theta \epsilon \nu \tau \epsilon s$. Waitz takes it as meaning ‘enumerating the alternative possibilities’. $^2$ In ch. 1 Aristotle has distinguished four forms of inquiry, and the enumeration is taken to be exhaustive. These were: (1) $\tau \dot{o} \ \ddot{o} \tau i$, ‘Is $S$ $P$?’ (2) $\tau \dot{o} \ \delta \omega \tau i$, ‘Why is $S$ $P$?’ (3) $\varepsilon i \ \varepsilon \sigma \tau i$, ‘Does $S$ exist?’ (4) $\tau i \ \varepsilon \sigma \tau i$, ‘What is $S$?’ (1) answered affirmatively provokes (2), and (3) answered affirmatively provokes (4). In ch. 2 we learn that all four questions are questions as to the cause; that ‘Is $S$ $P$?’ means ‘Has $P$-$S$ a cause?’, and that ‘Does $S$ exist?’ means ‘Has $S$ a Now when we ask whether a connexion is a fact, or whether a thing without qualification is, we are really asking whether the connexion or the thing has a ‘middle’; and when we have ascertained either that the connexion is a fact or that the thing is—i.e. ascertained either the partial or the unqualified being of the thing—and are proceeding to ask the reason of the connexion or the nature of the thing, then we are asking what the ‘middle’ is. (By distinguishing the fact of the connexion and the cause?; and again that ‘Why is $S P$?’ means ‘What is the cause of $P - S$?’, and ‘What is $S$?’ means ‘What causes $S$?’) This is obscurely worked out because Aristotle is hampered by his theory of predication. On the one hand (A) all four questions ask the cause of the being of $S$, which is a substance; (1) and (2) ask respectively ‘Is there a cause’ and ‘What is the cause’ of $S$ having being as the subject of an attribute’—i.e. they seek a cause of part of $S$’s being, $S$’s being in so far as $S$ is $P$; while (3) and (4) ask respectively ‘Is there a cause’ and ‘What is the cause’ of $S$ having being as a substance —i.e. they inquire as to a cause of the complete unqualified ($\delta \pi \lambda \omega s$) being of $S$. On the other hand, (B) (1) and (2) in asking the cause of $S$ being $P$, are really asking ‘What is the cause of $P$?’ for $P$’s being consists in its inherence in $S$. This seems to distinguish (1) and (2) as concerning the cause of attributes from (3) and (4) as concerning the cause of substances. But you can also ask (3) and (4) of an attribute—$S$ need not be a substance—e.g. $\nu \nu \varepsilon$ in 90a 5, given as an instance of a $\delta \tau \lambda \omega s \delta \nu$, is an attribute, and in a 15 ff. (where $\tau i \epsilon \sigma t \iota \nu \epsilon k l e i \psi \iota s$; is shown to be equivalent to $\delta i \alpha \tau i \epsilon \sigma t \iota \nu \epsilon k l e i \psi \iota s$; and to have the same $\mu \epsilon \sigma t o n$) $\delta i \alpha \tau i \epsilon \sigma t \iota \nu \epsilon k l e i \psi \iota s$; is given as the equivalent of $\delta i \alpha \tau i \epsilon \sigma t \iota \nu \epsilon k l e i \psi \iota s$; In l. 31 to the end of the chapter it seems doubtful whether, as I have taken the passage, Aristotle is saying that to know what a thing is is to know what causes it, equally as regards $S$ qua $S$ and $S$ qua $P$ (i.e. equally as regards the complete and the partial being of a substance); or equally as regards the being of $S$ and the being of $P$. The source of this obscurity is Aristotle’s struggle—necessitated by his view of predication—to distinguish grammatical subject and predicate as substance and attribute, which consequently tend to become two kinds of thing. The same struggle is seen in the fluctuation of the meaning of $\iota \pi \kappa \epsilon i \mu \epsilon \nu o n$, which means now the complete substance, (a) as a totality of the elements constituting its definition and of its essential properties, (b) as a totality of its defining attributes only; now (c) a mere substratum which alone remains when you remove all its attributes from a substance. 1 ‘Middle’: $\mu \epsilon \sigma t o n$ in this chapter is extended to mean ‘proximate cause’; it is wider than the middle term of a syllogism. It is, or rather is reflected by, the middle term of a syllogism in the case of the definition of an attribute, because the definition of an attribute is a $\lambda \dot{\omega} \gamma \omega s$ of it as inhering in the subject, and the middle term which proves, also causes, or reflects the cause of, this inherence; but the cause of a substance possessing unqualified being is not something other than itself, but its $\lambda \dot{\omega} \gamma \omega s$, its definition by genus and differentia; and this cannot be the middle term of a syllogism, because such definition is not demonstrable (cf. ii, ch. 4). existence of the thing as respectively the partial and the unqualified being of the thing, I mean that if we ask 'does the moon suffer eclipse?', or 'does the moon wax?', the question concerns a part of the thing's being; for what we are asking in such questions is whether a thing is this or that, i.e. has or has not this or that attribute: whereas, if we ask whether the moon or night exists, the question concerns the unqualified being of a thing.) We conclude that in all our inquiries we are asking either whether there is a 'middle' or what the 'middle' is: for the 'middle' here is precisely the cause, and it is the cause that we seek in all our inquiries. Thus, 'Does the moon suffer eclipse?' means 'Is there or is there not a cause producing eclipse of the moon?', and when we have learnt that there is, our next question is, 'What, then, is this cause?'; for the cause through which a thing is—not is this or that, i.e. has this or that attribute, but without qualification is—and the cause through which$^1$ it is—not is without qualification, but is this or that as having some essential attribute or some accident—are both alike the 'middle'. By that which is without qualification I mean the subject, e.g. moon or earth or sun or triangle; by that which a subject is (in the partial sense) I mean a property, e.g. eclipse, equality or inequality, interposition or non-interposition. For in all these examples it is clear that the nature of the thing and the reason of the fact are identical: the question 'What is eclipse?' and its answer 'The privation of the moon's light by the interposition of the earth' are identical with the question 'What is the reason of eclipse?' or 'Why does the moon suffer eclipse?' and the reply 'Because of the failure of light through the earth's shutting it out'. Again, for 'What is a concord? A commensurate numerical ratio of a high and$^2$ a low note', we may substitute 'What reason makes a high and a low note concordant? Their relation according to a commensurate numerical ratio.' 'Are the high and the low note concordant?' is equivalent to 'Is $^1$ Reading τοῦ εἶναι for τὸ εἶναι with Bonitz in 90$^a$ 9. $^2$ Reading καὶ for ὅ with D in 90$^a$ 19. their ratio commensurate?'; and when we find that it is commensurate, we ask 'What, then, is their ratio?'. Cases in which the 'middle' is sensible show that the object of our inquiry is always the 'middle': we inquire, because we have not perceived it, whether there is or is not a 'middle' causing e.g. an eclipse. On the other hand, if we were on the moon we should not be inquiring either as to the fact or the reason, but both fact and reason would be obvious simultaneously. For the act of perception would have enabled us to know the universal too; since, the present fact of an eclipse being evident, perception would then at the same time give us the present fact of the earth's screening the sun's light, and from this would arise the universal. Thus, as we maintain, to know a thing's nature is to know the reason why it is; and this is equally true of things in so far as they are said without qualification to be as opposed to being possessed of some attribute, and in so far as they are said to be possessed of some attribute such as equal to two right angles, or greater or less. It is clear, then, that all questions are a search for a 'middle'. Let us now state how essential nature is revealed, and in what way it can be reduced to demonstration;¹ what definition is, and what things are definable. And let us first discuss certain difficulties which these questions raise, beginning what we have to say with a point most intimately connected with our immediately preceding remarks, namely the doubt that might be felt as to whether or not it is possible to know the same thing in the same relation, both by definition and by demonstration. It might, I mean, be urged that definition is held to concern essential nature and is in every case universal and affirmative; whereas, on the other hand, some conclusions are negative and some are not universal; e.g. all in the second figure are negative, none in the third are universal. And again, not even all affirmative conclusions in the first figure are definable, e.g. 'every triangle has its angles equal to two right angles'. An argument ¹ Cf. 94a 11-14. proving this difference between demonstration and definition is that to have scientific knowledge of the demonstrable$^1$ is identical with possessing a demonstration of it: hence if demonstration of such conclusions as these is possible, there clearly cannot also be definition of them. If there could, one might know such a conclusion also in virtue of its definition without possessing the demonstration of it; for there is nothing to stop our having the one without the other. Induction too will sufficiently convince us of this difference; for never yet by defining anything—essential attribute or accident—did we get knowledge of it. Again, if to define is to acquire knowledge of a substance, at any rate such attributes are not substances. It is evident, then, that not everything demonstrable can be defined. What then? Can everything definable be demonstrated, or not? There is one of our previous arguments which covers this too. Of a single thing $qua$ single there is a single scientific knowledge. Hence, since to know the demonstrable scientifically is to possess the demonstration of it, an impossible consequence will follow:—possession of its definition without its demonstration will give knowledge of the demonstrable. Moreover, the basic premisses of demonstrations are definitions, and it has already been shown$^2$ that these will be found indemonstrable; either the basic premisses will be demonstrable and will depend on prior premisses, and the regress will be endless; or the primary truths will be indemonstrable definitions. But if the definable and the demonstrable are not wholly the same, may they yet be partially the same? Or is that impossible, because there can be no demonstration of the definable? There can be none, because definition is of the essential nature or being of something, and all demonstrations evidently posit and assume the essential nature—mathematical demonstrations, for example, the nature of --- $^1$ Reading $\alpha\pi\omega\delta\epsilon\iota\kappa\tau\delta\nu$ with Waitz, who is confirmed by $\alpha\pi\omega\delta\epsilon\iota\kappa\tau\delta\nu$ (A, B, and C) in $a$ 21. A reads $\alpha\pi\omega\delta\epsilon\iota\kappa\tau\kappa\omega\nu$, B, D, M, n, u $\alpha\pi\omega\delta\epsilon\iota\kappa\tau\kappa\omega$. $^2$ Cf. 72$^b$ 18–25 and 84$^a$ 30–$b$ 2. unity and the odd, and all the other sciences likewise. Moreover, every demonstration proves a predicate of a subject as attaching or as not attaching to it, but in definition one thing is not predicated of another; we do not, e.g., predicate animal of biped nor biped of animal, nor yet figure of plane—plane not being figure nor figure plane.$^1$ Again, to prove essential nature is not the same as to prove the fact of a connexion. Now definition reveals essential nature, demonstration reveals that a given attribute attaches or does not attach to a given subject; but different things require different demonstrations$^2$—unless the one demonstration is related to the other as part to whole. I add this because if all triangles have been proved to possess angles equal to two right angles, then this attribute has been proved to attach to isosceles; for isosceles is a part of which all triangles constitute the whole. But in the case before us the fact and the essential nature are not so related to one another, since the one is not a part of the other. So it emerges that not all the definable is demonstrable nor all the demonstrable definable; and we may draw the general conclusion that there is no identical object of which it is possible to possess both a definition and a demonstration. It follows obviously that definition and demonstration are neither identical nor contained either within the other: if they were, their objects would be related either as identical or as whole and part. So much, then, for the first stage of our problem. The next step is to raise the question whether syllogism—i.e. demonstration—of the definable nature is possible or, as our recent argument assumed,$^3$ impossible. --- $^1$ sc. within the definitory λόγος. In the definition of ἀνθρωπός, ξών-διπλῶν-λογία, the three ‘moments’ are severally and collectively predicable of ἀνθρωπός, but they are not, when considered as moments constituting the definition of ἀνθρωπός, predicable of each other. $^2$ Aristotle argues that what definition reveals and what ordinary demonstration reveals are different. Therefore if definition is a kind of demonstration it is at any rate not the ordinary kind, and the ‘definable’ has not been shown to be the ‘demonstrable’ in the sense required. $^3$ Aristotle has been assuming that ἀπόδεξις is only of τὸ ὅτι. Cf. e.g. 90b 31–91a 2. We might argue it impossible on the following grounds:— (a) syllogism proves an attribute of a subject through the middle term; on the other hand (b) its definable nature is both 'peculiar' to a subject and predicated of it as belonging to its essence. But in that case (1) the subject, its definition, and the middle term connecting them must be reciprocally predicable of one another; for if $ A $ is 'peculiar' to $ C $, obviously $ A $ is 'peculiar' to $ B $ and $ B $ to $ C $—in fact all three terms are 'peculiar' to one another: and further (2) if $ A $ inheres in the essence of all $ B $ and $ B $ is predicated universally of all $ C $ as belonging to $ C $'s essence, $ A $ also must be predicated of $ C $ as belonging to its essence. If one does not take this relation as thus duplicated—if, that is, $ A $ is predicated as being of the essence of $ B $, but $ B $ is not of the essence of the subjects of which it is predicated—$ A $ will not necessarily be predicated of $ C $ as belonging to its essence. So both premisses will predicate essence, and consequently $ B $ also will be predicated of $ C $ as its essence. Since, therefore, both premisses do predicate essence—i.e. definable form—$ C $'s definable form will appear in the middle term before the conclusion is drawn. We may generalize by supposing that it is possible to prove the essential nature of man. Let $ C $ be man, $ A $ man's essential nature—two-footed animal, or aught else it may be. Then, if we are to syllogize, $ A $ must be predicated of all $ B $. But this premiss will be mediated by a fresh definition, which consequently will also be the essential nature of man. Therefore the argument assumes what it has to prove, since $ B $ too is the essential nature of man. It is, however, the case in which there are only the two premisses—i.e. in which the premisses are primary and immediate—which we ought to investigate, because it best illustrates the point under discussion. Thus they who prove the essential nature of soul or man $^{1} \text{'}\delta\omega\nu\text{', cf. note on 73}\text{a 7.}$ $^{2} \text{sc. 'and an indefinite regress occurs'. This argument is a corollary of the proof in 91}\text{a 15-26 that if the proposition predicating } A-\text{its definition-of } C \text{ can be a conclusion, there must be a middle term, } B, \text{ and since } A, B, \text{ and } C \text{ are reciprocally predicable, } B \text{ too, as well as } A, \text{ will be a definition of } C.$ or anything else through reciprocating terms beg the question. It would be begging the question, for example, to contend that the soul is that which causes its own life, and that what causes its own life is a self-moving number; for one would have to postulate that the soul is a self-moving number in the sense of being identical with it.$^1$ For if $A$ is predicable as a mere consequent of $B$ and $B$ of $C$, $A$ will not on that account be the definable form of $C$: $A$ will merely be what$^2$ it was true to say of $C$. Even if $A$ is predicated of all $B$ inasmuch as $B$ is identical with a species of $A$, still it will not follow: being an animal is predicated of being a man—since it is true that in all instances to be human is to be animal, just as it is also true that every man is an animal—but not as identical with being man.$^3$ We conclude, then, that unless one takes both the premisses as predicating essence, one cannot infer that $A$ is the definable form and essence of $C$: but if one does so take them, in assuming $B$ one will have assumed, before drawing the conclusion, what the definable form of $C$ is;$^4$ so that there has been no inference, for one has begged the question. Nor, as was said in my formal logic,$^5$ is the method of division a process of inference at all, since at no point does the characterization of the subject follow necessarily from the premising of certain other facts$^6$: division demonstrates as little as does induction. For in a genuine demonstration the conclusion must not be put as a question nor depend on a concession, but must follow necessarily from its premisses, even if the respondent deny it. The definer asks ‘Is man animal or inanimate?’ and then$^7$ assumes—he has not --- $^1$ ὅπερ ἀριθμὸν εἶναι αὐτὸν αὐτὸν κινοῦντα alone would mean ‘to be of the genus self-moving number’; as qualified by ὃς τὸ αὐτὸ ὅν it means ‘fully identical with and completely definable as self-moving number’. $^2$ Reading ἄλλ’(δ’) ἀληθές. $^3$ Treating ἀληθές γὰρ 91$^b$ 5 . . . ξῶν b 7 as a parenthesis. $^4$ Bywater’s ὅτι ὅτι τὸ τὶ ἥν εἶναι is easier. $^5$ Cf. An. Pr. i, ch. 31. ἐν τῇ ἀνάλυσει τῇ περὶ τὰ σχῆματα means literally ‘in that part of the logical resolution of conclusions into their premisses which concerns the figures’. $^6$ A reminder of the definition of συλλογισμός, An. Pr. i, 24$^b$ 18–20. $^7$ i.e. when the respondent has replied ‘animal’. inferred—that man is animal. Next, when presented with an exhaustive division of animal into terrestrial and aquatic, he assumes that man is terrestrial. Moreover, that man is the complete formula, terrestrial-animal, does not follow necessarily from the premisses: this too is an assumption, and equally an assumption whether the division comprises many differentiae or few. (Indeed as this method of division is used by those who proceed by it, even truths that can be inferred actually fail to appear as such.)¹ For why should not the whole of this formula be true of man, and yet not exhibit his essential nature or definable form? Again, what guarantee is there against an unessential addition, or against the omission of the final or of an intermediate determinant of the substantial being? The champion of division might here urge that though these lapses do occur, yet we can solve that difficulty if all the attributes we assume are constituents of the definable form, and if, postulating the genus, we produce by division the requisite uninterrupted sequence of terms,² and omit nothing; and that indeed we cannot fail to fulfil these conditions if what is to be divided falls whole into the division at each stage, and none of it is omitted; and that this—the dividendum—must without further question be (ultimately) incapable of fresh specific division.³ ¹ Treating ἀσυλλόγιαστος—συλλογιασθήναι in b 23 and 24 as a parenthesis. ² The terms of a series are ἐφεξῆς when nothing of the same kind as they intervene between them, cf. Phys. vi. 231b 23 and note on 95b 4. The completed διαιρέσις of a γένος must present a set of terms such that between any two terms which are next to one another, either horizontally or vertically, no term of the same genus intervenes. Thus, if a γένος A is divided into B and C, B and C must be ἐφεξῆς: if B and C are divided respectively into B¹ B² and C¹ C², each of these pairs must be ἐφεξῆς and also the pairs AB, BB¹, BB², and AC, CC¹, CC², must each be ἐφεξῆς. ³ Omitting γὰρ and δὲι in b 32 with A. τοῦτο in b 32 refers to the subject of ἐμπίπτει in b 31. The divider is supposed to argue that if the process of division fulfils certain conditions—which, if at each stage it exhausts the dividendum, it cannot fail to do—then its final result must be an ἀτομὸν εἶδος—the essentially definable. In the next sentence Aristotle does not dispute that διαιρέσις may reach an ἀτομὸν εἶδος but denies that it does so by a process of inference. ἔδη in b 32 seems to mean 'without more ado', 'without having any further condition to fulfil': B εἴδη, Waitz εἴδει. theless, we reply, division does not involve inference; if it gives knowledge, it gives it in another way. Nor is there any absurdity in this: induction, perhaps, is not demonstration any more than is division, yet it does make evident some truth. Yet to state a definition reached by division is not to state a conclusion: as, when conclusions are drawn without their appropriate middles, the alleged necessity by which the inference follows from the premisses is open to a question as to the reason for it, so definitions reached by division invite the same question. Thus to the question 'What is the essential nature of man?' the divider replies 'Animal, mortal, footed, biped, wingless'; and when at each step he is asked 'Why?', he will say, and, as he thinks, prove by division, that all animal is mortal or immortal: but such a formula taken in its entirety is not definition; so that even if division does demonstrate its formula, definition at any rate does not turn out to be a conclusion of inference. Can we nevertheless actually demonstrate what a thing essentially and substantially is, but hypothetically, i.e. by premising (1) that its definable form is constituted by the 'peculiar' attributes of its essential nature; (2) that such and such are the only attributes of its essential nature, and that the complete synthesis of them is peculiar to the thing; and thus—since in this synthesis consists the being of the thing—obtaining our conclusion? Or is the truth that, since proof must be through the middle term, the definable form is once more assumed in this minor premiss too? Further, just as in syllogizing we do not premise what syllogistic inference is (since the premisses from which we conclude must be related as whole and part), so the definable form must not fall within the syllogism but remain outside the premisses posited. It is only against a doubt as to its having been a syllogistic inference at all that we --- 1 Cf. note on 73a 7. 2 A reminder of a necessary condition of syllogism. If the definition of syllogism is premised the conclusion would have to affirm some subject to be of the nature of syllogism. have to defend our argument as conforming to the definition of syllogism. It is only when some one doubts whether the conclusion proved is the definable form that we have to defend it as conforming to the definition of definable form which we assumed. Hence syllogistic inference must be possible even without the express statement of what syllogism is or what definable form is.$^1$ The following type of hypothetical proof also begs the question. If evil is definable as the divisible, and the definition of a thing’s contrary—if it has one—is the contrary of the thing’s definition;$^2$ then, if good is the contrary of evil and the indivisible of the divisible, we conclude that to be good is essentially to be indivisible. The question is begged because definable form is assumed as a premiss, and as a premiss which is to prove definable form. ‘But not the same definable form’, you may object.$^3$ That I admit, for in demonstrations also we premise that ‘this’ is predicable of ‘that’;$^4$ but in this premiss the term we assert of the minor is neither the major itself nor a term identical in definition, or convertible, with the major. Again, both proof by division and the syllogism just described are open to the question why man should be animal-biped-terrestrial and not merely animal \textit{and} terrestrial, since what they premise does not ensure that the predicates shall constitute a genuine unity and not merely belong to a single subject as do musical and grammatical when predicated of the same man. 7 How then by definition shall we \textit{prove} substance or essential nature? We cannot show it as a fresh fact necessarily following from the assumption of premisses admitted to be facts—the method of demonstration: we may not proceed as by induction to establish a universal on the evidence of groups of particulars which offer no excep- $^1$ Reading ἡ τὸ τί ἦν εἶναι with A. $^2$ The full Greek would be εἰ τῷ κακῷ τὸ εἶναι ἐστὶ τὸ διαμετρω ἐῖναι, τῷ δ’ ἐναντίῳ τὸ εἶναι ἐστὶ τῷ τῷ ἐναντίῳ εἶναι... It would however be easier to read εἰ τὸ (so B and Waitz) κακῷ (sc. εἶναι) ἐστὶ τὸ διαμετρω ἐῖναι, τὸ δ’ ἐναντίῳ (sc. εἶναι) τὸ τῷ ἐναντίῳ εἶναι. $^3$ Placing a colon after μέντι. $^4$ τόδε καὶ τοῦ δε = minor premiss. tion, because induction proves not what the essential nature of a thing is but that it has or has not some attribute. Therefore, since presumably one cannot prove essential nature by an appeal to sense perception$^1$ or by pointing with the finger, what other method remains? To put it another way: how shall we by definition prove essential nature? He who knows what human—or any other nature is, must know also that man exists; for no one knows the nature of what does not exist—one can know the meaning of the phrase or name ‘goat-stag’ but not what the essential nature of a goat-stag is. But further, if definition can prove what is the essential nature of a thing, can it also prove that it exists? And how will it prove them both by the same process,$^2$ since definition exhibits one single thing and demonstration another single thing, and what human nature is and the fact that man exists are not the same thing? Then too we hold that it is by demonstration that the being of everything must be proved—unless indeed to be were its essence; and, since being is not a genus,$^3$ it is not the essence of anything. Hence the being of anything as fact is matter for demonstration; and this is the actual procedure of the sciences, for the geometer assumes the meaning of the word triangle, but that it is possessed of some attribute$^4$ he proves. What is it, then, that we shall prove in defining essential nature? Triangle? In that case a man will know by definition what a thing’s nature is without knowing whether it exists. But that is impossible. Moreover it is clear, if we consider the methods of defining actually in use, that definition does not prove that the thing defined exists: since even if there does actually $^1$ Cf. for this use of $\alpha\alpha\theta\eta\sigma\iota s$ e.g. Met. 1025$^b$ 11, 1064$^a$ 8, Rhet. 1386$^a$ 32 (best MSS.). $^2$ Placing a comma after $\tau i \varepsilon\sigma\tau i$ and a note of interrogation after $\sigma\tau i \varepsilon\sigma\tau i$, and reading $\kai \pi\omega s \tau\omega \alpha\nu\tau\omega \lambda\omega\varphi$ with A and B. So Waitz. $^3$ Cf. Met. 998$^b$ 22 ff. and 1045$^b$ 6. $^4$ Triangle is for the geometer most naturally a subject and not an attribute: and in that case $\sigma\tau i \delta' \varepsilon\sigma\tau i$ should mean not ‘that it exists’, but ‘that it has some attribute’, e.g. equality to two right angles. It is tempting to read $\varepsilon\sigma\tau i \tau i$. Cf., however, note on 71$^a$ 15, and it is possible that Aristotle is speaking loosely in this dialectical passage. exist something$^1$ which is equidistant from a centre,$^2$ yet why should the thing named in the definition exist?$^3$ Why, in other words, should this be the formula defining circle? One might equally well call it the definition of mountain copper. For definitions do not carry a further guarantee that the thing defined can exist or that it is what they claim to define: one can always ask why. Since, therefore, to define is to prove either a thing's essential nature or the meaning of its name, we may conclude that definition, if it in no sense proves essential nature, is a set of words signifying precisely what a name signifies. But that were a strange consequence; for (1) both what is not substance and what does not exist at all would be definable, since even non-existents can be signified by a name: (2) all sets of words or sentences would be definitions, since any kind of sentence could be given a name; so that we should all be talking in definitions, and even the Iliad would be a definition: (3) no demonstration$^4$ can prove that any particular name means any particular thing:$^5$ neither, therefore, do definitions, in addition to revealing the meaning of a name, also reveal that the name has this meaning. It appears then from these considerations that neither definition and syllogism nor their objects are identical, and further that definition neither demonstrates nor proves anything, and that knowledge of essential nature is not to be obtained either by definition or by demonstration. 8 We must now start afresh and consider which of these conclusions are sound and which are not, and what is the nature of definition, and whether essential nature is in any sense demonstrable and definable or in none. Now to know its essential nature is, as we said,$^6$ the same as to know the cause of a thing's existence, and the proof --- $^1$ Reading τι ἵστων for τὸ ἵστων, with A and D. $^2$ An abbreviated definition of circle, cf. Euclid, Elem. i, Defs. xv and xvi. $^3$ Accenting ἵστων. $^4$ Omitting ἐπιστήμη with A, B, D, and supposing ἀπόδεξις to be understood. $^5$ sc. 'as on this assumption it would have to do'. $^6$ ii, ch. 2. In 93$^a$ 4 read τοῦ ἐξ ἵστων with A, C, and B corr. of this depends on the fact that a thing must have a cause. Moreover, this cause is either identical with the essential nature of the thing or distinct from it; and if its cause is distinct from it, the essential nature of the thing is either demonstrable or indemonstrable. Consequently, if the cause is distinct from the thing's essential nature and demonstration is possible, the cause must be the middle term, and, the conclusion proved being universal and affirmative, the proof is in the first figure. So the method just examined of proving it through another essential nature would be one way of proving essential nature, because a conclusion containing essential nature must be inferred through a middle which is an essential nature just as a 'peculiar' property must be inferred through a middle which is a 'peculiar' property; so that of the two definable natures of a single thing this method will prove one and not the other. Now it was said before that this method could not amount to demonstration of essential nature—it is actually a dialectical proof of it—so let us begin again and explain by what method it can be demonstrated. When we are aware of a fact we seek its reason, and though sometimes the fact and the reason dawn on us simultaneously, yet we cannot apprehend the reason a moment sooner than the fact; and clearly in just the same way we cannot apprehend a thing's definable form without apprehending that it exists, since while we are ignorant whether it exists we cannot know its essential nature. Moreover we are aware whether a thing exists or not sometimes through apprehending an element in its character, and sometimes accidentally, as, 1 'distinct from it'; i.e. in the case of properties, with the definition of which Aristotle is alone concerned in this chapter. The being of a property consists in its inherence in a substance through a middle which defines it. Cf. the following chapter. 2 Cf. note on 73a 7. 3 12 τῶν τι ἡν εἰναι: Aristotle speaks of two moments of the definable form as two essential natures. His argument amounts to this: that if the conclusion contains the whole definition, the question has been begged in the premisses (cf. ii, ch. 4). Hence syllogism—and even so merely dialectical syllogism—is only possible if premisses and conclusion each contain a part of the definition. 4 ii, ch. 2. 5 The distinction is that between genuine knowledge of a connexion for example, when we are aware of thunder as a noise in the clouds, of eclipse as a privation of light, or of man as some species of animal, or of the soul as a self-moving thing. As often as we have accidental knowledge that the thing exists, we must be in a wholly negative state as regards awareness of its essential nature; for we have not got genuine knowledge even of its existence, and to search for a thing’s essential nature when we are unaware that it exists is to search for nothing. On the other hand, whenever we apprehend an element in the thing’s character there is less difficulty. Thus it follows that the degree of our knowledge of a thing’s essential nature is determined by the sense in which we are aware that it exists. Let us then take the following as our first instance of being aware of an element in the essential nature. Let $A$ be eclipse, $C$ the moon, $B$ the earth’s acting as a screen. Now to ask whether the moon is eclipsed or not is to ask whether or not $B$ has occurred. But that is precisely the same as asking whether $A$ has a defining condition;¹ and if this condition actually exists, we assert that $A$ also actually exists. Or again we may ask which side of a contradiction the defining condition necessitates: does it make the angles of a triangle equal or not equal to two right angles? When we have found the answer, if the premisses are immediate,² we know fact and reason together; if they are not immediate, we know the fact without the reason, as in the following example: let $C$ be the moon, $A$ eclipse, $B$ the fact that the moon fails to produce shadows³ though she is full and though no visible body intervenes between us and through its cause and accidental knowledge of it through a middle not the cause. ¹ λόγος varies in meaning from mere ‘statement’ to ‘the formula giving τὸ τι ἦν εἶναι of a substance’, but always the underlying unity of its meanings is the rationality, the intelligible connexion, which discourse—verbal or held by the soul with herself—exhibits in varying degrees. Here it is equivalent to ‘proximate cause’. The fact that λόγος also means ‘definition’ assists Aristotle to identify cause and definition. ‘Defining condition’ perhaps to some degree covers the two senses. ² Reading δὲ ὑμεῖσαν with Waitz. ³ i.e. that there is no moonlight casting shadows on the earth on a clear night at full moon. her. Then if $B$, failure to produce shadows in spite of the absence of an intervening body, is attributable to $C$, and $A$, eclipse, is attributable to $B$, it is clear that the moon is eclipsed, but the reason why is not yet clear, and we know that eclipse exists, but we do not know what its essential nature is. But when it is clear that $A$ is attributable to $C$ and we proceed to ask the reason of this fact, we are inquiring what is the nature of $B$: is it the earth’s acting as a screen, or the moon’s rotation or her extinction? But $B$ is the definition of the other term, viz., in these examples, of the major term $A$; for eclipse is constituted by the earth acting as a screen. Thus, (1) ‘What is thunder?’ ‘The quenching of fire in cloud’, and (2) ‘Why does it thunder?’ ‘Because fire is quenched in the cloud’, are equivalent. Let $C$ be cloud, $A$ thunder, $B$ the quenching of fire. Then $B$ is attributable to $C$, cloud, since fire is quenched in it; and $A$, noise, is attributable to $B$; and $B$ is assuredly the definition of the major term $A$. If there be a further mediating cause of $B$, it will be one of the remaining partial definitions of $A$. We have stated then how essential nature is discovered and becomes known, and we see that, while there is no syllogism—i.e. no demonstrative syllogism—of essential nature, yet it is through syllogism, viz. demonstrative syllogism, that essential nature is exhibited. So we conclude that neither can the essential nature of anything which has a cause distinct from itself be known without demonstration, nor can it be demonstrated; and this is what we contended in our preliminary discussions.$^1$ Now while some things have a cause distinct from themselves, others have not. Hence it is evident that there are essential natures which are immediate, that is are basic premises; and of these not only that they are but also what they are must be assumed or revealed in some other way. This too is the actual procedure of the arithmetician, who assumes both the nature and the existence of unit. On the other hand, it is possible (in the manner explained) to $^1$ ii, ch. 3. exhibit through demonstration the essential nature of things which have a 'middle', i.e. a cause of their substantial being other than that being itself; but we do not thereby demonstrate it. Since definition is said to be the statement of a thing's nature, obviously one kind of definition will be a statement of the meaning of the name, or of an equivalent nominal formula. A definition in this sense tells you, e.g., the meaning of the phrase 'triangular character'. When we are aware that triangle exists, we inquire the reason why it exists. But it is difficult thus to learn the definition of things the existence of which we do not genuinely know—the cause of this difficulty being, as we said before, that we only know accidentally whether or not the thing exists. Moreover, a statement may be a unity in either of two ways, by conjunction, like the Iliad, or because it exhibits a single predicate as inhering not accidentally in a single subject. That then is one way of defining definition. Another kind of definition is a formula exhibiting the cause of a thing's existence. Thus the former signifies without proving, but the latter will clearly be a quasi-demonstration of essential nature, differing from demonstration in the arrangement of its terms. For there is a difference between stating why it thunders, and stating what is the essential nature of thunder: since the first statement will be 'Because fire is quenched in the clouds', while the statement of what the nature of thunder is will be 'The noise of fire being quenched in the clouds'. Thus the same statement takes a different form: in one form it is continuous demonstration, in the other definition. Again, thunder can be defined 1 Cf., however, ii, ch. 2, and note on 89b 38. Aristotle here uses μέσον in the more restricted sense. 2 i.e. as treated by geometry; that is, as abstracted a materia and treated as a subject. Cf. 81b 25 3 Cf. 93a 16-27. 4 Presumably a reason for there being a kind of definition other than nominal. The reference is obviously to 92b 32. 5 Demonstration, like a line, is continuous because its premisses are parts which are conterminous (as linked by middle terms), and there is a movement from premisses to conclusion. Definition resembles rather the indivisible simplicity of a point. efficient cause, (4) the final cause. Hence each of these can be the middle term of a proof, for (a) though the inference from antecedent to necessary consequent does not hold if only one premiss is assumed—two is the minimum—still when there are two it holds on condition that they have a single common middle term. So it is from the assumption of this single middle term that the conclusion follows necessarily. The following example will also show this. Why is the angle in a semicircle a right angle?—or from what assumption does it follow that it is a right angle? Thus, let $ A $ be right angle, $ B $ the half of two right angles, $ C $ the angle in a semicircle. Then $ B $ is the cause in virtue of which $ A $, right angle, is attributable to $ C $, the angle in a semicircle, since $ B = A $ and the other, viz. $ C = B $, for $ C $ is half of two right angles. Therefore it is the assumption of $ B $, the half of two right angles, from which it follows that $ A $ is attributable to $ C $, i.e. that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle. Moreover, $ B $ is identical with (b) the defining form of $ A $, since it is what $ A $'s definition signifies. Moreover, the formal cause has already been shown to be the middle. (c) ‘Why did the Athenians become involved in the Persian war?’ means ‘What cause originated the waging of war against the Athenians?’ and the answer is, ‘Because they raided Sardis with the Eretrians’, since this originated the war. Let $ A $ be war, $ B $ unprovoked raiding, $ C $ the Athenians. Then $ B $, unprovoked raiding, is true of $ C $, the Athenians, and $ A $ is true of $ B $, since men make war on the unjust aggressor. So $ A $, having war waged upon them, is true of $ B $, the initial aggressors, and to explain, with the logical category of ground and consequent, which for him takes the narrowly specialized form of inherence of attribute in subject. Two thousand years later Leibniz was still making the same attempt. 1 ἔτι πρὸς τοῦ should be thus accented. 2 sc. ‘lest you should suppose that (2) could not be a middle’. 3 sc. ‘that (2) can appear as a middle’. 4 Cf. Euclid, Elem. i, Def. x, but Aristotle may be referring to some earlier definition. The proof here given that the angle in a semicircle is a right angle is not that of Euclid iii. 31; cf. Heath, Greek Mathematics, i. pp. 339, 340. 5 The reference is to 93a 3 ff., and other passages such as 94a 5 ff., where the middle is shown to define the major. $ B $ is true of $ C $, the Athenians, who were the aggressors. Hence here too the cause—in this case the efficient cause—is the middle term. (d) This is no less true where the cause is the final cause. E.g. why does one take a walk after supper? For the sake of one's health. Why does a house exist? For the preservation of one's goods. The end in view is in the one case health, in the other preservation. To ask the reason why one must walk after supper is precisely to ask to what end one must do it. Let $ C $ be walking after supper, $ B $ the non-regurgitation of food, $ A $ health. Then let walking after supper possess the property of preventing food from rising to the orifice of the stomach, and let this condition be healthy; since it seems that $ B $, the non-regurgitation of food, is attributable to $ C $, taking a walk, and that $ A $, health, is attributable to $ B $. What, then, is the cause through which $ A $, the final cause, inheres in $ C $? It is $ B $, the non-regurgitation of food; but $ B $ is a kind of definition of $ A $, for $ A $ will be explained by it. Why is $ B $ the cause of $ A $'s belonging to $ C $? Because to be in a condition such as $ B $ is to be in health. The definitions must be transposed, and then the detail will become clearer.$^1$ Incidentally, here the order of coming to be is the reverse of what it is in proof through the efficient cause: in the efficient order the middle term must come to be first, whereas in the teleological order the minor, $ C $, must first take place, and the end in view comes last in time.$^2$ $^1$ The argument from 94$^b$8 is roughly as follows: Health $ A $, digestion $ B $, walking $ C $. The final cause $ A $ inheres in $ C $ through the efficient cause $ B $. ($ A-B, B-C, \therefore A-C $.) 〈But the final cause naturally appears as the effect of the efficient cause; which means that〉 $ B $, the efficient cause, is a kind of definition of $ A $, the final cause. 〈Since $ A $ is $ B $'s final cause, just as much as $ B $ is $ A $'s efficient cause, $ A $ is also a kind of definition of $ B $. Hence〉 we can transpose $ A $ and $ B $, and prove the inherence of $ B $ in $ C $ through $ A $. ($ B-A, A-C, \therefore B-C $.) This seems to foreshadow the doctrine of the ultimate identity of final, efficient, and formal cause, cf. note on 94$^a$22. $^2$ The actual $\gamma'\epsilon\varepsilon\epsilon\alpha\iota\sigma$ or order of events is walking—digestion—health. The terms of the syllogism through the efficient cause reflect these stages as follows: minor—middle—major. In the syllogism through final cause they appear as minor—major—middle. Aristotle should, The same thing may exist for an end and be necessitated as well. For example, light shines through a lantern (1) because that which consists of relatively small particles necessarily passes through pores larger than those particles—assuming that light does issue by penetration—and (2) for an end, namely to save us from stumbling. If, then, a thing can exist through two causes, can it come to be through two causes—as for instance if thunder be a hiss and a roar necessarily produced by the quenching of fire, and also designed, as the Pythagoreans say, for a threat to terrify those that lie in Tartarus?¹ Indeed, there are very many such cases, mostly among the processes and products of the natural world;² for nature, in different senses of the term ‘nature’, produces now for an end, now by necessity. Necessity too is of two kinds. It may work in accordance with a thing’s natural tendency, or by constraint and in opposition to it; as, for instance, by necessity a stone is borne both upwards and downwards, but not by the same necessity. Of the products of man’s intelligence some are never due to chance or necessity but always to an end, as for example a house or a statue; others, such as health or safety, may result from chance as well. It is mostly in cases where the issue is indeterminate (though only where the production does not originate in however, have said of the middle in the efficient order not δεῖ γενέσθαι πρὸτον, but that it must come to be before the major. But possibly ἐκεῖ in b 24=‘in the teleological order’, ἐναὐθα, b 25, ‘in the efficient order’, and Aristotle is comparing the order of steps in αὐλόνεις (an ἀνάλυσις of an end into its means, cf. e.g. E.N. 1112b 11-24) with the actual order of events reflected by the syllogism through the efficient cause. In this case he naturally says that in the teleological order the middle—health, the end in view—is conceived first (cf. E.N. loc. cit.). The objection to this second view is that Aristotle is unlikely to speak of ἀνάλυσις as a γένεσις: in the passage quoted from E.N. he contrasts ἀνάλυσις and γένεσις. ¹ Placing a comma after ἐνδέχεται in b 32 and a note of interrogation after φαβώται in b 34. ² συμπαρέχουσι: probably the natural processes by which e.g. ύμιοιμερῆ are formed from στοιχεία. This is an instance of dual causation in γένεσις, cf. 94b 31. συνεστῶσι: probably natural products qua maintaining themselves in being (e.g. plants and animals)—an instance of dual causation in εἶναι, cf. ibid. chance, and the end is consequently good),\textsuperscript{1} that a result is due to an end, and this is true alike in nature or in art. By chance, on the other hand, nothing comes to be for an end. The effect may be still coming to be, or its occurrence may be past or future, yet the cause will be the same as when it is actually existent—for it is the middle which is the cause\textsuperscript{2}—except that if the effect actually exists the cause is actually existent, if it is coming to be so is the cause, if its occurrence is past the cause is past, if future the cause is future. For example, the moon was eclipsed because the earth intervened, is becoming eclipsed because the earth is in process of intervening, will be eclipsed because the earth will intervene, is eclipsed because the earth intervenes. To take a second example: assuming that the definition of ice is solidified water, let $C$ be water, $A$ solidified, $B$ the middle, which is the cause, namely total failure of heat. Then $B$ is attributed to $C$, and $A$, solidification, to $B$: ice forms when $B$ is occurring, has formed when $B$ has occurred, and will form when $B$ shall occur. This sort of cause, then, and its effect come to be simultaneously when they are in process of becoming, and exist simultaneously when they actually exist; and the same holds good when they are past and when they are future. But what of cases where they are not simultaneous? Can causes and effects different from one another form, as they seem to us to form, a continuous succession, a past effect resulting from a past cause different from itself, a future effect from a future cause different from it, and an effect which is coming-to-be from a cause different from and prior to it? Now on this theory it is from the posterior event that we reason (and this though these later events actually have their source of origin in previous events—a fact which shows that also when the effect is coming-to-be we still reason from the posterior event), and from the prior event we cannot reason \textsuperscript{1} Bracketing 95\textsuperscript{a} 7 ὅταν . . . \textsuperscript{a} 8 ἀγαθόν and reading a comma after ὅ in \textsuperscript{a} 7. ‘The end is consequently good’—i.e. a genuine end. \textsuperscript{2} Bracketing τὸ γὰρ μέσων αἴτιον and following it with a colon. Aristotle means that he is here only dealing with causes which can be middle terms of demonstration, i.e. which reciprocate with their effects. (we cannot argue that because an event $A$ has occurred, therefore an event $B$ has occurred subsequently to $A$ but still in the past—and the same holds good if the occurrence is future)¹—cannot reason because, be the time interval definite or indefinite, it will never be possible to infer that because it is true to say that $A$ occurred, therefore it is true to say that $B$, the subsequent event, occurred; for in the interval between the events, though $A$ has already occurred, the latter statement will be false. And the same argument applies also to future events;² i.e. one cannot infer from an event which occurred in the past that a future event will occur. The reason of this is that the middle must be homogeneous, past when the extremes are past, future when they are future, coming to be when they are coming-to-be, actually existent when they are actually existent; and there cannot be a middle term homogeneous with extremes respectively past and future. And it is a further difficulty in this theory that the time interval can be neither indefinite nor definite, since during it the inference will be false.³ We have also to inquire what it is that holds events together so that the coming-to-be now occurring in actual things follows upon a past event. It is evident, we may suggest, that a past event and a present process cannot be ‘contiguous’,⁴ ¹ Treating as parentheses a 28 ἀρχὴ δὲ . . . a 29 ωσαίτως and a 30 οἶνον . . . a 31 ὁσαίτως. ² Placing a comma after ἐπομένου in a 36. ³ i.e. a further difficulty created by taking cause and effect as ‘punctual’ events is that, since time is continuous and not composed of atomic ‘nows’, there must be a time interval between any two such ‘punctual’ events. But during this interval the inference must be false, because the causal nexus cannot leap the gap nor, ex hypothesi, persist through it. In fact such an account of cause and effect does not correspond to the real connexions in things. Cf. e.g. Physics vi. ⁴ Terms are ἐφεξῆς, ‘successive’, if they are next one another and nothing of the same kind intervenes. Terms are ἐχόμενα, ‘contiguous’, if they are ἐφεξῆς and also in contact; e.g. boats at the start of a bumping race are ἐφεξῆς; houses in a row of houses any and every pair of which share a party-wall are ἐχόμενα. If the members of any series are conterminous—i.e. if any point at which you divide the series is a term of the series—they are συνεχῆ or ‘continuous’. Cf. Met. 1068b 30 ff. Aristotle asks whether it is possible, while regarding time as continuous, yet to suppose that within any duration, past or future, two disjunct or ‘punctual’ events can be connected as cause and effect; and further whether an event now occurring, not itself ‘punctual’ but a specious present, can have as its cause a ‘punctual’ past event. for not even two past events can be 'contiguous'. For past events are limits and atomic; so just as points are not 'contiguous' neither are past events, since both are indivisible. For the same reason a past event and a present process cannot be 'contiguous', for the process is divisible, the event indivisible. Thus the relation of present process to past event is analogous to that of line to point, since a process contains an infinity of past events. These questions, however, must receive a more explicit treatment in our general theory of change. The following must suffice as an account of the manner in which the middle would be identical with the cause on the supposition that coming-to-be is a series of consecutive events: for in the terms of such a series too the middle and major terms must form an immediate premiss; e.g. we argue that, since $C$ has occurred, therefore $A$ occurred: and $C$'s occurrence was posterior, $A$'s prior; but $C$ is the source of the inference because it is nearer to the present moment, and the starting-point of time is the present. We next argue that, since $D$ has occurred, therefore $C$ occurred. Then we conclude that, since $D$ has occurred, therefore $A$ must have occurred; and the cause is $C$, for since $D$ has occurred $C$ must have occurred, and since $C$ has occurred $A$ must previously have occurred. If we get our middle term in this way, will the series terminate in an immediate premiss, or since, as we said, no two events are 'contiguous', will a fresh middle term always intervene because there is an infinity of middles? No: though no two events are 'contiguous', yet we must start from a premiss consisting of a middle and the present event as major. The like is true of future events too, since if it 1 Cf. Physics vi. 2 i.e. Aristotle has had in this chapter to explain (1) how syllogisms concerning a process of events can be brought into line with other demonstrations equally derivable from immediate primary premisses, and (2) in what sense the middle term contains the cause. He has in fact had (1) to show that in these syllogisms inference must find its primary premiss in the effect, and (2) to imply that the 'cause' which appears as middle when cause and effect are not simultaneous is a causa cognoscendi and not essendi. 3 Waitz reads $\alpha\pi'\delta\mu\epsilon\sigma\nu$ in b 25 for $\alpha\pi\delta\mu\epsilon\sigma\nu$ ($D\alpha\pi\delta\tau\omega\mu\epsilon\sigma\nu$): 'from is true to say that $D$ will exist, it must be a prior truth to say that $A$ will exist, and the cause of this conclusion is $C$; for if $D$ will exist, $C$ will exist prior to $D$, and if $C$ will exist, $A$ will exist prior to it. And here too the same infinite divisibility might be urged, since future events are not ‘contiguous’. But here too an immediate basic premiss must be assumed. And in the world of fact this is so: if a house has been built, then blocks must have been quarried and shaped. The reason is that a house having been built necessitates a foundation having been laid, and if a foundation has been laid blocks must have been shaped beforehand. Again, if a house will be built, blocks will similarly be shaped beforehand; and proof is through the middle in the same way, for the foundation will exist before the house. Now we observe in Nature a certain kind of circular process of coming-to-be; and this is possible only if the middle and extreme terms are reciprocal, since conversion is conditioned by reciprocity in the terms of the proof. This—the convertibility of conclusions and premisses—has been proved in our early chapters, and the circular process is an instance of this. In actual fact it is exemplified thus: when the earth had been moistened an exhalation was bound to rise, and when an exhalation had risen cloud was bound to form, and from the formation of cloud rain necessarily resulted, and by the fall of rain the earth was necessarily moistened: but this was the starting-point, so that a circle is completed; for posit any one of the terms and another follows from it, and from that another, and from that again the first. Some occurrences are universal (for they are, or come-to-be what they are, always and in every case); others again are not always what they are but only as a general rule: for instance, not every man can grow a beard, but it is the general rule. In the case of such connexions the middle term too must be a general rule. For if $A$ is predicated an immediate premiss, i.e. the primary “now”; but $\pi\rho\omega\tau\sigma\nu$ is used in as=‘major term’. We should perhaps read $\delta\rho\alpha$ with A and Waitz; but the sense is the same. i, ch. 3 and An. Pr. ii, cc. 3-5, 8-10. universally of $B$ and $B$ of $C$, $A$ too must be predicated always and in every instance of $C$, since to hold in every instance and always is of the nature of the universal. But we have assumed a connexion which is a general rule; consequently the middle term $B$ must also be a general rule. So connexions which embody a general rule—i.e. which exist or come to be as a general rule—will also derive from immediate basic premisses. We have already explained how essential nature is set out in the terms of a demonstration, and the sense in which it is or is not demonstrable or definable; so let us now discuss the method to be adopted in tracing the elements predicated as constituting the definable form. Now of the attributes which inhere always in each several thing there are some which are wider in extent than it but not wider than its genus (by attributes of wider extent I mean all such as are universal attributes of each several subject, but in their application are not confined to that subject). I.e. while an attribute may inhere in every triad, yet also in a subject not a triad—as being inheres in triad but also in subjects not numbers at all—odd on the other hand is an attribute inhering in every triad and of wider application (inhering as it does also in pentad), but which does not extend beyond the genus of triad; for pentad is a number, but nothing outside number is odd. It is such attributes which we have to select, up to the exact point at which they are severally of wider extent than the subject but collectively coextensive with it; for this synthesis must be the substance of the thing. For example every triad possesses the attributes number, odd, and prime in both senses, i.e. not only as possessing no divisors, but also as not being a sum of numbers. This, then, is precisely what triad is, viz. a number, odd, and prime in the former and also the latter sense of the term: for these attributes taken severally 1 This chapter treats only the definition of substances. 2 Bracketing $\lambda\epsilon\gamma\omega$ l. 25 . . . $\ddot{\alpha}\lambda\omega$ l. 27, and following the bracket with a comma. 3 Bracketing $\kappa\alpha\ldots\dot{\iota}\pi\acute{\alpha}\rho\chi\epsilon\iota$ l. 30, and following the bracket with a comma. apply, the first two to all odd numbers, the last to the dyad also as well as to the triad, but, taken collectively, to no other subject. Now since we have shown above$^1$ that attributes predicated as belonging to the essential nature are necessary and that universals are necessary, and since the attributes which we select as inhering in triad, or in any other subject whose attributes we select in this way, are predicated as belonging to its essential nature, triad will thus possess these attributes necessarily. Further, that the synthesis of them constitutes the substance of triad is shown by the following argument. If it is not identical with the being of triad, it must be related to triad as a genus named or nameless. It will then be of wider extent than triad—assuming that wider potential extent is the character of a genus. If on the other hand this synthesis is applicable to no subject other than the individual triads, it will be identical with the being of triad, because we make the further assumption that the substance of each subject is the predication of elements in its essential nature down to the last differentia characterizing the individuals. It follows that any other synthesis thus exhibited will likewise be identical with the being of the subject. The author of a hand-book$^2$ on a subject that is a generic whole should divide the genus into its first \textit{infimae species}—number e.g. into triad and dyad—and then endeavour to seize their definitions by the method we have described—the definition, for example, of straight line or circle or right angle. After that, having established what the category is to which the subaltern genus belongs—quantity or quality, for instance—he should examine the properties ‘peculiar’$^3$ to the species, working through the proximate$^4$ common differentiae. He should proceed thus because the attributes of the genera compounded of the \textit{infimae species} will be clearly given by the definitions of the species; since the basic element of them all$^5$ is the definition, i.e. the simple $^1$ i, ch. 4. $^2$ With the remainder of the chapter compare \textit{An. Pr.} i, ch. 25, where the treatment covers all syllogism. $^3$ \textit{vide} note on 73$^a$ 7. $^4$ $\pi\rho\omega\tau\omega v$ appears to mean ‘first in a scale ascending towards the genus’. $^5$ \textit{sc.} genera and species. infima species, and the attributes inhere essentially in the simple infimae species, in the genera only in virtue of these. Divisions according to differentiae are a useful accessory to this method. What force they have as proofs we did, indeed, explain above, but that merely towards collecting the essential nature they may be of use we will proceed to show. They might, indeed, seem to be of no use at all, but rather to assume everything at the start and to be no better than an initial assumption made without division. But, in fact, the order in which the attributes are predicated does make a difference—it matters whether we say animal—tame-biped, or biped—animal—tame. For if every definable thing consists of two elements and 'animal-tame' forms a unity, and again out of this and the further differentia man (or whatever else is the unity under construction) is constituted, then the elements we assume have necessarily been reached by division. Again, division is the only possible method of avoiding the omission of any element of the essential nature. Thus, if the primary genus is assumed and we then take one of the lower divisions, the dividendum will not fall whole into this division: e.g. it is not all animal which is either whole-winged or split-winged but all winged animal, for it is winged animal to which this differentiation belongs. The primary differentiation of animal is that within which all animal falls. The like is true of every other genus, whether outside animal or a subaltern genus of animal; e.g. the primary differentiation of bird is that within which falls every bird, of fish that within which falls every fish. So, if we proceed in this way, we can be sure that nothing has been omitted: by any other method one is bound to omit something without knowing it. 1 τὸν ὄρισμόν καὶ τὸ ἀπλοῦν: i.e. the infima species, which is 'simple' because below it are only διαφορά, and which is the essentially definable. 2 ii, ch. 5 and An. Pr. i, ch. 31, where διαιρέσις is shown not to be inference. 3 Aristotle tends to use διαφορά and διαιρέσις indifferently in this chapter. This is natural, since a subject which obtains its διαφορά by falling on one side of a διαιρέσις is ipso facto qualified by its distinction from the other side. To define and divide one need not know the whole of existence. Yet some hold it impossible to know the differentiae distinguishing each thing from every single other thing without knowing every single other thing; and one cannot, they say, know each thing without knowing its differentiae, since everything is identical with that from which it does not differ, and other than that from which it differs. Now first of all this is a fallacy: not every differentia precludes identity, since many differentiae inhere in things specifically identical, though not in the substance of these nor essentially. Secondly, when one has taken one's differing pair of opposites and assumed that the two sides exhaust the genus, and that the subject one seeks to define is present in one or other of them, and one has further verified its presence in one of them; then it does not matter whether or not one knows all the other subjects of which the differentiae are also predicated. For it is obvious that when by this process one reaches subjects incapable of further differentiation one will possess the formula defining the substance. Moreover, to postulate that the division exhausts the genus is not illegitimate if the opposites exclude a middle; since if it is the differentia of that genus, anything contained in the genus must lie on one of the two sides. In establishing a definition by division one should keep three objects in view: (1) the admission only of elements in the definable form, (2) the arrangement of these in the right order, (3) the omission of no such elements. The first is feasible because one can establish genus and differentia through the topic of the genus,$^1$ just as one can conclude the inherence of an accident through the topic of the accident.$^2$ The right order will be achieved if the right term is assumed as primary, and this will be ensured if the term selected is predicable of all the others but not all they of it; since there must be one such term. Having assumed this we at once proceed in the same way with the lower terms; for our second term will be the first of the remainder, our third the first of those which follow the second in a 'contiguous'$^3$ series, since when the higher term is excluded, that term of $^1$ Cf. Topics iv. $^2$ Cf. Topics ii. $^3$ Cf. note on 95$^b$ 4. the remainder which is 'contiguous' to it will be primary, and so on. Our procedure makes it clear that no elements in the definable form have been omitted: we have taken the differentia that comes first in the order of division, pointing out that animal, e.g., is divisible exhaustively into $A$ and $B$, and that the subject accepts one of the two as its predicate. Next we have taken the differentia of the whole thus reached, and shown that the whole we finally reach is not further divisible—i.e. that as soon as we have taken the last differentia to form the concrete totality, this totality admits of no division into species. For it is clear that there is no superfluous addition, since all these terms we have selected are elements in the definable form; and nothing lacking, since any omission would have to be a genus or a differentia. Now the primary term is a genus, and this term taken in conjunction with its differentiae is a genus: moreover the differentiae are all included, because there is now no further differentia; if there were, the final concrete would admit of division into species, which, we said, is not the case. To resume our account of the right method of investigation:¹ We must start by observing a set of similar—i.e. specifically identical—individuals, and consider what element they have in common. We must then apply the same process to another set of individuals which belong to one species² and are generically but not specifically identical with the former set. When we have established what³ the common element is in all members of this second species, and likewise in members of further species, we should again consider whether the results established possess any identity, and persevere until we reach a single formula, since this will be the definition of the thing. But if we reach not one formula but two or more, evidently the definiendum cannot be one thing but must be more than one. I may illustrate my meaning as follows. If we were inquiring what the essential nature of pride is, we should examine instances of proud men we know of to see what, as such, they have in common; e.g. ¹ Aristotle resumes the discussion broken in 96b 25 by the digression on διάφοροις and deals with the question of defining a γένος. ² Reading αὐτοῖς with A (?). ³ Reading τὶ πάντα. if Alcibiades was proud, or Achilles and Ajax were proud, we should find, on inquiring what they all had in common, that it was intolerance of insult; it was this which drove Alcibiades to war, Achilles to wrath, and Ajax to suicide. We should next examine other cases, Lysander, for example, or Socrates, and then if these have in common indifference alike to good and ill fortune, I take these two results and inquire what common element have equanimity amid the vicissitudes of life and impatience of dishonour. If they have none, there will be two genera$^1$ of pride. Besides, every definition is always universal and commensurate:$^2$ the physician does not prescribe what is healthy for a single eye, but for all eyes or for a determinate species of eye. It is also easier by this method to define the single species than the universal, and that is why our procedure should be from the several species to the universal genera—this for the further reason too that equivocation is less readily detected in genera than in infimae species. Indeed, perspicuity is essential in definitions, just as inferential movement$^3$ is the minimum required in demonstrations; and we shall attain perspicuity if we can collect separately the definition of each species$^4$ through the group of singulars which we have established$^5$—e.g. the definition of similarity not unqualified but restricted to colours and to figures; the definition of acuteness, but only of sound—and so proceed to the common universal with a careful avoidance of equivocation. We may add that if dialectical disputation must not employ metaphors, clearly metaphors and metaphorical expressions are precluded in definition: otherwise dialectic would involve metaphors.$^6$ In order to formulate the connexions we wish to prove --- $^1$ $\epsilon'\delta\eta$ here must mean $\gamma'\nu\eta$, an apparent reversion to Plato's indiscriminate use of the terms, and contrary to Aristotle's general usage elsewhere. $^2$ This sentence explains why the absence of a common element means that there are two genera: a definition, being commensurate, cannot embrace subjects with nothing in common. $^3$ Reading $\sigma\nu\lambda\lambda\lambda\lambda\lambda\gamma\iota\alpha\theta\alpha\iota$, with B and Waitz. $^4$ $\gamma'\nu\eta$ here must be equivalent to $\epsilon'\delta\epsilon\iota$, cf. note on 97$^b$ 25. $^5$ Reading $\epsilon'\lambda\eta\mu\mu\epsilon\omega\omega$ for $\epsilon'\rho\eta\mu\epsilon\omega\omega$; cf. 97$^b$ 12. $^6$ sc. as sometimes involving definition. we have to select our analyses and divisions.\textsuperscript{1} The method of selection consists in laying down the common genus of all our subjects of investigation—if e.g. they are animals, we lay down what the properties are which inhere in every animal. These established, we next lay down the properties essentially connected with the first of the remaining classes\textsuperscript{2}—e.g. if this first subgenus is bird, the essential properties of every bird—and so on, always characterizing the proximate subgenus.\textsuperscript{3} This will clearly at once enable us to say in virtue of what character\textsuperscript{4} the subgenera—man, e.g., or horse—possess their properties. Let $A$ be animal, $B$ the properties of every animal, $CDE$ various species of animal. Then it is clear in virtue of what character $B$ inheres in $D$—namely $A$—and that it inheres in $C$ and $E$ for the same reason: and throughout the remaining subgenera always the same rule applies. We are now taking our examples from the traditional class-names, but we must not confine ourselves to considering these. We must collect any other common character which we observe, and then consider with what species it is connected and what properties belong to it. For example, as the common properties of horned animals we collect the possession of a third stomach and only one row of teeth. Then since it is clear in virtue of what character they possess these attributes—namely their horned character—the next question is, to what species does the possession of horns attach? Yet a further method of selection is by analogy: for we cannot find a single identical name to give to a squid’s pounce, a fish’s spine, and an animal’s bone, although these \textsuperscript{1} \textit{ἀνατομή} seems to mean \textit{that} analysis of a subject, for the purpose of eliciting its properties, which would precede the process of division exhibiting the true generic character in virtue of which the subject possesses those properties. Bonitz, however, takes it as equivalent to \textit{διαίρεσις} (Index s. v.). \textsuperscript{2} i.e. the subgenera. Cf. the previous chapter. \textsuperscript{3} Placing commas after ὁρθῶ\textsuperscript{a} 6 and ἐγγύτατα\textsuperscript{a} 7. \textsuperscript{4} Aristotle in this chapter is explaining how to select the true primary subject—cf. i, 4 ad fin.—of a property; not how to find the middle term—with which he deals, e.g., in cc. 15-18—and \textit{διὰ τί} here means \textit{quatenus}, not \textit{propter quod}. too possess common properties as if there were a single osseous nature. 15 Some connexions that require proof are identical in that they possess an identical 'middle'—e.g. a whole group might be proved through 'reciprocal replacement'—and of these one class are identical in genus, namely all those whose difference consists in their concerning different subjects or in their mode of manifestation. This latter class may be exemplified by the questions as to the causes respectively of echo, of reflection, and of the rainbow: the connexions to be proved which these questions embody are identical generically, because all three are forms of repercussion; but specifically they are different. Other connexions that require proof only differ in that the 'middle' of the one is subordinate to the 'middle' of the other. For example: Why does the Nile rise towards the end of the month? Because towards its close the month is more stormy. Why is the month more stormy towards its close? Because the moon is waning. Here the one cause is subordinate to the other. 16 The question might be raised with regard to cause and effect whether when the effect is present the cause also is present; whether, for instance, if a plant sheds its leaves or the moon is eclipsed, there is present also the cause of the eclipse or of the fall of the leaves—the possession of broad leaves, let us say, in the latter case, in the former the earth's interposition. For, one might argue, if this cause is not present, these phenomena will have some other cause: if it is present, its effect will be at once implied by it—the eclipse by the earth's interposition, the fall of the leaves by the possession of broad leaves; but if so, they will be logically coincident and each capable of proof through the other. Let me illustrate: Let $ A $ be deciduous character, $^1$ vide note on 89b38. $^2$ Cf. Waitz ad loc. $^3$ Placing a dash instead of a full stop after $\varepsilon\sigma\tau\alpha i$ in $a$ 38. $^4$ Placing a colon instead of a full stop after $\phi\varepsilon\lambda\lambda\omega\rho\omega\epsilon i$ in $b$ 4. $ B $ the possession of broad leaves, $ C $ vine. Now if $ A $ inheres in $ B $ (for every broad-leaved plant is deciduous), and $ B $ in $ C $ (every vine possessing broad leaves); then $ A $ inheres in $ C $ (every vine is deciduous), and the middle term $ B $ is the cause. But we can also demonstrate that the vine has broad leaves because it is deciduous. Thus, let $ D $ be broad-leaved, $ E $ deciduous, $ F $ vine. Then $ E $ inheres in $ F $ (since every vine is deciduous), and $ D $ in $ E $ (for every deciduous plant has broad leaves): therefore every vine has broad leaves, and the cause is its deciduous character. If, however, they cannot each be the cause of the other (for cause is prior to effect, and the earth’s interposition is the cause of the moon’s eclipse and not the eclipse of the interposition)—if, then, demonstration through the cause is of the reasoned fact and demonstration not through the cause is of the bare fact, one who knows it through the eclipse knows the fact of the earth’s interposition but not the reasoned fact. Moreover, that the eclipse is not the cause of the interposition, but the interposition of the eclipse, is obvious because the interposition is an element in the definition of eclipse, which shows that the eclipse is known through the interposition and not vice versa. On the other hand, can a single effect have more than one cause? One might argue as follows: if the same attribute is predicable of more than one thing as its primary subject, let $ B $ be a primary subject in which $ A $ inheres, and $ C $ another primary subject of $ A $, and $ D $ and $ E $ primary subjects of $ B $ and $ C $ respectively. $ A $ will then inhere in $ D $ and $ E $, and $ B $ will be the cause of $ A $'s inherence in $ D $, $ C $ of $ A $'s inherence in $ E $. The presence of the cause thus necessitates that of the effect, but the presence of the effect necessitates the presence not of all that may cause it but only of a cause which yet need not be the whole cause. 1 Here begins Aristotle’s answer. 2 The parenthesis should evidently continue to $\epsilon\kappa\lambda\epsilon\pi\epsilon\nu$ in b 19 and be followed by a dash. The construction is an anacoluthon: Aristotle instead of continuing $\kappa\alpha\iota\epsilon\ldots$ breaks off and starts again, and ends with an apodosis which is the consequent of the second $\epsilon\iota$ clause; though his real conclusion—that such demonstration is not circular because demonstration through the effect is only of the bare fact—is wider, and follows from both $\epsilon\iota$ clauses. We may, however, suggest that if the connexion to be proved is always universal and commensurate, not only will the cause be a whole but also the effect will be universal and commensurate. For instance, deciduous character will belong exclusively to a subject which is a whole, and, if this whole has species, universally and commensurately to those species—i.e. either to all species of plant or to a single species. So in these universal and commensurate connexions the 'middle' and its effect must reciprocate, i.e. be convertible. Supposing, for example, that the reason why trees are deciduous is the coagulation of sap, then if a tree is deciduous, coagulation must be present, and if coagulation is present—not in any subject but in a tree—then that tree must be deciduous. Can the cause of an identical effect be not identical in every instance of the effect but different? Or is that impossible? Perhaps it is impossible if the effect is demonstrated as essential and not as inhering in virtue of a symptom or an accident—because the middle is then the definition of the major term—though possible if the demonstration is not essential. Now it is possible to consider the effect and its subject as an accidental conjunction, though such conjunctions would not be regarded as connexions demanding scientific proof. But if they are accepted as such, the middle will correspond to the extremes, and be equivocal if they are equivocal, generically one if they are generically one. Take the question why proportionals alternate. The cause when they are lines, and when they are numbers, is both different and identical; different in so far as lines are lines and not numbers, identical as involving a given determinate increment. In all proportionals this is so. Again, the cause of likeness between colour and colour is other than that between figure and figure; for likeness here is equivocal, meaning perhaps 1 Here begins Aristotle's answer. 2 Really equivalent to ἐπέι, but εἶ is more consonant with the tentative form in which Aristotle offers his solution. 3 i.e. if an accidental connexion is accepted as a πρόβλημα. 4 We should perhaps read ἔν for ἐν in 7. 5 Placing a comma after ἀριθμοῖς in 9. in the latter case equality of the ratios of the sides and equality of the angles, in the case of colours identity of the act of perceiving them, or something else of the sort. Again, connexions requiring proof which are identical by analogy have middles also analogous. The truth is that cause, effect, and subject are reciprocally predicable in the following way. If the species are taken severally, the effect is wider than the subject (e.g. the possession of external angles equal to four right angles is an attribute wider than triangle or square), but it is co-extensive with the species taken collectively (in this instance with all figures whose external angles are equal to four right angles). And the middle likewise reciprocates, for the middle is a definition of the major; which is incidentally the reason why all the sciences are built up through definition. We may illustrate as follows. Deciduous is a universal attribute of vine, and is at the same time of wider extent than vine; and of fig, and is of wider extent than fig: but it is not wider than but coextensive with the totality of the species. Then if you take the middle which is proximate,$^1$ it is a definition of deciduous. I say that, because you will first reach a middle$^2$ next the subject,$^3$ and a premiss asserting it$^4$ of the whole subject, and after that a middle—the coagulation of sap or something of the sort—proving the connexion of the first middle with the major:$^5$ but it is the coagulation of sap at the junction of leaf-stalk and stem which defines deciduous.$^6$ $^1$ sc. to τὸ φυλλοφορεῖν, the major. $^2$ sc. broad-leaved. $^3$ Vine, fig, &c. $^4$ One should perhaps read ὅ τι. $^5$ Broad-leaved with deciduous. $^6$ Aristotle contemplates four terms: (1) deciduous, (2) coagulation, (3) broad-leaved, (4) vine, fig, &c. If we get the middle proximate to (1) it is a definition of (1). But in investigating vines, figs, &c. according to the method of chapter 13, we shall first find a common character of them in broad-leaved, and, taking this as a middle, we shall prove that vine, fig, &c., qua broad-leaved, are deciduous. But this proof is not demonstration, because broad-leaved is not a definition of deciduous. So our next step will be to find a middle—coagulation—mediating the major premiss of this proof, and demonstrate that broad-leaved plants, qua liable to coagulation, are deciduous. This is strict demonstration, because coagulation defines deciduous. If an explanation in formal terms of the inter-relation of cause and effect is demanded, we shall offer the following. Let $A$ be an attribute of all $B$, and $B$ of every species of $D$, but so that both $A$ and $B$ are wider than their respective subjects. Then $B$ will be a universal attribute of each species of $D$ (since I call such an attribute universal even if it is not commensurate, and I call an attribute primary universal if it is commensurate,$^1$ not with each species severally but with their totality),$^2$ and it extends beyond each of them taken separately. Thus, $B$ is the cause of $A$'s inherence in the species of $D$: consequently $A$ must be of wider extent than $B$; otherwise why should $B$ be the cause of $A$'s inherence in $D$ any more than $A$ the cause of $B$'s inherence in $D$? Now if $A$ is an attribute of all the species of $E$, all the species of $E$ will be united by possessing some common cause other than $B$: otherwise how shall we be able to say that $A$ is predicable of all of which $E$ is predicable, while $E$ is not predicable of all of which $A$ can be predicated? I mean how can there fail to be some special cause of $A$'s inherence in $E$, as there was of $A$'s inherence in all the species of $D$?$^3$ Then are the species of $E$, too, united by possessing some common cause? This cause we must look for. Let us call it $C$.$^4$ We conclude, then, that the same effect may have more than one cause, but not in subjects specifically identical. For instance, the cause of longevity in quadrupeds is lack of bile, in birds a dry constitution—or certainly something different. If immediate premisses are not reached at once, and there $^1$ But cf. i, ch. 4, 73$^b$ 21–74$^a$ 3. $^2$ The parenthesis should clearly terminate at $\alpha\nu\tau\iota\sigma\tau\rho\epsilon\phi\epsilon\ \eta\ 35$. $^3$ Reading $\tau\omega\ \tau\delta\ A\ \iota\pi\alpha\rho\xi\epsilon\iota\ \eta\ \eta\ 2$. $^4$ The schema of Aristotle's argument in this paragraph is: $$ \begin{array}{c} A \\ B \\ D \\ \end{array} \begin{array}{c} C \\ E \\ \end{array} $$ It seems best to begin this chapter at $\epsilon\ \delta\epsilon\ \epsilon\iota\ \ldots\ \eta\ 7$, and place a comma after $\pi\lambda\epsilon\iota\omega$ in $\eta\ 8$. The $\delta\epsilon$ after $\pi\omega\tau\epsilon\rho\omega$ in $\eta\ 9$ will then be roughly parallel to e.g. Pol. iii. 16, 1287$^b$ 13 (cf. Bonitz, Ind. s.v.), though the apodosis is not here an antithesis. is not merely one middle but several middles, i.e. several causes; is the cause of the property’s inherence in the several species the middle which is proximate to the primary universal,$^1$ or the middle which is proximate to the species?$^2$ Clearly the cause is that nearest to each species severally in which it is manifested, for that is the cause of the subject’s falling under the universal. To illustrate formally: $C$ is the cause of $B$'s inherence in $D$; hence $C$ is the cause of $A$'s inherence in $D$, $B$ of $A$'s inherence in $C$, while the cause of $A$'s inherence in $B$ is $B$ itself. As regards syllogism and demonstration, the definition of, and the conditions required to produce each of them, are now clear, and with that also the definition of, and the conditions required to produce, demonstrative knowledge, since it is the same as demonstration. As to the basic premisses, how they become known and what is the developed state of knowledge of them is made clear by raising some preliminary problems. We have already said$^3$ that scientific knowledge through demonstration is impossible unless a man knows the primary immediate premisses. But there are questions which might be raised in respect of the apprehension of these immediate premisses: one might not only ask whether it is of the same kind as the apprehension of the conclusions, but also whether there is or is not scientific knowledge of both; or scientific knowledge of the latter, and of the former a different kind of knowledge; and, further, whether the developed states of knowledge are not innate but come to be in us, or are innate but at first unnoticed. Now it is strange if we possess them from birth; for it means that we possess apprehensions more accurate than demonstration and fail to notice them. If on the other hand we acquire them and do not previously possess them, how could we apprehend and learn without a basis of pre-existent knowledge? For that is impossible, as we used to find$^4$ in the case of demonstration. So it emerges that neither can we possess them from birth, nor can they come $^1$ i.e. the property. $^2$ the subject. $^3$ i, ch. 2. $^4$ i, ch. 1. to be in us if we are without knowledge of them to the extent of having no such developed state at all. Therefore we must possess a capacity of some sort, but not such as to rank higher in accuracy than these developed states. And this at least is an obvious characteristic of all animals, for they possess a congenital discriminative capacity which is called sense-perception. But though sense-perception is innate in all animals, in some the sense-impression comes to persist, in others it does not. So animals in which this persistence does not come to be have either no knowledge at all outside the act of perceiving, or no knowledge of objects of which no impression persists; animals in which it does come into being have perception and can continue to retain the sense-impression in the soul: and when such persistence is frequently repeated$^1$ a further distinction at once arises between those which out of the persistence of such sense-impressions develop a power of systematizing them and those which do not. So out of sense-perception comes to be what we call memory, and out of frequently repeated memories of the same thing develops experience; for a number of memories constitute a single experience.$^2$ From experience again—i.e. from the universal now stabilized in its entirety within the soul, the one beside the many which is a single identity within them all—originate the skill of the craftsman and the knowledge of the man of science, skill in the sphere of coming to be and science in the sphere of being. We conclude that these states of knowledge are neither innate in a determinate form, nor developed from other higher states of knowledge, but from sense-perception. It is like a rout in battle stopped by first one man making a stand and then another, until the original formation has been restored. The soul is so constituted as to be capable of this process. Let us now restate the account given already, though with insufficient clearness. When one of a number of logically indiscriminable particulars has made a stand, the $^1$ Reading $\gamma\epsilon\nu\omega\mu\epsilon\nu\omega\nu$ with D in 100$^a$ 1. $^2$ Cf. Met. A 980$^a$ 28. Met. A 1 should be compared with this chapter. earliest universal is present in the soul: for though the act of sense-perception is of the particular, its content is universal—is man, for example, not the man Callias.$^1$ A fresh stand is made among these rudimentary universals, and the process does not cease until the indivisible concepts, the true universals,$^2$ are established: e.g. such and such a species of animal is a step towards the genus animal,$^3$ which by the same process is a step towards a further generalization. Thus it is clear that we must get to know the primary premisses by induction; for the method by which even sense-perception implants the universal is inductive. Now of the thinking states by which we grasp truth, some are unfailingly true, others admit of error—opinion, for instance, and calculation, whereas scientific knowing and intuition$^4$ are always true: further, no other kind of thought except intuition is more accurate than scientific knowledge, whereas primary premisses are more knowable than demonstrations, and all scientific knowledge is discursive. From these considerations it follows that there will be no scientific knowledge of the primary premisses, and since except intuition nothing can be truer than scientific knowledge, it will be intuition that apprehends the primary premisses—a result which also follows from the fact that demonstration cannot be the originative source of demonstration, nor, consequently, scientific knowledge of scientific knowledge. If, therefore, it is the only other kind of true thinking except scientific knowing, intuition will be the originative source of scientific knowledge. And the originative source of science grasps the original basic premiss, while science as a whole is similarly related as originative source to the whole body of fact.$^5$ $^1$ Removing the brackets, reading a colon after καθόλου $^a$ 16 and a full stop after Καλλίου ἀνθρώπου in $^b$ I. $^2$ i.e. the categories, which are par excellence universal and are indivisible because not constituted of genus and differentia, cf. Met. 1084$^b$ 14 and 1023$^b$ 24. For this sense of ἀμερή cf. the use of ἀτομα in Met. 994$^b$ 21. $^3$ Following ἐως ζῶν with a comma. $^4$ Cf. note on 85$^a$ 1. $^5$ i.e. the conclusions. INDEX 1a 1—15b 33 = Categoriae. 16a 1—24b 9 = De Interpretatione. 24a 10—70b 38 = Analytica Priora. 71a 1—100b 17 = Analytica Posteriora. Accident, v. Attribute. Achilles 97b 18. Action 2a 4, 11b 1–7. Affection 1b 27, 2a 4, 9a 28—10a 10, 11b 1–7; of the soul 9b 34; a. as distinct from qualities ib. 29 Affective qualities 9a 28. Affirmation $ \chi $ negation 2a 5, 11b 19, 12b 6, 13a 37—b 35, 17a 8, 19b 12, 72a 13, def. 17a 25. Alcibiades 97b 18. All, meanings of 74a 30–2. Alteration, distinct from other forms of motion 15a 14. Alternation 74a 16–25, 99a 8–10. Anacharsis 78b 30. Analogy 76a 38, 98a 20–3, 99a 15. Analysis (ἀνάλυειν, ἀνάλυσις) of rea- soning into the three figures of syllogism 47a 4, 50a 8; hypo- thetical arguments not resol- uble into the figures 50a 30, b 3; of syllogisms in one figure into another ib. 30, 33, 51a 2, 18; of premisses into terms 49a 19; analytic $ \chi $ dialectical proof (ἀναληπτικὸς $ \chi $ λογικώς) 84a 7, b 2; analysis (ἀνατομῇ) 98a 2. Appropriate, premisses appropri- ate to (homogeneous with) con- clusion 71b 23, 72a 6, 74b 26, 75b 38, 76a 6, and An. Post. passim. Aristomenes 47b 22. Aristotle, references to Cat. 49a 7 (?); An. Pr. 19b 31, 73a 8, 14, 77a 35, 80a 7, 86b 10, 91b 13, 96a 1; An. Post. 24b 14, 25b 27, 32b 23, 43a 36; Top. 20b 26, 24b 12, 46a 30, 47a 17, 64a 37; Soph. El. 20b 26, 65b 16; Phys. 95b 11; De An. 16a 8; Met. 67b 26 (?). Arithmetic, assumptions of 76b 8, 93b 24; more accurate than Geometry $ \chi $ more abstract 87a 33; differs generically from Geometry 75a 39, b 3. Cf. Science. Art ($ \tau \epsilon \chi \nu \eta $) 89b 8, 100a 8. Article, definite 49b 10. Assumptions of a science, (a) fact, (b) meaning, (c) meaning and fact 71a 12–16, 76b 31–6, 96b 24; not expressly assumed 76b 15– 20, 77b 10–25. Cf. Axioms, Demonstration, Mathematics. Astronomy 76b 11; relation of science to experience 46a 19; mathematical $ \chi $ nautical 78b 40. Athenians 69a 1, 94a 37. Atomic disconnexion 79a 33—b 22. Attribute 2a 34, 43b 3, 41; predic- able of a subject 1a 20, 2a 19; present in a subject 1a 23, 2a 27; ‘true in every instance’ (κατὰ παντός) 73a 28–34; essen- tial, defined as (i) = element in definition of subject, (ii) contain- ing its subject in its definition (cf. 75b 1), in some cases as pair of disjunctive opposites, (iii) in respect of singular sub- stance, (iv) consequentially con- nected 73a 34—b 24; type (ii) limited in number 82b 39, 84a 21, commensurate with subject 84a 24; (ii) and (iii) 74b 7–10, 84a 12–17: commensurate and uni- versal (καθόλου) 73b 26—74a 3, elicited from singulars 71a 20, 81a 4, makes clear the cause 88a 5: accident or coincident (συμβέβηκός) 73b 4, 75a 18–21; $ \chi $ essentia type (ii) 83a 25–32, INDEX b 20; never a subject (ὑποκείμενον) 83b 22, but designated as qualifying a subject 83b 23. Cf. Assumptions. Axioms, defined 72a 16-18; hypotheses 76b 23; community of sciences through 77a 26-31; as 'Laws of Thought', not universal premisses 88a 36-b 3; excluded middle 71a 14, 72b 23, express assumption of 77a 22-5; law of contradiction, express assumption of 77a 10-21; quantitative axioms, function in demonstration 75a 39, b 3-5, 76a 42, b 10, 14, 77a 27-31, 88b 28. Cf. Assumptions, Demonstration. Basic truth (ἀρχή), in wide sense 76a 31; common ἀ peculiär 76a 37-b 5, 88b 27; individual's knowledge of 99b 15-100b 17. Cf. Premiss. Being, in unqualified sense ἀ possessing an attribute 89b 33, 90a 9-14, 32; ἀ essence ὅτι not a genus 92b 14: non-existents nameable 92b 30. Better known, two senses of 71b 33-72a 5. Bryson 75b 40. Caeneus 77b 41. Callias 43a 27, 77a 17, 83b 4, 100b 1. Callippus 16a 21. Capacity, indicated by qualitative terms 9a 15. Case 6b 33, 16b 1; terms to be stated in nominative, but premisses to be understood with reference to cases of terms 48b 40. Categories 10b 21, 49a 7, 83a 21, 83b 14-17; enumerated and illustrated 1b 25-2a 4. Cause, premisses cause of conclusion 71b 22; reasoned knowledge of conclusion is through cause passim; higher knowledge through higher cause 76b 18; proximate cause 78b 4, 15, 99b 9-14; (a) identical with, (b) distinct from essential nature 93a 5, b 21-8; chance 95a 3-9; as middle term, formal 93a 1 ff., 94a 5, material 94a 24-35, efficient 94a 36-b 8, final 94b 8-26; final and material may mediate one connexion 94b 27-37; cause and effect as reciprocal 78a 27, 98a 35-99b 8, non-reciprocal 78b 12, 98a 35-99b 8, simultaneous 95a 10-24, 98a 35-b 24, successive 95a 24-b 37, circular 95b 38-96a 7; plurality of causes 98b 25-38, of effects 99a 1-b 8. Cf. Middle term. Chance conjunctions not demonstrable 87b 19-27; necessity and final cause 95a 4. Circular proof 57b 18-59a 41; defined 57b 18, 58a 33. Cleon 43a 26. Close-packing (πίκνωσις) 79a 30, 82b 7, 84a 34-9, 84b 35. Coincident, v. Attribute. Combination of predicates 20b 31. Conclusion 32a 6-14, 42b 4; of demonstration necessary 73b 13-18; reveals attribute as inhering as such 75b 38, as essential, as eternal 75b 22; homogeneous with basic premisses 76a 30; reciprocal with premisses 78a 16. Cf. Attribute, Cause, Demonstration, Premiss, &c. Concrete and abstract terms 47b 40-48a 28. Connexion for proof (πρόθλημα) 88a 12, (87b 5); how to select 98a 1-23; community of middle in ib. 24-34. Consequential connexion 75a 37. Cf. Attribute. Contiguous (ἐχόμενος) 82a 1, 95b 3-25. Contingency 32a 16-b 37; contradictory of propositions expressing 21b 10. Continuous 4b 20. Contradiction 17a 33, b 26, 72a 12-14, 73b 21, 93a 34. Contradictory propositions 17b 17, 20a 30, 21a 30; contradictories of contrary propositions 20a 16. Contrary of a proposition 17b 4; is it a denial or a contrary affirmation? 23a 27-24b 9; contraries 4a 10, 6a 1, 17, 11b 34- INDEX 12a 25, 13b 36—14a 25; contraries, existing in case of qualities 10b 12, of relations 6b 15, of actions 11b 1, not of substances 3b 24, nor of quantities 3b 29, 5b 11; with and without intermediates 12a 1. Conversion, of propositions, assertoric 25a 5, apodictic ib. 27, problematic ib. 37, 32a 30, 36b 35; of syllogisms 59b 1—61a 16; defined 59b 1, 61a 5; reductio ad impossibile 61a 21; of terms of syllogism 67b 27—68a 25. Conviction, degree required by science 72a 37—b 4. Cf. Opinion. Copula 24b 17, 25b 22, 32b 1. Coriscus 85a 24. Correlation 6b 6, 28, 7a 20, 8a 35; coining names to express 7a 5; importance of correct terminology 6b 36. Correlatives 11b 17-33; apprehension of one of pair involves that of the other 8a 35. Degree, variation of, in substance 3b 33, in quantity 6a 19, in quality 10b 26. Demonstration 24a 11, 25b 27, 32b 18, 40b 23; demonstrative premiss dialectical 24b 22; defined as syllogism giving scientific knowledge 71b 18, as proceeding from necessary premisses 74b 16-18, as involving necessary middle term 75a 13, 76a 5, as necessarily involving natural predication 83b 20; unit of 84b 6—85a 1; elements of 75a 39—b 2, 76b 11-22; confined to one genus 75b 3-11, 84b 17; transference possible only in case of subalternate sciences 75b 14, 76a 22-5; vicious transference of 75b 40—76a 3, 88a 31-6; as definition is continuous 94a 6; commensurate and universal 73b 32—74a 3, 74a 32—b 4, wrongly supposed commensurate and universal 74a 4-32; universal particular 85a 13, 20—86a 30; affirmative negative 86a 32—b 39; circular and reciprocal 72b 17, 72b 25—73a 20, 91a 35—b 11; possibility of several demonstrations of one connexion 87b 5-18; no demonstration of accidents 75a 18-21, 31-3, nor of chance conjunctions 87b 19-27. Cf. Definition, Knowledge, Predication, Reductio ad impossible. Denial, def. 17a 25. Derivatives 1a 12, 10a 27. Desirable 68a 25—b 7. Dialectic 24a 22, 46a 30, 65a 37, 71a 5, 22-7; its method interrogative demonstration 77a 31-4; dialectic strict proof 81b 18-23, 84a 7, 84b 2, 86a 21, 88a 19, 30; dialectical question 20b 22-30. Cf. Proposition, Syllogism. Dictum de omni et nullo 25b 32. Differentia 1b 17, 3a 22, 74a 37—b 3, 83b 1, 96b 12, 20, 25—92b 6. Disjunction 73b 21-4, 78b 17-20. Disposition 8b 27, 35, 11a 22. Distinctive mark of substance 4a 10, of quantity 6a 26, of quality 11a 18. INDEX Distributed subject 17b 14. Division 46a 31—37; proper use of 91b 29—32; not inference 91b 12, 36, 96b 25—97b 6. Cf. Definition. Eclipse 75a 34, 88a 1, 89b 30, 90a 3, 30, 93a 23, 30, 37, 98b 18. Enthymeme 70a 3—38, 71a 10; defined 70a 10. Enunciation 72a 11. Equality 6a 26. Equivocal 1a 1, 77a 9, b 24, 85b 11, 16, 97b 36, 99a 7. Eretria 94b 1. Error 66b 18—67b 26, 77b 18—33; positive $ \chi $ nescience as direct belief 79b 26—8; as inferential, in atomic connexion or disconnexion, affirmative 79b 23—80a 7, negative 80a 7—b 16; in immediate conn. or disconn., negative 80b 16—81a 14, affirmative 81a 16—34; as formal fallacy 77b 20—33; rare in Maths. 77b 27—33; due to taking mere attribute as middle 77b 4c—78a 13; as material fallacy 77b 21. Essential nature, v. Definition. Event, atomic 96a 1—7. Example (παράδειγμα) 68b 38—69a 19, 71a 10; $ \chi $ induction 69a 16. Excess, contrary of defect 14a 2. Excluded middle 18a 28—19b 4. Existence, v. Being. Experience (ἐμπειρία) 46a 18, 1coa 5—9. Exposition 28a 23, 3c a 9, b 31, 49b 33. Fact $ \chi $ reasoned fact 75a 16, 76a 11—13, 87a 31; within one science 78a 22—b 31; as belonging to different sciences 78b 32—79a 16; in relation to perception $ \chi $ knowledge 88a 1; both as object of opinion 89a 15; when both are obvious to perception 89b 23—35, 90a 25—30, 93a 17—20. Cf. Cause, Demonstration, Middle term. Fallacy, v. Error. False cause 65a 38—66a 15. Falsehood, falsity 16a 12, 88a 25—30. Cf. Error. Fatality 18b 26—19b 4. Features, inference of character from 70b 7. Figure, first 25b 26—26b 33, def. 25b 32, 26b 33; second 26b 34—28a 9, def. 26b 34; third 28a 10—29a 18, def. 28a 10; ‘fourth’ 29a 19, 53a 3; common properties of the three figures 29a 19—b 28; all syllogisms reducible to universal moods of first figure 29b 1, 40b 17—41b 5; uses of the figures 42b 27—43b 19; analysis of syllogisms in one figure into another 50b 5—51b 2; three figures only 41a 14. Forms 79a 7; Platonic 77a 5, 83a 33, 85b 19. Fortuitous, def. 18b 8. Genus, relative, individual not 11a 20; $ \chi $ species 96b 21—5; prior to species 15a 4; genera, coordinate 1b 16, subordinate ib. 21. Cf. Subject, Demonstration, elements of. Geometry 75b 12—14, 17—19, 77a 40—b 27; use of diagrams in 49b 35; its assumptions 76b 9, are not false 76b 39—77a 2; differs generically from Arithmetic 75a 39, b 3. Cf. Science. Good $ \chi $ the good 49b 10. Habit $ \chi $ disposition 8b 27, 35, 9a 4, 11a 22. Harmonics 75b 16, 76a 10, 76a 24, 76b 38; mathematical $ \chi $ acoustical 79b 1. Have, uses of word 15b 17—33. Hypothesis 72a 29—4; $ \chi $ axiom 76b 23—34; $ \chi $ definition 76b 35—77a 4; $ \chi $ illegitimate postulate 76b 30—4; hypothetical reasoning 40b 25, 41a 22, 50a 16, 72b 13—15, 92a 6—33; rule of hypothetical reasoning 53b 12, 57b 1. Cf. Reductio ad impossibile. Ignorance, v. Error. Iliad, the 92b 32, 93b 36. Immediate propositions 48a 33, 68b 30; immediately cohering (συνεχῆς) 87b 6. INDEX Impossibility, contradictory of propositions expressing 22a 6. Indefinite noun 16a 32, 19b 8, verb 16b 14, 19b 10, premiss 24a 19, 26a 28; proof from indef. nature of particular statement 26b 14, 27b 20, 28, 28b 28, 35b 11; = possible 32b 10, 19. Cf. Infinite. Individual 1b 4, 3a 35, 17a 37, 40, 43a 25. Induction 28b 21, 42a 3, 67a 23, 68b 8–37, 69a 16, 71a 6, 10, 72b 30, 77b 35, 78a 35, 81b 3, 90b 14; gives grasp of universal 81b 2, 100b 4; conn. with sense-perception 81a 38–b 9; demonstration 91b 35; definition 92a 37–b 1. Infinite proposition, an affirmation 25b 22, 51b 31, 52a 24. Cf. Indefinite. Instances, proof by taking 26a 8, 30a 28, 31b 4, 33b 3, 49b 33. Intuition (νοῦς) 85a 1, 88a 7, 16, b 35, 89b 8, 100b 5–17. Cf. Knowledge, Demonstration. Inversion of subject and predicate 20b 1. Isosceles triangle, proof of equality of angles at base 41b 14. Knowledge 67b 4; of universal (particular 67a 17; kn. pre-existent, dependence of instruction on 71a 1–11, two kinds of a 11–b 8; discursive (διάφορα) 89b 7; scientific kn. (ἐπιστήμη), its object immutable 71b 15, its truth necessary 73a 21, based on ‘appropriate’ premisses 76a 27, accidental kn. = kn. through cause 71b 9–12, 74b 23, 26–39, 76a 4–6, = kn. of definition 93a 20–6, 94a 20, suggested impossibility of 72b 5–15; intuition 93b 15–100b 17; sense-perception 87b 28–88a 17, 99b 15–100b 17; opinion 88b 30–89b 6; unqualified universal 71a 28, hypothetical 83b 38; as state (ἐξίσις) 99b 18–100b 17; growth of in individual soul ib.; innate ib.; all kn. demonstrable 72b 6, 15–18, 84a 31; kn. of basic premisses (νοῦς) 72b 24, is prior and superior to kn. of conclusion 72a 26, indemonstrable and source of demonstration 72b 18–24, 84a 31, 90b 25 and passim. Cf. also Demonstration, Intuition. Limit as genus of figure 74b 1. Line, a quantity 5a 17. Love 68a 39. Lunules, squaring of circle by means of 69a 33. Lysander 97b 21. Major term 26a 22, b 37, 28a 13; wider than middle 77b 18. Cf. Middle term. Mathematics, nature of 79a 7–9, 81b 4, 93b 24; its teaching depends on previous knowledge 71a 3, on induction 81b 3; formal fallacy rare in 77b 27–33; dialectic 78a 12. Cf. Arithmetic, Geometry, Stereometry, Science. Mechanics 76a 24, 78b 39. Medicine 77b 41, 79a 14. Memory, developed from sense-perception 99b 36, into experience 100a 3–6. Metaphor 97b 37. Metaphysics (σοφία) 89b 8. Miccalus 47b 30. Middle term 41a 3, 47a 38—b 14; homogeneous with extremes (‘appropriate’) 75b 10, 80b 18–21, 81a 17, 84b 15, 93a 10; in causal inference 95a 36–9; necessary contingent 74b 26—a 12, 75b 17, 76a 5; as cause 78b 4, 89b 36—90a 34 passim, 93a 3–8; defines major term 93b 6, 94a 5, 94b 19, 98b 23, 99a 4, 31–3; defines minor term 72b 24; defined by major term 94b 21. Cf. Cause, Close-packing, Demonstration, Fact, Predication, Quick wit. Minor term 26a 22, b 38, 28a 14. Cf. Middle term. Modality 21a 34—23a 26, 25a 1, 29b 29, 32a 15, 34a 5; modal syllogisms 29b 29—40b 16, 45b 28–35. Movement, kinds of 15a 13–33; contrary of 15b 1. Natural 32b 5, 16, 70b 8. INDEX Necessary, v. Attribute, Demonstration, Premiss, &c. Necessity, contradictory of propositions expressing 21b 26, 22a 3; in inference 24b 19, 26a 3, 47a 33, 53b 18, 57a 40, 62a 11; in conversion 25a 5; two kinds of 94b 37; necessary and possible 32a 18, 28; nothing n. follows from single statement 34a 17, 40b 35, 53b 16; conversion of n. propositions 25b 27; syllogisms with two n. premisses 29b 29—3ca 14; with one pure and one n. premiss 30a 15—32a 5; with one contingent and one n. premiss 35b 23—36b 25, 38a 13—39a 3, 40a 4—b 16; conclusion n. though only one premiss n. 30a 15, b 9, 32a 7. Negation (κ) affirmation 13a 37—b 35, 17a 9, 25, 72a 14. Negative term 51b 5—52b 34. Nile 98a 31. Noun def. 16a 19; composite ib. 23; indefinite ib. 30; cases of 16b 1. Number 4b 23. Objection (ἐπιστασίς) 69a 37—7ca 2, 73a 33, 74b 19—21, 76b 26, 77b 34—9. Opinion 4a 23, 66b 19; defined 89a 4; knowledge 88b 30—89b 6; true and false 89a 24—32. Cf. Fact. Opposite, four uses of term 11b 16—13b 35; o. propositions, six pairs of 19b 24—20a 3. Opposition 27a 29, 59b 6, 63b 24; of propositions 19b 5—20b 10; of problematic and apodictic propositions 32a 22, 37a 9. Optics 75b 16, 76a 24, 77a 2, 78b 37. Ostensive proof 40b 30; κ reduction ad impossibile 29a 31, 45a 26, 36, 62b 29—63b 22. Particulars 100a 15—b 1; objects of sense-perception and science 81b 1—9. Cf. Universal, Sense-perception. Peculiar (ἰδιος), v. Property; applied to elements in essential nature 91a 15, 92a 8. Perception, v. Sense-perception. Persian war 94a 36. Petilio principii 41b 8, 64b 28—65a 37. Phocians 69a 2. Pittacus 70a 16, 26. Place 2a 1, 11b 11. Plato, reference to Meno 67a 21, 71a 29, (Euthydemus) 74b 23, (Theaetetus) 76b 25; method of division 46a 31. Cf. Forms. Position 2a 2, 11b 9. Positive and privative 12a 26—13a 36. Possibility 21a 35, b 12, 23a 7, 32a 16—b 37, 36b 26—37b 18; def. 32a 18, cf. 33b 30, 34a 27; meanings of 22a 15, 25a 37, b 15, 31b 8, 32b 4, 33a 3, 37a 15; conversion in mode of 25a 37, 32a 29, 33a 8, 35b 35; syllogisms with two contingent premisses 32b 38—33b 24, 36b 26—37b 18, 39a 4—b 6; with one contingent and one pure premiss 33b 25—35b 22, 37b 19—38a 12, 39b 7—40a 3; with one contingent and one necessary premiss 35b 23—36b 25, 38a 13—39a 3, 40a 4—b 16. Postulate, illegitimate hypothesis 76b 23, 30—4. Potentiality, various senses of 22b 36—23a 18. Practical wisdom (φρόνησις) 89b 8. Predetermination of future events 19a 7—22. Predication 24b 17, 26, 25b 20, 26a 17, 32b 25, 41b 15, 43a 25, b 17, 48a 40, 49a 16; natural and accidental 81b 24—9, 82a 20, 83a 1—20; possibility of infinite series of 81b 30—84b 2; implies single subject and single attribute 83a 22, b 17; series of (συντοιχία) 79b 7, 81a 21, 87b 6, 14. Premiss (πρότασις), def. 24a 16; species of ib. 17, 25a 1; demonstrative and dialectical 24a 22; number of 42a 32; rules for selecting 43a 20—46a 30; proper form of 71b 4; at least two required for inference 73a 10; as elements of conclusion (cf. also Resolution) 84b 21; related as whole and part 92a 12; as reciprocating with conclusion INDEX 78a 10; necessary general chance 87b 19-27; false premisses may give true conclusion 75a 4, 78a 7, 85a 20; non-necessary premisses may give necessary conclusion 75a 3; as basic truth (ἀρχή), = an immediate proposition (πρότασις) 72a 7; must be true, primary (and .: indemonstrable 76a 16), better known than, cause of, conclusion 71b 21-3, necessary 73a 24, .: essential 74b 5-12, 75a 30, homogeneous with conclusion 87b 1-4; equal in number to middle terms 84b 21; not much fewer than conclusions 88b 3-7; none common to all sciences 6a 17, 85a 18-b 29; as definitions 75b 3, 96b 24; as unit of demonstration 84b 36-85a 1; negative 84b 29-31; how the individual comes to know them 99b 15-100b 17. Cf. Demonstration, Basic truth, Knowledge, Intuition. Prime, two meanings of 96a 35. Prior, five senses of 14a 26-b 23; two senses of 71b 33-72a 5. Privation 73b 21. Privative positive terms 12a 26-13a 36, 52a 15. Probability (εἰκός) 70a 3. Property 43b 3; peculiar (ἰδίων) 73a 7, 91a 15, 92a 8, and An. Post. passim. Cf. Attribute. Proportion, geometrical 78a 1. Cf. Alternation. Proposition, simple 17a 8, 20, 18a 8-17; composite 17a 9, 21; contrary 17b 20-18a 12; contradictory 17a 25-37, 17b 17; universal, particular, indefinite 17a 38-b 16, 24a 17; universal affirmative 24b 26; negative ib. 30; particular affirmative 25a 10, neg. ib. 12, 22, 26b 14; singular universal 43a 25; = either part of an enunciation 72a 8; immediate ib.; dialectical 72a 9; demonstrative 72a 10. Cf. Premiss. Prosylllogism 42b 5, 53a 40, 66a 25, 82b 26, 86b 23. Pythagoreans 94b 33. Quality 1b 26, 29, 8b 25-11a 38; (ποιώνης) not predicable of a quality 82a 36. Quantification of predicate 43b 17. Quantity 1b 26, 28, 4b 2c-5a 35; discrete continuous 4b 20; of premisses 47b 15-40. Question, dialectical 20b 22. Questions, four which cover the whole sphere of knowledge 89b 21-36; these all concern cause and middle term 89b 37-90a 35. Quick wit (ἀγχίων) 89b 10-20. Reason, cannot be established from false premisses 53b 9, 57a 40. Reciprocity of correlatives 6b 28-7b 14; reciprocal proof 57b 18, 59a 32. Reductio ad impossibile 28b 15, 29a 35, b 6, 34a 3, 36a 22, 37a 9, 41a 21, 45a 23-46a 2, 50a 29-38, 61a 17-63b 21, 77a 22; conversion 61a 21; ostensive proof 62b 29-63b 22; affirmative demonstration 87a 28-30; negative demonstration ib. 1-28. Reduction 40b 17-41b 5, 50b 5-51b 2, 66a 20-36; by conversion 27a 6, 28a 19, 29a 30, and An. Pr. passim; per impossibile 27a 38, 28b 17, and An. Pr. passim; all syllogisms reducible to universal moods of fig. I 20b 1, 41b 3; reduction of arguments to figures and moods of syllogism 46b 49-50b 4. Refutation 66b 4-17; proof 42b 27-43b 38. Relation 1b 26. Relative 5b 16, 6a 36-8b 24. Relatives, such in virtue of reference to something external 6a 37. Resolution 78a 7; of composite predicates 21a 18. Rhetoric 71a 9. Sardis 94b 1. Science 32b 18, 46a 3; the more abstract the more accurate 87a 31-7; expansion by apposition 78a 14-21, 86b 5, by interposition 88b 6 (cf. Close-packing); one science one genus 87a 38- INDEX b 4: subalternate sciences 75b 14-16, 76a 9-15, 78b 36—79a 16. Cf. Demonstration, Knowledge. Scythians 78b 30. Self-evident 64b 36, 65a 9. Sense, loss of a 81a 38-b 9. Sense-perception 7b 35, 8a 1-12, 50a 1, 78a 35; defined 99b 35; knowledge 81b 6, 86a 30, 87b 28—88a 17; conn. with induction 81a 38-b 9, 100b 5; its development into memory 96b 36—100a 3; content of 87b 29, 100b 17. Sentence 16b 26—17a 7; def. 16b 26. Sequence of being 14a 30, 35, b 12, 15a 6, in propositions expressing contingency, necessity, impossibility, &c. 22a 14—23a 26. Sign 70a 3; proof through 75a 33, 99a 3. Simultaneity, kinds of 14b 24—15a 12; s. of most correlatives 7b 15; simultaneous by nature 15a 8. Sophistic argument 71a 30. Cf. Knowledge. Soul, discourse within 76b 25; growth of knowledge in 99b 15—100b 17. Space, a quantity 5a 6. Species, secondary substance 2a 14, b 7, 29; how related to genus 2b 7, 19; simultaneous 14b 33; univocally predicated of individual 3a 33-b 9; infima 96b 20; as definable form ib. 23 and 96a 20—97b 39 passim. Cf. Genus, Definition, Subject. Speech, a quantity 4b 32. State 1b 27. Stereometry 78b 38. Subject 1a 20, 2a 12, 3a 8; primary s. of demonstration 73b 39—74a 3; as reciprocating with predicate 82a 15-20; as infima species passim; as element in definition of a substance 83b 26; as substratum (ὑποκείμενον) 79a 9, 81b 28, 83a 6, 13, b 12, 22; subject-genus 75a 39-b 1, 76a 12. Substance (ὄνομα) 1b 27, 2a 11—4b 19; primary 2a 11, 35, b 5, 3b 25, 8a 15, 23a 24; secondary 2a 14, b 7; basis of all predication 2a 34, b 15; as a ‘this some- what’ (τόδε τι) 3b 10, 73b 7, 87b 29; as infima species 73a 32 and An. Post. passim; essentially definable 83b 5. Cf. Definition, &c. Substratum, v. Subject. Syllogism def. 24b 18; γ demonstration 24a 27, 25b 27, 71b 22, 81b 18-23; perfect χ imperfect 24b 22, 25b 35, 26b 29, 27a 16, 28a 4, 29a 15, 30, 33a 20, 34a 1, 42a 33; valid 27a 2, 28a 16, 41b 33; indirect 29a 19, 53a 3; ostensive γ hypothetical 40b 27; hypothetical 41a 38, 45b 15, 50a 16-b 4; inductive 68b 15; all s. reducible to universal moods of fig. I 29b 1, 40b 19; depends on universal without temporal limitation 34b 7; every s. requires three terms 40b 30, 41b 36, two premisses 42a 32; one premiss must be affirmative 41b 6, and one universal ib. 7; fundamentals of 81b 10-15; dialectical 71a 5: figures of, 1st 79a 17-32, 80a 27—81a 5, 85a 8; 2nd 78b 24, 79a 25, 81a 5, 82a 13-20, 85a 4-8, 99b 6; 3rd 79a 27, 82b 21-8, 85a 10, 90b 7: syllogistic questions 77a 36-b 33. Term, def. 24b 16; major, minor, middle in fig. I 25b 35, 26a 21, in fig. II 26b 36, in fig. III 28a 12; middle 40b 30, 41n 40, 42b 6, 46a 40, 47a 38; importance of setting out terms well 47b 40—48a 28; terms may be related in various ways indicated by oblique cases 48a 40—49a 5; should be stated in nominative, but premisses must be understood with reference to cases of terms 48b 40; rules for setting out t. in which some qualification or condition is introduced 49a 11-b 2. Thebans 69a 1. Thesis 72a 14-24. ‘This somewhat’, cf. Substance. Thunder 93a 22, 94a 5, b 32. Time 2a 2, 11b 10; a quantity 5a 6. Triangle, as subject passim; as property (?) 71a 14, 76a 35, cf. 93b 31. INDEX Truth and falsity of propositions 16a 9–18, 18a 26, 24b 6; referring to future 18a 33; always self-consistent 47a 8; from true premisses what is false cannot be inferred 53b 7; from what is false a true conclusion may be drawn 53b 4—57b 17, but it is not necessitated 57a 40. Unity, numerical 1b 6; of meaning 20b 15; conjunct immediate 93b 35. Universal 17a 38; u. proposition 24a 18, b 27; individual as subject of proposition 43a 25; in syllogism one premiss must be u. 41b 6, 47b 26; u. conclusions most difficult to establish, easiest to overthrow 43a 1; knowledge of u. Y particular 67a 17; implicit in particular 71a 7; explicit in particular 71a 18; Y particular 79a 5; grasped by induction 81b 2. Cf. Attribute, Demonstration, Knowledge, Premiss, &c. Univocal terms 1a 6, 3a 34, b 7. Verb 19b 12; def. 16b 6; indefinite ib. 14, 19b 10; terms of ib. 16; verbal nouns and adjectives ib. 19. Whole, inclusion in a 24b 26, 25b 32, 53a 21. Words, spoken 16a 3; written ib. 4. Zeno 65b 18. The following is a list of the most common types of software that are used in the field of computer science: 1. Operating Systems: These are the programs that control and manage the hardware and software resources of a computer system. 2. Programming Languages: These are the languages used to write computer programs. 3. Database Management Systems: These are the programs that allow users to store, retrieve, and manipulate data. 4. Web Development Tools: These are the tools used to create websites and web applications. 5. Graphics Software: These are the programs used to create and edit digital images. 6. Video Editing Software: These are the programs used to edit and manipulate video footage. 7. Audio Editing Software: These are the programs used to edit and manipulate audio files. 8. CAD (Computer-Aided Design) Software: These are the programs used to create and edit technical drawings and designs. 9. Animation Software: These are the programs used to create and edit animated graphics. 10. Game Development Tools: These are the tools used to create and develop video games. 11. Data Analysis Software: These are the programs used to analyze and interpret data. 12. Project Management Software: These are the programs used to manage and track projects. 13. Collaboration Software: These are the programs used to collaborate with others on projects and tasks. 14. Security Software: These are the programs used to protect computers and networks from cyber attacks. 15. Virtual Reality Software: These are the programs used to create and interact with virtual environments. TOPICA AND DE SOPHISTICIS ELENCHIS BY W. A. PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE PREFACE The following translation of the Topics and Sophistici Elenchi was begun upon the basis of Bekker's text, and though Strache's recension (edited by Wallies) certainly improves upon it at many points, I have not found reason to abandon the earlier text as a whole. A different reading from Bekker, where adopted, is indicated in a foot-note. In addition to the Greek commentaries and the anonymous paraphrase of Sophistici Elenchi, I have used the Latin translation and commentary of Pacius, and the editions of Buhle and Waitz. Of modern translations of the whole work, the most useful have been those of Kirchmann, St. Hilaire, and Rolfe. For the Sophistici Elenchi I have further had the advantage of Poste's edition and of the free paraphrase which serves for translation therein; also of some notes of the late Professor Cook Wilson (kindly lent me by Lt.-Col. A. S. L. Farquharson), principally on some points of mathematical theory. I am very much indebted to Mr. W. D. Ross for many useful criticisms and suggestions, and to my wife and Miss D. M. Hall for much tedious but invaluable labour in typing the translation and in the construction of the index. TOPICA CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY (Book I, ch. 1-3) BOOK I. ch. 1. Programme of treatise. 2. Uses of treatise. 3. Ideal aimed at. A. SUBJECTS AND MATERIALS OF DISCUSSIONS (Book I, ch. 4-12) 4. Subjects (Problems) and materials (Propositions) classified into four groups according to nature of Predicable concerned. 5. The four Predicables. 6. How far to be treated separately. 7. Different kinds of sameness. 8. Twofold proof of division of Predicables. 9. The ten Categories and their relation to the Predicables. 10. Dialectical Propositions. 11. Dialectical Problems:—Theses. 12. Dialectical Reasoning (Induction. B. THE SUPPLY OF ARGUMENTS (Book I, ch. 13—Book VII) 13. Four sources of arguments:— 14. (1) How to secure propositions. 15. (2) ,, distinguish ambiguous meanings. 16. (3) ,, note differences. 17. (4) ,, ,, resemblances. 18. The special uses of the last three processes. COMMONPLACE RULES RESPECTING PREDICATIONS (a) Of Accident. (i) Universal Predications (Books II—III, ch. 5) Part I—Simple predications of Accidents generally (Book II) BOOK II. ch. 1. Proposed plan of treatment. 2. Various rules. 3. Rules for dealing with Ambiguity. 4. Various rules. 5. Rules for diverting the argument. 6. Various rules. 7. Rules drawn from contraries. BOOK II. ch. 8. Rules drawn from different modes of opposition, or kinds of opposite. 9. Rules drawn from co-ordinates and inflexions, from contraries, and from processes or agents whereby things come to be or are destroyed. 10. Rules drawn from likeness between things or their relations, and from variations in degree. 11. Rules for arguing (a) from the results of adding things together to the character of the things; (b) from qualified to simple or absolute predications. Part II—Comparative predications of Value-predicates of A or B (Book III, ch. 1-3) BOOK III. ch. 1. Various rules; including rules drawn from nature of subjects to which A or B belong (116b 12-22); or from consideration of ends and means (116b 22-36). 2. Various rules; including rules drawn from consideration of antecedents and consequences (117a 5-15); of numbers (117a 16-25); of times and seasons (117a 26-37); of self-sufficiency (117a 37-b 2); of destructions, losses, contraries, production, and acquisition (117b 3-9); of some ideal pattern (117b 10-27). 3. Various rules; including rules drawn from comparison with some common standard (118b 1-4); from result of adding A and B to, or subtracting them from, some other thing of known value (118b 10-19); from comparison of grounds for desiring A or B (118b 20-36). Part III—Simple predications of Value-predicates (Book III, ch. 4) 4. How to adapt previous rules. Part IV—Comparative predications of Accidents generally (Book III, ch. 5) 5. Various rules. (ii) Particular Predications (Book III, ch. 6) 6. How to adapt the previous rules (119a 32-120a 5). Proof and disproof, how affected by definiteness or indefiniteness of thesis (120a 6-31). How to adapt the previous rules, continued (120a 32-b 7). (b) Of Genus (Book IV) BOOK IV. ch. 1–2. Various rules. 3. Various rules; including rules from contraries, useful for disproof (123b 1–124a 2), and for proof (124a 3–10); from inflexions and co-ordinates (124a 10–14). 4. Various rules; including rules from likeness of relations (124a 15–19); from processes or agents of generation and destruction (124a 20–30); from capacities and uses of things (124a 31–34); from opposition between states and their privations (124a 35–b 6); from contradictory oppositions (124b 7–14); from relative oppositions (124b 15–34); from inflexions (124b 35–125a 4): also special rules applying where genus and species are relative terms (125a 5–b 14). 5. Various rules; including special rules applying where genus or species is a state, or a capacity or an affection. 6. Various rules; including rules from variations in degree, useful for disproof (127b 18–36) and for proof (127b 37–128a 12); also rules for distinguishing genus from differentia (128a 20–30). (c) Of Property (Book V) BOOK V. ch. 1. Different kinds of property (128b 16–129a 16). Suitability of each for discussion (129a 17–31). Lines of argument upon each (129a 32–35). 2–3. Rules for testing whether a property is rendered correctly. 4–end. Rules for testing whether a term belongs as a property at all:— 4. Various rules; including note on certain sophistical difficulties arising from ambiguity of the terms ‘same’ and ‘different’. 5. Various rules; including notes on difficulties arising from failure to say explicitly how the alleged property belongs (134a 5–17, 18–25, 26–135a 9); and a special rule applying to a whole consisting of like parts (135a 20–b 6). 6. Rules drawn from different modes of opposition—contrary opposition (135b 7–16), relative opposition (135b 17–26), that of a state and its privation (135b 27–136a 4), contradictory opposition, applied to predicates only (136a 6–13), to both predicates and subjects (136a 14–28), and to subjects only (136a 29–b 2); from co-ordinate members of a division (136b 3–14). 7. Rules drawn from inflexions (136b 15–32); from relations like the relation alleged to be a property (136b 33–137a 7); from identity of relations between the alleged property and two subjects (137a 8–20); from processes of becoming and destruction (137a 21–b 2); from reference of the alleged property to the ‘idea’ of its subject (137b 3–13). 8. Rules drawn from variations in degree (137b 14–138a 29); from comparison of an attribute-relation that is like the alleged property-relation, between a different attribute and a different subject (138a 30–b 5), between the subject of the alleged property and a different attribute (138b 6–15), between the alleged property and a different subject (138b 16–22). 9. Two rules (138b 27–139a 8, 139a 9–20). (d) Of Definition (Book VI) Book VI. ch. 1. General division of problems relating to definition (139a 24–35). Distinction of problems treated and problems yet to be treated (139a 36–b 11). Rules for testing whether definition is rendered correctly:—obscurity and redundancy to be avoided (139b 12–18). 2. Obscurity, how avoided. 3. Redundancy, how avoided. 4–end. Rules for testing whether the formula rendered is a definition at all. 4. Rules to secure that terms of definition shall be prior and more intelligible; how to detect failure in latter respect (141b 3–142a 21); in former (142a 22–b 19). 5. Rules as to genus. 6. " differentia. 7. Various rules, including rules for testing the definition of terms admitting variations in degree (146a 3–20). 8. Rules for testing the definition of a relative term. 9. Rules for testing the definition of a state (147a 12–22); of a relative term (147a 23–31); of contraries (147a 32–b 25); of a privation (147b 26–148a 2) or what is confused with one (148a 3–9). 10. Rules drawn from like inflexions (148a 10–13); from reference of the definition to the ‘idea’ of the term defined (148a 14–22); Rules for testing the definition of an ambiguous term (148a 23–b 22). 11. Rules for testing the definition of a complex term. 12. Various rules, including rules for testing the definition of anything real (149a 38–b 3); of a relative term (149b 4–23); of any term intrinsically valuable (149b 31–39). 13. Definitions of the forms (1) X is ‘A and B’ (150a 1–21). (2) X is ‘the product of A and B’ (150a 22–b 26). (3) X is ‘A + B’ (150a 27–151a 19). 14. Various rules; including rules how to test the definition of compound whole (151a 20–31); and how to examine an unclear definition (151b 3–17). (e) Of Sameness (Book VII, ch. 1–2) Book VII. ch. 1. Various rules. 2. Bearing of these rules on problem of definition. (f) Of Definition—continued (Book VII, ch. 3) 3. Rules for establishing a definition. 4. Note on the comparative usefulness of the different kinds of commonplace-rules. 5. Note on the comparative difficulty of proving or disproving the various kinds of Predicable. C. CONCERNING THE PRACTICE OF, AND PRACTICE IN, DIALECTICS (Book VIII) (a) How to arrange and put questions (Book VIII, ch. 1-3) Book VIII. ch. 1. Introductory (155b 3-17). (1) Of necessary and other premisses. Premisses other than necessary premisses, and their four aims (155b 18-28). Use of necessary premisses (155b 29-156a 2). Use of premisses other than necessary (1) for inductions (156a 3-7). (2) ,, concealment of intended conclusion (156a 7-157a 5). (3) ,, ornament (157a 6-13). (4) ,, clearness (157a 14-17). 2. (2) Of inductions (157a 18-33). (3) Of objections (157a 34-b 33). (4) Of argument per impossible (157b 34-158a 2). (5) Miscellaneous hints (158a 3-30). 3. On the comparative difficulty or ease of certain dialectical arguments. (b) How to answer (Book VIII, ch. 4-10) 4. Answerer’s role (questioner’s role. 5. Introductory note on lack of tradition respecting discussions held for training and examination (159a 25-37). The answerer’s procedure as determined by the character (1) of his own thesis (159a 38-b 35); 6-8. (2) of the particular question put—its general acceptability and relevance (ch. 6), its clearness (ch. 7), and its importance for the argument (ch. 8). 9. Rules respecting the answerer’s original thesis. 10. On the solution of fallacious arguments (160b 23-39). Four types of objection distinguished (161a 1-15). (c) Supplementary discussions (Book VIII, ch. 11-14) 11. On faults of argument and faults of questioner. 12. On clearness in argument:—its three kinds distinguished (162a 35-b 2). On fallacy in argument: its four kinds distinguished (162b 3-15); how far censurable (162b 16-24): test questions for its detection (162b 24-30). 13. On begging the question, and on the begging of contraries:—five types of each distinguished. 14. Hints upon training and practice in dialectical arguments. DE SOPHISTICIS ELENCHIS INTRODUCTORY (ch. 1-2) ch. 1. General distinction of genuine (merely apparent reasonings and refutations. 2. Four classes of arguments in dialogue form:—Didactic arguments, Dialectical arguments, Examination arguments, and Contentious arguments (the subject of the present book). PERPETRATION OF FALLACIES (ch. 3-15) 3. Aims of contentious reasoning fivefold: 4. A. REFUTATION (a) by fallacies dependent on diction: proof that these are six in number (165b 24-30):—due respectively to (1) Ambiguity (165b 30-166a 6); (2) Amphiboly (166a 6-23); (3) Ambiguous combination of words (166a 23-32); (4) Ambiguous division of words (166a 33-8); (5) Wrong accent (166b 1-9); (6) The form of expression used (166b 10-21). (b) by fallacies not dependent on diction: seven in number (166b 21-7):—depending respectively upon 5. (1) Accident (166b 28-36); (2) The use of words without or with qualification (166b 37-167a 20); (3) Ignoratio elenchi (167a 21-35); (4) Petitio principii (167a 36-9); (5) The consequent (167b 1-20); (6) False cause (167b 21-38); (7) Many questions (167b 38-168a 16). 6. Proof that all the above can be exhibited as forms of a single fallacy, viz. ignoratio elenchi. 7. Proof that all the above arise from confusion and failure to draw proper distinctions. 8. (c) by arguments (or refutations) which, though valid, are only apparently appropriate to the subject-matter (Examination-arguments, which expose ignorance of the subject by arguments really appropriate to it (169b 18-29). These sophistical refutations can all be analysed by the same method as the forms of apparent proof (169b 30-170a 11). Sophistical refutation never refutes absolutely, but always relatively (to the answerer) (170a 12-19). 9. Refutations being infinite in number, an exhaustive study of all is impossible (170a 20-34). Our concern is not with those that rest on principles peculiar to any particular science (170a 34-8). The object of dialectic is to grasp how to construct and to solve refutations that depend on dialectic, i.e. on common principles (i.e. such refutations as are either really dialectical or apparently dialectical, or suited to an examination) (170a 38-b 11). ch. 10. The distinction of arguments directed against the expression ) (arguments directed against the thought expressed, exposed as unreal. Didactic) (dialectical argument (171a 31–b 2: cf. 172a 15–21). 11. Examination-argument and dialectical (171b 3–6, 172a 21–b 1). Contentious (sophistical) reasoning ) (dialectical (171b 6–7, 34– 172a 15). Two types of contentious reasoning (171b 8–10, 11 ff.). 12. B. FALLACY: how to show (172b 10–28). C. PARADOX: how to entrap into (172b 10–24, 29–173a 30). 13. D. BABBLING: how to produce. 14. E. SOLECISM: how to produce. 15. How to arrange arguments most effectively. SOLUTION OF FALLACIES (ch. 16–32). 16. General remarks:—uses of studying solutions: need of practice. 17. Of apparent solutions. 18. Of genuine solutions. 19. A. Solution of Refutations (a) dependent on diction (ch. 19–23) (1) Ambiguity, and (2) Amphiboly. 20. (3) Ambiguous division, and (4) Ambiguous combination, of words. 21. (5) Wrong accent. 22. (6) Like expressions for different things. 23. General rule for solution of fallacies depending on diction (b) not dependent on diction (ch. 24–30). 24. (1) Accident. 25. (2) The use of words with or without qualification. 26. (3) Ignoratio elenchi. 27. (4) Petitio principii. 28. (5) The consequent. 29. (6) Insertion of irrelevant matter (False cause). 30. (7) Many questions. 31. B. Solution of arguments tending to BABBLING. 32. C. ” ” SOLECISM. 33. Varying degrees of ” difficulty in respect of fallacies. EPILOGUE 34. (1) Our programme and its performance (183a 27–b 15). (2) History of dialectical theory compared with that of rhetoric (183b 15–end). Our treatise proposes to find a line of inquiry whereby we shall be able to reason from opinions that are generally accepted about every problem propounded to us, and also shall ourselves, when standing up to an argument, avoid saying anything that will obstruct us. First, then, we must say what reasoning is, and what its varieties are, in order to grasp dialectical reasoning: for this is the object of our search in the treatise before us. Now reasoning is an argument in which, certain things being laid down, something other than these necessarily comes about through them. (a) It is a 'demonstration', when the premises from which the reasoning starts are true and primary, or are such that our knowledge of them has originally come through premises which are primary and true: (b) reasoning, on the other hand, is 'dialectical', if it reasons from opinions that are generally accepted. Things are 'true' and 'primary' which are believed on the strength not of anything else but of themselves: for in regard to the first principles of science it is improper to ask any further for the why and wherefore of them; each of the first principles should command belief in and by itself. On the other hand, those opinions are 'generally accepted' which are accepted by every one or by the majority or by the philosophers—i.e. by all, or by the majority, or by the most notable and illustrious of them. Again (c), reasoning is 'contentious' if it starts from opinions that seem to be generally accepted, but are not really such, or again if it merely seems to reason from opinions that are or seem to be generally accepted. For not every opinion that seems to be generally accepted actually is generally accepted. For in none of the opinions which we call generally accepted is the illusion entirely on the surface, as happens in the case of the principles of contentious arguments; for the nature of the fallacy in these is obvious immediately, and as a rule even to persons with little power of comprehension. So then, of the contentious reasonings mentioned, the former really deserves to be called 'reasoning' as well, but the other should be called 'contentious reasoning', but not 'reasoning', since it appears to reason, but does not really do so. Further (d), besides all the reasonings we have mentioned there are the mis-reasonings that start from the premises peculiar to the special sciences, as happens (for example) in the case of geometry and her sister sciences. For this form of reasoning appears to differ from the reasonings mentioned above; the man who draws a false figure reasons from things that are neither true and primary, nor yet generally accepted. For he does not fall within the definition; he does not assume opinions that are received either by every one or by the majority or by philosophers—that is to say, by all, or by most, or by the most illustrious of them—but he conducts his reasoning upon assumptions which, though appropriate to the science in question, are not true; for he effects his mis-reasoning either by describing the semicircles wrongly or by drawing certain lines in a way in which they could not be drawn. The foregoing must stand for an outline survey of the species of reasoning. In general, in regard both to all that we have already discussed and to those which we shall discuss later, we may remark that that amount of distinction between them may serve, because it is not our purpose to give the exact definition of any of them; we merely want to describe them in outline; we consider it quite enough from the point of view of the line of inquiry before us to be able to recognize each of them in some sort of way. Next in order after the foregoing, we must say for how many and for what purposes the treatise is useful. They are three—intellectual training, casual encounters, and the philosophical sciences. That it is useful as a training is obvious on the face of it. The possession of a plan of inquiry will enable us more easily to argue about the subject proposed. For purposes of casual encounters, it is useful because when we have counted up the opinions held by most people, we shall meet them on the ground not of other people's convictions but of their own, while we shift the ground of any argument that they appear to us to state unsoundly. For the study of the philosophical sciences it is useful, because the ability to raise searching difficulties on both sides of a subject will make us detect more easily the truth and error about the several points that arise. It has a further use in relation to the ultimate bases of the principles used in the several sciences.$^1$ For it is impossible to discuss them at all from the principles proper to the particular science in hand, seeing that the principles are the prius of everything else: it is through the opinions generally held on the particular points that these have to be discussed, and this task belongs properly, or most appropriately, to dialectic: for dialectic is a process of criticism wherein lies the path to the principles of all inquiries. 3 We shall be in perfect possession of the way to proceed when we are in a position like that which we occupy in regard to rhetoric and medicine and faculties of that kind: this means the doing of that which we choose with the materials that are available. For it is not every method that the rhetorician will employ to persuade, or the doctor to heal: still, if he omits none of the available means, we shall say that his grasp of the science is adequate. 4 First, then, we must see of what parts our inquiry consists. Now if we were to grasp (a) with reference to how many, and what kind of, things arguments take place, and with what materials they start, and (b) how we are to become well supplied with these, we should have sufficiently won our goal. Now the materials with which arguments start are equal in number, and are identical, with the subjects on which reasonings take place. For arguments start with 'propositions', while the subjects on which reasonings take place are 'problems'. Now every proposition and $^1$ Or (omitting ἀρχῶν in l. 37 with B corr. and C) 'in relation to the ultimate bases of the several sciences'. every problem indicates either a genus or a peculiarity or an accident—for the differentia too, applying as it does to a class (or genus), should be ranked together with the genus. Since, however, of what is peculiar to anything part signifies its essence, while part does not, let us divide the 'peculiar' into both the aforesaid parts, and call that part which indicates the essence a 'definition', while of the remainder let us adopt the terminology which is generally current about these things, and speak of it as a 'property'. What we have said, then, makes it clear that according to our present division, the elements turn out to be four, all told, namely either property or definition or genus or accident. Do not let any one suppose us to mean that each of these enunciated by itself constitutes a proposition or problem, but only that it is from these that both problems and propositions are formed. The difference between a problem and a proposition is a difference in the turn of the phrase. For if it be put in this way, "An animal that walks on two feet" is the definition of man, is it not? or "Animal" is the genus of man, is it not? the result is a proposition: but if thus, 'Is "an animal that walks on two feet" a definition of man or no?' [or 'Is "animal" his genus or no?']$^1$ the result is a problem. Similarly too in other cases. Naturally, then, problems and propositions are equal in number: for out of every proposition you will make a problem if you change the turn of the phrase. We must now say what are 'definition', 'property', 'genus', and 'accident'. A 'definition' is a phrase signifying a thing's essence. It is rendered in the form either of a phrase in lieu of a term, or of a phrase in lieu of another phrase; for it is sometimes possible to define the meaning of a phrase as well. People whose rendering consists of a term only, try it as they may, clearly do not render the definition of the thing in question, because a definition is always a phrase of a certain kind. One may, however, use the word 'definitory' also of such a remark as 'The "becoming" is "beautiful"', and likewise also of the question, $^1$ 101b 33. The words καὶ . . . ἐστίν do not occur in the best MSS. 'Are sensation and knowledge the same or different?', for argument about definitions is mostly concerned with questions of sameness and difference. In a word we may call 'definitory' everything that falls under the same branch of inquiry as definitions; and that all the above-mentioned examples are of this character is clear on the face of them. For if we are able to argue that two things are the same or are different, we shall be well supplied by the same turn of argument with lines of attack upon their definitions as well: for when we have shown that they are not the same we shall have demolished the definition. Observe, please, that the converse of this last statement does not hold: for to show that they are the same is not enough to establish a definition. To show, however, that they are not the same is enough of itself to overthrow it. A 'property' is a predicate which does not indicate the essence of a thing, but yet belongs to that thing alone, and is predicated convertibly of it. Thus it is a property of man to be capable of learning grammar: for if A be a man, then he is capable of learning grammar, and if he be capable of learning grammar, he is a man. For no one calls anything a 'property' which may possibly belong to something else, e.g. 'sleep' in the case of man, even though at a certain time it may happen to belong to him alone. That is to say, if any such thing were actually to be called a property, it will be called not a 'property' absolutely, but a 'temporary' or a 'relative' property: for 'being on the right hand side' is a temporary property, while 'two-footed' is in point of fact ascribed as a property in certain relations; e.g. it is a property of man relatively to a horse and a dog. That nothing which may belong to anything else than A is a convertible predicate of A is clear: for it does not necessarily follow that if something is asleep it is a man. A 'genus' is what is predicated in the category of essence of a number of things exhibiting differences in kind. We should treat as predicates in the category of essence all such things as it would be appropriate to mention in reply to the question, 'What is the object before you?'; as, for example, in the case of man, if asked that question, it is appropriate to say 'He is an animal'. The question, 'Is one thing in the same genus as another or in a different one?' is also a 'generic' question; for a question of that kind as well falls under the same branch of inquiry as the genus: for having argued that 'animal' is the genus of man, and likewise also of ox, we shall have argued that they are in the same genus; whereas if we show that it is the genus of the one but not of the other, we shall have argued that these things are not in the same genus. An 'accident' is (1) something which, though it is none of the foregoing—i.e. neither a definition nor a property nor a genus—yet belongs to the thing: (2) something which may possibly either belong or not belong to any one and the self-same thing, as (e.g.) the 'sitting posture' may belong or not belong to some self-same thing. Likewise also 'whiteness', for there is nothing to prevent the same thing being at one time white, and at another not white. Of the definitions of accident the second is the better: for if he adopts the first, any one is bound, if he is to understand it, to know already what 'definition' and 'genus' and 'property' are, whereas the second is sufficient of itself to tell us the essential meaning of the term in question. To Accident are to be attached also all comparisons of things together, when expressed in language that is drawn in any kind of way from what happens (accidit) to be true of them; such as, for example, the question, 'Is the honourable or the expedient preferable?' and 'Is the life of virtue or the life of self-indulgence the pleasanter?', and any other problem which may happen to be phrased in terms like these. For in all such cases the question is 'to which of the two does the predicate in question happen (accidit) to belong more closely?' It is clear on the face of it that there is nothing to prevent an accident from becoming a temporary or a relative property. Thus the sitting posture is an accident, but will be a temporary property, whenever a man is the only person sitting, while if he be not the only one sitting, it is still a property relatively to those who are not sitting. So then, there is nothing to prevent an accident from becoming both a relative and a temporary property; but a property absolutely it will never be. 6 We must not fail to observe that all remarks made in criticism of a 'property' and 'genus' and 'accident' will be applicable to 'definitions' as well. For when we have shown that the attribute in question fails to belong only to the term defined, as we do also in the case of a property, or that the genus rendered in the definition is not the true genus, or that any of the things mentioned in the phrase used does not belong, as would be remarked also in the case of an accident, we shall have demolished the definition; so that, to use the phrase previously employed, all the points we have enumerated might in a certain sense be called 'definitory'. But we must not on this account expect to find a single line of inquiry which will apply universally to them all: for this is not an easy thing to find, and, even were one found, it would be very obscure indeed, and of little service for the treatise before us. Rather, a special plan of inquiry must be laid down for each of the classes we have distinguished, and then, starting from the rules that are appropriate in each case, it will probably be easier to make our way right through the task before us. So then, as was said before, we must outline a division of our subject, and other questions we must relegate each to the particular branch to which it most naturally belongs, speaking of them as 'definitory' and 'generic' questions. The questions I mean have practically been already assigned to their several branches. 7 First of all we must define the number of senses borne by the term 'Sameness'. Sameness would be generally regarded as falling, roughly speaking, into three divisions. We generally apply the term numerically or specifically or generically—numerically in cases where there is more than one name but only one thing, e.g. 'doublet' and 'cloak'; specifically, where there is more than one thing, but they present no differences in respect of their species, as one man and another, or one horse and another: for things like this 1 a 9. 2 101a 22. that fall under the same species are said to be 'specifically the same'. Similarly, too, those things are called generically the same which fall under the same genus, such as a horse and a man. It might appear that the sense in which water from the same spring is called 'the same water' is somehow different and unlike the senses mentioned above: but really such a case as this ought to be ranked in the same class with the things that in one way or another are called 'the same' in view of unity of species. For all such things seem to be of one family and to resemble one another. For the reason why all water is said to be specifically the same as all other water is because of a certain likeness it bears to it, and the only difference in the case of water drawn from the same spring is this, that the likeness is more emphatic: that is why we do not distinguish it from the things that in one way or another are called 'the same' in view of unity of species. It is generally supposed that the term 'the same' is most used in a sense agreed on by every one when applied to what is numerically one. But even so, it is apt to be rendered in more than one sense; its most literal and primary use is found whenever the sameness is rendered in reference to an alternative name or definition, as when a cloak is said to be the same as a doublet, or an animal that walks on two feet is said to be the same as a man: a second sense is when it is rendered in reference to a property, as when what can acquire knowledge is called the same as a man, and what naturally travels upward the same as fire: while a third use is found when it is rendered in reference to some term drawn from Accident, as when the creature who is sitting, or who is musical, is called the same as Socrates. For all these uses mean to signify numerical unity. That what I have just said is true may be best seen where one form of appellation is substituted for another. For often when we give the order to call one of the people who are sitting down, indicating him by name, we change our description, whenever the person to whom we give the order happens not to understand us; he will, we think, understand better from some accidental feature; so we bid him call to us 'the man who is sitting' or 'who is conversing over there'—clearly supposing ourselves to be indicating the same object by its name and by its accident. 8 Of 'sameness' then, as has been said,$^1$ three senses are to be distinguished. Now one way to confirm that the elements mentioned above are those out of which and through which and to which arguments proceed, is by induction: for if any one were to survey propositions and problems one by one, it would be seen that each was formed either from the definition of something or from its property or from its genus or from its accident. Another way to confirm it is through reasoning. For every predicate of a subject must of necessity be either convertible with its subject or not: and if it is convertible, it would be its definition or property, for if it signifies the essence, it is the definition; if not, it is a property: for this was$^2$ what a property is, viz. what is predicated convertibly, but does not signify the essence. If, on the other hand, it is not predicated convertibly of the thing, it either is or is not one of the terms contained in the definition of the subject: and if it be one of those terms, then it will be the genus or the differentia, inasmuch as the definition consists of genus and differentiae; whereas, if it be not one of those terms, clearly it would be an accident, for accident was said$^3$ to be what belongs as an attribute to a subject without being either its definition or its genus or a property. 9 Next, then, we must distinguish between the classes of predicates in which the four orders in question are found. These are ten in number: Essence, Quantity, Quality, Relation, Place, Time, Position, State, Activity, Passivity. For the accident and genus and property and definition of anything will always be in one of these categories: for all the propositions found through these signify either something's essence or its quality or quantity or some one of the other types of predicate. It is clear, too, on the face of it that the man who signifies something's essence signifies sometimes a substance, sometimes a quality, sometimes $^1$ a 7. $^2$ 102$^a$ 18. $^3$ 102$^b$ 4. some one of the other types of predicate. For when a man is set before him and he says that what is set there is ‘a man’ or ‘an animal’, he states its essence and signifies a substance; but when a white colour is set before him and he says that what is set there is ‘white’ or is ‘a colour’, he states its essence and signifies a quality. Likewise, also, if a magnitude of a cubit be set before him and he says that what is set there is a magnitude of a cubit, he will be describing its essence and signifying a quantity. Likewise, also, in the other cases: for each of these kinds of predicate, if either it be asserted of itself, or its genus be asserted of it, signifies an essence: if, on the other hand, one kind of predicate is asserted of another kind, it does not signify an essence, but a quantity or a quality or one of the other kinds of predicate. Such, then, and so many, are the subjects on which arguments take place, and the materials with which they start. How we are to acquire them, and by what means we are to become well supplied with them, falls next to be told. First, then, a definition must be given of a ‘dialectical proposition’ and a ‘dialectical problem’. For it is not every proposition nor yet every problem that is to be set down as dialectical: for no one in his senses would make a proposition of what no one holds, nor yet make a problem of what is obvious to everybody or to most people: for the latter admits of no doubt, while to the former no one would assent. Now a dialectical proposition consists in asking something that is held by all men or by most men or by the philosophers, i.e. either by all, or by most, or by the most notable of these, provided it be not contrary to the general opinion; for a man would probably assent to the view of the philosophers, if it be not contrary to the opinions of most men. Dialectical propositions also include views which are like those generally accepted; also propositions which contradict the contraries of opinions that are taken to be generally accepted,¹ and also all opinions that are in accordance with the recognized arts. Thus, supposing it to be ¹ 104a 13-14. Reading τὰναντία τοῖς δοκοῦσιν ἐνδόξοις εἶναι κατ’ ἀντίφασιν προτεινόμενα. a general opinion that the knowledge of contraries is the same, it might probably pass for a general opinion also that the perception of contraries is the same:¹ also, supposing it to be a general opinion that there is but one single science of grammar, it might pass for a general opinion that there is but one science of flute-playing as well, whereas, if it be a general opinion that there is more than one science of grammar, it might pass for a general opinion that there is more than one science of flute-playing as well: for all these seem to be alike and akin.² Likewise, also, propositions contradicting the contraries of general opinions will pass as general opinions: for if it be a general opinion that one ought to do good to one's friends, it will also be a general opinion that one ought not to do them harm. Here, that one ought to do harm to one's friends is contrary to the general view, and that one ought not to do them harm is the contradictory of that contrary. Likewise also, if one ought to do good to one's friends, one ought not to do good to one's enemies: this too is the contradictory of the view contrary to the general view; the contrary being that one ought to do good to one's enemies. Likewise, also, in other cases. Also, on comparison, it will look like a general opinion that the contrary predicate belongs to the contrary subject: e.g. if one ought to do good to one's friends, one ought also to do evil to one's enemies. It might appear also as if doing good to one's friends were a contrary to doing evil to one's enemies: but whether this is or is not so in reality as well will be stated in the course of the discussion upon contraries.² Clearly also, all opinions that are in accordance with the arts are dialectical propositions; for people are likely to assent to the views held by those who have made a study of these things, e.g. on a question of medicine they will agree with the doctor, and on a question of geometry with the geometrician; and likewise also in other cases. II A dialectical problem is a subject of inquiry that con- ¹ 104a 16f. Insert a comma after ἐπιστήμην, delete the comma after ἐναντίων, and read a colon after φανεῖη. ² ii. 7. knowledge, and that either by itself, or as a help to the solution of some other such problem. It must, moreover, be something on which either people hold no opinion either way, or the masses hold a contrary opinion to the philosophers, or the philosophers to the masses, or each of them among themselves. For some problems it is useful to know with a view to choice or avoidance, e.g. whether pleasure is to be chosen or not, while some it is useful to know merely with a view to knowledge, e.g. whether the universe is eternal or not: others, again, are not useful in and by themselves for either of these purposes, but yet help us in regard to some such problems; for there are many things which we do not wish to know in and by themselves, but for the sake of other things, in order that through them we may come to know something else. Problems also include questions in regard to which reasonings conflict (the difficulty then being whether so-and-so is so or not, there being convincing arguments for both views); others also in regard to which we have no argument because they are so vast, and we find it difficult to give our reasons, e.g. the question whether the universe is eternal or no: for into questions of that kind too it is possible to inquire. Problems, then, and propositions are to be defined as aforesaid.¹ A ‘thesis’ is a supposition of some eminent philosopher that conflicts with the general opinion; e.g. the view that contradiction is impossible, as Antisthenes said; or the view of Heraclitus that all things are in motion; or that Being is one, as Melissus says: for to take notice when any ordinary person expresses views contrary to men’s usual opinions would be silly. Or it may be a view about which we have a reasoned theory contrary to men’s usual opinions, e.g. the view maintained by the sophists that what is need not in every case either have come to be or be eternal: for a musician who is a grammarian ‘is’ so without ever having ‘come to be’ so, or being so eternally. For even if a man does not accept this view, he might do so on the ground that it is reasonable. Now a ‘thesis’ also is a problem, though a problem is ¹ b 1, a 8. not always a thesis, inasmuch as some problems are such that we have no opinion about them either way. That a thesis, however, also forms a problem, is clear: for it follows of necessity from what has been said that either the mass of men disagree with the philosophers about the thesis, or that the one or the other class disagree among themselves, seeing that the thesis is a supposition in conflict with general opinion. Practically all dialectical problems indeed are now called 'theses'. But it should make no difference whichever description is used; for our object in thus distinguishing them has not been to create a terminology, but to recognize what differences happen to be found between them. Not every problem, nor every thesis, should be examined, but only one which might puzzle one of those who need argument, not punishment or perception. For people who are puzzled to know whether one ought to honour the gods and love one's parents or not need punishment, while those who are puzzled to know whether snow is white or not need perception. The subjects should not border too closely upon the sphere of demonstration, nor yet be too far removed from it: for the former cases admit of no doubt, while the latter involve difficulties too great for the art of the trainer. Having drawn these definitions, we must distinguish how many species there are of dialectical arguments. There is on the one hand Induction, on the other Reasoning. Now what reasoning is has been said before: induction is a passage from individuals to universals, e.g. the argument that supposing the skilled pilot is the most effective, and likewise the skilled charioteer, then in general the skilled man is the best at his particular task. Induction is the more convincing and clear: it is more readily learnt by the use of the senses, and is applicable generally to the mass of men, though Reasoning is more forcible and effective against contradictious people. The classes, then, of things about which, and of things out of which, arguments are constructed, are to be distinguished 1 100a 25. in the way we have said before. The means whereby we are to become well supplied with reasonings$^1$ are four: (1) the securing of propositions; (2) the power to distinguish in how many senses a particular expression is used; (3) the discovery of the differences of things; (4) the investigation of likeness. The last three, as well, are in a certain sense propositions: for it is possible to make a proposition corresponding to each of them, e.g. (1) ‘The desirable may mean either the honourable or the pleasant or the expedient’; and (2) ‘Sensation differs from knowledge in that the latter may be recovered again after it has been lost, while the former cannot’; and (3) ‘The relation of the healthy to health is like that of the vigorous to vigour’. The first proposition depends upon the use of one term in several senses, the second upon the differences of things, the third upon their likenesses. Propositions should be selected in a number of ways corresponding to the number of distinctions drawn in regard to the proposition:$^2$ thus one may first take in hand the opinions held by all or by most men or by the philosophers, i.e. by all, or most, or the most notable of them; or opinions contrary to those that seem to be generally held; and, again, all opinions that are in accordance with the arts. We must make propositions also of the contradictories of opinions contrary to those that seem to be generally held, as was laid down before. It is useful also to make them by selecting not only those opinions that actually are accepted, but also those that are like these, e.g. ‘The perception of contraries is the same’—the knowledge of them being so—and ‘we see by admission of something into ourselves, not by an emission’; for so it is, too, in the case of the other senses; for in hearing we admit something into ourselves; we do not emit; and we taste in the same way. Likewise also in the other cases. Moreover, all statements that seem to be true in all or in most cases, should be taken as a principle or accepted position; for they are posited by those who do not $^1$ 105$^a$ 22. Omit καὶ τῶν ἐπαγωγῶν. $^2$ 104$^a$ 8–15, and perhaps also ib. 28–30. also see what exception there may be.\footnote{Reading in l. 12 $\epsilon\pi\iota\tau\iota\nu\sigma$.} We should select also from the written handbooks of argument, and should draw up sketch-lists of them upon each several kind of subject, putting them down under separate headings, e.g. ‘On Good’, or ‘On Life’—and that ‘On Good’ should deal with every form of good, beginning with the category of essence. In the margin, too, one should indicate also the opinions of individual thinkers, e.g. ‘Empedocles said that the elements of bodies were four’: for any one might assent to the saying of some generally accepted authority. Of propositions and problems there are—to comprehend the matter in outline—three divisions: for some are ethical propositions, some are on natural philosophy, while some are logical. Propositions such as the following are ethical, e.g. ‘Ought one rather to obey one’s parents or the laws, if they disagree?'; such as this are logical, e.g. ‘Is the knowledge of opposites the same or not?'; while such as this are on natural philosophy, e.g. ‘Is the universe eternal or not?' Likewise also with problems. The nature of each of the aforesaid kinds of proposition is not easily rendered in a definition, but we have to try to recognize each of them by means of the familiarity attained through induction, examining them in the light of the illustrations given above. For purposes of philosophy we must treat of these things according to their truth, but for dialectic only with an eye to general opinion. All propositions should be taken in their most universal form; then, the one should be made into many. E.g. ‘The knowledge of opposites is the same'; next, ‘The knowledge of contraries is the same', and that ‘of relative terms'. In the same way these two should again be divided, as long as division is possible, e.g. the knowledge of ‘good and evil', of ‘white and black', or ‘cold and hot'. Likewise also in other cases. On the formation, then, of propositions, the above remarks are enough. As regards the number of senses a term bears, we must not only treat of those terms which bear different senses, but we must also try to render their definitions; e.g. we must not merely say that justice and courage are called 'good' in one sense, and that what conduces to vigour and what conduces to health are called so in another, but also that the former are so called because of a certain intrinsic quality they themselves have, the latter because they are productive of a certain result and not because of any intrinsic quality in themselves. Similarly also in other cases. Whether a term bears a number of specific meanings or one only, may be considered by the following means. First, look and see if its contrary bears a number of meanings, whether the discrepancy between them be one of kind or one of names. For in some cases a difference is at once displayed even in the names; e.g. the contrary of 'sharp' in the case of a note is 'flat', while in the case of a solid edge it is 'dull'. Clearly, then, the contrary of 'sharp' bears several meanings, and if so, so also does 'sharp'; for corresponding to each of the former terms the meaning of its contrary will be different. For 'sharp' will not be the same when contrary to 'dull' and to 'flat', though 'sharp' is the contrary of each. Again βαρύ ('flat', 'heavy') in the case of a note has 'sharp' as its contrary, but in the case of a solid mass 'light', so that βαρύ is used with a number of meanings, inasmuch as its contrary also is so used. Likewise, also, 'fine' as applied to a picture has 'ugly' as its contrary, but, as applied to a house, 'ramshackle'; so that 'fine' is an ambiguous term. In some cases there is no discrepancy of any sort in the names used, but a difference of kind between the meanings is at once obvious: e.g. in the case of 'clear' and 'obscure': for sound is called 'clear' and 'obscure', just as 'colour' is too. As regards the names, then, there is no discrepancy, but the difference in kind between the meanings is at once obvious: for colour is not called 'clear' in a like sense to sound. This is plain also through sensation: for of things that are the same in kind we have the same sensation, whereas we do not judge clearness by the same sensation in the case of sound and of colour, but in the latter case we judge by sight, in the former by hearing. Likewise also with 'sharp' and 'dull' in regard to flavours 1 Lit. 'white' (λευκός) and 'black' (μέλας). and solid edges: here in the latter case we judge by touch, but in the former by taste. For here again there is no discrepancy in the names used, in the case either of the original terms or of their contraries: for the contrary also 35 of sharp in either sense is 'dull'. Moreover, see if one sense of a term has a contrary, while another has absolutely none; e.g. the pleasure of drinking has a contrary in the pain of thirst, whereas the pleasure of seeing that the diagonal is incommensurate with the side has none, so that 'pleasure' is used in more than 106b one sense. To 'love' also, used of the frame of mind, has to 'hate' as its contrary, while as used of the physical activity (kissing) it has none: clearly, therefore, to 'love' is an ambiguous term. Further, see in regard to their intermediates, if some meanings and their contraries have an intermediate, while others have none, or if both have 5 one but not the same one, as e.g. 'clear' and 'obscure' in the case of colours have 'grey' as an intermediate, whereas in the case of sound they have none, or, if they have, it is 'harsh', as some people say that a harsh sound is intermediate. 'Clear', then, is an ambiguous term, and likewise also 'obscure'. See, moreover, if some of them have more than one intermediate, while others have but one, as is the 10 case with 'clear' and 'obscure', for in the case of colours there are numbers of intermediates, whereas in regard to sound there is but one, viz. 'harsh'. Again, in the case of the contradictory opposite, look and see if it bears more than one meaning. For if this bears more than one meaning, then the opposite of it also will be used 15 in more than one meaning; e.g. 'to fail to see' is a phrase with more than one meaning, viz. (1) to fail to possess the power of sight, (2) to fail to put that power to active use. But if this has more than one meaning, it follows necessarily that 'to see' also has more than one meaning: for there will be an opposite to each sense of 'to fail to see'; e.g. the opposite of 'not to possess the power of sight' is to possess it, while of 'not to put the power of sight to active 20 use', the opposite is to put it to active use. Moreover, examine the case of terms that denote the privation or presence of a certain state: for if the one term bears more than one meaning, then so will the remaining term: e.g. if 'to have sense' be used with more than one meaning, as applied to the soul and to the body, then 'to be wanting in sense' too will be used with more than one meaning, as applied to the soul and to the body. That the opposition between the terms now in question depends upon the privation or presence of a certain state is clear, since animals naturally possess each kind of 'sense', both as applied to the soul and as applied to the body. Moreover, examine the inflected forms. For if 'justly' has more than one meaning, then 'just', also, will be used with more than one meaning; for there will be a meaning of 'just' corresponding to each of the meanings of 'justly'; e.g. if the word 'justly' be used of judging according to one's own opinion, and also of judging as one ought, then 'just' also will be used in like manner. In the same way also, if 'healthily' has more than one meaning, then 'healthily' also will be used with more than one meaning: e.g. if 'healthy' describes both what produces health and what preserves health and what betokens health, then 'healthily' also will be used to mean 'in such a way as to produce' or 'preserve' or 'betoken' health. Likewise also in other cases, whenever the original term bears more than one meaning, the inflexion also that is formed from it will be used with more than one meaning, and vice versa. Look also at the classes of the predicates signified by the term, and see if they are the same in all cases. For if they are not the same, then clearly the term is ambiguous: e.g. 'good' in the case of food means 'productive of pleasure', and in the case of medicine 'productive of health', whereas as applied to the soul it means to be of a certain quality, e.g. temperate or courageous or just: and likewise also, as applied to 'man'. Sometimes it signifies what happens at a certain time, as (e.g.) the good that happens at the right time: for what happens at the right time is called good. Often it signifies what is of a certain quantity, e.g. as applied to the proper amount: for the proper amount too is called good. So then the term 'good' is ambiguous. In the same way also ‘clear’, as applied to a body, signifies a colour, but in regard to a note it denotes what is ‘easy to hear’. ‘Sharp’, too, is in a closely similar case: for the same term does not bear the same meaning in all its applications: for a sharp note is a swift note, as the mathematical theorists of harmony tell us, whereas a sharp (acute) angle is one that is less than a right angle, while a sharp dagger is one containing a sharp angle (point). Look also at the genera of the objects denoted by the same term, and see if they are different without being subaltern, as (e.g.) ‘donkey’, which denotes both the animal and the engine. For the definition of them that corresponds to the name is different: for the one will be declared to be an animal of a certain kind, and the other to be an engine of a certain kind. If, however, the genera be subaltern, there is no necessity for the definitions to be different. Thus (e.g.) ‘animal’ is the genus of ‘raven’, and so is ‘bird’. Whenever therefore we say that the raven is a bird, we also say that it is a certain kind of animal, so that both the genera are predicated of it. Likewise also whenever we call the raven a ‘flying biped animal’, we declare it to be a bird: in this way, then, as well, both the genera are predicated of raven, and also their definition. But in the case of genera that are not subaltern this does not happen, for whenever we call a thing an ‘engine’, we do not call it an animal, nor vice versa. Look also and see not only if the genera of the term before you are different without being subaltern, but also in the case of its contrary: for if its contrary bears several senses, clearly the term before you does so as well. It is useful also to look at the definition that arises from the use of the term in combination, e.g. of a ‘clear (lit. white) body’ and of a ‘clear note’. For then if what is peculiar in each case be abstracted, the same expression ought to remain over. This does not happen in the case of ambiguous terms, e.g. in the cases just mentioned. For the former will be ‘a body possessing such and such a colour’, while the latter will be ‘a note easy to hear’. Abstract, then, ‘a body’ and ‘a note’, and the remainder in each case is not the same. It should, however, have been had the meaning of 'clear' in each case been synonymous. Often in the actual definitions as well ambiguity creeps in unawares, and for this reason the definitions also should be examined. If (e.g.) any one describes what betokens and what produces$^1$ health as 'related commensurably to health', we must not desist but go on to examine in what sense he has used the term 'commensurably' in each case, e.g. if in the latter case it means that 'it is of the right amount$^2$ to produce health', whereas in the former it means that 'it is such as to betoken what kind of state prevails'. Moreover, see if the terms cannot be compared as 'more or less' or as 'in like manner', as is the case (e.g.) with a 'clear' (lit. white) sound and a 'clear' garment, and a 'sharp' flavour and a 'sharp' note. For neither are these things said to be clear or sharp 'in a like degree', nor yet is the one said to be clearer or sharper than the other. 'Clear', then, and 'sharp' are ambiguous. For synonyms are always comparable; for they will always be used either in like manner, or else in a greater degree in one case. Now since of genera that are different without being subaltern the differentiae also are different in kind, e.g. those of 'animal' and 'knowledge' (for the differentiae of these are different), look and see if the meanings comprised under the same term are differentiae of genera that are different without being subaltern, as e.g. 'sharp' is of a 'note' and a 'solid'. For being 'sharp' differentiates note from note, and likewise also one solid from another. 'Sharp', then, is an ambiguous term: for it forms differentiae of genera that are different without being subaltern. Again, see if the actual meanings included under the same term themselves have different differentiae, e.g. 'colour' in bodies and 'colour' in tunes: for the differentiae of 'colour' in bodies are 'sight-piercing' and 'sight-compressing', whereas 'colour' in melodies has not the same $^1$ 107$^b$8. Read καὶ τὸ ποιητικόν. $^2$ 107$^b$11. Read τὸ τοσοῦτον εἶναι . . . differentiae. Colour, then, is an ambiguous term; for things that are the same have the same differentiae. Moreover, since the species is never the differentia of anything, look and see if one of the meanings included under the same term be a species and another a differentia, as (e.g.) 'clear' (lit. white) as applied to a body is a species of colour, whereas in the case of a note it is a differentia; for one note is differentiated from another by being 'clear'. 16 The presence, then, of a number of meanings in a term may be investigated by these and like means. The differences which things present to each other should be examined within the same genera, e.g. 'Wherein does justice differ from courage, and wisdom from temperance?'—for all these belong to the same genus; and also from one genus to another, provided they be not very much too far apart, e.g. 'Wherein does sensation differ from knowledge': for in the case of genera that are very far apart, the differences are entirely obvious. 17 Likeness should be studied, first, in the case of things belonging to different genera, the formulae being 'A:B = C:D' (e.g. as knowledge stands to the object of knowledge, so is sensation related to the object of sensation), and 'As A is in B, so is C in D' (e.g. as sight is in the eye, so is reason in the soul, and as is a calm in the sea, so is windlessness in the air). Practice is more especially needed in regard to terms that are far apart; for in the case of the rest, we shall be more easily able to see in one glance the points of likeness. We should also look at things which belong to the same genus, to see if any identical attribute belongs to them all, e.g. to a man and a horse and a dog; for in so far as they have any identical attribute, in so far they are alike. 18 It is useful to have examined the number of meanings of a term both for clearness' sake (for a man is more likely to know what it is he asserts, if it has been made clear to 1 107b 39. Read ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς γένεσι. him how many meanings it may have), and also with a view to ensuring that our reasonings shall be in accordance with the actual facts and not addressed merely to the term used. For as long as it is not clear in how many senses a term is used, it is possible that the answerer and the questioner are not directing their minds upon the same thing: whereas when once it has been made clear how many meanings there are, and also upon which of them the former directs his mind when he makes his assertion, the questioner would then look ridiculous if he failed to address his argument to this. It helps us also both to avoid being misled and to mislead by false reasoning: for if we know the number of meanings of a term, we shall certainly never be misled by false reasoning, but shall know if the questioner fails to address his argument to the same point; and when we ourselves put the questions we shall be able to mislead him, if our answerer happens not to know the number of meanings of our terms. This, however, is not possible in all cases, but only when of the many senses some are true and others are false. This manner of argument, however, does not belong properly to dialectic; dialecticians should therefore by all means beware of this kind of verbal discussion, unless any one is absolutely unable to discuss the subject before him in any other way. The discovery of the differences of things helps us both in reasonings about sameness and difference, and also in recognizing what any particular thing is. That it helps us in reasoning about sameness and difference is clear: for when we have discovered a difference of any kind whatever between the objects before us, we shall already have shown that they are not the same: while it helps us in recognizing what a thing is, because we usually distinguish the expression that is proper to the essence of each particular thing by means of the differentiae that are proper to it. The examination of likeness is useful with a view both to inductive arguments and to hypothetical reasonings, and also with a view to the rendering of definitions. It is useful for inductive arguments, because it is by means of an induction of individuals in cases that are alike that we claim to bring the universal in evidence: for it is not easy to do this if we do not know the points of likeness. It is useful for hypothetical reasonings because it is a general opinion that among similars what is true of one is true also of the rest. If, then, with regard to any of them we are well supplied with matter for a discussion, we shall secure a preliminary admission that however it is in these cases, so it is also in the case before us: then when we have shown the former we shall have shown, on the strength of the hypothesis, the matter before us as well: for we have first made the hypothesis that however it is in these cases, so it is also in the case before us, and have then proved the point as regards these cases. It is useful for the rendering of definitions because, if we are able to see in one glance what is the same in each individual case of it, we shall be at no loss into what genus we ought to put the object before us when we define it: for of the common predicates that which is most definitely in the category of essence is likely to be the genus. Likewise, also, in the case of objects widely divergent, the examination of likeness is useful for purposes of definition, e.g. the sameness of a calm at sea, and windlessness in the air (each being a form of rest), and of a point on a line and the unit in number—each being a starting point. If, then, we render as the genus what is common to all the cases, we shall get the credit of defining not inappropriately. Definition-mongers too nearly always render them in this way: for they declare the unit to be the starting-point of number, and the point the starting-point of a line. It is clear, then, that they place them in that which is common to both as their genus. The means, then, whereby reasonings are effected, are these: the commonplace rules, for the observance of which the aforesaid means are useful, are as follows. Of problems some are universal, others particular. Universal problems are such as 'Every pleasure is good' and 'No pleasure is good'; particular problems are such as 'Some pleasure is good' and 'Some pleasure is not good'. The methods of establishing and overthrowing a view universally are common to both kinds of problems; for when we have shown that a predicate belongs in every case, we shall also have shown that it belongs in some cases. Likewise, also, if we show that it does not belong in any case, we shall also have shown that it does not belong in every case. First, then, we must speak of the methods of overthrowing a view universally, because such are common to both universal and particular problems, and because people more usually introduce theses asserting a predicate than denying it, while those who argue with them overthrow it. The conversion of an appropriate name which is drawn from the element 'accident' is an extremely precarious thing; for in the case of accidents and in no other it is possible for something to be true conditionally and not universally. Names drawn from the elements 'definition' and 'property' and 'genus' are bound to be convertible; e.g. if 'to be an animal that walks on two feet is an attribute of S', then it will be true by conversion to say that 'S is an animal that walks on two feet'. Likewise, also, if drawn from the genus; for if 'to be an animal is an attribute of S', then 'S is an animal'. The same is true also in the case of a property; for if 'to be capable of learning grammar is an attribute of S', then 'S will be capable of learning grammar'. For none of these attributes can possibly belong or not belong in part; they must either belong or not belong absolutely. In the case of accidents, on the other hand, there is nothing to prevent an attribute (e.g. whiteness or justice) belonging in part, so that it is not enough to show that whiteness or justice is an attribute of a man in order to show that he is white or just; for it is open to dispute it and say that he is white or just in part only. Conversion, then, is not a necessary process in the case of accidents. We must also define the errors that occur in problems. They are of two kinds, caused either by false statement or by transgression of the established diction. For those who make false statements, and say that an attribute belongs to a thing which does not belong to it, commit error; and those who call objects by the names of other objects (e.g. calling a plane-tree a ‘man’) transgress the established terminology. Now one commonplace rule is to look and see if a man has ascribed as an accident what belongs in some other way. This mistake is most commonly made in regard to the genera of things, e.g. if one were to say that white happens (accidit) to be a colour—for being a colour does not happen by accident to white, but colour is its genus. The assertor may of course define it so in so many words, saying (e.g.) that ‘Justice happens (accidit) to be a virtue’; but often even without such definition it is obvious that he has rendered the genus as an accident; e.g. suppose that one were to say that whiteness is coloured or that walking is in motion. For a predicate drawn from the genus is never ascribed to the species in an inflected form, but always the genera are predicated of their species literally; for the species take on both the name and the definition of their genera. A man therefore who says that white is ‘coloured’ has not rendered ‘coloured’ as its genus, seeing that he has used an inflected form, nor yet as its property or as its definition: for the definition and property of a thing belong to it and to nothing else, whereas many things besides white are coloured, e.g. a log, a stone, a man, and a horse. Clearly then he renders it as an accident. Another rule is to examine all cases where a predicate has been either asserted or denied universally to belong to something. Look at them species by species, and not in their infinite multitude: for then the inquiry will proceed more directly and in fewer steps. You should look and begin with the most primary groups, and then proceed in order down to those that are not further divisible: e.g. if a man has said that the knowledge of opposites is the same, you should look and see whether it be so of relative opposites and of contraries and of terms signifying the privation or presence of certain states, and of contradictory terms. Then, if no clear result be reached so far in these cases, you should again divide these until you come to those that are not further divisible, and see (e.g.) whether it be so of just deeds and unjust, or of the double and the half, or of blindness and sight, or of being and not-being: for if in any case it be shown that the knowledge of them is not the same we shall have demolished the problem.$^1$ Likewise, also, if the predicate belongs in no case. This rule is convertible for both destructive and constructive purposes: for if, when we have suggested a division, the predicate appears to hold in all or in a large number of cases, we may then claim that the other should actually assert it universally, or else bring a negative instance to show in what case it is not so: for if he does neither of these things, a refusal to assert it will make him look absurd. Another rule is to make definitions both of an accident and of its subject, either of both separately or else of one of them, and then look and see if anything untrue has been assumed as true in the definitions. Thus (e.g.) to see if it is possible to wrong a god, ask what is ‘to wrong’? For if it be ‘to injure deliberately’, clearly it is not possible for a god to be wronged: for it is impossible that God should be injured. Again, to see if the good man is jealous, ask who is the ‘jealous’ man and what is ‘jealousy’. For if ‘jealousy’ is pain at the apparent success of some well-behaved person, clearly the good man is not jealous: for then he would be bad. Again, to see if the indignant man is jealous, ask who each of them is: for then it will be obvious whether the statement is true or false; e.g. if he is ‘jealous’ who grieves at the successes of the good, and he is ‘indignant’ who grieves at the successes of the evil, then $^1$ 109b 23-4. Read a colon at $\epsilon i\nu ai$, and a full stop at $\pi\rho\delta\beta\lambda\eta\mu\alpha$. clearly the indignant man would not be jealous. A man should substitute definitions also for the terms contained in his definitions, and not stop until he comes to a familiar term: for often if the definition be rendered whole, the point at issue is not cleared up, whereas if for one of the terms used in the definition a definition be stated, it becomes obvious. Moreover, a man should make the problem into a proposition for himself, and then bring a negative instance against it: for the negative instance will be a ground of attack upon the assertion. This rule is very nearly the same as the rule to look into cases where a predicate has been attributed or denied universally: but it differs in the turn of the argument. Moreover, you should define what kind of things should be called as most men call them, and what should not. For this is useful both for establishing and for overthrowing a view: e.g. you should say that we ought to use our terms to mean the same things as most people mean by them, but when we ask what kind of things are or are not of such and such a kind, we should not here go with the multitude: e.g. it is right to call 'healthy' whatever tends to produce health, as do most men: but in saying whether the object before us tends to produce health or not, we should adopt the language no longer of the multitude but of the doctor. 3 Moreover, if a term be used in several senses, and it has been laid down that it is or that it is not an attribute of S, you should show your case of one of its several senses, if you cannot show it of both. This rule is to be observed in cases where the difference of meaning is undetected; for supposing this to be obvious, then the other man will object that the point which he himself questioned has not been discussed, but only the other point. This commonplace rule is convertible for purposes both of establishing and of overthrowing a view. For if we want to establish a statement, we shall show that in one sense the attribute belongs, if we cannot show it of both senses: whereas if we are overthrowing a statement, we shall show that in one sense the attribute does not belong, if we cannot show it of both senses. Of course, in overthrowing a statement there is no need to start the discussion by securing any admission, either when the statement asserts or when it denies the attribute universally: for if we show that in any case whatever the attribute does not belong, we shall have demolished the universal assertion of it, and likewise also if we show that it belongs in a single case, we shall demolish the universal denial of it. Whereas in establishing a statement we ought to secure a preliminary admission that if it belongs in any case whatever, it belongs universally, supposing this claim to be a plausible one. For it is not enough to discuss a single instance in order to show that an attribute belongs universally; e.g. to argue that if the soul of man be immortal, then every soul is immortal, so that a previous admission must be secured that if any soul whatever be immortal, then every soul is immortal. This is not to be done in every case, but only whenever we are not easily able to quote any single argument applying to all cases in common, as (e.g.) the geometrician can argue that the triangle has its angles equal to two right angles. If, again, the variety of meanings of a term be obvious, distinguish how many meanings it has before proceeding either to demolish or to establish it: e.g. supposing ‘the right’ to mean ‘the expedient’ or ‘the honourable’, you should try either to establish or to demolish both descriptions of the subject in question; e.g. by showing that it is honourable and expedient, or that it is neither honourable nor expedient. Supposing, however, that it is impossible to show both, you should show the one, adding an indication that it is true in the one sense and not in the other. The same rule applies also when the number of senses into which it is divided is more than two. Again, consider those expressions whose meanings are many, but differ not by way of ambiguity of a term, but in some other way: e.g. ‘The science of many things is one’: here ‘many things’ may mean the end and the means to that end, as (e.g.) medicine is the science both of producing health and of dieting; or they may be both of them ends, as the science of contraries is said to be the same (for of contraries the one is no more an end than the other); or again they may be an essential and an accidental attribute, as (e.g.) the essential fact that the triangle has its angles equal to two right angles, and the accidental fact that the equilateral figure has them so: for it is because of the accident of the equilateral triangle happening to be a triangle$^1$ that we know that it has its angles equal to two right angles. If, then, it is not possible in any sense of the term that the science of many things should be the same, it clearly is altogether impossible that it should be so; or, if it is possible in some sense, then clearly it is possible. Distinguish as many meanings as are required: e.g. if we want to establish a view, we should bring forward all such meanings as admit that view, and should divide them only into those meanings which also are required for the establishment of our case: whereas if we want to overthrow a view, we should bring forward all that do not admit that view, and leave the rest aside. We must deal also in these cases as well with any uncertainty about the number of meanings involved. Further, that one thing is, or is not, ‘of’ another should be established by means of the same commonplace rules; e.g. that a particular science is of a particular thing, treated either as an end or as a means to its end, or as accidentally connected with it; or again that it is not ‘of’ it$^2$ in any of the aforesaid ways. The same rule holds true also of desire and all other terms that have more than one object. For the ‘desire of X’ may mean the desire of it as an end (e.g. the desire of health) or as a means to an end (e.g. the desire of being doctored), or as a thing desired accidentally, as, in the case of wine, the sweet-toothed person desires it not because it is wine but because it is sweet. For essentially he desires the sweet, and only accidentally the wine: for if it be dry, he no longer desires it. His desire for it is therefore accidental. This rule is useful in dealing with relative terms: for cases of this kind are generally cases of relative terms. $^1$ 110$^b$ 24. Read ὅτι γὰρ συμβέβηκε τῶι ἰσοπλεύρω τριγώφ τριγώφ εἶναι. $^2$ 110$^b$ 36. Omit τι after εἶναι (with C). Moreover, it is well to alter a term into one more familiar, e.g. to substitute 'clear' for 'exact' in describing a conception, and 'being fussy' for 'being busy': for when the expression is made more familiar, the thesis becomes easier to attack. This commonplace rule also is available for both purposes alike, both for establishing and for overthrowing a view. In order to show that contrary attributes belong to the same thing, look at its genus; e.g. if we want to show that rightness and wrongness are possible in regard to perception, and to perceive is to judge, while it is possible to judge rightly or wrongly, then in regard to perception as well rightness and wrongness must be possible. In the present instance the proof proceeds from the genus and relates to the species: for 'to judge' is the genus of 'to perceive'; for the man who perceives judges in a certain way. But per contra it may proceed from the species to the genus: for all the attributes that belong to the species belong to the genus as well; e.g. if there is a bad and a good knowledge there is also a bad and a good disposition: for 'disposition' is the genus of knowledge. Now the former commonplace argument is fallacious for purposes of establishing a view, while the second is true. For there is no necessity that all the attributes that belong to the genus should belong also to the species; for 'animal' is flying and quadruped, but not so 'man'. All the attributes, on the other hand, that belong to the species must of necessity belong also to the genus; for if 'man' is good, then animal also is good. On the other hand, for purposes of overthrowing a view, the former argument is true while the latter is fallacious; for all the attributes which do not belong to the genus do not belong to the species either; whereas all those that are wanting to the species are not of necessity wanting to the genus. Since those things of which the genus is predicated must also of necessity have one of its species predicated of them, and since those things that are possessed of the genus in question, or are described by terms derived from that genus, must also of necessity be possessed of one of its species or be described by terms derived from one of its species (e.g. if to anything the term 'scientific knowledge' be applied, then also there will be applied to it the term 'grammatical' or 'musical' knowledge, or knowledge of one of the other sciences; and if any one possesses scientific knowledge or is described by a term derived from 'science', then he will also possess grammatical or musical knowledge or knowledge of one of the other sciences, or will be described by a term derived from one of them, e.g. as a 'grammarian' or a 'musician')—therefore if any expression be asserted that is in any way derived from the genus (e.g. that the soul is in motion), look and see whether it be possible for the soul to be moved with any of the species of motion; whether (e.g.) it can grow or be destroyed or come to be, and so forth with all the other species of motion. For if it be not moved in any of these ways, clearly it does not move at all. This commonplace rule is common for both purposes, both for overthrowing and for establishing a view: for if the soul moves with one of the species of motion, clearly it does move; while if it does not move with any of the species of motion, clearly it does not move. If you are not well equipped with an argument against the assertion, look among the definitions, real or apparent, of the thing before you, and if one is not enough, draw upon several. For it will be easier to attack people when committed to a definition: for an attack is always more easily made on definitions. Moreover, look and see in regard to the thing in question, what it is whose reality conditions the reality of the thing in question, or what it is whose reality necessarily follows if the thing in question be real: if you wish to establish a view inquire what there is on whose reality the reality of the thing in question will follow (for if the former be shown to be real, then the thing in question will also have been shown to be real); while if you want to overthrow a view, ask what it is that is real if the thing in question be real, for if we show that what follows from the thing in question is unreal, we shall have demolished the thing in question. 1 Read a colon or comma instead of a full stop at μονασικός (111b 4), and for clearness put 111a 36 οἷον εἰ... 111b 4 μονασικός (consisting as it does wholly of illustrations), in a parenthesis. 2 Read καὶ εἰ for καὶ, with Vaticanus 207. Moreover, look at the time involved, to see if there be any discrepancy anywhere: e.g. suppose a man to have stated that what is being nourished of necessity grows: for animals are always of necessity being nourished, but they do not always grow. Likewise, also, if he has said that knowing is remembering: for the one is concerned with past time, whereas the other has to do also with the present and the future. For we are said to know things present and future (e.g. that there will be an eclipse), whereas it is impossible to remember anything save what is in the past. Moreover, there is the sophistic turn of argument, where- by we draw our opponent into the kind of statement against which we shall be well supplied with lines of argument. This process is sometimes a real necessity, sometimes an apparent necessity, sometimes neither an apparent nor a real necessity. It is really necessary whenever the answerer has denied any view that would be useful in attacking the thesis, and the questioner thereupon addresses his arguments to the support of this view, and when moreover the view in question happens to be one of a kind on which he has a good stock of lines of argument. Likewise, also, it is really necessary whenever he (the questioner) first, by an induction made by means of the view laid down, arrives at a certain statement and then tries to demolish that statement: for when once this has been demolished, the view originally laid down is demolished as well. It is an apparent necessity, when the point to which the discussion comes to be directed appears to be useful, and relevant to the thesis, without being really so; whether it be that the man who is standing up to the argument has refused to concede something, or whether he (the questioner) has first reached it by a plausible induction based upon the thesis and then tries to demolish it. The remaining case is when the point to which the discussion comes to be directed is neither really nor apparently necessary, and it is the answerer’s luck to be confuted on a mere side issue. You should beware of the last of the aforesaid methods; for it 1 Sc. by the ‘answerer’. 2 Sc. of the ‘answerer’. appears to be wholly disconnected from, and foreign to, the art of dialectic. For this reason, moreover, the answerer should not lose his temper, but assent to those statements that are of no use in attacking the thesis, adding an indication whenever he assents although he does not agree with the view. For, as a rule, it increases the confusion of questioners if, after all propositions of this kind have been granted them, they can then draw no conclusion. Moreover, any one who has made any statement whatever has in a certain sense made several statements, inasmuch as each statement has a number of necessary consequences: e.g. the man who said 'X is a man' has also said that it is an animal and that it is animate and a biped and capable of acquiring reason and knowledge, so that by the demolition of any single one of these consequences, of whatever kind, the original statement is demolished as well. But you should beware here too of making a change to a more difficult subject: for sometimes the consequence, and sometimes the original thesis, is the easier to demolish. 6 In regard to subjects which must have one and one only of two predicates, as (e.g.) a man must have either a disease or health, supposing we are well supplied as regards the one for arguing its presence or absence, we shall be well equipped as regards the remaining one as well. This rule is convertible for both purposes: for when we have shown that the one attribute belongs, we shall have shown that the remaining one does not belong; while if we show that the one does not belong, we shall have shown that the remaining one does belong. Clearly then the rule is useful for both purposes. Moreover, you may devise a line of attack by reinterpreting a term in its literal meaning, with the implication that it is most fitting so to take it rather than in its established meaning: e.g. the expression 'strong at heart' will suggest not the courageous man, according to the use now established, but the man the state of whose heart is strong; just as also the expression 'of a good hope' may be taken to mean the man who hopes for good things. Likewise also 'well-starred' may be taken to mean the man whose star is good, as Xenocrates says 'well-starred is he who has a noble soul'. For a man's star is his soul. Some things occur of necessity, others usually, others however it may chance; if therefore a necessary event has been asserted to occur usually, or if a usual event (or, failing such an event itself, its contrary) has been stated to occur of necessity, it always gives an opportunity for attack. For if a necessary event has been asserted to occur usually, clearly the speaker has denied an attribute to be universal which is universal, and so has made a mistake: and so he has if he has declared the usual attribute to be necessary: for then he declares it to belong universally when it does not so belong. Likewise also if he has declared the contrary of what is usual to be necessary. For the contrary of a usual attribute is always a comparatively rare attribute: e.g. if men are usually bad, they are comparatively seldom good, so that his mistake is even worse if he has declared them to be good of necessity. The same is true also if he has declared a mere matter of chance to happen of necessity or usually; for a chance event happens neither of necessity nor usually. If the thing happens usually, then even supposing his statement does not distinguish whether he meant that it happens usually or that it happens necessarily, it is open to you to discuss it on the assumption that he meant that it happens necessarily: e.g. if he has stated without any distinction that disinherited persons are bad, you may assume in discussing it that he means that they are so necessarily. Moreover, look and see also if he has stated a thing to be an accident of itself, taking it to be a different thing because it has a different name, as Prodicus used to divide pleasures into joy and delight and good cheer: for all these are names of the same thing, to wit, Pleasure. If then any one says that joyfulness is an accidental attribute of cheerfulness, he would be declaring it to be an accidental attribute of itself. Inasmuch as contraries can be conjoined with each other in six ways, and four of these conjunctions constitute a con- 1 Fr. 81 Heinze. trariety, we must grasp the subject of contraries, in order that it may help us both in demolishing and in establishing a view. Well then, that the modes of conjunction are six is clear: for either (1) each of the contrary verbs will be conjoined to each of the contrary objects; and this gives two modes: e.g. to do good to friends and to do evil to enemies, or per contra to do evil to friends and to do good to enemies. Or else (2) both verbs may be attached to one object; and this too gives two modes, e.g. to do good to friends and to do evil to friends, or to do good to enemies and to do evil to enemies.$^1$ Or (3) a single verb may be attached to both objects: and this also gives two modes; e.g. to do good to friends and to do good to enemies, or to do evil to friends and evil to enemies. The first two then of the aforesaid conjunctions do not constitute any contrariety; for the doing of good to friends is not contrary to the doing of evil to enemies: for both courses are desirable and belong to the same disposition. Nor is the doing of evil to friends contrary to the doing of good to enemies: for both of these are objectionable and belong to the same disposition: and one objectionable thing is not generally thought to be the contrary of another, unless the one be an expression denoting an excess, and the other an expression denoting a defect: for an excess is generally thought to belong to the class of objectionable things, and likewise also a defect. But the other four all constitute a contrariety. For to do good to friends is contrary to the doing of evil to friends: for it proceeds from the contrary disposition, and the one is desirable, and the other objectionable. The case is the same also in regard to the other conjunctions: for in each combination the one course is desirable, and the other objectionable, and the one belongs to a reasonable disposition and the other to a bad. Clearly, then, from what has been said, the same course has more than one contrary. For the doing of good to friends has as its contrary both the doing of good to enemies and the doing of evil to friends. Likewise, if we examine them in the same way, we shall find that the contraries of each of the $^1$ 112b 36. Read καὶ τὸ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς κακῶς (with C). others also are two in number. Select therefore whichever of the two contraries is useful in attacking the thesis. Moreover, if the accident of a thing have a contrary, see whether it belongs to the subject to which the accident in question has been declared to belong: for if the latter belongs the former could not belong; for it is impossible that contrary predicates should belong at the same time to the same thing. Or again, look and see if anything has been said about something, of such a kind that if it be true, contrary predicates must necessarily belong to the thing: e.g. if he has said that the 'Ideas' exist in us. For then the result will be that they are both in motion and at rest, and moreover that they are objects both of sensation and of thought. For according to the views of those who posit the existence of Ideas, those Ideas are at rest and are objects of thought; while if they exist in us, it is impossible that they should be unmoved: for when we move, it follows necessarily that all that is in us moves with us as well. Clearly also they are objects of sensation, if they exist in us: for it is through the sensation of sight that we recognize the Form present in each individual. Again, if there be posited an accident which has a contrary, look and see if that which admits of the accident will admit of its contrary as well: for the same thing admits of contraries. Thus (e.g.) if he has asserted that hatred follows anger, hatred would in that case be in the 'spirited faculty': for that is where anger is. You should therefore look and see if its contrary, to wit, friendship, be also in the 'spirited faculty': for if not—if friendship is in the faculty of desire—then hatred could not follow anger. Likewise also if he has asserted that the faculty of desire is ignorant. For if it were capable of ignorance, it would be capable of knowledge as well: and this is not generally held—I mean that the faculty of desire is capable of knowledge. For purposes, then, of overthrowing a view, as has been said, this rule should be observed: but for purposes of establishing one, though the rule will not help you to assert that the accident actually belongs, it will help you to assert that it may possibly belong. For having shown that the thing in question will not admit of the contrary of the accident asserted, we shall have shown that the accident neither belongs nor can possibly belong; while on the other hand, if we show that the contrary belongs, or that the thing is capable of the contrary, we shall not indeed as yet have shown that the accident asserted does belong as well; our proof will merely have gone to this point, that it is possible for it to belong. 8 Seeing that the modes of opposition are four in number, you should look for arguments among the contradictories of your terms, converting the order of their sequence, both when demolishing and when establishing a view, and you should secure them by means of induction—such arguments (e.g.) as that 'If man be an animal, what is not an animal is not a man': and likewise also in other instances of contradictories. For in those cases the sequence is converse: for 'animal' follows upon 'man', but 'not-animal' does not follow upon 'not-man', but conversely 'not-man' upon 'not-animal'. In all cases, therefore, a postulate of this sort should be made, (e.g.) that 'If the honourable is pleasant, what is not pleasant is not honourable, while if the latter be untrue, so is the former'. Likewise, also, 'If what is not pleasant be not honourable, then what is honourable is pleasant'. Clearly, then, the conversion of the sequence formed by contradiction of the terms of the thesis is a method convertible for both purposes. Then look also at the case of the contraries of S and P in the thesis, and see if the contrary of the one follows upon the contrary of the other, either directly or conversely, both when you are demolishing and when you are establishing a view: secure arguments of this kind as well by means of induction, so far as may be required. Now the sequence is direct in a case such as that of courage and cowardice: for upon the one of them virtue follows, and vice upon the other; and upon the one it follows that it is desirable, while upon the other it follows that it is objectionable. The sequence, therefore, in the latter case also is direct; for the desirable is the contrary of the objectionable. Likewise also in other cases. The sequence is, on the other hand, converse in such a case as this: Health follows upon vigour, but disease does not follow upon debility; rather debility follows upon disease. In this case, then, clearly the sequence is converse. Converse sequence is, however, rare in the case of contraries; usually the sequence is direct. If, therefore, the contrary of the one term does not follow upon the contrary of the other either directly or conversely, clearly neither does the one term follow upon the other in the statement made: whereas if the one followed the other in the case of the contraries, it must of necessity do so as well in the original statement. You should look also into cases of the privation or presence of a state in like manner to the case of contraries. Only, in the case of such privations the converse sequence does not occur: the sequence is always bound to be direct: e.g. as sensation follows sight, while absence of sensation follows blindness. For the opposition of sensation to absence of sensation is an opposition of the presence to the privation of a state: for the one of them is a state, and the other the privation of it. The case of relative terms should also be studied in like manner to that of a state and its privation: for the sequence of these as well is direct; e.g. if $ \frac{3}{1} $ is a multiple, then $ \frac{1}{3} $ is a fraction: for $ \frac{3}{1} $ is relative to $ \frac{1}{3} $, and so is a multiple to a fraction. Again, if knowledge be a conceiving, then also the object of knowledge is an object of conception; and if sight be a sensation, then also the object of sight is an object of sensation. An objection may be made that there is no necessity for the sequence to take place, in the case of relative terms, in the way described: for the object of sensation is an object of knowledge, whereas sensation is not knowledge. The objection is, however, not generally received as really true; for many people deny that there is knowledge of objects of sensation. Moreover, the principle stated is just as useful for the contrary purpose, e.g. to show that the object of sensation is not an object of knowledge, on the ground that neither is sensation knowledge. Again look at the case of the co-ordinates and inflected forms of the terms in the thesis, both in demolishing and in establishing it. By 'co-ordinates' are meant terms such as the following: 'Just deeds' and the 'just man' are co-ordinates of 'justice', and 'courageous deeds' and 'the courageous man' are co-ordinates of 'courage'. Likewise also things that tend to produce and to preserve anything are called co-ordinates of that which they tend to produce and to preserve, as e.g. 'healthy habits' are co-ordinates of 'health' and a 'vigorous constitutional' of a 'vigorous constitution'—and so forth also in other cases. 'Co-ordinate', then, usually describes cases such as these, whereas 'inflected forms' are such as the following: 'justly', 'courageously', 'healthily', and such as are formed in this way. It is usually held that words when used in their inflected forms as well are co-ordinates, as (e.g.) 'justly' in relation to justice, and 'courageously' to courage; and then 'co-ordinate' describes all the members of the same kindred series, e.g. 'justice', 'just', of a man or an act, 'justly'. Clearly, then, when any one member, whatever its kind, of the same kindred series is shown to be good or praiseworthy, then all the rest as well come to be shown to be so:¹ e.g. if 'justice' be something praiseworthy, then so will 'just', of a man or thing, and 'justly' connote something praiseworthy. Then 'justly' will be rendered also 'praiseworthily', derived by the same inflexion from 'the praiseworthy' whereby 'justly' is derived from 'justice'. Look not only in the case of the subject mentioned, but also in the case of its contrary, for the contrary predicate: e.g. argue that good is not necessarily pleasant; for neither is evil painful: or that, if the latter be the case, so is the former. Also, if justice be knowledge, then injustice is ignorance: and if 'justly' means 'knowingly' and 'skilfully', then 'unjustly' means 'ignorantly' and 'unskilfully': whereas if the latter be not true, neither is the former, as in the instance given just now: for 'unjustly' is more likely to seem equivalent to 'skilfully' than to 'unskilfully'. This commonplace rule has been stated before in dealing with ¹ 114b1. Read δεδειμένα γίνεται, with the best MSS. the sequence of contraries; for all we are claiming now is that the contrary of P shall follow the contrary of S. Moreover, look at the modes of generation and destruction of a thing, and at the things which tend to produce or to destroy it, both in demolishing and in establishing a view. For those things whose modes of generation rank among good things, are themselves also good; and if they themselves be good, so also are their modes of generation. If, on the other hand, their modes of generation be evil, then they themselves also are evil. In regard to modes of destruction the converse is true: for if the modes of destruction rank as good things, then they themselves rank as evil things; whereas if the modes of destruction count as evil, they themselves count as good. The same argument applies also to things tending to produce and destroy: for things whose productive causes are good, themselves also rank as good; whereas if causes destructive of them are good, they themselves rank as evil. Again, look at things which are like the subject in question, and see if they are in like case; e.g. if one branch of knowledge has more than one object, so also will one opinion; and if to possess sight be to see, then also to possess hearing will be to hear. Likewise also in the case of other things, both those which are and those which are generally held to be like. The rule in question is useful for both purposes; for if it be as stated in the case of some one like thing, it is so with the other like things as well, whereas if it be not so in the case of some one of them, neither is it so in the case of the others. Look and see also whether the cases are alike as regards a single thing and a number of things: for sometimes there is a discrepancy. Thus, if to 'know' a thing be to 'think of' it, then also to 'know many things' is to 'be thinking of many things'; whereas this is not true; for it is possible to know many things but not to be thinking of them. If, then, the latter proposition be not true, neither was the former that dealt with a single thing, viz. that to 'know' a thing is to 'think of' it. 1 113b27-114a6. Moreover, argue from greater and less degrees. In regard to greater degrees there are four commonplace rules. One is: See whether a greater degree of the predicate follows a greater degree of the subject: e.g. if pleasure be good, see whether also a greater pleasure be a greater good: and if to do a wrong be evil, see whether also to do a greater wrong is a greater evil. Now this rule is of use for both purposes: for if an increase of the accident follows an increase of the subject, as we have said, clearly the accident belongs; while if it does not follow, the accident does not belong. You should establish this by induction. Another rule is: If one predicate be attributed to two subjects; then supposing it does not belong to the subject to which it is the more likely to belong, neither does it belong where it is less likely to belong; while if it does belong where it is less likely to belong, then it belongs as well where it is more likely. Again: If two predicates be attributed to one subject, then if the one which is more generally thought to belong does not belong, neither does the one that is less generally thought to belong; or, if the one that is less generally thought to belong does belong, so also does the other. Moreover: If two predicates be attributed to two subjects, then if the one which is more usually thought to belong to the one subject does not belong, neither does the remaining predicate belong to the remaining subject; or, if the one which is less usually thought to belong to the one subject does belong, so too does the remaining predicate to the remaining subject. Moreover, you can argue from the fact that an attribute belongs, or is generally supposed to belong, in a like degree, in three ways, viz. those described in the last three rules given in regard to a greater degree. For supposing that one predicate belongs, or is supposed to belong, to two subjects in a like degree, then if it does not belong to the one, neither does it belong to the other; while if it belongs to the one, it belongs to the remaining one as well. Or, supposing two predicates to belong in a like degree to the same subject, then, if the one does not belong, neither 1 114b37-8. Omit καὶ ἡττον before τόποι, with the best MSS. 2 ll. 6-14. does the remaining one; while if the one does belong, the remaining one belongs as well. The case is the same also if two predicates belong in a like degree to two subjects; for if the one predicate does not belong to the one subject, neither does the remaining predicate belong to the remaining subject, while if the one predicate does belong to the one subject, the remaining predicate belongs to the remaining subject as well. 25 You can argue, then, from greater or less or like degrees of truth in the aforesaid number of ways. Moreover, you should argue from the addition of one thing to another. If the addition of one thing to another makes that other good or white, whereas formerly it was not white or good, then the thing added will be white or good—it will possess the character it imparts to the whole as well. Moreover, if an addition of something to a given object intensifies the character which it had as given, then the thing added will itself as well be of that character. Likewise, also, in the case of other attributes. The rule is not applicable in all cases, but only in those in which the excess described as an 'increased intensity' is found to take place. The above rule is, however, not convertible for overthrowing a view. For if the thing added does not make the other good, it is not thereby made clear whether in itself it may not be good: for the addition of good to evil does not necessarily make the whole good, any more than the addition of white to black makes the whole white. Again, any predicate of which we can speak of greater or less degrees belongs also absolutely: for greater or less degrees of good or of white will not be attributed to what is not good or white: for a bad thing will never be said to have a greater or less degree of goodness than another, but always of badness. This rule is not convertible, either, for the purpose of overthrowing a predication: for several predicates of which we cannot speak of a greater degree belong absolutely: for the term 'man' is not attributed in greater and less degrees, but a man is a man for all that. You should examine in the same way predicates attributed in a given respect, and at a given time and place: for if the predicate be possible in some respect, it is possible also absolutely. Likewise, also, is what is predicated at a given time or place: for what is absolutely impossible is not possible either in any respect or at any place or time. An objection may be raised that in a given respect people may be good by nature, e.g. they may be generous or temperately inclined, while absolutely they are not good by nature, because no one is prudent by nature. Likewise, also, it is possible for a destructible thing to escape destruction at a given time, whereas it is not possible for it to escape absolutely. In the same way also it is a good thing at certain places to follow such and such a diet, e.g. in infected areas, though it is not a good thing absolutely. Moreover, in certain places it is possible to live singly and alone, but absolutely it is not possible to exist singly and alone. In the same way also it is in certain places honourable to sacrifice one’s father, e.g. among the Triballi, whereas, absolutely, it is not honourable. Or possibly this may indicate a relativity not to places but to persons: for it is all the same wherever they may be: for everywhere it will be held honourable among the Triballi themselves, just because they are Triballi. Again, at certain times it is a good thing to take medicines, e.g. when one is ill, but it is not so absolutely. Or possibly this again may indicate a relativity not to a certain time, but to a certain state of health: for it is all the same whenever it occurs, if only one be in that state. A thing is ‘absolutely’ so which without any addition you are prepared to say is honourable or the contrary. Thus (e.g.) you will deny that to sacrifice one’s father is honourable: it is honourable only to certain persons: it is not therefore honourable absolutely. On the other hand, to honour the gods you will declare to be honourable without adding anything, because that is honourable absolutely. So that whatever without any addition is generally accounted to be honourable or dishonourable or anything else of that kind, will be said to be so ‘absolutely’. The question which is the more desirable, or the better, of two or more things, should be examined upon the following lines: only first of all it must be clearly laid down that the inquiry we are making concerns not things that are widely divergent and that exhibit great differences from one another (for nobody raises any doubt whether happiness or wealth is more desirable), but things that are nearly related and about which we commonly discuss for which of the two we ought rather to vote, because we do not see any advantage on either side as compared with the other. Clearly, then, in such cases if we can show a single advantage, or more than one, our judgement will record our assent that whichever side happens to have the advantage is the more desirable. First, then, that which is more lasting or secure is more desirable than that which is less so: and so is that which is more likely to be chosen by the prudent or by the good man or by the right law, or by men who are good in any particular line, when they make their choice as such, or by the experts in regard to any particular class of things; i.e. either whatever most of them or what all of them would choose; e.g. in medicine or in carpentry those things are more desirable which most, or all, doctors would choose; or, in general, whatever most men or all men or all things would choose, e.g. the good: for everything aims at the good. You should direct the argument you intend to employ to whatever purpose you require. Of what is 'better' or 'more desirable' the absolute standard is the verdict of the better science, though relatively to a given individual the standard may be his own particular science. In the second place, that which is known as 'an x' is more desirable than that which does not come within the genus 'x'—e.g. justice than a just man; for the former falls within the genus 'good', whereas the other does not, and the former is called 'a good', whereas the latter is not: for nothing which does not happen to belong to the genus in question is called by the generic name; e.g. a 'white man' is not 'a colour'. Likewise also in other cases. Also, that which is desired for itself is more desirable than that which is desired for something else; e.g. health is more desirable than gymnastics: for the former is desired for itself, the latter for something else. Also, that which is desirable in itself is more desirable than what is desirable per accidens; e.g. justice in our friends than justice in our enemies: for the former is desirable in itself, the latter per accidens: for we desire that our enemies should be just per accidens, in order that they may do us no harm. This last principle is the same as the one that precedes it, with, however, a different turn of expression. For we desire justice in our friends for itself, even though it will make no difference to us, and even though they be in India; whereas in our enemies we desire it for something else, in order that they may do us no harm. Also, that which is in itself the cause of good is more desirable than what is so per accidens, e.g. virtue than luck (for the former is in itself, and the latter per accidens, the cause of good things), and so in other cases of the same kind. Likewise also in the case of the contrary; for what is in itself the cause of evil is more objectionable than what is so per accidens, e.g. vice and chance: for the one is bad in itself, whereas chance is so per accidens. Also, what is good absolutely is more desirable than what is good for a particular person, e.g. recovery of health than a surgical operation; for the former is good absolutely, the latter only for a particular person, viz. the man who needs an operation. So too what is good by nature is more desirable than the good that is not so by nature, e.g. justice than the just man; for the one is good by nature, whereas in the other case the goodness is acquired. Also the attribute is more desirable which belongs to the better and more 1 116b 2-3. Treat ἡ μὲν γὰρ . . . τῶν ἀγαθῶν as a parenthesis, with Wallies. honourable subject, e.g. to a god rather than to a man, and to the soul rather than to the body. So too the property of the better thing is better than the property of the worse; e.g. the property of God than the property of man: for whereas in respect of what is common in both of them they do not differ at all from each other, in respect of their properties the one surpasses the other. Also that is better which is inherent in things better or prior or more honourable: thus (e.g.) health is better than strength and beauty: for the former is inherent in the moist and the dry, and the hot and the cold, in fact in all the primary constituents of an animal, whereas the others are inherent in what is secondary, strength being a feature of the sinews and bones, while beauty is generally supposed to consist in a certain symmetry of the limbs. Also the end is generally supposed to be more desirable than the means, and of two means, that which lies nearer the end. In general, too, a means directed towards the end of life is more desirable than a means to anything else, e.g. that which contributes to happiness than that which contributes to prudence. Also the competent is more desirable than the incompetent. Moreover, of two productive agents that one is more desirable whose end is better; while between a productive agent and an end we can decide by a proportional sum whenever the excess of the one end over the other is greater than that of the latter over its own productive means: e.g. supposing the excess of happiness over health to be greater than that of health over what produces health, then what produces happiness is better than health. For what produces happiness exceeds what produces health just as much as happiness exceeds health. But health exceeds what produces health by a smaller amount; ergo, the excess of what produces happiness over what produces health is greater than that of health over what produces health. Clearly, therefore, what produces happiness is more desirable than health: for it exceeds the same standard by a greater amount. Moreover, what is in itself nobler and more precious and praiseworthy is more desirable than what is less so, e.g. friendship than wealth, and justice than strength. For the former belong in themselves to the class of things precious and praiseworthy, while the latter do so not in themselves but for something else: for no one prizes wealth for itself but always for something else, whereas we prize friendship for itself, even though nothing else is likely to come to us from it. 2 Moreover, whenever two things are very much like one another, and we cannot see any superiority in the one over the other of them, we should look at them from the standpoint of their consequences. For the one which is followed by the greater good is the more desirable: or, if the consequences be evil, that is more desirable which is followed by the less evil. For though both may be desirable, yet there may possibly be some unpleasant consequence involved to turn the scale. Our survey from the point of view of consequences lies in two directions, for there are prior consequences and later consequences: e.g. if a man learns, it follows that he was ignorant before and knows afterwards. As a rule, the later consequence is the better to consider. You should take, therefore, whichever of the consequences suits your purpose. Moreover, a greater number of good things is more desirable than a smaller, either absolutely or when the one is included in the other, viz. the smaller number in the greater. An objection may be raised suppose in some particular case the one is valued for the sake of the other; for then the two together are not more desirable than the one; e.g. recovery of health and health, than health alone, inasmuch as we desire recovery of health for the sake of health. Also it is quite possible for what is not good, together with what is, to be more desirable than a greater number of good things, e.g. the combination of happiness and something else which is not good may be more desirable than the 1 117a 5. Read αὐτοῖς for ἀλλήλοις. 2 117a 21. Read καὶ μὴ ἀγαθὰ μετ’ ἀγαθῶν οὐδὲν κωλύει εἶναι αἱρετώτερα (sc. πλείουσιν ἀγαθῶν). Or, keeping the MS. reading, trans. ‘Also it is quite possible for what are not good things to be more desirable than what are’: happiness plus a not-good thing are not ‘good things’: only one of them is good. combination of justice and courage. Also, the same things are more valuable if accompanied than if unaccompanied by pleasure, and likewise when free from pain than when attended with pain. Also, everything is more desirable at the season when it is of greater consequence; e.g. freedom from pain in old age more than in youth: for it is of greater consequence in old age. On the same principle also,$^1$ prudence is more desirable in old age; for no man chooses the young to guide him, because he does not expect them to be prudent. With courage, the converse is the case, for it is in youth that the active exercise of courage is more imperatively required. Likewise also with temperance; for the young are more troubled by their passions than are their elders. Also, that is more desirable which is more useful at every season or at most seasons, e.g. justice and temperance rather than courage: for they are always useful, while courage is only useful at times. Also, that one of two things which if all possess, we do not need the other thing, is more desirable than that which all may possess and still we want the other one as well. Take the case of justice and courage; if everybody were just, there would be no use for courage, whereas all might be courageous, and still justice would be of use. Moreover, judge by the destructions and losses and generations and acquisitions and contraries of things: for things whose destruction is more objectionable are themselves more desirable. Likewise also with the losses and contraries of things; for a thing whose loss or whose contrary is more objectionable is itself more desirable. With the generations or acquisitions of things the opposite is the case: for things whose acquisition or generation is more desirable are themselves also desirable. Another commonplace rule is that what is nearer to the good is better and more desirable,$^2$ i.e. what more nearly resembles the good: thus justice is better than a just man. Also, that which is more like than another thing to some- $^1$ 117$^a$ 28. Read κατὰ ταὐτὰ δέ. $^2$ 117$^b$ 11. Read a comma only, not a full stop, after ἀίρετώτερον. thing better than itself, as e.g. some say that Ajax was a better man than Odysseus because he was more like Achilles. An objection may be raised to this that it is not true: for it is quite possible that Ajax did not resemble Achilles more nearly than Odysseus in the points which made Achilles the best of them, and that Odysseus was a good man, though unlike Achilles. Look also to see whether the resemblance be that of a caricature, like the resemblance of a monkey to a man, whereas a horse bears none: for the monkey is not the more handsome creature, despite its nearer resemblance to a man. Again, in the case of two things, if one is more like the better thing while another is more like the worse, then that is likely to be better which is more like the better. This too, however, admits of an objection: for quite possibly the one only slightly resembles the better, while the other strongly resembles the worse, e.g. supposing the resemblance of Ajax to Achilles to be slight, while that of Odysseus to Nestor is strong. Also it may be that the one which is like the better type shows a degrading likeness, whereas the one which is like the worse type improves upon it: witness the likeness of a horse to a donkey, and that of a monkey to a man. Another rule is that the more conspicuous good is more desirable than the less conspicuous, and the more difficult than the easier: for we appreciate better the possession of things that cannot be easily acquired. Also the more personal possession is more desirable than the more widely shared. Also, that which is more free from connexion with evil: for what is not attended by any unpleasantness is more desirable than what is so attended. Moreover, if A be without qualification better than B, then also the best of the members of A is better than the best of the members of B; e.g. if Man be better than Horse, then also the best man is better than the best horse. Also, if the best in A be better than the best in B, then also A is better than B without qualification; e.g. if the best man be better than the best horse, then also Man is better than Horse without qualification. Moreover, things which our friends can share are more desirable than those they cannot. Also, things which we like rather to do to our friend are more desirable than those we like to do to the man in the street, e.g. just dealing and the doing of good rather than the semblance of them: for we would rather really do good to our friends than seem to do so, whereas towards the man in the street the converse is the case. Also, superfluities are better than necessities, and are sometimes more desirable as well: for the good life is better than mere life, and good life is a superfluity, whereas mere life itself is a necessity. Sometimes, though, what is better is not also more desirable: for there is no necessity that because it is better it should also be more desirable: at least to be a philosopher is better than to make money, but it is not more desirable for a man who lacks the necessities of life. The expression 'superfluity' applies whenever a man possesses the necessities of life and sets to work to secure as well other noble acquisitions. Roughly speaking, perhaps, necessities are more desirable, while superfluities are better. Also, what cannot be got from another is more desirable than what can be got from another as well, as (e.g.) is the case of justice compared with courage. Also, A is more desirable if A is desirable without B, but not B without A: power (e.g.) is not desirable without prudence, but prudence is desirable without power. Also, if of two things we repudiate the one in order to be thought to possess the other, then that one is more desirable which we wish to be thought to possess; thus (e.g.) we repudiate the love of hard work in order that people may think us geniuses. Moreover, that is more desirable in whose absence it is less blameworthy for people to be vexed; and that is more desirable in whose absence it is more blameworthy for a man not to be vexed. Moreover, of things that belong to the same species one which possesses the peculiar virtue of the species is more desirable than one which does not. If both possess it, then the one which possesses it in a greater degree is more desirable. Moreover, if one thing makes good whatever it touches, while another does not, the former is more desirable, just 30 as also what makes things warm is warmer than what does not. If both do so, then that one is more desirable which does so in a greater degree, or if it render good the better and more important object—if (e.g.), the one makes good the soul, and the other the body. Moreover, judge things by their inflexions and uses and actions and works, and judge these by them: for they go 35 with each other: e.g. if ‘justly’ means something more desirable than ‘courageously’, then also justice means something more desirable than courage; and if justice be more desirable than courage, then also ‘justly’ means something more desirable than ‘courageously’. Similarly also in the other cases. Moreover, if one thing exceeds while the other falls short 118b of the same standard of good, the one which exceeds is the more desirable; or if the one exceeds an even higher standard. Nay more, if there be two things both preferable to something, the one which is more highly preferable to it is more desirable than the less highly preferable. Moreover, when the excess of a thing is more desirable than the excess of something else, that thing is itself also more desirable than the other, as (e.g.) friendship than money: for an excess of friendship is more desirable than an excess of money. So also that of which a man would rather that it were his by his own doing is more desirable than what he would rather get by another’s doing, e.g. friends than money. Moreover, judge by means of an addition, and see if the 10 addition of A to the same thing as B makes the whole more desirable than does the addition of B. You must, however, beware of adducing a case in which the common term uses, or in some other way helps the case of, one of the things added to it, but not the other, as (e.g.) if you took a saw and a sickle in combination with the art of carpentry: for in the combination the saw is a more desirable thing, 15 but it is not a more desirable thing without qualification. Again, a thing is more desirable if, when added to a lesser good, it makes the whole a greater good. Likewise, also, you should judge by means of subtraction: for the thing upon whose subtraction the remainder is a lesser good may be taken to be a greater good, whichever it be whose$^1$ subtraction makes the remainder a lesser good. Also, if one thing be desirable for itself, and the other for the look of it, the former is more desirable, as (e.g.) health than beauty. A thing is defined as being desired for the look of it if, supposing no one knew of it, you would not care to have it. Also, it is more desirable if it be desirable both for itself and for the look of it, while the other thing is desirable on the one ground alone. Also, whichever is the more precious for itself, is also better and more desirable. A thing may be taken to be more precious in itself which we choose rather for itself, without anything else being likely to come of it. Moreover, you should distinguish in how many senses ‘desirable’ is used, and with a view to what ends, e.g. expediency or honour or pleasure. For what is useful for all or most of them may be taken to be more desirable than what is not useful in like manner. If the same characters belong to both things you should look and see which possesses them more markedly, i.e. which of the two is the more pleasant or more honourable or more expedient. Again, that is more desirable which serves the better purpose, e.g. that which serves to promote virtue more than that which serves to promote pleasure. Likewise also in the case of objectionable things; for that is more objectionable which stands more in the way of what is desirable, e.g. disease more than ugliness: for disease is a greater hindrance both to pleasure and to being good. Moreover, argue by showing that the thing in question is in like measure objectionable and desirable: for a thing of such a character that a man might well desire and object to it alike is less desirable than the other which is desirable only. $^1$ 118b 19. Read $\delta$ $\pi$ $\omega$ $\tau$ $\epsilon$. Comparisons of things together should therefore be conducted in the manner prescribed. The same commonplace rules are useful also for showing that anything is simply desirable or objectionable: for we have only to subtract the excess of one thing over another. For if what is more precious be more desirable, then also what is precious is desirable; and if what is more useful be more desirable, then also what is useful is desirable. Likewise, also, in the case of other things which admit of comparisons of that kind. For in some cases in the very course of comparing the things together we at once assert also that each of them, or the one of them, is desirable, e.g. whenever we call the one good 'by nature' and the other 'not by nature': for clearly what is good by nature is desirable. The commonplace rules relating to comparative degrees and amounts ought to be taken in the most general possible form: for when so taken they are likely to be useful in a larger number of instances. It is possible to render some of the actual rules given above more universal by a slight alteration of the expression, e.g. that what by nature exhibits such and such a quality exhibits that quality in a greater degree than what exhibits it not by nature. Also, if one thing does, and another does not, impart such and such a quality to that which possesses it, or to which it belongs, then whichever does impart it is of that quality in greater degree than the one which does not impart it; and if both impart it, then that one exhibits it in a greater degree which imparts it in a greater degree. Moreover, if in any character one thing exceeds and another falls short of the same standard; also, if the one exceeds something which exceeds a given standard, while the other does not reach that standard, then clearly the first-named thing exhibits that character in a greater degree. Moreover, you should judge by means of addition, and see if A when added to the same thing as B imparts to the whole such and such a character in a more marked 1 119a 21. Read καὶ εἰ τὸ μὲν μᾶλλον τοιοῦτον μᾶλλον τοιοῦτο, τὸ δὲ μὴ τοιοῦτο. degree than B, or if, when added to a thing which exhibits that character in a less degree, it imparts that character to the whole in a greater degree. Likewise, also, you may judge by means of subtraction: for a thing upon whose subtraction the remainder exhibits such and such a character in a less degree, itself exhibits that character in a greater degree. Also, things exhibit such and such a character in a greater degree if more free from admixture with their contraries; e.g. that is whiter which is more free from admixture with black. Moreover, apart from the rules given above, that has such and such a character in greater degree which admits in a greater degree of the definition proper to the given character; e.g. if the definition of 'white' be 'a colour which pierces the vision', then that is whiter which is in a greater degree a colour that pierces the vision. If the question be put in a particular and not in a universal form, in the first place the universal constructive or destructive commonplace rules that have been given may all be brought into use. For in demolishing or establishing a thing universally we also show it in particular: for if it be true of all, it is true also of some, and if untrue of all, it is untrue of some. Especially handy and of general application are the commonplace rules that are drawn from the opposites and co-ordinates and inflexions of a thing: for public opinion grants alike the claim that if all pleasure be good, then also all pain is evil, and the claim that if some pleasure be good, then also some pain is evil. Moreover, if some form of sensation be not a capacity, then also some form of failure of sensation is not a failure of capacity. Also, if the object of conception is in some cases an object of knowledge, then also some form of conceiving is knowledge. Again, if what is unjust be in some cases good, then also what is just is in some cases evil; and if what happens justly is in some cases evil, then also what happens unjustly is in some cases good. Also, if what is pleasant is in some cases objectionable, then pleasure is in some cases an objectionable thing. On the same principle, also, if what is pleasant is in some cases beneficial, then pleasure is in some cases a beneficial thing. The case is the same also as regards the things that destroy, and the processes of generation and destruction. For if anything that destroys pleasure or knowledge be in some cases good, then we may take it that pleasure or knowledge is in some cases an evil thing. Likewise, also, if the destruction of knowledge be in some cases a good thing or its production an evil thing, then knowledge will be in some cases an evil thing; e.g. if for a man to forget his disgraceful conduct be a good thing, and to remember it be an evil thing, then the knowledge of his disgraceful conduct may be taken to be an evil thing. The same holds also in other cases: in all such cases the premiss and the conclusion are equally likely to be accepted. Moreover, you should judge by means of greater or smaller or like degrees: for if some member of another genus exhibit such and such a character in a more marked degree than your object, while no member of that genus exhibits that character at all, then you may take it that neither does the object in question exhibit it; e.g. if some form of knowledge be good in a greater degree than pleasure, while no form of knowledge is good, then you may take it that pleasure is not good either. Also, you should judge by a smaller or like degree in the same way: for so you will find it possible both to demolish and to establish a view, except that whereas both are possible by means of like degrees, by means of a smaller degree it is possible only to establish, not to overthrow. For if a certain form of capacity be good in a like degree to knowledge, and a certain form of capacity be good, then so also is knowledge; while if no form of capacity be good, then neither is knowledge. If, too, a certain form of capacity be good in a less degree than knowledge, and a certain form of capacity be good, then so also is knowledge; but if no form of capacity be good, there is no necessity that no form of knowledge either should be good. Clearly, then, it is only possible to establish a view by means of a less degree. Not only by means of another genus can you overthrow a view, but also by means of the same, if you take the most marked instance of the character in question; e.g. if it be maintained that some form of knowledge is good, then, suppose it to be shown that prudence is not good, neither will any other kind be good, seeing that not even the kind upon which there is most general agreement is so. Moreover, you should go to work by means of an hypothesis; you should claim that the attribute, if it belongs or does not belong in one case, does so in a like degree in all, e.g. that if the soul of man be immortal, so are other souls as well, while if this one be not so, neither are the others. If, then, it be maintained that in some instance the attribute belongs, you must show that in some instance it does not belong: for then it will follow, by reason of the hypothesis, that it does not belong in any instance at all. If, on the other hand, it be maintained that it does not belong in some instance, you must show that it does belong in some instance, for in this way it will follow that it belongs in all instances. It is clear that the maker of the hypothesis universalizes the question, whereas it was stated in a particular form: for he claims that the maker of a particular admission should make a universal admission, inasmuch as he claims that if the attribute belongs in one instance, it belongs also in all instances alike. If the problem be indefinite, it is possible to overthrow a statement in only one way; e.g. if a man has asserted that pleasure is good or is not good, without any further definition. For if he meant that a particular pleasure is good, you must show universally that no pleasure is good, if the proposition in question is to be demolished. And likewise, also, if he meant that some particular pleasure is not good you must show universally that all pleasure is good: it is impossible to demolish it in any other way. For if we show that some particular pleasure is not good or is good, the proposition in question is not yet demolished. It is clear, then, that it is possible to demolish an indefinite statement in one way only, whereas it can be established in two ways: for whether we show universally that all pleasure is good, or whether we show that a particular pleasure is good, the proposition in question will have been proved. Likewise, also, supposing we are required to argue that some particular pleasure is not good, if we show that no pleasure is good or that a particular pleasure is not good, we shall have produced an argument in both ways, both universally and in particular, to show that some particular pleasure is not good. If, on the other hand, the statement made be definite, it will be possible to demolish it in two ways; e.g. if it be maintained that it is an attribute of some particular pleasure to be good, while of some it is not: for whether it be shown that all pleasure, or that no pleasure, is good, the proposition in question will have been demolished. If, however, he has stated that only one single pleasure is good, it is possible to demolish it in three ways: for by showing that all pleasure, or that no pleasure, or that more than one pleasure, is good, we shall have demolished the statement in question. If the statement be made still more definite, e.g. that prudence alone of the virtues is knowledge, there are four ways of demolishing it: for if it be shown that all virtue is knowledge, or that no virtue is so, or that some other virtue (e.g. justice) is so, or that prudence itself is not knowledge, the proposition in question will have been demolished. It is useful also to take a look at individual instances, in cases where some attribute has been said to belong or not to belong, as in the case of universal questions. Moreover, you should take a glance among genera, dividing them by their species until you come to those that are not further divisible, as has been said before:¹ for whether the attribute is found to belong in all cases or in none, you should, after adducing several instances, claim that he should either admit your point universally, or else bring an objection showing in what case it does not hold. Moreover, in cases where it is possible to make the accident definite either specifically or numerically, you should look and see whether perhaps none of them belongs, showing e.g. that time is not moved, nor yet is a movement, by enumerating how many species there are of movement: for if none of these belong ¹ 109b 15. to time, clearly it does not move, nor yet is a movement. Likewise, also, you can show that the soul is not a number,$^1$ by dividing all numbers into either odd or even: for then, if the soul be neither odd nor even, clearly it is not a number. In regard then to Accident, you should set to work by means like these, and in this manner. $^1$ Cf. Xenocrates, fr. 60 Heinze. Next we must go on to examine questions relating to Genus and Property. These are elements in the questions that relate to definitions, but dialecticians seldom address their inquiries to these by themselves. If, then, a genus be suggested for something that is, first take a look at all objects which belong to the same genus as the thing mentioned, and see whether the genus suggested is not predicated of one of them, as happens in the case of an accident: e.g. if 'good' be laid down to be the genus of 'pleasure', see whether some particular pleasure be not good: for, if so, clearly 'good' is not the genus of pleasure: for the genus is predicated of all the members of the same species. Secondly, see whether it be predicated not in the category of essence, but as an accident, as 'white' is predicated of 'snow', or 'self-moved' of the soul. For 'snow' is not a kind of 'white', and therefore 'white' is not the genus of snow, nor is the soul a kind of 'moving object': its motion is an accident of it, as it often is of an animal to walk or to be walking. Moreover, 'moving' does not seem to indicate the essence, but rather a state of doing or of having something done to it. Likewise, also, 'white': for it indicates not the essence of snow, but a certain quality of it. So that neither of them is predicated in the category of 'essence'. Especially you should take a look at the definition of Accident, and see whether it fits the genus mentioned, as (e.g.) is also the case in the instances just given. For it is possible for a thing to be and not to be self-moved, and likewise, also, for it to be and not to be white. So that neither of these attributes is the genus but an accident, since we were saying$^1$ that an accident is an attribute which can belong to a thing and also not belong. $^1$ 102b6. Moreover, see whether the genus and the species be not found in the same division, but the one be a substance while the other is a quality, or the one be a relative while the other is a quality, as (e.g.) 'snow' and 'swan' are each a substance, while 'white' is not a substance but a quality, so that 'white' is not the genus either of 'snow' or of 'swan'. Again, 'knowledge' is a relative, while 'good' and 'noble' are each a quality, so that good, or noble, is not the genus of knowledge. For the genera of relatives ought themselves also to be relatives, as is the case with 'double': for 'multiple', which is the genus of 'double', is itself also a relative. To speak generally, the genus ought to fall under the same division as the species: for if the species be a substance, so too should be the genus, and if the species be a quality, so too the genus should be a quality; e.g. if white be a quality, so too should colour be. Likewise, also, in other cases. Again, see whether it be necessary or possible for the genus to partake of the object which has been placed in the genus. 'To partake' is defined as 'to admit the definition' of that which is partaken. Clearly, therefore, the species partake of the genera, but not the genera of the species: for the species admits the definition of the genus, whereas the genus does not admit that of the species. You must look, therefore, and see whether the genus rendered partakes or can possibly partake of the species, e.g. if any one were to render anything as genus of 'being' or of 'unity': for then the result will be that the genus partakes of the species: for of everything that is, 'being' and 'unity' are predicated, and therefore their definition as well. Moreover, see if there be anything of which the species rendered is true, while the genus is not so, e.g. supposing 'being' or 'object of knowledge' were stated to be the genus of 'object of opinion'. For 'object of opinion' will be a predicate of what does not exist; for many things which do not exist are objects of opinion; whereas that 'being' or 'object of knowledge' is not predicated of what does not exist is clear. So that neither 'being' nor 'object of knowledge' is the genus of 'object of opinion': for of the objects of which the species is predicated, the genus ought to be predicated as well. Again, see whether the object placed in the genus be quite unable to partake of any of its species: for it is impossible that it should partake of the genus if it do not partake of any of its species, except it be one of the species reached by the first division: these do partake of the genus alone. If, therefore, 'Motion' be stated as the genus of pleasure, you should look and see if pleasure be neither locomotion nor alteration, nor any of the rest of the given modes of motion: for clearly you may then take it that it does not partake of any of the species, and therefore not of the genus either, since what partakes of the genus must necessarily partake of one of the species as well: so that pleasure could not be a species of Motion, nor yet be one of the individual phenomena comprised under the term 'motion'.¹ For individuals as well partake in the genus and the species, as (e.g.) an individual man partakes of both 'man' and 'animal'. Moreover, see if the term placed in the genus has a wider denotation than the genus, as (e.g.) 'object of opinion' has, as compared with 'being': for both what is and what is not are objects of opinion, so that 'object of opinion' could not be a species of being: for the genus is always of wider denotation than the species. Again, see if the species and its genus have an equal denotation; suppose, for instance, that of the attributes which go with everything, one were to be stated as a species and the other as its genus, as for example Being and Unity: for everything has being and unity, so that neither is the genus of the other, since their denotation is equal. Likewise, also, if the 'first' of a series and the 'beginning' were to be placed one under the other:² for the beginning is first and the first is the beginning, so that either both expressions are identical or at any rate neither is the genus of the other. The elementary principle in regard to all such cases is that the genus has a wider denotation than the species and its differentia: for the ¹ 121a 36. Read οὐδὲ τῶν ἀτόμων τῶν τῆς κινήσεως ὄντων. ² 121b 9. Reading ἐπ’ ἀλληλα. differentia as well has a narrower denotation than the genus. See also whether the genus mentioned fails, or might be generally thought to fail, to apply to some object which is not specifically different from the thing in question; or, if your argument be constructive, whether it does so apply. For all things that are not specifically different have the same genus. If, therefore, it be shown to apply to one, then clearly it applies to all, and if it fails to apply to one, clearly it fails to apply to any; e.g. if any one who assumes 'indivisible lines' were to say that the 'indivisible' is their genus. For the aforesaid term is not the genus of divisible lines, and these do not differ as regards their species from indivisible: for straight lines are never different from each other as regards their species. Look and see, also, if there be any other genus of the given species which neither embraces the genus rendered nor yet falls under it, e.g. suppose any one were to lay down that 'knowledge' is the genus of justice. For virtue is its genus as well, and neither of these genera embraces the remaining one, so that knowledge could not be the genus of justice: for it is generally accepted that whenever one species falls under two genera, the one is embraced by the other. Yet a principle of this kind gives rise to a difficulty in some cases. For some people hold that prudence is both virtue and knowledge, and that neither of its genera is embraced by the other: although certainly not everybody admits that prudence is knowledge. If, however, any one were to admit the truth of this assertion, yet it would still be generally agreed to be necessary that the genera of the same object must at any rate be subordinate either the one to the other or both to the same, as actually is the case with virtue and knowledge. For both fall under the same genus; for each of them is a state and a disposition. You should look, therefore, and see whether neither of these things is true of the genus rendered; for if the genera be subordinate neither the one to the other nor both to the same, then what is rendered could not be the true genus. Look, also, at the genus of the genus rendered, and so continually at the next higher genus, and see whether all are predicated of the species, and predicated in the category 5 of essence: for all the higher genera should be predicated of the species in the category of essence. If, then, there be anywhere a discrepancy, clearly what is rendered is not the true genus. [Again, see whether either the genus itself, or one of its higher genera, partakes of the species: for the higher genus does not partake of any of the lower.]¹ If, then, you are overthrowing a view, follow the rule as given: if establishing one, then—suppose that what has been named as genus be admitted to belong to the species, only it be disputed whether it belongs as genus—it is enough to show that one of its higher genera is predicated of the species in the category of essence. For if one of them be predicated in the category of essence, all of them, both higher and lower than this one, if predicated at all of the species, will be pre- 15 dicated of it in the category of essence: so that what has been rendered as genus is also predicated in the category of essence. The premiss that when one genus is predicated in the category of essence, all the rest, if predicated at all, will be predicated in the category of essence, should be secured by induction. Supposing, however, that it be disputed whether what has been rendered as genus belongs at all, it is not enough to show that one of the higher genera is predicated of the species in the category of essence: e.g. if any one has rendered 'locomotion' as the genus of walking, it is not enough to show that walking is 'motion' in order to show that it is 'locomotion', seeing that there are other forms of motion as well; but one must show in addition that walking does not partake of any of the species of motion produced by the same division except locomotion. For of necessity what partakes of the genus partakes also of one of the species produced by the first division of the genus. If, therefore, walking does not partake either of increase or decrease or of the other kinds of motion, clearly it would partake of locomotion, so that locomotion would be the genus of walking. Again, look among the things of which the given species ¹ An irrelevant interruption here: it merely repeats 121* 10 foll. is predicated as genus, and see if what is rendered as its genus be also predicated in the category of essence of the very things of which the species is so predicated, and likewise if all the genera higher than this genus are so predicated as well. For if there be anywhere a discrepancy, clearly what has been rendered is not the true genus: for had it been the genus, then both the genera higher than it, and it itself, would all have been predicated in the category of essence of those objects of which the species too is predicated in the category of essence. If, then, you are overthrowing a view, it is useful to see whether the genus fails to be predicated in the category of essence of those things of which the species too is predicated. If establishing a view, it is useful to see whether it is predicated in the category of essence: for if so, the result will be that the genus and the species will be predicated of the same object in the category of essence, so that the same object falls under two genera: the genera must therefore of necessity be subordinate one to the other, and therefore if it be shown that the one we wish to establish as genus is not subordinate to the species, clearly the species would be subordinate to it, so that you may take it as shown that it is the genus. Look, also, at the definitions of the genera, and see whether they apply both to the given species and to the objects which partake of the species. For of necessity the definitions of its genera must be predicated of the species and of the objects which partake of the species: if, then, there be anywhere a discrepancy, clearly what has been rendered is not the genus. Again, see if he has rendered the differentia as the genus, e.g. ‘immortal’ as the genus of ‘God’. For ‘immortal’ is a differentia of ‘living being’, seeing that of living beings some are mortal and others immortal. Clearly, then, a bad mistake has been made; for the differentia of a thing is never its genus. And that this is true is clear: for a thing’s differentia never signifies its essence, but rather some quality, as do ‘walking’ and ‘biped’. Also, see whether he has placed the differentia inside the genus, e.g. by taking ‘odd’ as ‘a number’. For ‘odd’ is a differentia of number, not a species. Nor is the differentia generally thought to partake of the genus: for what partakes of the genus is always either a species or an individual, whereas the differentia is neither a species nor an individual. Clearly, therefore, the differentia does not partake of the genus, so that 'odd' too is no species but a differentia, seeing that it does not partake of the genus. Moreover, see whether he has placed the genus inside the species, e.g. by taking 'contact' to be a 'juncture', or 'mixture' a 'fusion', or, as in Plato's definition,¹ 'locomotion' to be the same as 'carriage'. For there is no necessity that contact should be juncture: rather, conversely, juncture must be contact: for what is in contact is not always joined, though what is joined is always in contact. Likewise, also, in the remaining instances: for mixture is not always a 'fusion' (for to mix dry things does not fuse them), nor is locomotion always 'carriage'. For walking is not generally thought to be carriage: for 'carriage' is mostly used of things that change one place for another involuntarily, as happens in the case of inanimate things. Clearly, also, the species, in the instances given, has a wider denotation than the genus, whereas it ought to be vice versa. Again, see whether he has placed the differentia inside the species, by taking (e.g.) 'immortal' to be 'a god'. For the result will be that the species has an equal or wider denotation: and this cannot be, for always the differentia has an equal or a wider denotation than the species. Moreover, see whether he has placed the genus inside the differentia, by making 'colour' (e.g.) to be a thing that 'pierces', or 'number' a thing that is 'odd'. Also, see if he has mentioned the genus as differentia: for it is possible for a man to bring forward a statement of this kind as well, e.g. that 'mixture' is the differentia of 'fusion', or that 'change of place' is the differentia of 'carriage'. All such cases should be examined by means of the same principles: for they depend upon common rules: for the genus should have a wider denotation than its differentia, and also should ¹ Theaet. 181 D. not partake of its differentia; whereas, if it be rendered in this manner, neither of the aforesaid requirements can be satisfied: for the genus will both have a narrower denotation than its differentia, and will partake of it. Again, if no differentia belonging to the genus be predicated of the given species, neither will the genus be predicated of it; e.g. of ‘soul’ neither ‘odd’ nor ‘even’ is predicated: neither therefore is ‘number’. Moreover, see whether the species is naturally prior and abolishes the genus along with itself: for the contrary is the general view. Moreover, if it be possible for the genus stated, or for its differentia, to be absent from the alleged species, e.g. for ‘movement’ to be absent from the ‘soul’, or ‘truth and falsehood’ from ‘opinion’, then neither of the terms stated could be its genus or its differentia: for the general view is that the genus and the differentia accompany the species, as long as it exists. Look and see, also, if what is placed in the genus partakes or could possibly partake of any contrary of the genus: for in that case the same thing will at the same time partake of contrary things, seeing that the genus is never absent from it, while it partakes, or can possibly partake, of the contrary genus as well. Moreover, see whether the species shares in any character which it is utterly impossible for any member of the genus to have. Thus (e.g.) if the soul has a share in life, while it is impossible for any number to live, then the soul could not be a species of number. You should look and see, also, if the species be a homonym of the genus, and employ as your elementary principles those already stated for dealing with homonymity:¹ for the genus and the species are synonymous. Seeing that of every genus there is more than one species, look and see if it be impossible that there should be another species than the given one belonging to the genus stated: for if there should be none, then clearly what has been stated could not be a genus at all. ¹ 106a9 ff. Look and see, also, if he has rendered as genus a metaphorical expression, describing (e.g.) 'temperance' as a 'harmony': for a genus is always predicated of its species in its literal sense, whereas 'harmony' is predicated of temperance not in a literal sense but metaphorically: for a harmony always consists in notes. Moreover, if there be any contrary of the species, examine it. The examination may take different forms; first of all see if the contrary as well be found in the same genus as the species, supposing the genus to have no contrary: for contraries ought to be found in the same genus, if there be no contrary to the genus. Supposing, on the other hand, that there is a contrary to the genus, see if the contrary of the species be found in the contrary genus: for of necessity the contrary species must be in the contrary genus, if there be any contrary to the genus. Each of these points is made plain by means of induction. Again, see whether the contrary of the species be not found in any genus at all, but be itself a genus, e.g. 'good': for if this be not found in any genus, neither will its contrary be found in any genus, but will itself be a genus, as happens in the case of 'good' and 'evil': for neither of these is found in a genus, but each of them is a genus. Moreover, see if both genus and species be contrary to something, and one pair of contraries have an intermediary, but not the other. For if the genera have an intermediary, so should their species as well, and if the species have, so should their genera as well, as is the case with (1) virtue and vice and (2) justice and injustice: for each pair has an intermediary. An objection to this is that there is no intermediary between health and disease, although there is one between evil and good. Or see whether, though there be indeed an intermediary between both pairs, i.e. both between the species and between the genera, yet it be not similarly related, but in one case be a mere negation of the extremes, whereas in the other case it is a subject. For the general view is that the relation should be similar in both cases, as it is in the cases of virtue and vice and of justice and injustice: for the intermediaries between both are mere negations. Moreover, whenever the genus has no contrary, look and see not merely whether the contrary of the species be found in the same genus, but the intermediate as well: for the genus containing the extremes contains the intermediates as well, as (e.g.) in the case of white and black: for ‘colour’ is the genus both of these and of all the intermediate colours as well. An objection may be raised that ‘defect’ and ‘excess’ are found in the same genus (for both are in the genus ‘evil’), whereas ‘moderate amount’, the intermediate between them, is found not in ‘evil’ but in ‘good’. Look and see also whether, while the genus has a contrary, the species has none; for if the genus be contrary to anything, so too is the species, as virtue to vice and justice to injustice. Likewise, also, if one were to look at other instances, one would come to see clearly a fact like this. An objection may be raised in the case of health and disease: for health in general is the contrary of disease, whereas a particular disease, being a species of disease, e.g. fever and ophthalmia and any other particular disease, has no contrary. If, therefore, you are demolishing a view, there are all these ways in which you should make your examination: for if the aforesaid characters do not belong to it, clearly what has been rendered is not the genus. If, on the other hand, you are establishing a view, there are three ways: in the first place, see whether the contrary of the species be found in the genus stated, suppose the genus have no contrary: for if the contrary be found in it, clearly the species in question is found in it as well. Moreover, see if the intermediate species is found in the genus stated: for whatever genus contains the intermediate contains the extremes as well. Again, if the genus have a contrary, look and see whether also the contrary species is found in the contrary genus: for if so, clearly also the species in question is found in the genus in question. Again, consider in the case of the inflexions and the co-ordinates of species and genus, and see whether they follow likewise, both in demolishing and in establishing a view. For whatever attribute belongs or does not belong to one belongs or does not belong at the same time to all; e.g. if justice be a particular form of knowledge, then also 'justly' is 'knowingly' and the just man is a man of knowledge: whereas if any of these things be not so, then neither is any of the rest of them. Again, consider the case of things that bear a like relation to one another. Thus (e.g.) the relation of the pleasant to pleasure is like that of the useful to the good: for in each case the one produces the other. If therefore pleasure be a kind of 'good', then also the pleasant will be a kind of 'useful': for clearly it may be taken to be productive of good, seeing that pleasure is good. In the same way also consider the case of processes of generation and destruction; if (e.g.) to build be to be active, then to have built is to have been active, and if to learn be to recollect, then also to have learnt is to have recollected, and if to be decomposed be to be destroyed, then to have been decomposed is to have been destroyed, and decomposition is a kind of destruction. Consider also in the same way the case of things that generate or destroy, and of the capacities and uses of things; and in general, both in demolishing and in establishing an argument, you should examine things in the light of any resemblance of whatever description, as we were saying in the case of generation and destruction. For if what tends to destroy tends to decompose, then also to be destroyed is to be decomposed: and if what tends to generate tends to produce, then to be generated is to be produced, and generation is production. Likewise, also, in the case of the capacities and uses of things: for if a capacity be a disposition, then also to be capable of something is to be disposed to it, and if the use of anything be an activity, then to use it is to be active, and to have used it is to have been active. If the opposite of the species be a privation, there are two ways of demolishing an argument, first of all by looking to see if the opposite be found in the genus rendered: for either the privation is to be found absolutely nowhere in the same genus, or at least not in the same ultimate genus: e.g. if the ultimate genus containing sight be sensation, then blindness will not be a sensation. Secondly, if there be a privation opposed to both genus and species, but the opposite of the species be not found in the opposite of the genus, then neither could the species rendered be in the genus rendered. If, then, you are demolishing a view, you should follow the rule as stated; but if establishing one there is but one way: for if the opposite species be found in the opposite genus, then also the species in question would be found in the genus in question: e.g. if 'blindness' be a form of 'insensibility', then 'sight' is a form of 'sensation'. Again, look at the negations of the genus and species and convert the order of terms, according to the method described in the case of Accident:¹ e.g. if the pleasant be a kind of good, what is not good is not pleasant. For were this not so, something not good as well would then be pleasant. That, however, cannot be,² for it is impossible, if 'good' be the genus of pleasant, that anything not good should be pleasant: for of things of which the genus is not predicated, none of the species is predicated either. Also, in establishing a view, you should adopt the same method of examination: for if what is not good be not pleasant, then what is pleasant is good, so that 'good' is the genus of 'pleasant'. If the species be a relative term, see whether the genus be a relative term as well: for if the species be a relative term, so too is the genus, as is the case with 'double' and 'multiple': for each is a relative term. If, on the other hand, the genus be a relative term, there is no necessity that the species should be so as well: for 'knowledge' is a relative term, but not so 'grammar'. Or possibly not even the first statement would be generally considered true: for virtue is a kind of 'noble' and a kind of 'good' thing, and yet, while 'virtue' is a relative term, 'good' and 'noble' are not relatives but qualities. Again, see whether the species fails to be used in the same relation when called by its own name, and when called by the name of its genus: e.g. if the term 'double' be used to mean the double of a 'half', then also the term 'multiple' ought to ¹ 113b 15-26. ² 124b 10. Read ἀδόναρον γάρ. be used to mean multiple of a 'half'. Otherwise 'multiple' could not be the genus of 'double'. Moreover, see whether the term fail to be used in the same relation both when called by the name of its genus, and also when called by those of all the genera of its genus. For if the double be a multiple of a half, then 'in excess of' will also be used in relation to a 'half': and, in general, the double will be called by the names of all the higher genera in relation to a 'half'. An objection may be raised that there is no necessity for a term to be used in the same relation when called by its own name and when called by that of its genus: for 'knowledge' is called knowledge 'of an object', whereas it is called a 'state' and 'disposition' not of an 'object' but of the 'soul'. Again, see whether the genus and the species be used in the same way in respect of the inflexions they take, e.g. datives and genitives and all the rest. For as the species is used, so should the genus be as well, as in the case of 'double' and its higher genera: for we say both 'double of' and 'multiple of' a thing. Likewise, also, in the case of 'knowledge': for both 'knowledge' itself and its genera, e.g. 'disposition' and 'state', are said to be 'of' something. An objection may be raised that in some cases it is not so: for we say 'superior to' and 'contrary to' so and so, whereas 'other', which is the genus of these terms, demands not 'to' but 'than': for the expression is 'other than' so and so. Again, see whether terms used in like case-relationships fail to yield a like construction when converted, as do 'double' and 'multiple'. For each of these terms takes a genitive both in itself and in its converted form: for we say both 'a half of' and 'a fraction of' something. The case is the same also as regards both 'knowledge' and 'conception': for these take a genitive, and by conversion an 'object of knowledge' and an 'object of conception' are both alike used with a dative. If, then, in any cases the constructions after conversion be not alike, clearly the one term is not the genus of the other. 1 125a 11. Take away the colon after ὑμοίως. Again, see whether the species and the genus fail to be used in relation to an equal number of things: for the general view is that the uses of both are alike and equal in number, as is the case with 'present' and 'grant'. For a 'present' is of something or to some one, and also a 'grant' is of something and to some one: and 'grant' is the genus of 'present', for a 'present' is a 'grant that need not be returned'. In some cases, however, the number of relations in which the terms are used happens not to be equal, for while 'double' is double of something, we speak of 'in excess' or 'greater' in something, as well as of or than something: for what is in excess or greater is always in excess in something, as well as in excess of something. Hence the terms in question are not the genera of 'double', inasmuch as they are not used in relation to an equal number of things with the species. Or possibly it is not universally true that species and genus are used in relation to an equal number of things. See, also, if the opposite of the species have the opposite of the genus as its genus, e.g. whether, if 'multiple' be the genus of 'double', 'fraction' be also the genus of 'half'. For the opposite of the genus should always be the genus of the opposite species. If, then, any one were to assert that knowledge is a kind of sensation, then also the object of knowledge will have to be a kind of object of sensation, whereas it is not: for an object of knowledge is not always an object of sensation: for objects of knowledge include some of the objects of intuition as well. Hence 'object of sensation' is not the genus of 'object of knowledge': and if this be so, neither is 'sensation' the genus of 'knowledge'. Seeing that of relative terms some are of necessity found in, or used of, the things in relation to which they happen at any time to be used (e.g. 'disposition' and 'state' and 'balance'; for in nothing else can the aforesaid terms possibly be found except in the things in relation to which they are used), while others need not be found in the things in relation to which they are used at any time, though they still may be (e.g. if the term 'object of knowledge' be 1 125a 35. Beginning the bracket at οῖον ... instead of at ἐν... applied to the soul: for it is quite possible that the knowledge of itself should be possessed by the soul itself, but it is not necessary, for it is possible for this same knowledge to be found in some one else), while for others, again, it is absolutely impossible that they should be found in the things in relation to which they happen at any time to be used (as e.g. that the contrary should be found in the contrary or knowledge in the object of knowledge, unless the object of knowledge happen to be a soul or a man) —you should look, therefore, and see whether he places a term of one kind inside a genus that is not of that kind, e.g. suppose he has said that 'memory' is the 'abiding of knowledge'. For 'abiding' is always found in that which abides, and is used of that, so that the abiding of knowledge also will be found in knowledge. Memory, then, is found in knowledge, seeing that it is the abiding of knowledge. But this is impossible, for memory is always found in the soul. The aforesaid commonplace rule is common to the subject of Accident as well: for it is all the same to say that 'abiding' is the genus of memory, or to allege that it is an accident of it. For if in any way whatever memory be the abiding of knowledge, the same argument in regard to it will apply. Again, see if he has placed what is a 'state' inside the genus 'activity', or an activity inside the genus 'state', e.g. by defining 'sensation' as 'movement communicated through the body': for sensation is a 'state', whereas movement is an 'activity'. Likewise, also, if he has said that memory is a 'state that is retentive of a conception', for memory is never a state, but rather an activity. They also make a bad mistake who rank a 'state' within the 'capacity' that attends it, e.g. by defining 'good temper' as the 'control of anger', and 'courage' and 'justice' as 'control of fears' and of 'gains': for the terms 'courageous' and 'good-tempered' are applied to a man who is immune from passion, whereas 'self-controlled' describes the man who is exposed to passion and not led by it. Quite possibly, indeed, each of the former is attended by a capacity such 1 Bracketing 125b 2-4 οἷον . . . ἀνθρωπος ὅν. that, if he were exposed to passion, he would control it and not be led by it: but, for all that, this is not what is meant by being 'courageous' in the one case, and 'good-tempered' in the other; what is meant is an absolute immunity from any passions of that kind at all. Sometimes, also, people state any kind of attendant feature as the genus, e.g. 'pain' as the genus of 'anger' and 'conception' as that of 'conviction'. For both of the things in question follow in a certain sense upon the given species, but neither of them is genus to it. For when the angry man feels pain, the pain has appeared in him earlier than the anger: for his anger is not the cause of his pain, but his pain of his anger, so that anger emphatically is not pain. By the same reasoning, neither is conviction conception: for it is possible to have the same conception even without being convinced of it, whereas this is impossible if conviction be a species of conception: for it is impossible for a thing still to remain the same if it be entirely transferred out of its species, just as neither could the same animal at one time be, and at another not be, a man. If, on the other hand, any one says that a man who has a conception must of necessity be also convinced of it, then 'conception' and 'conviction' will be used with an equal denotation, so that not even so could the former be the genus of the latter: for the denotation of the genus should be wider. See, also, whether both naturally come to be anywhere in the same thing: for what contains the species contains the genus as well: e.g. what contains 'white' contains 'colour' as well, and what contains 'knowledge of grammar' contains 'knowledge' as well. If, therefore, any one says that 'shame' is 'fear', or that 'anger' is 'pain', the result will be that genus and species are not found in the same thing: for shame is found in the 'reasoning' faculty, whereas fear is in the 'spirited' faculty, and 'pain' is found in the faculty of 'desires' (for in this pleasure also is found), whereas 'anger' is found in the 'spirited' faculty. Hence the terms rendered are not the genera, seeing that they do not naturally come to be in the same faculty as the species. Likewise, also, if 'friendship' be found in the faculty of 1 135b 35. Read ταὐτά. desires, you may take it that it is not a form of 'wishing': for wishing is always found in the 'reasoning' faculty. This commonplace rule is useful also in dealing with Accident: for the accident and that of which it is an accident are both 15 found in the same thing, so that if they do not appear in the same thing, clearly it is not an accident. Again, see if the species partakes of the genus attributed only in some particular respect: for it is the general view that the genus is not thus imparted only in some particular respect: for a man is not an animal in a particular respect, nor is grammar knowledge in a particular respect only. Likewise also in other instances. Look, therefore, and see 20 if in the case of any of its species the genus be imparted only in a certain respect; e.g. if 'animal' has been described as an 'object of perception' or of 'sight'. For an animal is an object of perception or of sight in a particular respect only; for it is in respect of its body that it is perceived and seen, not in respect of its soul, so that 'object of sight' and 'object of perception' could not be the genus of 'animal'. Sometimes also people place the whole inside the part without detection, defining (e.g.) 'animal' as an 'animate body'; whereas the part is not predicated in any sense of the whole, so that 'body' could not be the genus of animal, seeing that it is a part. See also if he has put anything that is blameworthy or 30 objectionable into the class 'capacity' or 'capable', e.g. by defining a 'sophist' or a 'slanderer', or a 'thief' as 'one who is capable of secretly thieving other people's property'.¹ For none of the aforesaid characters is so called because he is 'capable' in one of these respects: for even God and the good man are capable of doing bad things, but that is not 35 their character: for it is always in respect of their choice that bad men are so called. Moreover, a capacity is always a desirable thing: for even the capacities for doing bad things are desirable, and therefore it is we say that even God and the good man possess them; for they are capable (we say) of doing evil. So then 'capacity' can never be the genus of anything blameworthy. Else, the result will be ¹ 126a 32. Read τὸν δυνάμενον λάθρη ἀλλότρια κλέπτειν. that what is blameworthy is sometimes desirable: for there will be a certain form of capacity that is blameworthy. Also, see if he has put anything that is precious or desirable for its own sake into the class 'capacity' or 'capable' or 'productive' of anything. For capacity, and what is capable or productive of anything, is always desirable for the sake of something else. Or see if he has put anything that exists in two genera or more into one of them only. For some things it is impossible to place in a single genus, e.g. the 'cheat' and the 'slanderer': for neither he who has the will without the capacity, nor he who has the capacity without the will, is a slanderer or cheat, but he who has both of them. Hence he must be put not into one genus, but into both the aforesaid genera. Moreover, people sometimes in converse order render genus as differentia, and differentia as genus, defining (e.g.) astonishment as 'excess of wonderment' and conviction as 'vehemence of conception'. For neither 'excess' nor 'vehemence' is the genus, but the differentia: for astonishment is usually taken to be an 'excessive wonderment', and conviction to be a 'vehement conception', so that 'wonderment' and 'conception' are the genus, while 'excess' and 'vehemence' are the differentia. Moreover, if any one renders 'excess' and 'vehemence' as genera,$^1$ then inanimate things will be convinced and astonished. For 'vehemence' and 'excess' of a thing are found in a thing which is thus vehement and in excess. If, therefore, astonishment be excess of wonderment the astonishment will be found in the wonderment, so that 'wonderment' will be astonished! Likewise, also, conviction will be found in the conception, if it be 'vehemence of conception', so that the conception will be convinced. Moreover, a man who renders an answer in this style will in consequence find himself calling vehemence vehement and excess excessive: for there is such a thing as a vehement conviction: if then conviction be 'vehemence', there would be a 'vehement vehemence'. Likewise, also, there is such a thing as excessive astonishment: if then $^1$ 126b 20. Read γένη. astonishment be an excess, there would be an 'excessive excess'. Whereas neither of these things is generally believed, any more than that knowledge is a knower$^1$ or motion a moving thing. Sometimes, too, people make the bad mistake of putting an affection into that which is affected, as its genus, e.g. those who say that immortality is everlasting life: for immortality seems to be a certain affection or accidental feature of life. That this saying is true would appear clear if any one were to admit that a man can pass from being mortal and become immortal: for no one will assert that he takes another life, but that a certain accidental feature or affection enters into this one as it is. So then 'life' is not the genus of immortality. Again, see if to an affection he has ascribed as genus the object of which it is an affection, by defining (e.g.) wind as 'air in motion'. Rather, wind is 'a movement of air': for the same air persists both when it is in motion and when it is still. Hence wind is not 'air' at all: for then there would also have been wind when the air was not in motion, seeing that the same air which formed the wind persists. Likewise, also, in other cases of the kind. Even, then, if we ought in this instance to admit the point that wind is 'air in motion', yet we should accept a definition of the kind, not about all those things of which the genus is not true, but only in cases where the genus rendered is a true predicate. For in some cases, e.g. 'mud' or 'snow', it is not generally held to be true. For people tell you that snow is 'frozen water' and mud is 'earth mixed with moisture', whereas snow is not water, nor mud earth, so that neither of the terms rendered could be the genus: for the genus should be true of all its species. Likewise neither is wine 'fermented water', as Empedocles speaks of 'water fermented in wood':$^2$ for it simply is not water at all. Moreover, see whether the term rendered fail to be the genus of anything at all; for then clearly it also fails to be $^1$ 126b 33. Read ἐπιστήμη ἐπιστήμουν. $^2$ Fr. 81. the genus of the species mentioned. Examine the point by seeing whether the objects that partake of the genus fail to be specifically different from one another, e.g. white objects: for these do not differ specifically from one another, whereas of a genus the species are always different, so that 'white' could not be the genus of anything. Again, see whether he has named as genus or differentia some feature that goes with everything: for the number of attributes that follow everything is comparatively large: thus (e.g.) 'Being' and 'Unity' are among the number of attributes that follow everything. If, therefore, he has rendered 'Being' as a genus, clearly it would be the genus of everything, seeing that it is predicated of everything; for the genus is never predicated of anything except of its species. Hence Unity, inter alia, will be a species of Being. The result, therefore, is that of all things of which the genus is predicated, the species is predicated as well, seeing that Being and Unity are predicates of absolutely everything, whereas the predication of the species ought to be of narrower range. If, on the other hand, he has named as differentia some attribute that follows everything, clearly the denotation of the differentia will be equal to, or wider than, that of the genus. For if the genus, too, be some attribute that follows everything, the denotation of the differentia will be equal to its denotation, while if the genus do not follow everything, it will be still wider. Moreover, see if the description 'inherent in S' be used of the genus rendered in relation to its species, as it is used of 'white' in the case of snow, thus showing clearly that it could not be the genus: for 'true of S' is the only description used of the genus in relation to its species. Look and see also if the genus fails to be synonymous with its species. For the genus is always predicated of its species synonymously. Moreover, beware, whenever both species and genus have a contrary, and he places the better of the contraries inside the worse genus: for the result will be that the remaining species will be found in the remaining genus, seeing that contraries are found in contrary genera, so that the better species will be found in the worse genus and the worse in the better: whereas the usual view is that of the better species the genus too is better. Also see if he has placed the species inside the worse and not inside the better genus, when it is at the same time related in like manner to both, as (e.g.) if he has defined the 'soul' as a 'form of motion' or 'a form of moving thing'. For the same soul is usually thought to be a principle alike of rest and of motion, so that, if rest is the better of the two, this is the genus into which the soul should have been put. Moreover, judge by means of greater and less degrees: if overthrowing a view, see whether the genus admits of a greater degree, whereas neither the species itself does so, nor any term that is called after it: e.g. if virtue admits of a greater degree, so too does justice and the just man: for one man is called 'more just than another'. If, therefore, the genus rendered admits of a greater degree, whereas neither the species does so itself nor yet any term called after it, then what has been rendered could not be the genus. Again, if what is more generally, or as generally, thought to be the genus be not so, clearly neither is the genus rendered. The commonplace rule in question is useful especially in cases where the species appears to have several predicates in the category of essence, and where no distinction has been drawn between them, and we cannot say which of them is genus; e.g. both 'pain' and the 'conception of a slight' are usually thought to be predicates of 'anger' in the category of essence: for the angry man is both in pain and also conceives that he is slighted. The same mode of inquiry may be applied also to the case of the species, by comparing it with some other species: for if the one which is more generally, or as generally, thought to be found in the genus rendered be not found therein, then clearly neither could the species rendered be found therein. In demolishing a view, therefore, you should follow the rule as stated. In establishing one, on the other hand, the commonplace rule that you should see if both the genus rendered and the species admit of a greater degree will not serve: for even though both admit it, it is still possible for one not to be the genus of the other. For both 'beautiful' and 'white' admit of a greater degree, and neither is the genus of the other. On the other hand, the comparison of the genera and of the species one with another is of use: e.g. supposing A and B to have a like claim to be genus, then if one be a genus, so also is the other. Likewise also, if what has less claim be a genus, so also is what has more claim: e.g. if 'capacity' have more claim than 'virtue' to be the genus of self-control, and virtue be the genus, so also is capacity. The same observations will apply also in the case of the species. For instance, supposing A and B to have a like claim to be a species of the genus in question, then if the one be a species, so also is the other: and if that which is less generally thought to be so be a species, so also is that which is more generally thought to be so. Moreover, to establish a view, you should look and see if the genus is predicated in the category of essence of those things of which it has been rendered as the genus, supposing the species rendered to be not one single species but several different ones: for then clearly it will be the genus. If, on the other, the species rendered be single, look and see whether the genus be predicated in the category of essence of other species as well: for then, again, the result will be that it is predicated of several different species. Since some people think that the differentia, too, is a predicate of the various species in the category of essence, you should distinguish the genus from the differentia by employing the aforesaid elementary principles—(a) that the genus has a wider denotation than the differentia; (b) that in rendering the essence of a thing it is more fitting to state the genus than the differentia: for any one who says that 'man' is an 'animal' shows what man is better than he who describes him as 'walking'; also (c) that the differentia always signifies a quality of the genus, whereas the genus does not do this of the differentia: for he who says 'walking' describes an animal of a certain quality, whereas he who says 'animal' does not describe a walking thing of a certain quality. The differentia, then, should be distinguished from the genus in this manner. Now seeing it is generally held that if what is musical, in being musical, possesses knowledge in some respect, then also 'music' is a particular kind of 'knowledge'; and also that if what walks is moved in walking, then 'walking' is a particular kind of 'movement'; you should therefore examine in the aforesaid manner any genus in which you want to establish the existence of something: e.g., if you wish to prove that 'knowledge' is a form of 'conviction', see whether the knower in knowing is convinced: for then clearly knowledge would be a particular kind of conviction. You should proceed in the same way also in regard to the other cases of this kind. Moreover, seeing that it is difficult to distinguish whatever always follows along with a thing, and is not convertible with it, from its genus, if A follows B universally, whereas B does not follow A universally—as e.g. 'rest' always follows a 'calm' and 'divisibility' follows 'number', but not conversely (for the divisible is not always a number, nor rest a calm)—you may yourself assume in your treatment of them that the one which always follows is the genus, whenever the other is not convertible with it: if, on the other hand, some one else puts forward the proposition, do not accept it universally. An objection to it is that 'not-being' always follows what is 'coming to be' (for what is coming to be is not) and is not convertible with it (for what is not is not always coming to be), and that still 'not-being' is not the genus of 'coming to be': for 'not-being' has not any species at all. Questions, then, in regard to Genus should be investigated in the ways described. 1 128a 31, adopting Imelman's restoration (at which I had arrived independently) ἐπεὶ δὲ δοκεῖ τὸ μουσικὸν . . . ἐπιστήμων τί ἔστι, καὶ ἡ μουσικὴ . . . THE question whether the attribute stated is or is not a property, should be examined by the following methods: Any 'property' rendered is always either essential and permanent or relative and temporary: e.g. it is an 'essential property' of man to be 'by nature a civilized animal': a 'relative property' is one like that of the soul in relation to the body, viz. that the one is fitted to command, and the other to obey: a 'permanent property' is one like the property which belongs to God, of being an 'immortal living being': a 'temporary property' is one like the property which belongs to any particular man of walking in the gymnasium. 1 [The rendering of a property 'relatively' gives rise either to two problems or to four. For if he at the same time render this property of one thing and deny it of another, only two problems arise, as in the case of a statement that it is a property of a man, in relation to a horse, to be a biped. For one might try both to show that a man is not a biped, and also that a horse is a biped: in both ways the property would be upset.2 If on the other hand he render one apiece of two attributes to each of two things, and deny it in each case of the other, there will then be four problems; as in the case of a statement that it is a property of a man in relation to a horse for the former to be a biped and the latter a quadruped. For then it is possible to try to show both that a man is not naturally a biped, and that he is a quadruped, and also that the horse both is a biped, and is not a quadruped. If you show any of these at all, the intended attribute is demolished.] An 'essential' property is one which is rendered of a thing in comparison with everything else and distinguishes the 1 128b 22-33. The natural place of this paragraph is after 129a 16. 2 128b 27. Read κινοίτο τὸ ἰδίον. said thing from everything else, as does 'a mortal living being capable of receiving knowledge' in the case of man. A 'relative' property is one which separates its subject off not from everything else but only from a particular definite thing, as does the property which virtue possesses, in comparison with knowledge, viz. that the former is naturally produced in more than one faculty, whereas the latter is produced in that of reason alone, and in those who have a reasoning faculty. A 'permanent' property is one which is true at every time, and never fails, like being 'compounded of soul and body', in the case of a living creature. A 'temporary' property is one which is true at some particular time, and does not of necessity always follow; as, of some particular man, that he walks in the market-place. To render a property 'relatively' to something else means to state the difference between them as it is found either universally and always, or generally and in most cases: thus a difference that is found universally and always, is one such as man possesses in comparison with a horse, viz. being a biped: for a man is always and in every case a biped, whereas a horse is never a biped at any time. On the other hand, a difference that is found generally and in most cases, is one such as the faculty of reason possesses in comparison with that of desire and spirit, in that the former commands, while the latter obeys: for the reasoning faculty does not always command, but sometimes also is under command, nor is that of desire and spirit always under command, but also on occasion assumes the command, whenever the soul of a man is vicious. Of 'properties' the most 'arguable' are the essential and permanent and the relative. For a relative property gives rise, as we said before,$^1$ to several questions: for of necessity the questions arising are either two or four, so that arguments in regard to these are several. An essential and a permanent property you can discuss in relation to many things, or can observe in relation to many periods of time: if 'essential', discuss it in comparison with many things: for the property ought to belong to its subject in compari- $^1$ 128b 22. son with every single thing that is, so that if the subject be not distinguished by it in comparison with everything else, the property could not have been rendered correctly. So a permanent property you should observe in relation to many periods of time; for if it does not or did not, or is not going to, belong, it will not be a property. On the other hand, about a temporary property we do not inquire further than in regard to the time called 'the present'; and so arguments in regard to it are not many; whereas an 'arguable' question is one in regard to which it is possible for arguments both numerous and good to arise. The so-called 'relative' property, then, should be examined by means of the commonplace arguments relating to Accident, to see whether it belongs to the one thing and not to the other: on the other hand, permanent and essential properties should be considered by the following methods. First, see whether the property has or has not been rendered correctly. Of a rendering being incorrect or correct, one test is to see whether the terms in which the property is stated are not or are more intelligible—for destructive purposes, whether they are not so, and for constructive purposes, whether they are so. Of the terms not being more intelligible, one test is to see whether the property which he renders is altogether more unintelligible than the subject whose property he has stated: for, if so, the property will not have been stated correctly. For the object of getting a property constituted is to be intelligible: the terms therefore in which it is rendered should be more intelligible: for in that case it will be possible to conceive it more adequately, e.g. any one who has stated that it is a property of 'fire' to 'bear a very close resemblance to the soul', uses the term 'soul', which is less intelligible than 'fire'—for we know better what fire is than what soul is—, and therefore a 'very close resemblance to the soul' could not be correctly stated to be a property of fire. Another test is to see whether the attribution of A (property) to B (subject) fails to be more intelligible. For not only should the property be more intelligible than its subject, but also it should be something whose attribution to the particular subject is a more intelligible attribution. For he who does not know whether it is an attribute of the particular subject at all, will not know either whether it belongs to it alone, so that whichever of these results happens, its character as a property becomes obscure. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of fire to be 'the primary element wherein the soul is naturally found', has introduced a subject which is less intelligible than 'fire', viz. whether the soul is found in it, and whether it is found there primarily; and therefore to be 'the primary element in which the soul is naturally found' could not be correctly stated to be a property of 'fire'. On the other hand, for constructive purposes, see whether the terms in which the property is stated are more intelligible, and if they are more intelligible in each of the aforesaid ways. For then the property will have been correctly stated in this respect: for of constructive arguments, showing the correctness of a rendering, some will show the correctness merely in this respect, while others will show it without qualification. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that the 'possession of sensation' is a property of 'animal' has both used more intelligible terms and has rendered the property more intelligible in each of the aforesaid senses; so that to 'possess sensation' would in this respect have been correctly rendered as a property of 'animal'. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether any of the terms rendered in the property is used in more than one sense, or whether the whole expression too signifies more than one thing. For then the property will not have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) seeing that to 'be sentient' signifies more than one thing, viz. (1) to possess sensation, (2) to use one's sensation, 'being naturally sentient' could not be a correct statement of a property of 'animal'. The reason why the term you use, or the whole expression signifying the property, should not bear more than one meaning is this, that an expression bearing more than one meaning makes the object described obscure, because the man who is about to attempt an argument is in doubt which of the various senses the expression bears: and this will not do, for the object of rendering the property is that he may understand. Moreover, in addition to this, it is inevitable that those who render a property after this fashion should be somehow refuted whenever any one addresses his syllogism to that one of the term's several meanings which does not agree. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether both all the terms and also the expression as a whole avoid bearing more than one sense; for then the property will have been correctly stated in this respect. Thus (e.g.) seeing that 'body' does not bear several meanings, nor 'quickest to move upwards in space', nor yet the whole expression made by putting them together, it would be correct in this respect to say that it is a property of fire to be the 'body quickest to move upwards in space'. Next, for destructive purposes, see if the term of which he renders the property is used in more than one sense, and no distinction has been drawn as to which of them it is whose property he is stating: for then the property will not have been correctly rendered. The reasons why this is so are quite clear from what has been said above: for the same results are bound to follow. Thus (e.g.) seeing that 'the knowledge of this' signifies many things—for it means (1) the possession of knowledge by it, (2) the use of its knowledge by it, (3) the existence of knowledge about it, (4) the use of knowledge about it—no property of the 'knowledge of this' could be rendered correctly unless he draw a distinction as to which of these it is whose property he is rendering. For constructive purposes, a man should see if the term of which he is rendering the property avoids bearing many senses and is one and simple: for then the property will have been correctly stated in this respect. Thus (e.g.) seeing that 'man' is used in a single sense, 'naturally civilized animal' would be correctly stated as a property of man. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether the same term has been repeated in the property. For people often do this undetected in rendering 'properties' also, just as they $^{1} 129^{b}7.$ do in their 'definitions' as well: but a property to which this has happened will not have been correctly stated: for the repetition of it confuses the hearer; thus inevitably the meaning becomes obscure, and further, such people are thought to babble. Repetition of the same term is likely to happen in two ways: one is, when a man repeatedly uses the same word, as would happen if any one were to render, as a property of fire, 'the body which is the most rarefied of bodies' (for he has repeated the word 'body'); the second is, if a man replaces words by their definitions, as would happen if any one were to render, as a property of earth, 'the substance which is by its nature most easily of all bodies borne downwards in space', and were then to substitute 'substances of such and such a kind' for the word 'bodies': for 'body' and 'a substance of such and such a kind' mean one and the same thing. For he will have repeated the word 'substance', and accordingly neither of the properties would be correctly stated. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he avoids ever repeating the same term; for then the property will in this respect have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) seeing that he who has stated 'animal capable of acquiring knowledge' as a property of man has avoided repeating the same term several times, the property would in this respect have been correctly rendered of man. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has rendered in the property any such term as is a universal attribute. For one which does not distinguish its subject from other things is useless, and it is the business of the language of 'properties', as also of the language of definitions, to distinguish. In the case contemplated, therefore, the property will not have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of knowledge to be a 'conception incontrovertible by argument, because of its unity', has used in the property a term of that kind, viz. 'unity', which is a universal attribute; and therefore the property of knowledge could not have been correctly stated. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he has avoided all terms that are common to everything and used a term that distinguishes the subject from something: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as he who has said that it is a property of a 'living creature' to 'have a soul' has used no term that is common to everything, it would in this respect have been correctly stated to be a property of a 'living creature' to 'have a soul'. Next, for destructive purposes see whether he renders more than one property of the same thing, without a definite proviso that he is stating more than one: for then the property will not have been correctly stated. For just as in the case of definitions too there should be no further addition beside the expression which shows the essence, so too in the case of properties nothing further should be rendered beside the expression that constitutes the property mentioned: for such an addition is made to no purpose. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that it is a property of fire to be 'the most rarefied and lightest body' has rendered more than one property (for each term is a true predicate of fire alone); and so it could not be a correctly stated property of fire to be 'the most rarefied and lightest body'. On the other hand, for constructive purposes, see whether he has avoided rendering more than one property of the same thing, and has rendered one only: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that it is a property of a liquid to be a 'body adaptable to every shape' has rendered as its property a single character and not several, and so the property of 'liquid' would in this respect have been correctly stated. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has employed either the actual subject whose property he is rendering, or any of its species: for then the property will not have been correctly stated. For the object of rendering the property is that people may understand: now the subject itself is just as unintelligible as it was to start with, while any one of its species is posterior to it, and so is no more intelligible. Accordingly it is impossible to understand anything further by the use of these terms. Thus (e.g.) any one who has said that it is a property of 'animal' to be 'the substance to which "man" belongs as a species' has employed one of its species, and therefore the property could not have been correctly stated. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he avoids introducing either the subject itself or any of its species: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of a living creature to be 'compounded of soul and body' has avoided introducing among the rest either the subject itself or any of its species, and therefore in this respect the property of a 'living creature' would have been correctly rendered. You should inquire in the same way also in the case of other terms that do or do not make the subject more intelligible: thus, for destructive purposes, see whether he has employed anything either opposite to the subject or, in general, anything simultaneous by nature with it or posterior to it: for then the property will not have been correctly stated. For an opposite is simultaneous by nature with its opposite, and what is simultaneous by nature or is posterior to it does not make its subject more intelligible. Thus (e.g.) any one who has said that it is a property of good to be 'the most direct opposite of evil', has employed the opposite of good, and so the property of good could not have been correctly rendered. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he has avoided employing anything either opposite to, or, in general, simultaneous by nature with the subject, or posterior to it: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of knowledge to be 'the most convincing conception' has avoided employing anything either opposite to, or simultaneous by nature with, or posterior to, the subject; and so the property of knowledge would in this respect have been correctly stated. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has rendered as property something that does not always follow the subject but sometimes ceases to be its property: for then the property will not have been correctly described. For there is no necessity either that the name of the subject must also be true of anything to which we find such an attribute belonging; nor yet that the name of the subject will be untrue of anything to which such an attribute is found not to belong. Moreover, in addition to this, even after he has rendered the property it will not be clear whether it belongs, seeing that it is the kind of attribute that may fail: and so the property will not be clear. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of animal ‘sometimes to move and sometimes to stand still’ has rendered the kind of property which sometimes is not a property, and so the property could not have been correctly stated. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he has rendered something that of necessity must always be a property: for then the property will have been in this respect correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of virtue to be ‘what makes its possessor good’ has rendered as property something that always follows, and so the property of virtue would in this respect have been correctly rendered. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether in rendering the property of the present time he has omitted to make a definite proviso that it is the property of the present time which he is rendering: for else the property will not have been correctly stated. For in the first place, any unusual procedure always needs a definite proviso: and it is the usual procedure for everybody to render as property some attribute that always follows. In the second place, a man who omits to provide definitely whether it was the property of the present time which he intended to state, is obscure: and one should not give any occasion for adverse criticism. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated it as the property of a particular man ‘to be sitting with a particular man’, states the property of the present time, and so he cannot have rendered the property correctly, seeing that he has described it without any definite proviso. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether, in rendering the property of the present time, he has, in stating it, made a definite proviso that it is the property of the present time that he is stating: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that it is the property of a particular man ‘to be walking now’, has made this distinction in his statement, and so the property would have been correctly stated. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has rendered a property of the kind whose appropriateness is not obvious except by sensation: for then the property will not have been correctly stated. For every sensible attribute, once it is taken beyond the sphere of sensation, becomes uncertain. For it is not clear whether it still belongs, because it is evidenced only by sensation. This principle will be true in the case of any attributes that do not always and necessarily follow. Thus (e.g.) any one who has stated that it is a property of the sun to be ‘the brightest star that moves over the earth’, has used in describing the property an expression of that kind, viz. ‘to move over the earth’, which is evidenced by sensation; and so the sun’s property could not have been correctly rendered: for it will be uncertain, whenever the sun sets, whether it continues to move over the earth, because sensation then fails us. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether he has rendered the property of a kind that is not obvious to sensation, or, if it be sensible, must clearly belong of necessity: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) a man who has stated that it is a property of a surface to be ‘the primary thing that is coloured’, has introduced amongst the rest a sensible quality, ‘to be coloured’, but still a quality such as manifestly always belongs, and so the property of ‘surface’ would in this respect have been correctly rendered. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has rendered the definition as a property: for then the property will not have been correctly stated: for the property of a thing ought not to show its essence. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that it is the property of man to be ‘a walking, biped animal’ has rendered a property of man so as to signify his essence, and so the property of man could not have been correctly rendered. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether the property which he has rendered forms a predicate convertible with its subject, without, however, signifying its essence: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) he who has stated that it is a property of man to be a 'naturally civilized animal' has rendered the property so as to be convertible with its subject, without, however, showing its essence, and so the property of 'man' would in this respect have been correctly rendered. Next, for destructive purposes, see whether he has rendered the property without having placed $^1$ the subject within its essence. For of properties, as also of definitions, the first term to be rendered should be the genus, and then the rest of it should be appended immediately afterwards, and should distinguish its subject from other things. Hence a property which is not stated in this way could not have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) a man who has said that it is a property of a living creature to 'have a soul' has not placed 'living creature' within its essence, and so the property of a living creature could not have been correctly stated. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether a man first places within its essence the subject whose property he is rendering, and then appends the rest: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly rendered. Thus (e.g.) he who has stated that it is a property of man to be an 'animal capable of receiving knowledge', has rendered the property after placing the subject within its essence, and so the property of 'man' would in this respect have been correctly rendered. The inquiry, then, whether the property has been correctly rendered or no, should be made by these means. The question, on the other hand, whether what is stated is or is not a property at all, you should examine from the following points of view. For the commonplace arguments which establish absolutely that the property is accurately $^1$ 132$^a$ 10. Omitting $\delta$ before $\theta\epsilon\iota\sigma$. stated will be the same as those that constitute it a property at all: accordingly they will be described in the course of them. Firstly, then, for destructive purposes, take a look at each subject of which he has rendered the property, and see (e.g.) if it fails to belong to any of them at all, or to be true of them in that particular respect, or to be a property of each of them in respect of that character of which he has rendered the property: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus, for example, inasmuch as it is not true of the geometrician that he 'cannot be deceived by an argument' (for a geometrician is deceived when his figure is misdrawn), it could not be a property of the man of science that he is not deceived by an argument. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether the property rendered be true of every instance, and true in that particular respect: for then what is stated not to be a property$^1$ will be a property. Thus, for example, inasmuch as the description 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge' is true of every man, and true of him \textit{qua} man, it would be a property of man to be 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge'. [This commonplace rule means—for destructive purposes, see if the description fails to be true of that of which the name is true; and if the name fails to be true of that of which the description is true: for constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the description too is predicated of that of which the name is predicated, and if the name too is predicated of that of which the description is predicated.] Next, for destructive purposes, see if the description fails to apply to that to which the name applies, and if the name fails to apply to that to which the description applies: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as the description 'a living being that partakes of knowledge' is true of God, while 'man' is not predicated of God, to be 'a living being that partakes of $^1$ 132$^a$ 36. Read τὸ κείμενον μὴ εἶναι ἰδίου, with A, B, Pacius, Waitz, and Strache—as in the subsequent examples. $^2$ I think, with Pacius (though for a different reason), that this sentence (132$^b$ 3–8) is probably an addition by a later hand. knowledge' could not be a property of man. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the name as well be predicated of that of which the description is predicated, and if the description as well be predicated of that of which the name is predicated. For then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) the predicate 'living creature' is true of that of which 'having a soul' is true, and 'having a soul' is true of that of which the predicate 'living creature' is true; and so 'having a soul' would be a property of 'living creature'. Next, for destructive purposes, see if he has rendered a subject as a property of that which is described as 'in the subject': for then what has been stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as he who has rendered 'fire' as the property of 'the body with the most rarefied particles', has rendered the subject as the property of its predicate, 'fire' could not be a property of 'the body with the most rarefied particles'. The reason why the subject will not be a property of that which is found in the subject is this, that then the same thing will be the property of a number of things that are specifically different. For the same thing has quite a number of specifically different predicates that belong to it alone, and the subject will be a property of all of these, if any one states the property in this way. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if he has rendered what is found in the subject as a property of the subject: for then what has been stated not to be a property will be a property, if it be predicated only of the things of which it has been stated to be the property. Thus (e.g.) he who has said that it is a property of 'earth' to be 'specifically the heaviest body' has rendered of the subject as its property something that is said of the thing in question alone, and is said of it in the manner in which a property is predicated, and so the property of 'earth' would have been rightly stated. Next, for destructive purposes, see if he has rendered the property as partaken of: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property. For an attribute of which the subject partakes is a constituent part of its essence: and an attribute of that kind would be a differentia applying to some one species. E.g., inasmuch as he who has said that 'walking on two feet' is a property of man has rendered the property as partaken of, 'walking on two feet' could not be a property of 'man'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if he has avoided rendering the property as partaken of, or as showing the essence, though the subject is predicated convertibly with it: for then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) he who has stated that to be 'naturally sentient' is a property of 'animal' has rendered the property neither as partaken of nor as showing the essence, though the subject is predicated convertibly with it; and so to be 'naturally sentient' would be a property of 'animal'. Next, for destructive purposes, see if the property cannot possibly belong simultaneously, but must belong either as posterior or as prior to the attribute described in the name: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property—either never, or not always. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is possible for the attribute 'walking through the market-place' to belong to an object as prior and as posterior to the attribute 'man', 'walking through the market-place' could not be a property of 'man'—either never, or not always. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if it always and of necessity belongs simultaneously, without being either a definition or a differentia: for then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) the attribute 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge' always and of necessity belongs simultaneously with the attribute 'man', and is neither differentia nor definition of its subject, and so 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge' would be a property of 'man'. Next, for destructive purposes, see if the same thing fails to be a property of things that are the same as the subject, so far as they are the same: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus, for example, inasmuch as it is no property of a 'proper object of pursuit' to 'appear good to certain persons', it could not be a property of the 'desirable' either to 'appear good to certain persons': for 'proper object of pursuit' and 'desirable' mean the same. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the same thing be a property of something that is the same as the subject, in so far as it is the same. For then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is called a property of a man, in so far as he is a man, 'to have a tripartite soul', it would also be a property of a mortal, in so far as he is a mortal, to have a tripartite soul. This commonplace rule is useful also in dealing with Accident: for the same attributes ought either to belong or not belong to the same things, in so far as they are the same. Next, for destructive purposes, see if the property of things that are the same in kind as the subject fails to be always the same in kind as the alleged property: for then neither will what is stated to be the property be the property of the subject in question. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as a man and a horse are the same in kind, and it is not always a property of a horse to stand by its own initiative, it could not be a property of a man to move by his own initiative; for to stand and to move by his own initiative are the same in kind, because they belong to each of them in so far as each is an 'animal'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if of things that are the same in kind as the subject the property that is the same as the alleged property is always true: for then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) since $^1$ it is a property of man to be a 'walking biped', it would also be a property of a bird to be a 'flying biped': for each of these is the same in kind, in so far as the one pair have the sameness of species that fall under the same genus, being under the genus 'animal', while the other pair have that of differentiae of the genus, viz. of 'animal'. This commonplace rule is deceptive whenever one of the properties mentioned belongs to some one species only while the other belongs to many, as does 'walking quadruped'. Inasmuch as 'same' and 'different' are terms used in $^1$ 133b7. $\epsilon\pi\epsilon\ldots$ Or perhaps $\epsilon\pi\epsilon\rho$, 'if indeed...' several senses, it is a job to render to a sophistical questioner a property that belongs to one thing and that only. For an attribute that belongs to something qualified by an accident will also belong to the accident taken along with the subject which it qualifies; e.g. an attribute that belongs to 'man' will belong also to 'white man', if there be a white man, and one that belongs to 'white man' will belong also to 'man'. One might, then, bring captious criticism against the majority of properties, by representing the subject as being one thing in itself, and another thing when combined with its accident, saying, for example, that 'man' is one thing, and 'white man' another, and moreover by representing as different a certain state and what is called after that state. For an attribute that belongs to the state will belong also to what is called after that state, and one that belongs to what is called after a state will belong also to the state: e.g. inasmuch as the condition of the scientist is called after his science, it could not be a property of 'science' that it is 'incontrovertible by argument'; for then the scientist also will be incontrovertible by argument. For constructive purposes, however, you should say that the subject of an accident is not absolutely different from the accident taken along with its subject; though it is called 'another' thing because the mode of being of the two is different: for it is not the same thing for a man to be a man and for a white man to be a white man. Moreover, you should take a look along at the inflections, and say that the description of the man of science is wrong: one should say not 'it' but 'he is incontrovertible by argument'; while the description of Science is wrong too: one should say not 'it' but 'she is incontrovertible by argument'. For against an objector who sticks at nothing the defence should stick at nothing. Next, for destructive purposes, see if, while intending to render an attribute that naturally belongs, he states it in his language in such a way as to indicate one that invariably belongs: for then it would be generally agreed that what has been stated to be a property is upset. Thus (e.g.) the man who has said that 'biped' is a property of man intends to render the attribute that naturally belongs, but his expression actually indicates one that invariably belongs: accordingly, 'biped' could not be a property of man: for not every man is possessed of two feet. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if he intends to render the property that naturally belongs, and indicates it in that way in his language: for then the property will not be upset in this respect. Thus (e.g.) he who renders as a property of 'man' the phrase 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge' both intends, and by his language indicates, the property that belongs by nature, and so 'an animal capable of receiving knowledge' would not be upset or shown in that respect not to be a property of man. Moreover, as regards all the things that are called as they are primarily after something else, or primarily in themselves, it is a job to render the property of such things. For if you render a property as belonging to the subject that is so called after something else, then it will be true of its primary subject as well; whereas if you state it of its primary subject, then it will be predicated also of the thing that is so called after this other. Thus (e.g.) if any one renders 'coloured' as the property of 'surface', 'coloured' will be true of body as well; whereas if he render it of 'body', it will be predicated also of 'surface'. Hence the name as well will not be true of that of which the description is true.$^1$ In the case of some properties it mostly happens that some error is incurred because of a failure to define how as well as to what things the property is stated to belong. For every one tries to render as the property of a thing something that belongs to it either naturally, as 'biped' belongs to 'man', or actually, as 'having four fingers' belongs to a particular man, or specifically, as 'consisting of most rarefied particles' belongs to 'fire', or absolutely, as 'life' to 'living being', or one that belongs to a thing only as called after something else, as 'wisdom' to the 'soul', $^1$ The name 'surface' will not be true of everything of which the description 'coloured' is true, since a body is coloured but is not a surface. The name 'body' will not be true of everything of which the description 'coloured' is true, since a surface is coloured but is not a body. or on the other hand primarily, as 'wisdom' to the 'rational faculty', or because the thing is in a certain state, as 'incontrovertible by argument' belongs to a 'scientist' (for simply and solely by reason of his being in a certain state will he be 'incontrovertible by argument'), or because it is the state possessed by something, as 'incontrovertible by argument' belongs to 'science', or because it is partaken of, as 'sensation' belongs to 'animal' (for other things as well have sensation, e.g. man, but they have it because they already partake of 'animal'), or because it partakes of something else, as 'life' belongs to a particular kind of 'living being'. Accordingly he makes a mistake if he has failed to add the word 'naturally', because what belongs naturally may fail to belong to the thing to which it naturally belongs, as (e.g.) it belongs to a man to have two feet: so too he errs if he does not make a definite proviso that he is rendering what actually belongs, because one day that attribute will not be what it now is,¹ e.g. the man's possession of four fingers. So he errs if he has not shown that he states a thing to be such and such primarily, or that he calls it so after something else, because then its name too will not be true of that of which the description is true, as is the case with 'coloured', whether rendered as a property of 'surface' or of 'body'. So he errs if he has not said beforehand that he has rendered a property to a thing either because that thing possesses a state, or because it is a state possessed by something; because then it will not be a property. For, supposing he renders the property to something as being a state possessed, it will belong to what possesses that state; while supposing he renders it to what possesses the state, it will belong to the state possessed, as did 'incontrovertible by argument' when stated as a property of 'science' or of the 'scientist'. So he errs if he has not indicated beforehand that the property belongs because the thing partakes of, or is partaken of by, something; because then the property will belong to certain other things as well. For if he renders it because its subject is partaken of, it will belong to the things ¹ Or (reading οἱον ἵπάρχειν ἐκείνῳ, with A) 'because one day that attribute will not be such as can belong to that subject'. which partake of it; whereas if he renders it because its subject partakes of something else, it will belong to the things partaken of, as (e.g.) if he were to state 'life' to be a property of a 'particular kind of living being', or just of 'living being'. So he errs if he has not expressly distinguished the property that belongs specifically, because then it will belong only to one of the things that fall under the term of which he states the property: for the superlative belongs only to one of them, e.g. 'lightest' as applied to 'fire'. Sometimes, too, a man may even add the word 'specifically', and still make a mistake. For the things in question should all be of one species, whenever the word 'specifically' is added: and in some cases this does not occur, as it does not, in fact, in the case of fire. For fire is not all of one species; for live coals and flame and light are each of them 'fire', but are of different species. The reason why, whenever 'specifically' is added, there should not be any species other than the one mentioned, is this, that if there be, then the property in question will belong to some of them in a greater and to others in a less degree, as happens with 'consisting of most rarefied particles' in the case of fire: for 'light' consists of more rarefied particles than live coals and flame. And this should not happen unless the name too be predicated in a greater degree of that of which the description is truer; otherwise the rule that where the description is truer the name too should be truer is not fulfilled. Moreover, in addition to this, the same attribute will be the property both of the term which has it absolutely and of that element therein which has it$^1$ in the highest degree, as is the condition of the property 'consisting of most rarefied particles' in the case of 'fire': for this same attribute will be the property of 'light' as well: for it is 'light' that 'consists of the most rarefied particles'. If, then, any one else renders a property in this way one should attack it; for oneself, one should not give occasion for this objection, but should define in what manner one states the property at the actual time of making the statement. Next, for destructive purposes, see if he has stated a thing $^{1}$ 135$^a$ 3. Read τοιούτου (with A, B, and u) for τοιούτῳ. as a property of itself: for then what has been stated to be a property will not be a property. For a thing itself always shows its own essence, and what shows the essence is not a property but a definition. Thus (e.g.) he who has said that 'becoming' is a property of 'beautiful' has rendered the term as a property of itself (for 'beautiful' and 'becoming' are the same); and so 'becoming' could not be a property of 'beautiful'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if he has avoided rendering a thing as a property of itself, but has yet stated a convertible predicate: for then what is stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus he who has stated 'animate substance' as a property of 'living-creature' has not stated 'living-creature' as a property of itself, but has rendered a convertible predicate, so that 'animate substance' would be a property of 'living-creature'. Next, in the case of things consisting of like parts, you should look and see, for destructive purposes, if the property of the whole be not true of the part, or if that of the part be not predicated of the whole: for then what has been stated to be the property will not be a property. In some cases it happens that this is so: for sometimes in rendering a property in the case of things that consist of like parts a man may have his eye on the whole, while sometimes he may address himself to what is predicated of the part: and then in neither case will it have been rightly rendered. Take an instance referring to the whole: the man who has said that it is a property of the 'sea' to be 'the largest volume of salt water', has stated the property of something that consists of like parts, but has rendered an attribute of such a kind as is not true of the part (for a particular sea is not 'the largest volume of salt water'); and so 'the largest volume of salt water' could not be a property of the 'sea'. Now take one referring to the part: the man who has stated that it is a property of 'air' to be 'breathable' has stated the property of something that consists of like parts, but he has stated an attribute such as, though true of some air, is still not predicatable of the whole (for the whole of the air is not breathable); and so 'breathable' could not be a property of 'air'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see whether, while it is true of each of the things with similar parts, it is on the other hand a property of them taken as a collective whole: for then what has been stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) while it is true of earth everywhere that it naturally falls downwards, it is a property of the various particular pieces of earth taken as ‘the Earth’, so that it would be a property of ‘earth’ ‘naturally to fall downwards’. Next, look from the point of view of the respective opposites, and first (a) from that of the contraries, and see, for destructive purposes, if the contrary of the term rendered fails to be a property of the contrary subject. For then neither will the contrary of the first be a property of the contrary of the second. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as injustice is contrary to justice, and the lowest evil to the highest good, but ‘to be the highest good’ is not a property of ‘justice’, therefore ‘to be the lowest evil’ could not be a property of ‘injustice’. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the contrary is the property of the contrary: for then also the contrary of the first will be the property of the contrary of the second. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as evil is contrary to good, and objectionable to desirable, and ‘desirable’ is a property of ‘good’, ‘objectionable’ would be a property of ‘evil’. Secondly (b) look from the point of view of relative opposites and see, for destructive purposes, if the correlative of the term rendered fails to be a property of the correlative of the subject: for then neither will the correlative of the first be a property of the correlative of the second. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘double’ is relative to ‘half’, and ‘in excess’ to ‘exceeded’, while ‘in excess’ is not a property of ‘double’, ‘exceeded’ could not be a property of ‘half’. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the correlative of the alleged property is a property of the subject’s correlative: for then also the correlative of the first will be a property of the correlative of the second: 1 135b 4-5. Read in l. 4, κατὰ πάσης γῆς, and in l. 5, καὶ τῆς καὶ τῆς τινὸς γῆς κατὰ τὴν γῆν. e.g. inasmuch as 'double' is relative to 'half', and the proportion 1:2 is relative to the proportion 2:1, while it is a property of 'double' to be 'in the proportion of 2 to 1', it would be a property of 'half' to be 'in the proportion of 1 to 2'. Thirdly (c) for destructive purposes, see if an attribute described in terms of a state (X) fails to be a property of the given state (Y): for then neither will the attribute described in terms of the privation (of X) be a property of the privation (of Y). Also if, on the other hand, an attribute described in terms of the privation (of X) be not a property of the given privation (of Y), neither will the attribute described in terms of the state (X) be a property of the state (Y). Thus, for example, inasmuch as it is not predicated as a property of 'deafness' to be a 'lack of sensation', neither could it be a property of 'hearing' to be a 'sensation'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if an attribute described in terms of a state (X) is a property of the given state (Y): for then also the attribute that is described in terms of the privation (of X) will be a property of the privation (of Y). Also, if an attribute described in terms of a privation (of X) be a property of the privation (of Y), then also the attribute that is described in terms of the state (X) will be a property of the state (Y). Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'to see' is a property of 'sight', inasmuch as we have sight, 'failure to see' would be a property of 'blindness', inasmuch as we have not got the sight we should naturally have. Next, look from the point of view of positive and negative terms; and first (a) from the point of view of the predicates taken by themselves. This common-place rule is useful only for a destructive purpose. Thus (e.g.) see if the positive term or the attribute described in terms of it is a property of the subject: for then the negative term or the attribute described in terms of it will not be a property of the subject. Also if, on the other hand, the negative term or the attribute described in terms of it is a property of the subject, then the positive term or the attribute described in terms of it will not 1 135b 24. Read (after ἐμμεσιν) τὸ δὲ ἐν πρὸς δύο πρὸς τὸ δύο πρὸς ἐν. be a property of the subject: e.g. inasmuch as 'animate' is a property of 'living creature', 'inanimate' could not be a property of 'living creature'. Secondly (b) look from the point of view of the predicates, positive or negative, and their respective subjects;¹ and see, for destructive purposes, if the positive term fails to be a property of the positive subject: for then neither will the negative term be a property of the negative subject. Also, if the negative term fails to be a property of the negative subject, neither will the positive term be a property of the positive subject. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'animal' is not a property of 'man', neither could 'not-animal' be a property of 'not-man'. Also if 'not-animal' seems not to be a property of 'not-man', neither will 'animal' be a property of 'man'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the positive term is a property of the positive subject: for then the negative term will be a property of the negative subject as well. Also if the negative term be a property of the negative subject, the positive will be a property of the positive as well. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is a property of 'not-living being' 'not to live', it would be a property of 'living being' 'to live': also if it seems to be a property of 'living being' 'to live', it will also seem to be a property of 'not-living being' 'not to live'. Thirdly (c) look from the point of view of the subjects taken by themselves, and see, for destructive purposes, if the property rendered is a property of the positive subject: for then the same term will not be a property of the negative subject as well. Also, if the term rendered be a property of the negative subject, it will not be a property of the positive. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'animate' is a property of 'living creature', 'animate' could not be a property of 'not-living creature'. For constructive purposes,² on the other hand, if the term rendered fails to be a property of the affirmative subject it would be a property of the negative. This commonplace rule is, however, deceptive: for a positive term is not a property of a negative, or a negative ¹ 136a 15. Read καὶ ἐξ ὑμιν κατηγορεῖται. ² 136a 34. Read κατασκευάζοντι. of a positive. For a positive term does not belong at all to a negative, while a negative term, though it belongs to a positive, does not belong as a property. Next, look from the point of view of the co-ordinate members of a division, and see, for destructive purposes, if none of the co-ordinate members (parallel with the property rendered) be a property of any of the remaining set of co-ordinate members (parallel with the subject): for then neither will the term stated be a property of that of which it is stated to be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'sensible living being' is not a property of any of the other living beings,$^1$ 'intelligible living being' could not be a property of God. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if some one or other of the remaining co-ordinate members (parallel with the property rendered) be a property of each of these co-ordinate members (parallel with the subject): for then the remaining one too will be a property of that of which it has been stated not to be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is a property of 'wisdom' to be essentially 'the natural virtue of the rational faculty', then, taking each of the other virtues as well in this way, it would be a property of 'temperance' to be essentially 'the natural virtue of the faculty of desire'. 7 Next, look from the point of view of the inflexions, and see, for destructive purposes, if the inflexion of the property rendered fails to be a property of the inflexion of the subject: for then neither will the other inflexion be a property of the other inflexion. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'beautifully' is not a property of 'justly', neither could 'beautiful' be a property of 'just'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the inflexion of the property rendered is a property of the inflexion of the subject: for then also the other inflexion will be a property of the other inflexion. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'walking biped' is a property of man, it would also be any one's property 'as a man' to be described 'as a walking biped'. Not only in the case of the actual term mentioned should one look at the inflexions, $^1$ 136$^{b}$ 6. Omit θυητῶν. but also in the case of its opposites, just as has been laid down in the case of the former commonplace rules as well.$^1$ Thus, for destructive purposes, see if the inflexion of the opposite of the property rendered fails to be the property of the inflexion of the opposite of the subject: for then neither will the inflexion of the other opposite be a property of the inflexion of the other opposite. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘well’ is not a property of ‘justly’, neither could ‘badly’ be a property of ‘unjustly’. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the inflexion of the opposite of the property originally suggested is a property of the inflexion of the opposite of the original subject: for then also the inflexion of the other opposite will be a property of the inflexion of the other opposite. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘best’ is a property of ‘the good’, ‘worst’ also will be a property of ‘the evil’. Next, look from the point of view of things that are in a like relation, and see, for destructive purposes, if what is in a relation like that of the property rendered fails to be a property of what is in a relation like that of the subject: for then neither will what is in a relation like that of the first be a property of what is in a relation like that of the second. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as the relation of the builder towards the production of a house is like that of the doctor towards the production of health, and it is not a property of a doctor to produce health, it could not be a property of a builder to produce a house. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if what is in a relation like that of the property rendered is a property of what is in a relation like that of the subject: for then also what is in a relation like that of the first will be a property of what is in a relation like that of the second. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as the relation of a doctor towards the possession of ability to produce health is like that of a trainer towards the possession of ability to produce vigour, and it is a property of a trainer to possess the ability to produce vigour, it would be a property of a doctor to possess the ability to produce health. $^1$ 114b 6-15. Next look from the point of view of things that are identically related, and see, for destructive purposes, if the predicate that is identically related towards two subjects fails to be a property of the subject which is identically related to it as the subject in question; for then neither will the predicate that is identically related to both subjects be a property of the subject which is identically related to it as the first. If, on the other hand, the predicate which is identically related to two subjects is the property of the subject which is identically related to it as the subject in question, then it will not be a property of that of which it has been stated to be a property. [Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as prudence is identically related to both the noble and the base, since it is knowledge of each of them, and it is not a property of prudence to be knowledge of the noble, it could not be a property of prudence to be knowledge of the base. If, on the other hand, it is a property of prudence to be the knowledge of the noble, it could not be a property of it to be the knowledge of the base.] For it is impossible for the same thing to be a property of more than one subject. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, this commonplace rule is of no use: for what is ‘identically related’ is a single predicate in process of comparison with more than one subject. Next, for destructive purposes, see if the predicate qualified by the verb ‘to be’ fails to be a property of the subject qualified by the verb ‘to be’: for then neither will the destruction of the one be a property of the other qualified by the verb ‘to be destroyed’, nor will the ‘becoming’ the one be a property of the other qualified by the verb ‘to become’. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is not a property of ‘man’ to be an animal, neither could it be a property of becoming a man to become an animal; nor could the destruction of an animal be a property of the destruction of a man. In the same way one should derive arguments also from ‘becoming’ to ‘being’ and ‘being destroyed’, and from ‘being destroyed’ to ‘being’ and to ‘becoming’, exactly as 1 137a 12 oiov ἐπεὶ . . . 17 εἶναι αἰσχροῦ. These illustrations are bracketed, with Pacius, as a later and inept addition. they have just been given from 'being' to 'becoming' and 'being destroyed'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the subject set down as qualified by the verb 'to be' has the predicate set down as so qualified, as its property: for then also the subject qualified by the verb 'to become' will have the predicate qualified by 'to become' as its property, and the subject qualified by the verb 'to be destroyed' will have as its property the predicate rendered with this qualification. Thus, for example, inasmuch as it is a property of man to be a mortal, it would be a property of becoming a man to become a mortal, and the destruction of a mortal would be a property of the destruction of a man. In the same way one should derive arguments also from 'becoming' and 'being destroyed' both to 'being' and to the conclusions that follow from them, exactly as was directed also for the purpose of destruction. Next take a look at the 'idea' of the subject stated, and see, for destructive purposes, if the suggested property fails to belong to the 'idea' in question, or fails to belong to it in virtue of that character which causes it to bear the description of which the property was rendered: for then what has been stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'being motionless' does not belong to 'man-himself' qua 'man', but qua 'idea', it could not be a property of 'man' to be motionless. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the property in question belongs to the idea, and belongs to it in that respect in virtue of which there is predicated of it that character$^1$ of which the predicate in question has been stated not to be a property: for then what has been stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it belongs to 'living-creature-itself' to be compounded of soul and body, and further this belongs to it qua 'living-creature', it would be a property of 'living-creature' to be compounded of soul and body. Next look from the point of view of greater and less degrees, and first (a) for destructive purposes, see if what $^1$ 137b 10. Adopting Mr. W. D. Ross's emendation ἐκεῖνο. is more-P fails to be a property of what is more-S: for then neither will what is less-P be a property of what is less-S, nor least-P of least-S, nor most-P of most-S, nor P simply of S simply. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as being more highly coloured is not a property of what is more a body, neither could being less highly coloured be a property of what is less a body, nor being coloured be a property of body at all. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if what is more-P is a property of what is more-S: for then also what is less-P will be a property of what is less-S, and least-P of least-S, and most-P of most-S, and P simply of S simply. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as a higher degree of sensation is a property of a higher degree of life, a lower degree of sensation also would be a property of a lower degree of life, and the highest of the highest and the lowest of the lowest degree, and sensation simply of life simply. Also you should look at the argument from a simple predication to the same qualified types of predication, and see, for destructive purposes, if P simply fails to be a property of S simply; for then neither will more-P be a property of more-S, nor less-P of less-S, nor most-P of most-S, nor least-P of least-S. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'virtuous' is not a property of 'man', neither could 'more virtuous' be a property of what is 'more human'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if P simply is a property of S simply: for then more-P also will be a property of more-S, and less-P of less-S, and least-P of least-S, and most-P of most-S. Thus (e.g.) a tendency to move upwards by nature is a property of fire, and so also a greater tendency to move upwards by nature would be a property of what is more fiery. In the same way too one should look at all these matters from the point of view of the others as well. Secondly (b) for destructive purposes, see if the more likely property fails to be a property of the more likely subject: for then neither will the less likely property be a property of the less likely subject. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'perceiving' is more likely to be a property of 'animal' than 'knowing' of 'man', and 'perceiving' is not a property of 'animal', 'knowing' could not be a property of 'man'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if the less likely property is a property of the less likely subject; for then too the more likely property will be a property of the more likely subject. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'to be naturally civilized' is less likely to be a property of man than 'to live' of an animal, and it is a property of man to be naturally civilized, it would be a property of animal to live. Thirdly (c) for destructive purposes, see if the predicate fails to be a property of that of which it is more likely to be a property: for then neither will it be a property of that of which it is less likely to be a property: while if it is a property of the former, it will not be a property of the latter. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'to be coloured' is more likely to be a property of a 'surface' than of a 'body', and it is not a property of a surface, 'to be coloured' could not be a property of 'body'; while if it is a property of a 'surface', it could not be a property of a 'body'. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, this commonplace rule is not of any use: for it is impossible for the same thing to be a property of more than one thing. Fourthly (d) for destructive purposes, see if what is more likely to be a property of a given subject fails to be its property: for then neither will what is less likely to be a property of it be its property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as 'sensible' is more likely than 'divisible' to be a property of 'animal', and 'sensible' is not a property of animal, 'divisible' could not be a property of animal. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if what is less likely to be a property of it is a property; for then what is more likely to be a property of it will be a property as well. Thus, for example, inasmuch as 'sensation' is less likely to be a property of 'animal' than 'life', and 'sensation' is a property of animal, 'life' would be a property of animal. Next, look from the point of view of the attributes that belong in a like manner, and first (a) for destructive purposes, see if what is as much a property fails to be a property of that of which it is as much a property: for then neither will that which is as much a property as it be a property of that of which it is as much a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘desiring’ is as much a property of the faculty of desire as ‘reasoning’ is a property of the faculty of reason, and desiring is not a property of the 35 faculty of desire, reasoning could not be a property of the faculty of reason. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if what is as much a property is a property of that of which it is as much a property: for then also what is as much a property as it will be a property of that 138b of which it is as much a property. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as it is as much a property of ‘the faculty of reason’ to be ‘the primary seat of wisdom’ as it is of ‘the faculty of desire’ to be ‘the primary seat of temperance’, and it is a property of the faculty of reason to be the primary seat of wisdom, it would be a property of the faculty of desire to be the primary seat of temperance. Secondly (b) for destructive purposes, see if what is as much a property of anything fails to be a property of it: for then neither will what is as much a property be a property of it. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘seeing’ is as much a property of man as ‘hearing’, and ‘seeing’ is not a property of man, ‘hearing’ could not be a property of man. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if what is as much a property of it is its property: for then what is as much a property of it as the former will be its property as well. Thus (e.g.) it is as much a property of the soul to be the primary possessor of a part that desires as of a part that reasons, and it is a property of the soul to be the primary possessor of a part that desires, and so it would be a property of the soul to be the primary possessor 15 of a part that reasons. Thirdly (c) for destructive purposes, see if it fails to be a property of that of which it is as much a property: for then neither will it be a property of that of which it is as much a property as of the former, while if it be a property of the former, it will not be a property of the other. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as ‘to burn’ is as much a property of ‘flame’ as of ‘live coals’, and ‘to burn’ is not a property of flame, 'to burn' could not be a property of live coals: while if it is a property of flame, it could not be a property of live coals. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, this commonplace rule is of no use. The rule based on things that are in a like relation$^1$ differs from the rule based on attributes that belong in a like manner,$^2$ because the former point is secured by analogy, not from reflection on the belonging of any attribute, while the latter is judged by a comparison based on the fact that an attribute belongs. Next, for destructive purposes, see if in rendering the property potentially, he has also through that potentiality rendered the property relatively to something that does not exist, when the potentiality in question cannot belong to what does not exist: for then what is stated to be a property will not be a property. Thus (e.g.) he who has said that 'breathable' is a property of 'air' has, on the one hand, rendered the property potentially (for that is 'breathable' which is such as can be breathed), and on the other hand has also rendered the property relatively to what does not exist:—for while air may exist, even though there exist no animal so constituted as to breathe the air, it is not possible to breathe it if no animal exist: so that it will not, either, be a property of air to be such as can be breathed at a time when there exists no animal such as to breathe it—and so it follows that 'breathable' could not be a property of air. For constructive purposes, see if in rendering the property potentially he renders the property either relatively to something that exists, or to something that does not exist, when the potentiality in question can belong to what does not exist: for then what has been stated not to be a property will be a property. Thus (e.g.) he who renders it as a property of 'being' to be 'capable of being acted upon or of acting', in rendering the property potentially, has rendered the property relatively to something that exists: for when 'being' exists, it will also be capable of being acted upon or of acting in a certain way: so that to be $^1$ 136$^b$ 33–137$^a$ 7. $^2$ 138$^a$ 30–b 22. 'capable of being acted upon or of acting' would be a property of 'being'. Next, for destructive purposes, see if he has stated the property in the superlative: for then what has been stated to be a property will not be a property. For people who render the property in that way find that of the object of which the description is true, the name is not true as well: for though the object perish the description will continue in being none the less; for it belongs most nearly to something that is in being. An example would be supposing any one were to render 'the lightest body' as a property of 'fire': for, though fire perish, there will still be some form of body that is the lightest, so that 'the lightest body' could not be a property of fire. For constructive purposes, on the other hand, see if he has avoided rendering the property in the superlative: for then the property will in this respect have been correctly stated. Thus (e.g.) inasmuch as he who states 'a naturally civilized animal' as a property of man has not rendered the property in the superlative, the property would in this respect have been correctly stated. The discussion of Definitions falls into five parts. For you have to show either (1) that it is not true at all to apply the expression as well to that to which the term is applied (for the definition of Man ought to be true of every man); or (2) that though the object has a genus, he has failed to put the object defined into the genus, or to put it into the appropriate genus (for the framer of a definition should first place the object in its genus, and then append its differences: for of all the elements of the definition the genus is usually supposed to be the principal mark of the essence of what is defined): or (3) that the expression is not peculiar to the object (for, as we said above as well, a definition ought to be peculiar): or else (4) see if, though he has observed all the aforesaid cautions, he has yet failed to define the object, that is, to express its essence. (5) It remains, apart from the foregoing, to see if he has defined it, but defined it incorrectly. Whether, then, the expression be not also true of that of which the term is true you should proceed to examine according to the commonplace rules that relate to Accident. For there too the question is always 'Is so and so true or untrue?': for whenever we argue that an accident belongs, we declare it to be true, while whenever we argue that it does not belong, we declare it to be untrue. If, again, he has failed to place the object in the appropriate genus, or if the expression be not peculiar to the object, we must go on to examine the case according to the commonplace rules that relate to genus and property. It remains, then, to prescribe how to investigate whether the object has been either not defined at all, or else defined incorrectly. First, then, we must proceed to examine if it has been defined incorrectly: for with anything it is easier to do it than to do it correctly. Clearly, then, more mistakes --- 1 101b 19. 2 The bracket which begins at δεῖ γὰρ . . . (l. 31) should be closed after εἰπηται (l. 32). are made in the latter task on account of its greater difficulty. Accordingly the attack becomes easier in the latter case than in the former. Incorrectness falls into two branches: (1) first, the use of obscure language (for the language of a definition ought to be the very clearest possible, seeing that the whole purpose of rendering it is to make something known); (2) secondly, if the expression used be longer than is necessary: for all additional matter in a definition is superfluous. Again, each of the aforesaid branches is divided into a number of others. 2 One commonplace rule, then, in regard to obscurity is, See if the meaning intended by the definition involves an ambiguity with any other, e.g. 'Becoming is a passage into being', or 'Health is the balance of hot and cold elements'. Here 'passage' and 'balance' are ambiguous terms: it is accordingly not clear which of the several possible senses of the term he intends to convey. Likewise also, if the term defined be used in different senses and he has spoken without distinguishing between them: for then it is not clear to which of them the definition rendered applies, and one can then bring a captious objection on the ground that the definition does not apply to all the things whose definition he has rendered: and this kind of thing is particularly easy in the case where the definer does not see the ambiguity of his terms. Or, again, the questioner may himself distinguish the various senses of the term rendered in the definition, and then institute his argument against each: for if the expression used be not adequate to the subject in any of its senses, it is clear that he cannot have defined it in any sense aright. Another rule is, See if he has used a metaphorical expression, as, for instance, if he has defined knowledge as 'unsupplantable', or the earth as a 'nurse', or temperance as a 'harmony'. For a metaphorical expression is always obscure. It is possible, also, to argue sophistically against the user of a metaphorical expression$^1$ as though he had $^1$ 139b 35. Read τὸν μεταφορὰν εἰπόντα. used it in its literal sense: for the definition stated will not apply to the term defined, e.g. in the case of temperance: for harmony is always found between notes. Moreover, if harmony be the genus of temperance, then the same object will occur in two genera of which neither contains the other: for harmony does not contain virtue, nor virtue harmony. Again, see if he uses terms that are unfamiliar, as when Plato describes$^1$ the eye as 'brow-shaded', or a certain spider as 'poison-fanged', or the marrow as 'bone-formed'. For an unusual phrase is always obscure. Sometimes a phrase is used neither ambiguously, nor yet metaphorically, nor yet literally, as when the law is said to be the 'measure' or 'image' of the things that are by nature just. Such phrases are worse than metaphor; for the latter does make its meaning to some extent clear because of the likeness involved; for those who use metaphors do so always in view of some likeness: whereas this kind of phrase makes nothing clear; for there is no likeness to justify the description 'measure' or 'image', as applied to the law, nor is the law ordinarily so called in a literal sense. So then, if a man says that the law is literally a 'measure' or an 'image', he speaks falsely: for an image is something produced by imitation, and this is not found in the case of the law. If, on the other hand, he does not mean the term literally, it is clear that he has used an unclear expression, and one that is worse than any sort of metaphorical expression. Moreover, see if from the expression used the definition of the contrary be not clear; for definitions that have been correctly rendered also indicate their contraries as well. Or, again, see if, when it is merely stated by itself, it is not evident what it defines: just as in the works of the old painters, unless there were an inscription, the figures used to be unrecognizable. If, then, the definition be not clear, you should proceed to examine on lines such as these. If, on the other hand, he has phrased the definition redundantly, first of all look $^1$ Not in his extant works; perhaps in his early poems. Or the reference may be to Plato the comic poet. and see whether he has used any attribute that belongs universally, either to real objects in general, or to all that fall under the same genus as the object defined: for the mention of this is sure to be redundant. For the genus ought to divide the object from things in general, and the differentia from any of the things contained in the same genus. Now any term that belongs to everything separates off the given object from absolutely nothing, while any that belongs to all the things that fall under the same genus does not separate it off from the things contained in the same genus. Any addition, then, of that kind will be pointless. Or see if, though the additional matter may be peculiar to the given term, yet even when it is struck out the rest of the expression too is peculiar and makes clear the essence of the term. Thus, in the definition of man, the addition 'capable of receiving knowledge' is superfluous; for strike it out, and still the expression is peculiar and makes clear his essence. Speaking generally, everything is superfluous upon whose removal the remainder still makes the term that is being defined clear. Such, for instance, would also be the definition of the soul, assuming it to be stated as a 'self-moving number';¹ for the soul is just 'the self-moving', as Plato defined it.² Or perhaps the expression used, though appropriate, yet does not declare the essence, if the word 'number' be eliminated. Which of the two is the real state of the case it is difficult to determine clearly: the right way to treat the matter in all cases is to be guided by convenience. Thus (e.g.) it is said that the definition of phlegm is the 'undigested moisture that comes first off food'. Here the addition of the word 'undigested' is superfluous, seeing that 'the first' is one and not many, so that even when 'undigested' is left out the definition will still be peculiar to the subject: for it is impossible that both phlegm and also something else should both be the first to arise from the food. Or perhaps the phlegm is not absolutely the first thing to come off the food, but only the first of the undigested matters, so that the addition 'undigested' is ¹ Xenocrates, fr. 60 Heinze. ² Phaedr. 245 E. required; for stated the other way the definition would not be true unless the phlegm comes first of all. Moreover, see if anything contained in the definition fails to apply to everything that falls under the same species: for this sort of definition is worse than those which include an attribute belonging to all things universally. For in that case, if the remainder of the expression be peculiar, the whole too will be peculiar: for absolutely always, if to something peculiar anything whatever that is true be added, the whole too becomes peculiar. Whereas if any part of the expression do not apply to everything that falls under the same species, it is impossible that the expression as a whole should be peculiar: for it will not be predicated convertibly with the object; e.g. 'a walking biped animal six feet high': for an expression of that kind is not predicated convertibly with the term, because the attribute 'six feet high' does not belong to everything that falls under the same species. Again, see if he has said the same thing more than once, saying (e.g.) 'desire' is a 'conation for the pleasant'. For 'desire' is always 'for the pleasant', so that what is the same as desire will also be 'for the pleasant'. Accordingly our definition of desire becomes 'conation-for-the-pleasant for the pleasant': for the word 'desire' is the exact equivalent of the words 'conation-for-the-pleasant', so that both alike will be 'for the pleasant'. Or perhaps there is no absurdity in this; for consider this instance:—'Man is a biped': therefore, what is the same as man is a biped: but 'a walking biped animal' is the same as man, and therefore 'a walking biped animal is a biped'. But this involves no real absurdity. For 'biped' is not a predicate of 'walking animal': if it were, then we should certainly have 'biped' predicated twice of the same thing; but as a matter of fact the subject said to be a biped is 'a walking biped animal', so that the word 'biped' is only used as a predicate once. Likewise also in the case of 'desire' as well: for it is not 'conation' that is said to be 'for the pleasant', but rather the whole idea, so that there too the predication is only made once. Absurdity results, not when the same word is uttered twice, but when the same thing is more than once predicated of a subject; e.g. if he says, like Xenocrates,$^1$ that wisdom defines and contemplates reality:$^2$ for definition is a certain type of contemplation, so that by adding the words ‘and contemplates’ over again he says the same thing twice over. Likewise, too, those fail who say that ‘cooling’ is ‘the privation of natural heat’. For all privation is a privation of some natural attribute, so that the addition of the word ‘natural’ is superfluous: it would have been enough to say ‘privation of heat’, for the word ‘privation’ shows of itself that the heat meant is natural heat. Again, see if a universal have been mentioned and then a particular case of it be added as well, e.g. ‘Equity is a remission of what is expedient and just’; for what is just is a branch of what is expedient and is therefore included in the latter term: its mention is therefore redundant, an addition of the particular after the universal has been already stated. So also, if he defines ‘medicine’ as ‘knowledge of what makes for health in animals and men’, or ‘the law’ as ‘the image of what is by nature noble and just’; for what is just is a branch of what is noble, so that he says the same thing more than once. 4 Whether, then, a man defines a thing correctly or incorrectly you should proceed to examine on these and similar lines. But whether he has mentioned and defined its essence or no, should be examined as follows: First of all, see if he has failed to make the definition through terms that are prior and more intelligible. For the reason why the definition is rendered is to make known the term stated, and we make things known by taking not any random terms, but such as are prior and more intelligible, as is done in demonstrations (for so it is with all teaching and learning); accordingly, it is clear that a man who does not define through terms of this kind has not defined at all. Otherwise, there will be more than one definition of the same thing: for clearly he who defines $^1$ 141a6. Read $\omega\iota\omega\epsilon\lambda\omega\sigma\Xi\tau\nu\kappa\rho\alpha\eta\varsigma$. $^2$ Fr. 7 Heinze. through terms that are prior and more intelligible has also framed a definition, and a better one, so that both would then be definitions of the same object. This sort of view, however, does not generally find acceptance: for of each real object the essence is single: if, then, there are to be a number of definitions of the same thing, the essence of the object will be the same as it is represented to be in each of the definitions, and these representations are not the same, inasmuch as the definitions are different. Clearly, then, any one who has not defined a thing through terms that are prior and more intelligible has not defined it at all. The statement that a definition has not been made through more intelligible terms may be understood in two senses, either supposing that its terms are absolutely less intelligible, or supposing that they are less intelligible to us: for either sense is possible. Thus absolutely the prior is more intelligible than the posterior, a point, for instance, than a line, a line than a plane, and a plane than a solid; just as also a unit is more intelligible than a number; for it is the prius and starting-point of all number. Likewise, also, a letter is more intelligible than a syllable. Whereas to us it sometimes happens that the converse is the case: for the solid falls under perception most of all—more than a plane$^1$—and a plane more than a line, and a line more than a point; for most people learn things like the former earlier than the latter; for any ordinary intelligence can grasp them, whereas the others require an exact and exceptional understanding. Absolutely, then, it is better to try to make what is posterior known through what is prior, inasmuch as such a way of procedure is more scientific. Of course, in dealing with persons who cannot recognize things through terms of that kind, it may perhaps be necessary to frame the expression through terms that are intelligible to them. Among definitions of this kind are those of a point, a line, and a plane, all of which explain the prior by the posterior; for they say that a point is the limit of a line, a line of a plane, a plane of a solid. One must, however, not fail to $^1$ 141$^b$ 11. Read πίπτει ἐπιπέδου. observe that those who define in this way cannot show the essential nature of the term they define, unless it so happens that the same thing is more intelligible both to us and also absolutely, since a correct definition must define a thing through its genus and its differentiae, and these belong to the order of things which are absolutely more intelligible than, and prior to, the species. For annul the genus and differentia, and the species too is annulled, so that these are prior to the species. They are also more intelligible; for if the species be known, the genus and differentia must of necessity be known as well (for any one who knows what a man is knows also what 'animal' and 'walking' are), whereas if the genus or the differentia be known it does not follow of necessity that the species is known as well: thus the species is less intelligible. Moreover, those who say that such definitions, viz. those which proceed from what is intelligible to this, that, or the other man, are really and truly definitions, will have to say that there are several definitions of one and the same thing. For, as it happens, different things are more intelligible to different people, not the same things to all; and so a different definition would have to be rendered to each several person, if the definition is to be constructed from what is more intelligible to particular individuals. Moreover, to the same people different things are more intelligible at different times; first of all the objects of sense; then, as they become more sharp-witted, the converse; so that those who hold that a definition ought to be rendered through what is more intelligible to particular individuals would not have to render the same definition at all times even to the same person. It is clear, then, that the right way to define is not through terms of that kind, but through what is absolutely more intelligible: for only in this way could the definition come always to be one and the same. Perhaps, also, what is absolutely intelligible is what is intelligible, not to all, but to those who are in a sound state of understanding, just as what is absolutely healthy is what is healthy to those in a sound state of body. All such points as this ought to be made very precise, and made use of in the course of discussion as occasion requires. The demolition of a definition will most surely win a general approval if the definer happens to have framed his expression neither from what is absolutely more intelligible nor yet from what is so to us. One form, then, of the failure to work through more intelligible terms is the exhibition of the prior through the posterior, as we remarked before.$^1$ Another form occurs if we find$^2$ that the definition has been rendered of what is at rest and definite through what is indefinite and in motion: for what is still and definite is prior to what is indefinite and in motion. Of the failure to use terms that are prior there are three forms: (1) The first is when an opposite has been defined through its opposite, e.g. good through evil: for opposites are always simultaneous by nature. Some people think, also, that both are objects of the same science, so that the one is not even more intelligible than the other. One must, however, observe that it is perhaps not possible to define some things in any other way, e.g. the double without the half, and all the terms that are essentially relative: for in all such cases the essential being is the same as a certain relation to something, so that it is impossible to understand the one term without the other, and accordingly in the definition of the one the other too must be embraced. One ought to learn up all such points as these, and use them as occasion may seem to require. (2) Another is—if he has used the term defined itself. This passes unobserved when the actual name of the object is not used, e.g. supposing any one had defined the sun as a 'star that appears by day'.$^3$ For in bringing in 'day' he brings in the sun. To detect errors of this sort, exchange the word for its definition, e.g. the definition of 'day' as the 'passage of the sun over the earth'. Clearly, whoever has said 'the passage of the sun over the earth' has said 'the sun', so that in bringing in the 'day' he has brought in the sun. $^1$ 141$^a$ 26. $^2$ 142$^a$ 20. Read ἡμέρα after δὲ λόγος. $^3$ Cf. Pl. Def. 411 A. (3) Again, see if he has defined one co-ordinate member of a division by another, e.g. ‘an odd number’ as ‘that which is greater by one than an even number’. For the co-ordinate members of a division that are derived from the same genus are simultaneous by nature, and ‘odd’ and ‘even’ are such terms: for both are differentiae of number. Likewise also, see if he has defined a superior through a subordinate term, e.g. ‘An “even number” is “a number divisible into halves”’, or ‘“the good” is a “state of virtue”’. For ‘half’ is derived from ‘two’, and ‘two’ is an even number: virtue also is a kind of good, so that the latter terms are subordinate to the former. Moreover, in using the subordinate term one is bound to use the other as well: for whoever employs the term ‘virtue’ employs the term ‘good’, seeing that virtue is a certain kind of good: likewise, also, whoever employs the term ‘half’ employs the term ‘even’, for to be ‘divided in half’ means to be divided into two, and two is even. Generally speaking, then, one commonplace rule relates to the failure to frame the expression by means of terms that are prior and more intelligible: and of this the subdivisions are those specified above. A second is, see whether, though the object is in a genus, it has not been placed in a genus. This sort of error is always found where the essence of the object does not stand first in the expression, e.g. the definition of ‘body’ as ‘that which has three dimensions’, or the definition of ‘man’, supposing any one to give it, as ‘that which knows how to count’: for it is not stated what it is that has three dimensions, or what it is that knows how to count: whereas the genus is meant to indicate just this, and is submitted first of the terms in the definition. Moreover, see if, while the term to be defined is used in relation to many things, he has failed to render it in relation to all of them; as (e.g.) if he define ‘grammar’ as the ‘knowledge how to write from dictation’: for he ought also to say that it is a knowledge how to read as well. For in rendering it as ‘knowledge of writing’ he has no more defined it than by rendering it as 'knowledge of reading': neither in fact has succeeded, but only he who mentions both these things, since it is impossible that there should be more than one definition of the same thing. It is only, however, in some cases that what has been said corresponds to the actual state of things: in some it does not, e.g. all those terms which are not used essentially in relation to both things: as medicine is said to deal with the production of disease and health; for it is said essentially to do the latter, but the former only by accident: for it is absolutely alien to medicine to produce disease. Here, then, the man who renders medicine as relative to both of these things has not defined it any better than he who mentions the one only. In fact he has done it perhaps worse, for any one else besides the doctor is capable of producing disease. Moreover, in a case where the term to be defined is used in relation to several things, see if he has rendered it as relative to the worse rather than to the better; for every form of knowledge and potentiality is generally thought to be relative to the best. Again, if the thing in question be not placed in its own proper genus, one must examine it according to the elementary rules in regard to genera, as has been said before.$^1$ Moreover, see if he uses language which transgresses$^2$ the genera of the things he defines, defining, e.g., justice as a 'state that produces equality' or 'distributes what is equal': for by defining it so he passes outside the sphere of virtue, and so by leaving out the genus of justice he fails to express its essence: for the essence of a thing must in each case bring in its genus. It is the same thing if the object be not put into its nearest genus; for the man who puts it into the nearest one has stated all the higher genera, seeing that all the higher genera are predicated of the lower. Either, then, it ought to be put into its nearest genus, or else to the higher genus all the differentiae ought to be appended whereby the nearest genus is defined. For then he would $^1$ 139b 3. $^2$ 143a 15. Read ἐπερβαίνων. not have left out anything: but would merely have mentioned the subordinate genus by an expression instead of by name. On the other hand, he who mentions merely the higher genus by itself, does not state the subordinate genus as well: in saying 'plant' a man does not specify 'a tree'. 6 Again, in regard to the differentiae, we must examine in like manner whether the differentiae, too, that he has stated be those of the genus. For if a man has not defined the object by the differentiae peculiar to it, or has mentioned something such as is utterly incapable of being a differentia of anything, e.g. 'animal' or 'substance', clearly he has not defined it at all: for the aforesaid terms do not differentiate anything at all. Further, we must see whether the differentia stated possesses anything that is co-ordinate with it in a division; for, if not, clearly the one stated could not be a differentia of the genus. For a genus is always divided by differentiae that are co-ordinate members of a division, as, for instance, 'animal' by the terms 'walking', 'flying', 'aquatic', and 'biped'. Or see if, though the contrasted differentia exists, it yet is not true of the genus; for then, clearly, neither of them could be a differentia of the genus; for differentiae that are co-ordinates in a division with the differentia of a thing are all true of the genus to which the thing belongs. Likewise, also, see if, though it be true, yet the addition of it to the genus fails to make a species. For then, clearly, this could not be a specific differentia of the genus: for a specific differentia, if added to the genus, always makes a species. If, however, this be no true differentia, no more is the one adduced, seeing that it is a co-ordinate member of a division with this. Moreover, see if he divides the genus by a negation, as those do who define a line as 'length without breadth': for this means simply that it has not any breadth. The genus will then be found to partake of its own species: for, since of everything either an affirmation or its negation is true, length must always either lack breadth or possess it, so that 'length' as well, i.e. the genus of 'line', will be either with or without breadth. But 'length without breadth' is the definition of a species, as also is 'length with breadth': for 'without breadth' and 'with breadth' are differentiae, and the genus and differentia constitute the definition of the species. Hence the genus would admit of the definition of its species. Likewise, also, it will admit of the definition of the differentia, seeing that one or the other of the aforesaid differentiae is of necessity predicated of the genus. The usefulness of this principle is found in meeting those who assert the existence of 'Ideas': for if absolute length exist, how will it be predicable of the genus that it has breadth or that it lacks it? For one assertion or the other will have to be true of 'length' universally, if it is to be true of the genus at all: and this is contrary to the fact: for there exist both lengths which have, and lengths which have not, breadth. Hence the only people against whom the rule can be employed are those who assert that a genus is always$^1$ numerically one; and this is what is done by those who assert the real existence of the 'Ideas'; for they allege that absolute length and absolute animal are the genus. It may be that in some cases the definer is obliged to employ a negation as well, e.g. in defining privations. For 'blind' means a thing which cannot see when its nature is to see. There is no difference between dividing the genus by a negation, and dividing it by such an affirmation as is bound to have a negation as its co-ordinate in a division, e.g. supposing he had defined something as 'length possessed of breadth'; for co-ordinate in the division with that which is possessed of breadth is that which possesses no breadth and that only, so that again the genus is divided by a negation. Again, see if he rendered the species as a differentia, as do those who define 'contumely' as 'insolence accompanied by jeering'; for jeering is a kind of insolence, i.e. it is a species and not a differentia. Moreover, see if he has stated the genus as the differentia, $^1$ 143b 30. Read πᾶν γένος. e.g. 'Virtue is a good or noble state: for 'good' is the genus of 'virtue'. Or possibly 'good' here is not the genus but the differentia, on the principle that the same thing cannot be in two genera of which neither contains the other: for 'good' does not include 'state', nor vice versa: for not every state is good nor every good a 'state'. Both, then, could not be genera, and consequently, if 'state' is the genus of virtue, clearly 'good' cannot be its genus: it must rather be the differentia. Moreover, 'a state' indicates the essence of virtue, whereas 'good' indicates not the essence but a quality: and to indicate a quality is generally held to be the function of the differentia. See, further, whether the differentia rendered indicates an individual rather than a quality: for the general view is that the differentia always expresses a quality. Look and see, further, whether the differentia belongs only by accident to the object defined. For the differentia is never an accidental attribute, any more than the genus is: for the differentia of a thing cannot both belong and not belong to it. Moreover, if either the differentia or the species, or any of the things which are under the species, is predicable of the genus, then he could not have defined the term. For none of the aforesaid can possibly be predicated of the genus, seeing that the genus is the term with the widest range of all. Again, see if the genus be predicated of the differentia; for the general view is that the genus is predicated, not of the differentia, but of the objects of which the differentia is predicated. Animal (e.g.) is predicated of 'man' or 'ox' or other walking animals, not of the actual differentia itself which we predicate of the species. For if 'animal' is to be predicated of each of its differentiae, then 'animal' would be predicated of the species several times over; for the differentiae are predicates of the species. Moreover, the differentiae will be all either species or individuals, if they are animals; for every animal is either a species or an individual. Likewise you must inquire also if the species or any of the objects that come under it is predicated of the differentia: for this is impossible, seeing that the differentia is a term with a wider range than the various species. Moreover, if any of the species be predicated of it, the result will be that the differentia is a species: if, for instance, 'man' be predicated, the differentia is clearly the human race. Again, see if the differentia fails to be prior to the species: for the differentia ought to be posterior to the genus, but prior to the species. Look and see also if the differentia mentioned belongs to a different genus, neither contained in nor containing the genus in question. For the general view is that the same differentia cannot be used of two non-subaltern genera. Else the result will be that the same species as well will be in two non-subaltern genera: for each of the differentiae imports its own genus, e.g. 'walking' and 'biped' import with them the genus 'animal'. If, then, each of the genera as well is true of that of which the differentia is true,$^1$ it clearly follows that the species must be in two non-subaltern genera. Or perhaps it is not impossible for the same differentia to be used of two non-subaltern genera, and we ought to add the words 'except they both be subordinate members of the same genus'. Thus 'walking animal' and 'flying animal' are non-subaltern genera, and 'biped' is the differentia of both. The words 'except they both be subordinate members of the same genus' ought therefore to be added; for both these are subordinate to 'animal'. From this possibility, that the same differentia may be used of two non-subaltern genera, it is clear also that there is no necessity for the differentia to carry with it the whole of the genus to which it belongs, but only the one or the other of its limbs together with the genera that are higher than this, as 'biped' carries with it either 'flying' or 'walking animal'. See, too, if he has rendered 'existence in' something as the differentia of a thing's essence: for the general view is that locality cannot differentiate between one essence and another. Hence, too, people condemn those who divide animals by means of the terms 'walking' and 'aquatic', on $^{1}$ 144$^b$ 19. Read a comma only, not a full-stop, at ἐκάπτερον. the ground that 'walking' and 'aquatic' indicate mere locality. Or possibly in this case the censure is undeserved; for 'aquatic' does not mean 'in' anything; nor does it denote a locality, but a certain quality: for even if the thing be on the dry land, still it is aquatic: and likewise a land-animal, even though it be in the water, will still be a land- and not an aquatic-animal. But all the same, if ever the differentia does denote existence in something, clearly he will have made a bad mistake. Again, see if he has rendered an affection as the differentia: for every affection, if intensified, subverts the essence of the thing, while the differentia is not of that kind: for the differentia is generally considered rather to preserve that which it differentiates; and it is absolutely impossible for a thing to exist without its own special differentia: for if there be no 'walking', there will be no 'man'. In fact, we may lay down absolutely that a thing cannot have as its differentia anything in respect of which it is subject to alteration: for all things of that kind, if intensified, destroy its essence. If, then, a man has rendered any differentia of this kind, he has made a mistake: for we undergo absolutely no alteration in respect of our differentiae. Again, see if he has failed to render the differentia of a relative term relatively to something else; for the differentiae of relative terms are themselves relative, as in the case also of knowledge. This is classed as speculative, practical, and productive; and each of these denotes a relation: for it speculates upon something, and produces something and does something. Look and see also if the definer renders each relative term relatively to its natural purpose: for while in some cases the particular relative term can be used in relation to its natural purpose only and to nothing else, some can be used in relation to something else as well. Thus sight can only be used for seeing, but a strigil can also be used to dip up water. Still, if any one were to define a strigil as an instrument for dipping water, he has made a mistake: for that is not its natural function. The definition of a thing's natural function is 'that for which it would be used by the prudent man, acting as such, and by the science that deals specially with that thing'. Or see if, whenever a term happens to be used in a number of relations, he has failed to introduce it in its primary relation: e.g. by defining 'wisdom' as the virtue of 'man' or of the 'soul', rather than of the 'reasoning faculty': for 'wisdom' is the virtue primarily of the reasoning faculty: for it is in virtue of this that both the man and his soul are said to be wise. Moreover, if the thing of which the term defined has been stated to be an affection or disposition,$^1$ or whatever it may be, be unable to admit it, the definer has made a mistake. For every disposition and every affection is formed naturally in that of which it is an affection or disposition, as knowledge, too, is formed in the soul, being a disposition of soul. Sometimes, however, people make bad mistakes in matters of this sort, e.g. all those who say that 'sleep' is a 'failure of sensation', or that 'perplexity' is a state of 'equality between contrary reasonings', or that 'pain' is a 'violent disruption of parts that are naturally conjoined'. For sleep is not an attribute of sensation, whereas it ought to be, if it is a failure of sensation. Likewise, perplexity is not an attribute of opposite reasonings, nor pain of parts naturally conjoined: for then inanimate things will be in pain, since pain will be present in them. Similar in character, too, is the definition of 'health', say, as a 'balance of hot and cold elements': for then health will be necessarily exhibited by the hot and cold elements: for a balance of anything is an attribute inherent in those things of which it is the balance, so that health would be an attribute of them. Moreover, people who define in this way put effect for cause, or cause for effect. For the disruption of parts naturally conjoined is not pain, but only a cause of pain: nor again is a failure of sensation sleep, but the one is the cause of the other: for either we go to sleep$^2$ because sensation fails, or sensation fails because we go to sleep. Likewise also an equality between contrary reasonings would be $^1$ 145$^a$ 34. Read ἡ διάθεσις. $^2$ 145$^b$ 16. Read ὑπνώσσομεν. generally considered to be a cause of perplexity: for it is when we reflect on both sides of a question and find everything alike to be in keeping with either course that we are perplexed which of the two we are to do. Moreover, with regard to all periods of time look and see whether there be any discrepancy between the differentia and the thing defined: e.g. supposing the 'immortal' to be defined as a 'living thing immune at present from destruction'. For a living thing that is immune 'at present' from destruction will be immortal 'at present'. Possibly, indeed, in this case this result does not follow, owing to the ambiguity of the words 'immune at present from destruction': for it may mean either that the thing has not been destroyed at present, or that it cannot be destroyed at present, or that at present it is such that it never can be destroyed. Whenever, then, we say that a living thing is at present immune from destruction, we mean that it is at present a living thing of such a kind as never to be destroyed: and this is equivalent to saying that it is immortal, so that it is not meant that it is immortal only at present. Still, if ever it does happen that what has been rendered according to the definition belongs in the present only or past, whereas what is meant by the word does not so belong, then the two could not be the same. So, then, this commonplace rule ought to be followed, as we have said. 7 You should look and see also whether the term being defined is applied in consideration of something other than the definition rendered. Suppose (e.g.) a definition of 'justice' as the 'ability to distribute what is equal'. This would not be right, for 'just' describes rather the man who chooses, than the man who is able, to distribute what is equal: so that justice could not be an ability to distribute what is equal: for then also the most just man would be the man with the most ability to distribute what is equal. Moreover, see if the thing admits of degrees, whereas what is rendered according to the definition does not, or, vice versa, what is rendered according to the definition admits of degrees while the thing does not. For either both must admit them or else neither, if indeed what is rendered according to the definition is the same as the thing. Moreover, see if, while both of them admit of degrees, they yet do not both become greater together: e.g. suppose sexual love to be the desire for intercourse: for he who is more intensely in love has not a more intense desire for intercourse, so that both do not become intensified at once: they certainly should, however, had they been the same thing. Moreover, suppose two things to be before you, see if the term to be defined applies more particularly to the one to which the content of the definition is less applicable. Take, for instance, the definition of 'fire' as the 'body that consists of the most rarefied particles'. For 'fire' denotes flame rather than light, but flame$^1$ is less the body that consists of the most rarefied particles than is light: whereas both ought to be more applicable to the same thing, if they had been the same. Again, see if the one expression applies alike to both the objects before you, while the other does not apply to both alike, but more particularly to one of them. Moreover, see if he renders the definition relative to two things taken separately: thus, 'the beautiful' is 'what is pleasant to the eyes or to the ears'$^2$: or 'the real' is 'what is capable of being acted upon or of acting'. For then the same thing will be both beautiful and not beautiful, and likewise will be both real and not real. For 'pleasant to the ears' will be the same as 'beautiful', so that 'not pleasant to the ears' will be the same as 'not beautiful': for of identical things the opposites, too, are identical, and the opposite of 'beautiful' is 'not beautiful', while of 'pleasant to the ears' the opposite is 'not pleasant to the ears': clearly, then, 'not pleasant to the ears' is the same thing as 'not beautiful'. If, therefore, something be pleasant to the eyes but not to the ears, it will be both beautiful and not beautiful. In like manner we shall show also that the same thing is both real and unreal. Moreover, of both genera and differentiae and all the $^1$ 146$^a$ 17. Read ἦ φλόξ. $^2$ Cf. Pl. Hipp. Mai. 297 E, 299 C. other terms rendered in definitions you should frame definitions in lieu of the terms, and then see if there be any discrepancy between them. 8 If the term defined be relative, either in itself or in respect of its genus, see whether the definition fails to mention that to which the term, either in itself or in respect of its genus, is relative, e.g. if he has defined 'knowledge' as an 'incontrovertible conception' or 'wishing' as 'painless conation'. For of everything relative the essence is relative to something else, seeing that the being of every relative term is identical with being in a certain relation to something. He ought, therefore, to have said that knowledge is 'conception of a knowable' and that wishing is 'conation for a good'. Likewise, also, if he has defined 'grammar' as 'knowledge of letters': whereas in the definition there ought to be rendered either the thing to which the term itself is relative, or that, whatever it is, to which its genus is relative. Or see if a relative term has been described not in relation to its end, the end in anything being whatever is best in it or gives its purpose to the rest. Certainly it is what is best or final that should be stated, e.g. that desire is not for the pleasant but for pleasure: for this is our purpose in choosing what is pleasant as well. Look and see also if that in relation to which he has rendered the term be a process or an activity: for nothing of that kind is an end, for the completion of the activity or process is the end rather than the process or activity itself. Or perhaps this rule is not true in all cases, for almost everybody prefers the present experience of pleasure to its cessation, so that they would count the activity as the end rather than its completion. Again see in some cases if he has failed to distinguish the quantity or quality or place or other differentiae of an object; e.g. the quality and quantity of the honour the striving for which makes a man ambitious: for all men strive for honour, so that it is not enough to define the ambitious man as him who strives for honour, but the aforesaid differentiae must be added. Likewise, also, in defining the covetous man the quantity of money he aims at, or in the case of the incontinent man the quality of the pleasures, should be stated. For it is not the man who gives way to any sort of pleasure whatever who is called incontinent, but only he who gives way to a certain kind of pleasure. Or again, people sometimes define night as a 'shadow on the earth', or an earthquake as a 'movement of the earth', or a cloud as 'condensation of the air', or a wind as a 'movement of the air'; whereas they ought to specify as well quantity, quality, place,$^1$ and cause. Likewise, also, in other cases of the kind: for by omitting any differentiae whatever he fails to state the essence of the term. One should always attack deficiency. For a movement of the earth does not constitute an earthquake, nor a movement of the air a wind, irrespective of its manner and the amount involved. Moreover, in the case of conations, and in any other cases where it applies, see if the word 'apparent' is left out, e.g. 'wishing is a conation after the good', or 'desire is a conation after the pleasant'—instead of saying 'the apparently good', or 'pleasant'. For often those who exhibit the conation do not perceive what is good or pleasant, so that their aim need not be really good or pleasant, but only apparently so. They ought, therefore, to have rendered the definition also accordingly. On the other hand, any one who maintains the existence of Ideas ought to be brought face to face with his Ideas, even though he does render the word in question: for there can be no Idea of anything merely apparent: the general view is that an Idea is always spoken of in relation to an Idea: thus absolute desire is for the absolutely pleasant, and absolute wishing is for the absolutely good; they therefore cannot be for an apparently good or an apparently pleasant: for the existence of an absolutely-apparently-good or pleasant would be an absurdity. Moreover, if the definition be of the state of anything, look at what is in the state, while if it be of what is in the $^1$ 146b 30. Read καὶ ποῦ after καὶ ποῖου. state, look at the state: and likewise also in other cases of the kind. Thus if the pleasant be identical with the beneficial, then, too, the man who is pleased is benefited. Speaking generally, in definitions of this sort it happens that what the definer defines is in a sense more than one thing: for in defining knowledge, a man in a sense defines ignorance as well, and likewise also what has knowledge and what lacks it, and what it is to know and to be ignorant. For if the first be made clear, the others become in a certain sense clear as well. We have, then, to be on our guard in all such cases against discrepancy, using the elementary principles drawn from consideration of contraries and of co-ordinates. Moreover, in the case of relative terms, see if the species is rendered as relative to a species of that to which the genus is rendered as relative, e.g. supposing belief to be relative to some object of belief, see whether a particular belief is made relative to some particular object of belief: and, if a multiple be relative to a fraction, see whether a particular multiple be made relative to a particular fraction. For if it be not so rendered, clearly a mistake has been made. See, also, if the opposite of the term has the opposite definition, whether (e.g.) the definition of 'half' is the opposite of that of 'double': for if 'double' is 'that which exceeds another by an equal amount to that other', 'half' is 'that which is exceeded by an amount equal to itself'. In the same way, too, with contraries. For to the contrary term will apply the definition that is contrary in some one of the ways in which contraries are conjoined. Thus (e.g.) if 'useful' = 'productive of good', 'injurious' = 'productive of evil' or 'destructive of good', for one or the other of these is bound to be contrary to the term originally used. Suppose, then, neither of these things to be the contrary of the term originally used, then clearly neither of the definitions rendered later could be the definition of the contrary of the term originally defined: and therefore the definition originally rendered of the original term has not been rightly 1 147a 25. Read πρὸς τὸ τὶ ὑποληπτόν. rendered either. Seeing, moreover, that of contraries, the one is sometimes a word formed to denote the privation of the other, as (e.g.) inequality is generally held to be the privation of equality (for 'unequal' merely describes things that are not 'equal'), it is therefore clear that$^1$ that contrary whose form denotes the privation must of necessity be defined through the other; whereas the other cannot then be defined through the one whose form denotes the privation; for else we should find that each is being interpreted by the other. We must in the case of contrary terms keep an eye on this mistake, e.g. supposing any one were to define equality as the contrary of inequality: for then he is defining it through the term which denotes privation of it. Moreover, a man who so defines is bound to use in his definition the very term he is defining; and this becomes clear, if for the word we substitute its definition. For to say 'inequality' is the same as to say 'privation of equality'. Therefore equality so defined will be 'the contrary of the privation of equality', so that he would have used the very word to be defined. Suppose, however, that neither of the contraries be so formed as to denote privation, but yet the definition of it be rendered in a manner like the above, e.g. suppose 'good' to be defined as 'the contrary of evil'; then, since it is clear that 'evil' too$^2$ will be 'the contrary of good' (for the definition of things that are contrary in this way must be rendered in a like manner),$^3$ the result again is that he uses the very term being defined: for 'good' is inherent in the definition of 'evil'. If, then, 'good' be the contrary of evil, and evil be nothing other than the 'contrary of good', then 'good' will be the 'contrary of the contrary of good'. Clearly, then, he has used the very word to be defined. Moreover, see if in rendering a term formed to denote privation, he has failed to render the term of which it is the privation, e.g. the state, or contrary, or whatever it may be --- $^1$ 147$^b$6. Read δῆλον οὐν ἔστι. $^2$ 147$^b$19. Read δῆλον γὰρ δὲ τὶ καὶ κακόν. $^3$ 147$^b$20. For ἀποδοτέος. ὃστε read ἀποδοτέος ἐστί. The sentence τῶν γὰρ οὐτως . . . ἀποδοτέος ἐστί is parenthetic, and may be enclosed in brackets. whose privation it is: also if he has omitted to add either any term at all in which the privation is naturally formed, or else that in which it is naturally formed primarily, e.g. whether in defining 'ignorance' as a privation he has failed to say that it is the privation of 'knowledge'; or has failed to add in what it is naturally formed, or, though he has added this, has failed to render the thing in which it is primarily formed, placing it (e.g.) in 'man' or in 'the soul', and not in the 'reasoning faculty': for if in any of these respects he fails, he has made a mistake. Likewise, also, if he has failed to say that 'blindness' is the 'privation of sight in an eye': for a proper rendering of its essence must state both of what it is the privation and what it is that is deprived. Examine further whether he has defined by the expression 'a privation' a term that is not used to denote a privation: thus a mistake of this sort also would be generally thought to be incurred in the case of 'error' by any one who is not using it as a merely negative term. For what is generally thought to be in error is not that which has no knowledge, but rather that which has been deceived, and for this reason we do not talk of inanimate things or of children as 'erring'. 'Error', then, is not used to denote a mere privation of knowledge. Moreover, see whether the like inflexions in the definition apply to the like$^1$ inflexions of the term; e.g. if 'beneficial' means 'productive of health', does 'beneficially' mean 'productively of health' and a 'benefactor' a 'producer of health'? Look too and see whether the definition given will apply to the Idea as well. For in some cases it will not do so; e.g. in the Platonic definition where he adds the word 'mortal' in his definitions of living creatures: for the Idea (e.g. the absolute Man) is not mortal, so that the definition will not fit the Idea. So always wherever the words 'capable of acting on' or 'capable of being acted upon' are added, the definition and the Idea are absolutely bound to be discrepant: for those who assert the existence of Ideas $^1$ 148$^a$ 10. Read εἰ ἐπὶ τῶν ὑμοῖων. hold that they are incapable of being acted upon, or of motion. In dealing with these people even arguments of this kind are useful. Further, see if he has rendered a single common definition of terms that are used ambiguously. For terms whose definition corresponding to their common name is one and the same, are synonymous; if, then, the definition applies in a like manner to the whole range of the ambiguous term, it is not true of any one of the objects described by the term. This is, moreover, what happens to Dionysius' definition of 'life' when stated as 'a movement of a creature sustained by nutriment, congenitally present with it': for this is found in plants as much as in animals, whereas 'life' is generally understood to mean not one kind of thing only, but to be one thing in animals and another in plants. It is possible to hold the view that life is a synonymous term and is always used to describe one thing only, and therefore to render the definition in this way on purpose: or it may quite well happen that a man may see the ambiguous character of the word, and wish to render the definition of the one sense only, and yet fail to see that he has rendered a definition common to both senses instead of one peculiar to the sense he intends. In either case, whichever course he pursues, he is equally at fault. Since ambiguous terms sometimes pass unobserved, it is best in questioning to treat such terms as though they were synonymous (for the definition of the one sense will not apply to the other, so that the answerer will be generally thought not to have defined it correctly, for to a synonymous term the definition should apply in its full range), whereas in answering you should yourself distinguish between the senses. Further, as some answerers call 'ambiguous' what is really synonymous, whenever the definition rendered fails to apply universally, and, vice versa, call synonymous what is really ambiguous supposing their definition applies to both senses of the term, one should secure a preliminary admission on such points, or else prove beforehand that so-and-so is ambiguous or synonymous, as the case may be: for people are more ready to agree when they do not foresee what the consequence will be. If, however, no admission has been made, and the man asserts that what is really synonymous is ambiguous because the definition he has rendered will not apply to the second sense as well, see if the definition of this second meaning applies also to the other meanings: for if so, this meaning must clearly be synonymous with those others. Otherwise, there will be more than one definition of those other meanings, for there are applicable to them two distinct definitions in explanation of the term, viz. the one previously rendered and also the later one. Again, if any one were to define a term used in several senses, and, finding that his definition does not apply to them all, were to contend not that the term is ambiguous, but that even the term does not properly apply to all those senses, just because his definition will not do so either, then one may retort to such a man that though in some things one must not use the language of the people, yet in a question of terminology one is bound to employ the received and traditional usage and not to upset matters of that sort. II Suppose now that a definition has been rendered of some complex term, take away the definition of one of the elements in the complex, and see if also the rest of the definition defines the rest of it: if not, it is clear that neither does the whole definition define the whole complex. Suppose, e.g., that some one has defined a 'finite straight line' as 'the limit of a finite plane, such that its centre is in a line with its extremes'; if now the definition of a 'finite line' be the 'limit of a finite plane', the rest (viz. 'such that its centre is in a line with its extremes') ought to be a definition of 'straight'. But an infinite straight line has neither centre nor extremes and yet is straight, so that this remainder does not define the remainder of the term. Moreover, if the term defined be a compound notion, see if the definition rendered be equimembral with the term defined. A definition is said to be equimembral with the term defined when the number of the elements compounded in the latter is the same as the number of nouns and verbs in the definition. For the exchange in such cases is bound to be merely one of term for term, in the case of some if not of all, seeing that there are no more terms used now than formerly; whereas in a definition terms ought to be rendered by phrases, if possible in every case, or if not, in the majority. For at that rate, simple objects too could be defined by merely calling them by a different name, e.g. 'cloak' instead of 'doublet'. The mistake is even worse, if actually a less well known term be substituted, e.g. 'pellucid mortal' for 'white man': for it is no definition, and moreover is less intelligible when put in that form. Look and see also whether, in the exchange of words, the sense fails still to be the same. Take, for instance, the explanation of 'speculative knowledge' as 'speculative conception': for conception is not the same as knowledge —as it certainly ought to be if the whole is to be the same too: for though the word 'speculative' is common to both expressions, yet the remainder is different. Moreover, see if in replacing one of the terms by something else he has exchanged the genus and not the differentia, as in the example just given: for 'speculative' is a less familiar term than knowledge; for the one is the genus and the other the differentia, and the genus is always the most familiar term of all; so that it is not this, but the differentia, that ought to have been changed, seeing that it is the less familiar. It might be held that this criticism is ridiculous: because there is no reason why the most familiar term should not describe the differentia, and not the genus; in which case, clearly, the term to be altered would also be that denoting the genus and not the differentia. If, however, a man is substituting for a term not merely another term but a phrase, clearly it is of the differentia rather than of the genus that a definition should be rendered, seeing that the object of rendering the definition is to make the subject familiar; for the differentia is less familiar than the genus. 2 If he has rendered the definition of the differentia, see 1 148b 36. Read αὐτῶν τῶν ὄνομάτων. 2 149a 29. Bekker follows the older editions in marking this as the beginning of ch. 12. whether the definition rendered is common to it and some- thing else as well: e.g. whenever he says that an odd number is a 'number with a middle', further definition is required of how it has a middle: for the word 'number is common to both expressions, and it is the word 'odd' for which the phrase has been substituted. Now both a line and a body have a middle, yet they are not 'odd'; so that this could not be a definition of 'odd'. If, on the other 35 hand, the phrase 'with a middle' be used in several senses, the sense here intended requires to be defined. So that this will either discredit the definition or prove that it is no definition at all. 12 Again, see if the term of which he renders the definition is a reality, whereas what is contained in the definition is not. e.g. Suppose 'white' to be defined as 'colour mingled 149b with fire': for what is bodiless cannot be mingled with body, so that 'colour' 'mingled with fire' could not exist, whereas 'white' does exist. Moreover, those who in the case of relative terms do not distinguish to what the object is related, but have described it only so as to include it among too large a 5 number of things, are wrong either wholly or in part; e.g. suppose some one to have defined 'medicine' as a 'science of Reality'. For if medicine be not a science of any- thing that is real, the definition is clearly altogether false; while if it be a science of some real thing, but not of an- other, it is partly false; for it ought to hold of all reality, if it is said to be of Reality essentially and not accidentally; as is the case with other relative terms: for every object of 10 knowledge is a term relative to knowledge: likewise, also, with other relative terms, inasmuch as all such are con- vertible. Moreover, if the right way to render account of a thing be to render it as it is not in itself but accidentally, then each and every relative term would be used in relation 15 not to one thing but to a number of things. For there is no reason why the same thing should not be both real and white and good, so that it would be a correct rendering to render the object in relation to any one whatsoever of these, if to render what it is accidentally be a correct way to render it. It is, moreover, impossible that a definition of this sort should be peculiar to the term rendered: for not only medicine, but the majority of the other sciences too, have for their object some real thing, so that each will be a science of reality. Clearly, then, such a definition does not define any science at all; for a definition ought to be peculiar to its own term, not general. Sometimes, again, people define not the thing but only the thing in a good or perfect condition. Such is the definition of a rhetorician as 'one who can always see what will persuade in the given circumstances, and omit nothing'; or of a thief, as 'one who pilfers in secret': for clearly, if they each do this, then the one will be a good rhetorician, and the other a good thief: whereas it is not the actual pilfering in secret, but the wish to do it, that constitutes the thief. Again, see if he has rendered what is desirable for its own sake as desirable for what it produces or does, or as in any way desirable because of something else, e.g. by saying that justice is 'what preserves the laws' or that wisdom is 'what produces happiness'; for what produces or preserves something else is one of the things desirable for something else. It might be said that it is possible for what is desirable in itself to be desirable for something else as well: but still to define what is desirable in itself in such a way is none the less wrong: for the essence contains par excellence what is best in anything, and it is better for a thing to be desirable in itself than to be desirable for something else, so that this is rather what the definition too ought to have indicated. See also whether in defining anything a man has defined it as an 'A and B', or as a 'product of A and B' or as an 'A+B'. If he defines it as 'A and B', the definition will be true of both and yet of neither of them; suppose, e.g., justice to be defined as 'temperance and courage'. For if of two persons each has one of the two only, both and yet neither will be just: for both together have justice, and yet each singly fails to have it. Even if the situation here described does not so far appear very absurd because of the occurrence of this kind of thing in other cases also (for it is quite possible for two men to have a mina between them, though neither of them has it by himself), yet at least that they should have contrary attributes surely seems quite absurd; and yet this will follow if the one be temperate and yet a coward, and the other, though brave, be a profligate; for then both will exhibit both justice and injustice: for if justice be temperance and bravery, then injustice will be cowardice and profligacy. In general, too, all the ways of showing that the whole is not the same as the sum of its parts are useful in meeting the type just described; for a man who defines in this way seems to assert that the parts are the same as the whole. The arguments are particularly appropriate in cases where the process of putting the parts together is obvious, as in a house and other things of that sort: for there, clearly, you may have the parts and yet not have the whole, so that parts and whole cannot be the same. If, however, he has said that the term being defined is not 'A and B' but the 'product of A and B', look and see in the first place if A and B cannot in the nature of things have a single product: for some things are so related to one another that nothing can come of them, e.g. a line and a number. Moreover, see if the term that has been defined is in the nature of things found primarily in some single subject, whereas the things which he has said produce it are not found primarily in any single subject, but each in a separate one. If so, clearly that term could not be the product of these things: for the whole is bound to be in the same things wherein its parts are, so that the whole will then be found primarily not in one subject only, but in a number of them. If, on the other hand, both parts and whole are found primarily in some single subject, see if that medium is not the same, but one thing in the case of the whole and another in that of the parts. Again, see whether the parts perish together with the whole: for it ought to happen, vice versa, that the whole perishes when the parts perish; when the whole perishes, there is no necessity that the parts should perish too. Or again, see if the whole be good or evil, and the parts neither, or, vice versa, if the parts be good or evil and the whole neither. For it is impossible either for a neutral thing to produce something good or bad, or for things good or bad to produce a neutral thing. Or again, see if the one thing is more distinctly good than the other is evil, and yet the product be no more good than evil, e.g. suppose shamelessness be defined as 'the product of courage and false opinion': here the goodness of courage exceeds the evil of false opinion; accordingly the product of these ought to have corresponded to this excess, and to be either good without qualification, or at least more good than evil. Or it may be that this does not necessarily follow, unless each be in itself good or bad; for many things that are productive are not good in themselves, but only in combination; or, per contra, they are good taken singly, and bad or neutral in combination. What has just been said is most clearly illustrated in the case of things that make for health or sickness; for some drugs are such that each taken alone is good, but if they are both administered in a mixture, bad. Again, see whether the whole, as produced from a better and worse, fails to be worse than the better and better than the worse element. This again, however, need not necessarily be the case, unless the elements compounded be in themselves good; if they are not, the whole may very well not be good, as in the cases just instanced. Moreover, see if the whole be synonymous with one of the elements: for it ought not to be, any more than in the case of syllables: for the syllable is not synonymous with any of the letters of which it is made up. Moreover, see if he has failed to state the manner of their composition: for the mere mention of its elements is not enough to make the thing intelligible. For the essence of any compound thing is not merely that it is a product of so-and-so, but that it is a product of them compounded in such and such a way, just as in the case of a house: for here the materials do not make a house irrespective of the way they are put together. If a man has defined an object as 'A + B', the first thing to be said is that 'A + B' means the same either as 'A and B', or as the 'product of A and B'. For 'honey + water' means either the honey and the water, or the 'drink made of honey and water'. If, then, he admits that 'A + B' is the same as either of these two things, the same criticisms will apply as have already been given for meeting each of them. Moreover, distinguish between the different senses in which one thing may be said to be '+' another, and see if there is none of them in which A could be said to exist '+B'. Thus e.g. supposing the expression to mean that they exist either in some identical thing capable of containing them (as e.g. justice and courage are found in the soul), or else in the same place or in the same time, and if this be in no way true of the A and B in question, clearly the definition rendered could not hold of anything, as there is no possible way in which A can exist '+B'. If, however, among the various senses above distinguished, it be true that A and B are each found in the same time as the other, look and see if possibly the two are not used in the same relation. Thus e.g. suppose courage to have been defined as 'daring with right reasoning': here it is possible that the person exhibits daring in robbery, and right reasoning in regard to the means of health: but he may have 'the former quality + the latter' at the same time, and not as yet be courageous! Moreover, even though both be used in the same relation as well, e.g. in relation to medical treatment (for a man may exhibit both daring and right reasoning in respect of medical treatment), still, none the less, not even this combination of 'the one + the other' makes him 'courageous'. For the two must not relate to any casual object that is the same, any more than each to a different object; rather, they must relate to the function of courage, e.g. meeting the perils of war, or whatever is more properly speaking its function than this. Some definitions rendered in this form fail to come under the aforesaid division at all, e.g. a definition of anger as 'pain with a consciousness of being slighted'. For what this means to say is that it is because of a consciousness of this sort that the pain occurs; but to occur 'because of' a thing is not the same as to occur ‘+a thing’ in any of its aforesaid senses. Again, if he have described the whole compounded as the ‘composition’ of these things (e.g. ‘a living creature’ as a ‘composition of soul and body’), first of all see whether he has omitted to state the kind of composition, as (e.g.) in a definition of ‘flesh’ or ‘bone’ as the ‘composition of fire, earth, and air’. For it is not enough to say it is a composition, but you should also go on to define the kind of composition: for these things do not form flesh irrespective of the manner of their composition, but when compounded in one way they form flesh, when in another, bone. It appears, moreover, that neither of the aforesaid substances is the same as a ‘composition’ at all: for a composition always has a decomposition as its contrary, whereas neither of the aforesaid has any contrary. Moreover, if it is equally probable that every compound is a composition or else that none is, and every kind of living creature, though a compound, is never a composition, then no other compound could be a composition either. Again, if in the nature of a thing two contraries are equally liable to occur, and the thing has been defined through the one, clearly it has not been defined; else there will be more than one definition of the same thing; for how is it any more a definition to define it through this one than through the other, seeing that both alike are naturally liable to occur in it? Such is the definition of the soul, if defined as a substance capable of receiving knowledge: for it has a like capacity for receiving ignorance. Also, even when one cannot attack the definition as a whole for lack of acquaintance with the whole, one should attack some part of it, if one knows that part and sees it to be incorrectly rendered: for if the part be demolished, so too is the whole definition. Where, again, a definition is obscure, one should first of all correct and reshape it in order to make some part of it clear and get a handle for attack, and then proceed to examine it. For the answerer is bound either to accept the sense as taken by the questioner, or else himself to explain clearly whatever it is that his definition means. Moreover, just as in the assemblies the ordinary practice is to move an emendation of the existing law and, if the emendation is better, they repeal the existing law, so one ought to do in the case of definitions as well: one ought oneself to propose a second definition: for if it is seen to be better, and more indicative of the object defined, clearly the definition already laid down will have been demolished, on the principle that there cannot be more than one definition of the same thing. In combating definitions it is always one of the chief elementary principles to take by oneself a happy shot at a definition of the object before one, or to adopt some correctly expressed definition. For one is bound, with the model (as it were) before one's eyes, to discern both any shortcoming in any features that the definition ought to have, and also any superfluous addition, so that one is better supplied with lines of attack. As to definitions, then, let so much suffice. WHETHER two things are 'the same' or 'different', in the most literal of the meanings ascribed to 'sameness' (and we said$^1$ that 'the same' applies in the most literal sense to what is numerically one), may be examined in the light of their inflexions and coordinates and opposites. For if justice be the same as courage, then too the just man is the same as the brave man, and 'justly' is the same as 'bravely'. Likewise, too, in the case of their opposites: for if two things be the same, their opposites also will be the same, in any of the recognized forms of opposition. For it is the same thing to take the opposite of the one or that of the other, seeing that they are the same. Again it may be examined in the light of those things which tend to produce or to destroy the things in question, of their formation and destruction, and in general of any thing that is related in like manner to each. For where things are absolutely the same, their formations and destructions also are the same, and so are the things that tend to produce or to destroy them. Look and see also, in a case where one of two things is said to be something or other in a superlative degree, if the other of these alleged identical things can also be described by a superlative in the same respect. Thus Xenocrates argues that the happy life and the good life are the same, seeing that of all forms of life the good life is the most desirable and so also is the happy life: for 'the most desirable' and 'the greatest' apply but to one thing.$^2$ Likewise also in other cases of the kind. Each, however, of the two things termed 'greatest' or 'most desirable' must be numerically one: otherwise no proof will have been given that they are the same; for it does not follow because Peloponnesians and Spartans are the bravest of the $^1$ 103$^a$ 23. $^2$ Fr. 82 Heinze. Greeks, that Peloponnesians are the same as Spartans, seeing that 'Peloponnesian' is not any one person nor yet 'Spartan'; it only follows that the one must be included under the other as 'Spartans' are under 'Peloponnesians': for otherwise, if the one class be not included under the other, each will be better than the other. For then the Peloponnesians are bound to be better than the Spartans, seeing that the one class is not included under the other; for they are better than anybody else. Likewise also the Spartans must perforce be better than the Peloponnesians; for they too are better than anybody else; each then is better than the other! Clearly therefore what is styled 'best' and 'greatest' must be a single thing, if it is to be proved to be 'the same' as another. This also is why Xenocrates fails to prove his case: for the happy life is not numerically single, nor yet the good life, so that it does not follow that, because they are both the most desirable, they are therefore the same, but only that the one falls under the other. Again, look and see if, supposing the one to be the same as something, the other also is the same as it: for if they be not both the same as the same thing, clearly neither are they the same as one another. Moreover, examine them in the light of their accidents or of the things of which they are accidents: for any accident belonging to the one must belong also to the other, and if the one belong to anything as an accident, so must the other also. If in any of these respects there is a discrepancy, clearly they are not the same. See further whether, instead of both being found in one class of predicates, the one signifies a quality and the other a quantity or relation. Again, see if the genus of each be not the same, the one being 'good' and the other 'evil', or the one being 'virtue' and the other 'knowledge': or see if, though the genus is the same, the differentiae predicted of either be not the same, the one (e.g.) being distinguished as a 'speculative' science, the other as a 'practical' science. Likewise also in other cases. Moreover, from the point of view of 'degrees', see if the one admits an increase of degree but not the other, or if though both admit it, they do not admit it at the same time; just as it is not the case that a man desires intercourse more intensely, the more intensely he is in love, so that love and the desire for intercourse are not the same. 10 Moreover, examine them by means of an addition, and see whether the addition of each to the same thing fails to make the same whole; or if the subtraction of the same thing from each leaves a different remainder. Suppose (e.g.) that he has declared 'double a half' to be the same as 'a multiple of a half': then, subtracting the words 'a half' from each, the remainders ought to have signified the same thing: but they do not; for 'double' and 'a multiple of' do not signify the same thing. Inquire also not only if some impossible consequence results directly from the statement made, that A and B are the same, but also whether it is possible for a supposition to bring it about; as happens to those who assert that 'empty' is the same as 'full of air': for clearly if the air be exhausted, the vessel will not be less but more empty, though it will no longer be full of air. So that by a supposition, which may be true or may be false (it makes no difference which), the one character is annulled and not the other, showing that they are not the same. 25 Speaking generally, one ought to be on the look-out for any discrepancy anywhere in any sort of predicate of each term, and in the things of which they are predicated. For all that is predicated of the one should be predicated also of the other, and of whatever the one is a predicate, the other should be a predicate of it as well. 30 Moreover, as 'sameness' is a term used in many senses, see whether things that are the same in one way are the same also in a different way. For there is either no necessity or even no possibility that things that are the same specifically or generically should be numerically the same, and it is with the question whether they are or are not the same in that sense that we are concerned. Moreover, see whether the one can exist without the other; for, if so, they could not be the same. Such is the number of the commonplace rules that relate to 'sameness'. It is clear from what has been said that all the destructive commonplaces relating to sameness are useful also in questions of definition, as was said before: for if what is signified by the term and by the expression be not the same, clearly the expression rendered could not be a definition. None of the constructive commonplaces, on the other hand, helps in the matter of definition; for it is not enough to show the sameness of content between the expression and the term, in order to establish that the former is a definition, but a definition must have also all the other characters already announced. This then is the way, and these the arguments, whereby the attempt to demolish a definition should always be made. If, on the other hand, we desire to establish one, the first thing to observe is that few if any who engage in discussion arrive at a definition by reasoning: they always assume something of the kind as their starting point,—both in geometry and in arithmetic and the other studies of that kind. In the second place, to say accurately what a definition is, and how it should be given, belongs to another inquiry. At present it concerns us only so far as is required for our present purpose, and accordingly we need only make the bare statement that to reason to a thing's definition and essence is quite possible. For if a definition is an expression signifying the essence of the thing and the predicates contained therein ought also to be the only ones which are predicated of the thing in the category of essence; and genera and differentiae are so predicated in that category: it is obvious that if one were to get an admission that so and so are the only attributes predicated in that category, the expression containing so and so would of necessity be a definition; for it is impossible that anything else should be a definition, seeing that there is not anything else predicated of the thing in the category of essence. That a definition may thus be reached by a process of 1 102a 11. 3 An. Post. ii. 3-13. 2 139a 27-35. 4 153a 19. Read μόνα. reasoning is obvious. The means whereby it should be established have been more precisely defined elsewhere, but for the purposes of the inquiry now before us the same commonplace rules serve. For we have to examine into the contraries and other opposites of the thing, surveying the expressions used both as wholes and in detail: for if the opposite definition defines that opposite term, the definition given must of necessity be that of the term before us. Seeing, however, that contraries may be conjoined in more than one way, we have to select from those contraries the one whose contrary definition seems most obvious. The expressions, then, have to be examined each as a whole in the way we have said, and also in detail as follows. First of all, see that the genus rendered is correctly rendered; for if the contrary thing be found in the contrary genus to that stated in the definition, and the thing before you is not in that same genus, then it would clearly be in the contrary genus: for contraries must of necessity be either in the same genus or in contrary genera. The differentiae, too, that are predicated of contraries we expect to be contrary, e.g. those of white and black, for the one tends to pierce the vision, while the other tends to compress it. So that if contrary differentiae to those in the definition are predicated of the contrary term, then those rendered in the definition would be predicated of the term before us. Seeing, then, that both the genus and the differentiae have been rightly rendered, clearly the expression given must be the right definition. It might be replied that there is no necessity why contrary differentiae should be predicated of contraries, unless the contraries be found within the same genus: of things whose genera are themselves contraries it may very well be that the same differentia is used of both, e.g. of justice and injustice; for the one is a virtue and the other a vice of the soul: 'of the soul', therefore, is the differentia in both cases, seeing that the body as well has its virtue and vice. But this much at least is true, that the differentiae of contraries are either contrary or else the same. If, then, the contrary differentia to that given be predicated 1 An. Post. ii. 13. of the contrary term and not of the one in hand, clearly the differentia stated must be predicated of the latter. Speaking generally, seeing that the definition consists of genus and differentiae, if the definition of the contrary term be apparent, the definition of the term before you will be apparent also: for since its contrary is found either in the same genus or in the contrary genus, and likewise also the differentiae predicated of opposites are either contrary to, or the same as, each other, clearly of the term before you there will be predicated either the same genus as of its contrary, while, of its differentiae, either all are contrary to those of its contrary, or at least some of them are so while the rest remain the same; or, vice versa, the differentiae will be the same and the genera contrary; or both genera and differentiae will be contrary. And that is all; for that both should be the same is not possible; else contraries will have the same definition. Moreover, look at it from the point of view of its inflexions and coordinates. For genera and definitions are bound to correspond in either case. Thus if forgetfulness be the loss of knowledge, to forget is to lose knowledge, and to have forgotten is to have lost knowledge. If, then, any one whatever of these is agreed to, the others must of necessity be agreed to as well. Likewise, also, if destruction is the decomposition of the thing’s essence, then to be destroyed is to have its essence decomposed, and ‘destructively’ means ‘in such a way as to decompose its essence’; if again ‘destructive’ means ‘apt to decompose something’s essence’, then also ‘destruction’ means ‘the decomposition of its essence’. Likewise also with the rest: get an admission of any one of them whatever, and all the rest are admitted too. Moreover, look at it from the point of view of things that stand in relations that are like each other. For if ‘healthy’ means ‘productive of health’, ‘vigorous’ too will mean ‘productive of vigour’, and ‘useful’ will mean ‘productive of good’. For each of these things is related in like manner to its own peculiar end, so that if one of them is defined as ‘productive of’ that end, this will also be the definition of each of the rest as well. Moreover, look at it from the point of view of greater and like degrees, in all the ways in which it is possible to establish a result by comparing two and two together. Thus if A defines $ \alpha $ better than B defines $ \beta $, and B is a definition of $ \beta $, so too is A of $ \alpha $. Further, if A’s claim to define $ \alpha $ is like B’s to define $ \beta $, and B defines $ \beta $, then A too defines $ \alpha $. This examination from the point of view of greater degrees is of no use when a single definition is compared with two things, or two definitions with one thing; for there cannot possibly be one definition of two things or two of the same thing. The most handy of all the commonplace arguments are those just mentioned and those from coordinates and inflexions, and these therefore are those which it is most important to master and to have ready to hand: for they are the most useful on the greatest number of occasions. Of the rest, too, the most important are those of most general application: for these are the most effective, e.g. that you should examine the individual cases,$^1$ and then look to see in the case of their various species whether the definition applies. For the species is synonymous with its individuals. This sort of inquiry is of service against those who assume the existence of Ideas, as has been said before.$^2$ Moreover see if a man has used a term metaphorically, or predicated it of itself as though it were something different. So too if any other of the commonplace rules is of general application and effective, it should be employed. That it is more difficult to establish than to overthrow a definition, is obvious from considerations presently to be urged. For to see for oneself, and to secure from those whom one is questioning, an admission of premisses of this sort is no simple matter, e.g. that of the elements of the definition rendered the one is genus and the other differentia, and that only the genus and differentiae are predicated in the category of essence. Yet without these premisses it is impossible to reason to a definition; for if any other $^1$ 154$^a$ 17. Read τὰ καθ’ ἑκαστα. $^2$ 148$^a$ 14 things as well are predicated of the thing in the category of essence, there is no telling whether the formula stated or some other one is its definition, for a definition is an expression indicating the essence of a thing. The point is clear also from the following: It is easier to draw one conclusion than many. Now in demolishing a definition it is sufficient to argue against one point only (for if we have overthrown any single point whatsoever, we shall have demolished the definition); whereas in establishing a definition, one is bound to bring people to the view that everything contained in the definition is attributable. Moreover, in establishing a case, the reasoning brought forward must be universal: for the definition put forward must be predicated of everything of which the term is predicated, and must moreover be convertible, if the definition rendered is to be peculiar to the subject. In overthrowing a view, on the other hand, there is no longer any necessity to show one's point universally: for it is enough to show that the formula is untrue of any one of the things embraced under the term. Further, even supposing it should be necessary to overthrow something by a universal proposition, not even so is there any need to prove the converse of the proposition in the process of overthrowing the definition. For merely to show that the definition fails to be predicated of every one of the things of which the term is predicated, is enough to overthrow it universally: and there is no need to prove the converse of this in order to show that the term is predicated of things of which the expression is not predicated. Moreover, even if it applies to everything embraced under the term, but not to it alone, the definition is thereby demolished. The case stands likewise in regard to the property and genus of a term also. For in both cases it is easier to overthrow than to establish. As regards the property this is clear from what has been said: for as a rule the property is rendered in a complex phrase, so that to overthrow it, it is only necessary to demolish one of the terms used, whereas 1 154a 34. Read πρὸς ἐν. 2 154b 7. Read κατὰ πάντων ὅσων. 3 154b 9. Delete comma after δεῖξαι. to establish it it is necessary to reason to them all. Then, too, nearly all the other rules that apply to the definition will apply also to the property of a thing. For in establishing a property one has to show that it is true of everything included under the term in question, whereas to overthrow one it is enough to show in a single case only that it fails to belong: further, even if it belongs to everything falling under the term, but not to that only, it is overthrown in this case as well, as was explained in the case of the definition.$^1$ In regard to the genus, it is clear that you are bound to establish it in one way only, viz. by showing that it belongs in every case, while of overthrowing it there are two ways: for if it has been shown that it belongs either never or not in a certain case, the original statement has been demolished. Moreover, in establishing a genus it is not enough to show that it belongs, but also that it belongs as genus has to be shown; whereas in overthrowing it, it is enough to show its failure to belong either in some particular case or$^2$ in every case. It appears, in fact, as though, just as in other things to destroy is easier than to create, so in these matters too to overthrow is easier than to establish. In the case of an accidental attribute the universal proposition is easier to overthrow than to establish; for to establish it, one has to show that it belongs in every case, whereas to overthrow it, it is enough to show that it does not belong in one single case. The particular proposition is, on the contrary, easier to establish than to overthrow: for to establish it, it is enough to show that it belongs in a particular instance, whereas to overthrow it, it has to be shown that it never belongs at all. It is clear also that the easiest thing of all is to overthrow a definition. For on account of the number of statements involved we are presented in the definition with the greatest number of points for attack, and the more plentiful the material, the quicker an argument comes: for there is more likelihood of a mistake occurring in a large than in a small number of things. Moreover, the other rules too may be used as means for attacking a definition: for if either the $^1$ l. 10. $^2$ 154$^b$ 29. Delete μή at end of line. formula be not peculiar, or the genus rendered be the wrong one, or something included in the formula fail to belong, the definition is thereby demolished. On the other hand, against the others we cannot bring all of the arguments drawn from definitions, nor yet of the rest: for only those relating to accidental attributes apply generally to all the aforesaid kinds of attribute. For while each of the aforesaid kinds of attribute must belong to the thing in question, yet the genus may very well not belong as a property without as yet being thereby demolished. Likewise also the property need not belong as a genus, nor the accident as a genus or property, so long as they do belong. So that it is impossible to use one set as a basis of attack upon the other except in the case of definition. Clearly, then, it is the easiest of all things to demolish a definition, while to establish one is the hardest. For there one both has to establish all those other points by reasoning (i.e. that the attributes stated belong, and that the genus rendered is the true genus, and that the formula is peculiar to the term), and moreover, besides this, that the formula indicates the essence of the thing; and this has to be done correctly. Of the rest, the property is most nearly of this kind: for it is easier to demolish, because as a rule it contains several terms; while it is the hardest to establish, both because of the number of things that people must be brought to accept, and, besides this, because it belongs to its subject alone and is predicated convertibly with its subject. The easiest thing of all to establish is an accidental predicate: for in other cases one has to show not only that the predicate belongs, but also that it belongs in such and such a particular way: whereas in the case of the accident it is enough to show merely that it belongs. On the other hand, an accidental predicate is the hardest thing to overthrow, because it affords the least material: for in stating an accident a man does not add how the predicate belongs; and accordingly, while in other cases it is possible to demolish what is said in two ways, by showing either that the predicate does not belong, or that it does not belong in the particular way stated, in the case of an accidental predicate the only way to demolish it is to show that it does not belong at all. The commonplace arguments through which we shall be well supplied with lines of argument with regard to our several problems have now been enumerated at about sufficient length. BOOK VIII I Next there fall to be discussed the problems of arrangement and method in putting questions. Any one who intends to frame questions must, first of all, select the ground from which he should make his attack; secondly, 5 he must frame them and arrange them one by one to himself; thirdly and lastly, he must proceed actually to put them to the other party. Now so far as the selection of his ground is concerned the problem is one alike for the philosopher and the dialectician; but how to go on to arrange his points and frame his questions concerns the dialectician only: for in every problem of that kind a reference to another party is involved. Not so with the philosopher, and the man who is investigating by himself: the premisses of his reasoning, although true and familiar, may be refused by the answerer because they lie too near the original statement and so he foresees what will follow if he grants them: but for this the philosopher does not care. Nay, he may possibly be even anxious to secure axioms as familiar and as near to the question in hand as possible: for these are 15 the bases on which scientific reasonings are built up. The sources from which one's commonplace arguments should be drawn have already been described:¹ we have now to discuss the arrangement and formation of questions and first to distinguish the premisses, other than the necessary premisses, which have to be adopted. By necessary premisses are meant those through which the actual reasoning 20 is constructed. Those which are secured other than these are of four kinds; they serve either inductively to secure the universal premiss being granted, or to lend weight to the argument, or to conceal the conclusion, or to render the argument more clear. Beside these there is no other premiss which need be secured: these are the ones whereby you 25 ¹ Top. ii-vii. should try to multiply and formulate your questions. Those which are used to conceal the conclusion serve a controversial purpose only; but inasmuch as an undertaking of this sort is always conducted against another person, we are obliged to employ them as well. The necessary premisses through which the reasoning is effected, ought not to be propounded directly in so many words.$^1$ Rather one should soar as far aloof from them as possible. Thus if one desires to secure an admission that the knowledge of contraries is one, one should ask him to admit it not of contraries, but of opposites: for, if he grants this, one will then argue that the knowledge of contraries is also the same, seeing that contraries are opposites; if he does not, one should secure the admission by induction, by formulating a proposition to that effect in the case of some particular pair of contraries. For one must secure the necessary premisses either by reasoning or by induction, or else partly by one and partly by the other, although any propositions which are too obvious to be denied may be formulated in so many words. This is because the coming conclusion is less easily discerned at the greater distance and in the process of induction, while at the same time, even if one cannot reach the required premisses in this way, it is still open to one to formulate them in so many words. The premisses, other than these, that were mentioned above,$^2$ must be secured with a view to the latter. The way to employ them respectively is as follows: Induction should proceed from individual cases to the universal and from the known to the unknown; and the objects of perception are better known, to most people if not invariably. Concealment of one's plan is obtained by securing through syllogisms the premisses through which the proof of the original proposition is going to be constructed—and as many of them as possible. This is likely to be effected by making syllogisms to prove not only the necessary premisses but also some of those which are required to establish them. Moreover, do not state the conclusions of $^1$ 155$^b$ 30. Read εἰθὺς αὐτὰς προτατέον, with A, B, and Waitz. $^2$ 155$^b$ 20–28. these premisses but draw them later one after another; for this is likely to keep the answerer at the greatest possible distance from the original proposition. Speaking generally, a man who desires to get information by a concealed method should so put his questions that when he has put his whole argument and has stated the conclusion, people still ask 'Well, but why is that?' This result will be secured best of all by the method above described: for if one states only the final conclusion, it is unclear how it comes about; for the answerer does not foresee on what grounds it is based, because the previous syllogisms have not been made articulate to him: while the final syllogism, showing the conclusion, is likely to be kept least articulate if we lay down not the secured propositions on which it is based, but only the grounds on which we reason to them. It is a useful rule, too, not to secure the admissions claimed as the bases of the syllogisms in their proper order, but alternately those that conduce to one conclusion and those that conduce to another; for, if those which go together are set side by side, the conclusion that will result from them is more obvious in advance. One should also, wherever possible, secure the universal premiss by a definition relating not to the precise terms themselves but to their co-ordinates; for people deceive themselves, whenever the definition is taken in regard to a co-ordinate, into thinking that they are not making the admission universally. An instance would be, supposing one had to secure the admission that the angry man desires vengeance on account of an apparent slight, and were to secure this, that 'anger' is a desire for vengeance on account of an apparent slight: for, clearly, if this were secured, we should have universally what we intend. If, on the other hand, people formulate propositions relating to the actual terms themselves, they often find that the answerer refuses to grant them because on the actual term itself he is readier with his objection, e.g. that the 'angry man' does not desire vengeance, because we become angry with our parents, but we do not desire vengeance on them. Very likely the objection is not valid; for upon some people it is vengeance. enough to cause them pain and make them sorry; but still it gives a certain plausibility and air of reasonableness to the denial of the proposition. In the case, however, of the definition of 'anger' it is not so easy to find an objection. Moreover, formulate your proposition as though you did so not for its own sake, but in order to get at something else: for people are shy of granting what an opponent's case really requires. Speaking generally, a questioner should leave it as far as possible doubtful whether he wishes to secure an admission of his proposition or of its opposite: for if it be uncertain what their opponent's argument requires, people are more ready to say what they themselves think. Moreover, try to secure admissions by means of likeness: for such admissions are plausible, and the universal involved is less patent; e.g. make the other person admit that as knowledge and ignorance of contraries is the same, so too perception of contraries is the same; or vice versa, that since the perception is the same, so is the knowledge also. This argument resembles induction, but is not the same thing; for in induction it is the universal whose admission is secured from the particulars, whereas in arguments from likeness, what is secured is not the universal under which all the like cases fall. It is a good rule also, occasionally to bring an objection against oneself: for answerers are put off their guard against those who appear to be arguing impartially. It is useful too, to add that 'So and so is generally held or commonly said'; for people are shy of upsetting the received opinion unless they have some positive objection to urge: and at the same time they are cautious about upsetting such things because they themselves too find them useful. Moreover, do not be insistent, even though you really require the point: for insistence always arouses the more opposition. Further, formulate your premiss as though it were a mere illustration: for people admit the more readily a proposition made to serve some other purpose, and not required on its own account. Moreover, do not formulate the very proposition you need to secure, but rather something from which that necessarily follows: for people are more willing to admit the latter, because it is not so clear from this what the result will be, and if the one has been secured, the other has been secured also. Again, one should put last the point which one most wishes to have conceded; for people are specially inclined to deny the first questions put to them, because most people in asking questions put first the points which they are most eager to secure. On the other hand, in dealing with some people propositions of this sort should be put forward first: for ill-tempered men admit most readily what comes first, unless the conclusion that will result actually 35 stares them in the face, while at the close of an argument they show their ill-temper. Likewise also with those who consider themselves smart at answering: for when they have admitted most of what you want they finally talk clap-trap to the effect that the conclusion does not follow from their admissions: yet they say 'Yes' readily, confident in their own character, and imagining that they cannot suffer any reverse. Moreover, it is well to expand the argument 157a and insert things that it does not require at all, as do those who draw false geometrical figures: for in the multitude of details the whereabouts of the fallacy is obscured. For this reason also a questioner sometimes evades observation as he adds in a corner what, if he formulated it by itself, would not be granted. For concealment, then, the rules which should be followed are the above. Ornament is attained by induction and distinction of things closely akin. What sort of process induction is is obvious: as for distinction, an instance of the kind of thing meant is the distinction of one form of knowledge as better than another by being either more accurate, or concerned with better objects; or the distinction 10 of sciences into speculative, practical, and productive. For everything of this kind lends additional ornament to the argument, though there is no necessity to say them, so far as the conclusion goes. For clearness, examples and comparisons should be adduced, and let the illustrations be relevant and drawn from 15 things that we know, as in Homer and not as in Choerilus; for then the proposition is likely to become clearer. In dialectics, syllogism should be employed in reasoning against dialecticians rather than against the crowd: induction, on the other hand, is most useful against the crowd. This point has been treated previously as well. In induction, it is possible in some cases to ask the question in its universal form, but in others this is not easy, because there is no established general term that covers all the resemblances: in this case, when people need to secure the universal, they use the phrase 'in all cases of this sort'. But it is one of the very hardest things to distinguish which of the things adduced are 'of this sort', and which are not: and in this connexion people often throw dust in each others' eyes in their discussion, the one party asserting the likeness of things that are not alike, and the other disputing the likeness of things that are. One ought, therefore, to try oneself to coin a word to cover all things of the given sort, so as to leave no opportunity either to the answerer to dispute, and say that the thing advanced does not answer to a like description, or to the questioner to suggest falsely that it does answer to a like description, for many things appear to answer to like descriptions that do not really do so. If one has made an induction on the strength of several cases and yet the answerer refuses to grant the universal proposition, then it is fair to demand his objection. But until one has oneself stated in what cases it is so, it is not fair to demand that he shall say in what cases it is not so: for one should make the induction first, and then demand the objection. One ought, moreover, to claim that the objections should not be brought in reference to the actual subject of the proposition, unless that subject happen to be the one and only thing of the kind, as for instance two is the one prime number among the even numbers: for, unless he can say that this subject is unique of its kind, the objector ought to make his objection in regard to some other. People sometimes object to a universal proposition, and bring their objection not in regard to the thing itself, but in regard to some homonym of it: thus they argue that a man can very well have a colour or a foot or a hand 1 157a21. Read ἐπὶ τοῦτον, with B, C, and Waitz. 2 105a16. other than his own, for a painter may have a colour that is not his own, and a cook may have a foot that is not his own. To meet them, therefore, you should draw the distinction before putting your question in such cases: for so long as the ambiguity remains undetected, so long will the objection to the proposition be deemed valid. If, however, he checks the series of questions by an objection in regard not to some homonym, but to the actual thing asserted, the questioner should withdraw the point objected to, and form the remainder into a universal proposition, until he secures what he requires; e.g. in the case of forgetfulness and having forgotten: for people refuse to admit that the man who has lost his knowledge of a thing has forgotten it, because if the thing alters, he has lost knowledge of it, but he has not forgotten it. Accordingly the thing to do is to withdraw the part objected to, and assert the remainder, e.g. that if a person have lost knowledge of a thing while it still remains, he then has forgotten it. One should similarly treat those who object to the statement that 'the greater the good, the greater the evil that is its opposite': for they allege that health, which is a less good thing than vigour, has a greater evil as its opposite: for disease is a greater evil than debility. In this case too, therefore, we have to withdraw the point objected to; for when it has been withdrawn, the man is more likely to admit the proposition, e.g. that 'the greater good has the greater evil as its opposite, unless the one good involves the other as well', as vigour involves health. This should be done not only when he formulates an objection, but also if, without so doing, he refuses to admit the point because he foresees something of the kind: for if the point objected to be withdrawn, he will be forced to admit the proposition because he cannot foresee in the rest of it any case where it does not hold true: if he refuse to admit it, then when asked for an objection he certainly will be unable to render one. Propositions that are partly false and partly true are of this type: for in the case of these it is possible by withdrawing a part to leave the rest true. If, however, you formulate the proposition on the strength of many cases and he has no objection to bring, you may claim that he shall admit it: for a premiss is valid in dialectics which thus holds in several instances and to which no objection is forthcoming. Whenever it is possible to reason to the same conclusion either through or without a reductio per impossibile, if one is demonstrating and not arguing dialectically it makes no difference which method of reasoning be adopted, but in argument with another reasoning per impossibile should be avoided. For where one has reasoned without the reductio per impossibile, no dispute can arise; if, on the other hand, one does reason to an impossible conclusion, unless its falsehood is too plainly manifest, people deny that it is impossible, so that the questioners do not get what they want. One should put forward all propositions that hold true of several cases, and to which either no objection whatever appears or at least not any on the surface: for when people cannot see any case in which it is not so, they admit it for true. The conclusion should not be put in the form of a question; if it be, and the man shakes his head, it looks as if the reasoning had failed. For often, even if it be not put as a question but advanced as a consequence, people deny it, and then those who do not see that it follows$^1$ upon the previous admissions do not realize that those who deny it have been refuted: when, then, the one man merely asks it as a question without even saying that it so follows, and the other denies it, it looks altogether as if the reasoning had failed. Not every universal question can form a dialectical pro- position as ordinarily understood, e.g. ‘What is man?’ or ‘How many meanings has “the good”?’ For a dialectical premiss must be of a form to which it is possible to reply ‘Yes’ or ‘No’, whereas to the aforesaid it is not possible. For this reason questions of this kind are not dialectical unless the questioner himself draws distinctions or divisions before expressing them, e.g. ‘Good means this, or this, $^1$ 158a 11. Read ὅτι συμβαίνει with Waitz. does it not?' For questions of this sort are easily answered by a Yes or a No. Hence one should endeavour to formulate propositions of this kind in this form. It is at the same time also perhaps fair to ask the other man how many meanings of 'the good' there are, whenever you have yourself distinguished and formulated them, and he will not admit them at all. Any one who keeps on asking one thing for a long time is a bad inquirer. For if he does so though the person questioned keeps on answering the questions, clearly he asks a large number of questions, or else asks the same question a large number of times: in the one case he merely babbles, in the other he fails to reason: for reasoning always consists of a small number of premises. If, on the other hand, he does it because the person questioned does not answer the questions, he is at fault in not taking him to task or breaking off the discussion. 3 There are certain hypotheses upon which it is at once difficult to bring, and easy to stand up to, an argument. Such (e.g.) are those things which stand first and those which stand last in the order of nature. For the former require definition, while the latter have to be arrived at through many steps if one wishes to secure a continuous proof from first principles, or else all discussion about them wears the air of mere sophistry: for to prove anything is impossible unless one begins with the appropriate principles, and connects inference with inference till the last are reached. Now to define first principles is just what answerers do not care to do, nor do they pay any attention if the questioner makes a definition: and yet until it is clear what it is that is proposed, it is not easy to discuss it. This sort of thing happens particularly in the case of the first principles: for while the other propositions are shown through these, these cannot be shown through anything else: we are obliged to understand every item of that sort by a definition. The inferences, too, that lie too close to the first principle are hard to treat in argument: for it is not possible to bring many arguments in regard to them, because of the small number of those steps, between the conclusion and the principle, whereby the succeeding propositions have to be shown. The hardest, however, of all definitions to treat in argument are those that employ terms about which, in the first place, it is uncertain whether they are used in one sense or several, and, further, whether they are used literally or metaphorically by the definer. For because of their obscurity, it is impossible to argue upon such terms; and because of the impossibility of saying whether this obscurity is due to their being used metaphorically, it is impossible to refute them. In general, it is safe to suppose that, whenever any problem proves intractable, it either needs definition or else bears either several senses, or a metaphorical sense, or it is not far removed from the first principles; or else the reason is that we have yet to discover in the first place just this—in which of the aforesaid directions the source of our difficulty lies: when we have made this clear, then obviously our business must be either to define or to distinguish, or to supply the intermediate premisses: for it is through these that the final conclusions are shown. It often happens that a difficulty is found in discussing or arguing a given position because the definition has not been correctly rendered: e.g. ‘Has one thing one contrary or many?’: here when the term ‘contraries’ has been properly defined, it is easy to bring people to see whether it is possible for the same thing to have several contraries or not: in the same way also with other terms requiring definition. It appears also in mathematics that the difficulty in using a figure is sometimes due to a defect in definition; e.g. in proving that the line which cuts the plane parallel to one side$^1$ divides similarly both the line which it cuts and the area; whereas if the definition be given, the fact asserted becomes immediately clear: for the areas have the same fraction subtracted from them as have the sides: and this is the definition of ‘the same ratio’. The most primary of the elementary principles are without exception very easy to show, if the definitions involved, $^1$ Sc. of a parallelogram. e.g. the nature of a line or of a circle, be laid down; only the arguments that can be brought in regard to each of them are not many, because there are not many intermediate steps. If, on the other hand, the definition of the starting-points be not laid down, to show them is difficult and may even prove quite impossible. The case of the significance of verbal expressions is like that of these mathematical conceptions. One may be sure then, whenever a position is hard to discuss, that one or other of the aforesaid things has happened to it. Whenever, on the other hand, it is a harder task to argue to the point claimed, i.e. the premiss, than to the resulting position, a doubt may arise whether such claims should be admitted or not: for if a man is going to refuse to admit it and claim that you shall argue to it as well, he will be giving the signal for a harder undertaking than was originally proposed: if, on the other hand, he grants it, he will be giving the original thesis credence on the strength of what is less credible than itself. If, then, it is essential not to enhance the difficulty of the problem, he had better grant it; if, on the other hand, it be essential to reason through premisses that are better assured, he had better refuse. In other words, in serious inquiry he ought not to grant it, unless he be more sure about it than about the conclusion; whereas in a dialectical exercise he may do so if he is merely satisfied of its truth. Clearly, then, the circumstances under which such admissions should be claimed are different for a mere questioner and for a serious teacher. 4 As to the formulation, then, and arrangement of one's questions, about enough has been said. With regard to the giving of answers, we must first define what is the business of a good answerer, as of a good questioner. The business of the questioner is so to develop the argument as to make the answerer utter the most extravagant paradoxes that necessarily follow because of his position: while that of the answerer is to make it appear that it is not he who is responsible for the absurdity or paradox, but only his position: for one may, perhaps, distinguish between the mistake of taking up a wrong position to start with, and that of not maintaining it properly, when once taken up. 25 Inasmuch as no rules are laid down for those who argue 5 for the sake of training and of examination:—and the aim of those engaged in teaching or learning is quite different from that of those engaged in a competition; as is the latter from that of those who discuss things together in the spirit of inquiry: for a learner should always state what he thinks: for no one is even trying to teach him what is false; whereas in a competition the business of the questioner is to appear by all means to produce an effect upon the other, while that of the answerer is to appear unaffected by him; on the other hand, in an assembly of disputants discussing in the spirit not of a competition but of an examination and inquiry, there are as yet no articulate rules about what 30 the answerer should aim at, and what kind of things he should and should not grant for the correct or incorrect defence of his position:¹—inasmuch, then, as we have no tradition bequeathed to us by others, let us try to say something upon the matter for ourselves. The thesis laid down by the answerer before facing the questioner’s argument is bound of necessity to be one that is either generally accepted or generally rejected or else is neither: and moreover is so accepted or re- 159b jected either absolutely or else with a restriction, e.g. by some given person, by the speaker or by some one else. The manner, however, of its acceptance or rejection, whatever it be, makes no difference: for the right way to answer, i.e. to admit or to refuse to admit what has been asked, will be the same in either case. If, then, the statement laid down by the answerer be generally rejected, the conclusion 5 aimed at by the questioner is bound to be one generally accepted, whereas if the former be generally accepted, the latter is generally rejected: for the conclusion which ¹ 159a 26–36. Put oὐ γὰρ . . . τὴν θέσιν in brackets, followed by a colon. the questioner tries to draw is always the opposite of the statement laid down. If, on the other hand, what is laid down is generally neither rejected nor accepted, the conclusion will be of the same type as well. Now since a man who reasons correctly demonstrates his proposed conclusion from premisses that are more generally accepted, and more familiar, it is clear that (1) where the view laid down by him is one that generally is absolutely rejected, the answerer ought not to grant either what is thus absolutely not accepted at all, or what is accepted indeed, but accepted less generally than the questioner's conclusion. For if the statement laid down by the answerer be generally rejected, the conclusion aimed at by the questioner will be one that is generally accepted, so that the premisses secured by the questioner should all be views generally accepted, and more generally accepted than his proposed conclusion, if the less familiar is to be inferred through the more familiar. Consequently, if any of the questions put to him be not of this character, the answerer should not grant them. (2) If, on the other hand, the statement laid down by the answerer be generally accepted without qualification, clearly the conclusion sought by the questioner will be one generally rejected without qualification. Accordingly, the answerer should admit all views that are generally accepted and, of those that are not generally accepted, all that are less generally rejected than the conclusion sought by the questioner. For then he will probably be thought to have argued sufficiently well. (3) Likewise, too, if the statement laid down by the answerer be neither rejected generally nor generally accepted; for then, too, anything that appears to be true should be granted, and, of the views not generally accepted, any that are more generally accepted than the questioner's conclusion; for in that case the result will be that the arguments will be more generally accepted. If, then, the view laid down by the answerer be one that is generally accepted or rejected without qualification, then the views that are accepted absolutely must be taken as the standard of comparison: whereas if the view laid down be one that is not generally accepted or rejected, but only by the answerer, then the standard whereby the latter must judge what is generally accepted or not, and must grant or refuse to grant the point asked, is himself.$^1$ If, again, the answerer be defending some one else’s opinion, then clearly it will be the latter’s judgement to which he must have regard in granting or denying the various points. This is why those, too, who introduce other’s opinions, e.g. that ‘good and evil are the same thing’, as Heraclitus says,$^2$ refuse to admit the impossibility of contraries belonging at the same time to the same thing; not because they do not themselves$^3$ believe this, but because on Heraclitus’ principles one has to say so. The same thing is done also by those who take on the defence of one another’s positions; their aim being to speak as would the man who stated the position. It is clear, then, what the aims of the answerer should be, whether the position he lays down be a view generally accepted without qualification or accepted by some definite person. Now every question asked is bound to involve some view that is either generally held or generally rejected or neither, and is also bound to be either relevant to the argument or irrelevant: if then it be a view generally accepted and irrelevant, the answerer should grant it and remark that it is the accepted view: if it be a view not generally accepted and irrelevant, he should grant it but add a comment that it is not generally accepted, in order to avoid the appearance of being a simpleton. If it be relevant and also be generally accepted, he should admit that it is the view generally accepted but say that it lies too close to the original proposition, and that if it be granted the problem proposed collapses. If what is claimed by the questioner be relevant but too generally rejected, the answerer, while admitting that if it be granted the conclusion sought follows, should yet protest that the proposition is too absurd to be admitted. Suppose, again, it be a view that is neither rejected generally nor generally accepted, then, if it be irrelevant to the argument, it may be granted without restriction; if, however, it be relevant, the answerer $^1$ 159b27. Read $\alpha\iota\tau\omega\nu$. $^2$ Fr. 58, 102 Diels. $^3$ 159b32. Read $\alpha\iota\tau\omega\nu$. should add the comment that, if it be granted, the original problem collapses. For then the answerer will not be held to be personally accountable for what happens to him, if he grants the several points with his eyes open, and also the questioner will be able to draw his inference, seeing that all the premisses that are more generally accepted than the conclusion are granted him. Those who try to draw an inference from premisses more generally rejected than the conclusion clearly do not reason correctly: hence, when men ask these things, they ought not to be granted. 7 The questioner should be met in a like manner also in the case of terms used obscurely, i.e. in several senses. For the answerer, if he does not understand, is always permitted to say 'I do not understand': he is not compelled to reply 'Yes' or 'No' to a question which may mean different things. Clearly, then, in the first place, if what is said be not clear, he ought not to hesitate to say that he does not understand it; for often people encounter some difficulty from assenting to questions that are not clearly put. If he understands the question and yet it covers many senses, then supposing what it says to be universally true or false, he should give it an unqualified assent or denial: if, on the other hand, it be partly true and partly false, he should add a comment that it bears different senses, and also that in one it is true, in the other false: for if he leave this distinction till later, it becomes uncertain whether originally as well he perceived the ambiguity or not. If he does not foresee the ambiguity, but assents to the question having in view the one sense of the words, then, if the questioner takes it in the other sense, he should say, 'That was not what I had in view when I admitted it; I meant the other sense': for if a term or expression covers more than one thing, it is easy to disagree. If, however, the question is both clear and simple, he should answer either 'Yes' or 'No'. 8 A premiss in reasoning always either is one of the constituent elements in the reasoning, or else goes to establish one of these: ('and you can always tell when it is secured in order to establish something else by the fact of a number of similar questions being put: for as a rule people secure their universal by means either of induction or of likeness) — accordingly the particular propositions should all be admitted, if they are true and generally held. On the other hand, against the universal one should try to bring some negative instance; for to bring the argument to a standstill without a negative instance, either real or apparent, shows ill-temper. If, then, a man refuses to grant the universal when supported$^2$ by many instances, although he has no negative instance to show, he obviously shows ill-temper. If, moreover, he cannot even attempt a counter-proof that it is not true, far more likely is he to be thought ill-tempered —although even counter-proof is not enough: for we often hear arguments that are contrary to common opinions, whose solution is yet difficult, e.g. the argument of Zeno$^3$ that it is impossible to move or to traverse the stadium;—but still, this is no reason for omitting to assert the opposites of these views. If, then, a man refuses to admit the proposition without having either a negative instance or some counter-argument to bring against it, clearly he is ill-tempered: for ill-temper in argument consists in answering in ways other than the above, so as to wreck the reasoning. Before maintaining either a thesis or a definition the answerer should try his hand at attacking it by himself; for clearly his business is to oppose those positions from which questioners demolish what he has laid down. He should beware of maintaining a hypothesis that is generally rejected: and this it may be in two ways: for it may be one which results in absurd statements, e.g. suppose any one were to say that everything is in motion or that nothing is; and also there are all those which only a bad character would choose, and which are implicitly opposed to men’s wishes, e.g. that pleasure is the good, and that to do $^1$ 160$^a$ 36–7. Begin parenthesis at δῆλον . . . , and substitute colon for bracket after ἐρωτᾶν. $^2$ 160$^b$ 3. Read φαινόμενον. $^3$ 160$^b$ 8. Read καθάπερ τὸν Ζήνωνος. Cf. Phys. 233$^a$ 21–31, 239$^b$ 9–14. injustice is better than to suffer it. For people then hate him, supposing him to maintain them not for the sake of argument but because he really thinks them. Of all arguments that reason to a false conclusion the right solution is to demolish the point on which the fallacy that occurs depends: for the demolition of any random point$^1$ is no solution, even though the point demolished be false. For the argument may contain many falsehoods, e.g. suppose some one to secure the premisses, 'He who sits, writes' and 'Socrates is sitting': for from these it follows that 'Socrates is writing'. Now we may demolish the proposition 'Socrates is sitting', and still be no nearer a solution of the argument; it may be true that the point claimed is false; but it is not on that that the fallacy of the argument depends: for supposing that any one should happen to be sitting and not writing, it would be impossible in such a case to apply the same solution. Accordingly, it is not this that needs to be demolished, but rather that 'He who sits, writes': for he who sits does not always write. He, then, who has demolished the point on which the fallacy depends, has given the solution of the argument completely. Any one who knows that it is on such and such a point that the argument depends, knows the solution of it, just as in the case of a figure falsely drawn. For it is not enough to object, even if the point demolished be a falsehood, but the reason of the fallacy should also be proved: for then it would be clear whether the man makes his objection with his eyes open or not. There are four possible ways of preventing a man from working his argument to a conclusion. It can be done either by demolishing the point on which the falsehood that comes about depends, or by stating an objection directed against the questioner: for often when a solution has not as a matter of fact been brought, yet the questioner is rendered thereby unable to pursue the argument any farther. Thirdly, one may object to the questions asked: for it may happen that what the questioner wants does not follow from the ques- $^1$ 160b 24. Read $\delta$ before $\sigma\tau\iota\omega\nu$. tions he has asked because he has asked them badly, whereas if something additional be granted the conclusion comes about. If, then, the questioner be unable to pursue his argument farther, the objection$^1$ would properly be directed against the questioner; if he can do so, then it would be against his questions. The fourth and worst kind of objection is that which is directed to the time allowed for discussion: for some people bring objections of a kind which would take longer to answer than the length of the discussion in hand. There are then, as we said, four ways of making objections: but of them the first alone is a solution: the others are just hindrances and stumbling-blocks to prevent the conclusions. Adverse criticism of an argument on its own merits, and of it when presented in the form of questions, are two different things. For often the failure to carry through the argument correctly in discussion is due to the person questioned, because he will not grant the steps of which a correct argument might have been made against his position: for it is not in the power of the one side only to effect properly a result that depends on both alike. Accordingly it sometimes becomes necessary to attack the speaker and not his position, when the answerer lies in wait for the points that are contrary to the questioner and becomes abusive as well: when people lose their tempers in this way, their argument becomes a contest, not a discussion. Moreover, since arguments of this kind are held not for the sake of instruction but for purposes of practice and examination, clearly one has to reason not only to true conclusions, but also to false ones, and not always through true premises, but sometimes through false as well. For often, when a true proposition is put forward, the dialectician is compelled to demolish it: and then false propositions have to be formulated. Sometimes also when a false proposition is put forward, it has to be demolished by means of false propositions: for it is possible for a given man to believe what is not the fact $^1$ 161$^a$9. Read ἡ ἐνστασις. more firmly than the truth. Accordingly, if the argument be made to depend on something that he holds, it will be easier to persuade or help him. He, however, who would rightly convert any one to a different opinion should do so in a dialectical and not in a contentious manner, just as a geometrician should reason geometrically, whether his conclusion be false or true: what kind of syllogisms are dialectical has already been said.$^1$ The principle that a man who hinders the common business is a bad partner, clearly applies to an argument as well; for in arguments as well there is a common aim in view, except with mere contestants, for these cannot both reach the same goal; for more than one cannot possibly win. It makes no difference whether he effects this as answerer or as questioner: for both he who asks contentious questions is a bad dialectician, and also he who in answering fails to grant the obvious answer or to understand the point of the questioner's inquiry. What has been said, then, makes it clear that adverse criticism is not to be passed in a like strain upon the argument on its own merits, and upon the questioner: for it may very well be that the argument is bad, but that the questioner has argued with the answerer in the best possible way: for when men lose their tempers, it may perhaps be impossible to make one's inferences straightforwardly as one would wish: we have to do as we can. Inasmuch as it is indeterminate when people are claiming the admission of contrary things, and when they are claiming what originally they set out to prove—for often when they are talking by themselves they say contrary things, and admit afterwards what they have previously denied; for which reason they often assent, when questioned, to contrary things and to what originally had to be proved—the argument is sure to become vitiated. The responsibility, however, for this rests with the answerer, because while refusing to grant other points, he does grant points of that kind. It is, then, clear that adverse criticism is not to be passed in a like manner upon questioners and upon their arguments. $^1$ 100a 22. In itself an argument is liable to five kinds of adverse criticism: (1) The first is when neither the proposed conclusion nor indeed any conclusion at all is drawn from the questions asked, and when most, if not all, of the premises on which the conclusion rests are false or generally rejected, when, moreover, neither any withdrawals nor additions nor both together can bring the conclusions about. (2) The second is, supposing the reasoning, though constructed from the premises, and in the manner, described above, were to be irrelevant to the original position. (3) The third is, supposing certain additions would bring an inference about but yet these additions were to be weaker than those that were put as questions, and less generally held than the conclusion. (4) Again, supposing certain withdrawals could effect the same: for sometimes people secure more premisses than are necessary, so that it is not through them that the inference comes about. (5) Moreover, suppose the premisses be less generally held and less credible than the conclusion, or if, though true, they require more trouble to prove than the proposed view. One must not claim that the reasoning to a proposed view shall in every case equally be a view generally accepted and convincing: for it is a direct result of the nature of things that some subjects of inquiry shall be easier and some harder, so that if a man brings people to accept his point from opinions that are as generally received as the case admits, he has argued his case correctly. Clearly, then, not even the argument itself is open to the same adverse criticism when taken in relation to the proposed conclusion and when taken by itself. For there is nothing to prevent the argument being open to reproach in itself, and yet commendable in relation to the proposed conclusion, or again, vice versa, being commendable in itself, and yet open to reproach in relation to the proposed conclusion, whenever there are many propositions both generally held and also true whereby it could easily be proved. It is possible also that an argument, even though brought to a conclusion, may sometimes be worse than one which is not so concluded, whenever the premisses of the former are silly, while its conclusion is not so; whereas the latter, though requiring certain additions, requires only such as are generally held and true, and moreover does not rest as an argument on these additions. With those which bring about a true conclusion by means of false premisses, it is not fair to find fault: for a false conclusion must of necessity always be reached from a false premiss, but a true conclusion may sometimes be drawn even from false premisses; as is clear from the Analytics.$^1$ Whenever by the argument stated something is demonstrated, but that something is other than what is wanted and has no bearing whatever on the conclusion, then no inference as to the latter$^2$ can be drawn from it: and if there appears to be, it will be a sophism, not a proof. A philosopheme is a demonstrative inference: an epichireme is a dialectical inference: a sophism is a contentious inference: an aporeme is an inference that reasons dialectically to a contradiction. If something were to be shown from premisses, both of which are views generally accepted, but not accepted with like conviction, it may very well be that the conclusion shown is something held more strongly than either. If, on the other hand, general opinion be for the one and neither for nor against the other, or if it be for the one and against the other, then, if the pro and con be alike in the case of the premisses, they will be alike for the conclusion also: if, on the other hand, the one preponderates, the conclusion too will follow suit. It is also a fault in reasoning when a man shows something through a long chain of steps, when he might employ fewer steps and those already included in his argument: suppose him to be showing (e.g.) that one opinion is more properly so called than another, and suppose him to make his postulates as follows: 'x-in-itself is more fully x than anything else': 'there genuinely exists an object of opinion in itself': therefore 'the object-of-opinion-in-itself is more fully an object of opinion than the particular objects of opinion'. Now 'a relative term is more fully itself when $^1$ An. Pr. ii. 2. $^2$ 162$^{a}$ 14. Read περὶ ἐκείνου. its correlate is more fully itself': and 'there exists a genuine opinion-in-itself, which will be "opinion" in a more accurate sense than the particular opinions': and it has been postulated both that 'a genuine opinion-in-itself exists', and that 'x-in-itself is more fully x than anything else': therefore 'this will be opinion in a more accurate$^1$ sense'. Wherein lies the viciousness of the reasoning? Simply in that it conceals the ground on which the argument depends. An argument is clear in one, and that the most ordinary, sense, if it be so brought to a conclusion as to make no further questions necessary: in another sense, and this is the type most usually advanced, when the propositions secured are such as compel the conclusion, and the argument is concluded$^2$ through premisses that are themselves conclusions: moreover, it is so also if some step is omitted that generally is firmly accepted. An argument is called fallacious in four senses: (1) when it appears to be brought to a conclusion, and is not really so—what is called 'contentious' reasoning: (2) when it comes to a conclusion but not to the conclusion proposed—which happens principally in the case of reductiones ad impossibile: (3) when it comes to the proposed conclusion but not according to the mode of inquiry appropriate to the case, as happens when a non-medical argument is taken to be a medical one, or one which is not geometrical for a geometrical argument, or one which is not dialectical for dialectical, whether the result reached be true or false: (4) if the conclusion be reached through false premisses: of this type the conclusion is sometimes false, sometimes true: for while a false conclusion is always the result of false premisses, a true conclusion may be drawn even from premisses that are not true, as was said above as well.$^3$ Fallacy in argument is due to a mistake of the arguer rather than of the argument: yet it is not always the fault of the arguer either, but only when he is not aware of it: for we often accept on its merits in preference to many true --- $^1$ 162$^a$ 32. Read $\alphaὐη \deltaόξα ἄκριβεστέρα ἐστίν$, with best MSS. $^2$ 162$^b$ 2. Read συμπεραινόμενος. $^3$ a Io. ones an argument which demolishes some true proposition, if it does so from premises as far as possible generally accepted. For an argument of that kind does demonstrate other things that are true: for one of the premises laid down ought never to be there at all, and this will then be demonstrated. If, however, a true conclusion were to be reached through premises that are false and utterly childish, the argument is worse than many arguments that lead to a false conclusion, though an argument which leads to a false conclusion may also be of this type. Clearly then the first thing to ask in regard to the argument itself is, 'Has it a conclusion?'; the second, 'Is the conclusion true or false?'; the third, 'Of what kind of premises does it consist?': for if the latter, though false, be generally accepted, the argument is dialectical, whereas if, though true, they be generally rejected, it is bad: if they be both false and also entirely contrary to general opinion, clearly it is bad, either altogether or else in relation to the particular matter in hand. 13 Of the ways in which a questioner may beg the original question and also beg contraries the true account has been given in the Analytics: but an account on the level of general opinion must be given now. People appear to beg their original question in five ways: the first and most obvious being if any one begs the actual point requiring to be shown: this is easily detected when put in so many words; but it is more apt to escape detection in the case of different terms, or a term and an expression, that mean the same thing. A second way occurs whenever any one begs universally something which he has to demonstrate in a particular case: suppose (e.g.) he were trying to prove that the knowledge of contraries is one and were to claim that the knowledge of opposites in general is one: for then he is generally thought to be begging, along with a number of other things, that which he ought to have shown by itself. A third way is if any one were to beg in particular cases 1 i.e. a reductio ad absurdum. 2 An. Pr. ii. 16. its correlate is more fully itself': and 'there exists a genuine opinion-in-itself, which will be "opinion" in a more accurate sense than the particular opinions': and it has been postulated both that 'a genuine opinion-in-itself exists', and that 'x-in-itself is more fully x than anything else': therefore 'this will be opinion in a more accurate$^1$ sense'. Wherein lies the viciousness of the reasoning? Simply in that it conceals the ground on which the argument depends. An argument is clear in one, and that the most ordinary, sense, if it be so brought to a conclusion as to make no further questions necessary: in another sense, and this is the type most usually advanced, when the propositions secured are such as compel the conclusion, and the argument is concluded$^2$ through premises that are themselves conclusions: moreover, it is so also if some step is omitted that generally is firmly accepted. An argument is called fallacious in four senses: (1) when it appears to be brought to a conclusion, and is not really so—what is called 'contentious' reasoning: (2) when it comes to a conclusion but not to the conclusion proposed—which happens principally in the case of reductiones ad impossibile: (3) when it comes to the proposed conclusion but not according to the mode of inquiry appropriate to the case, as happens when a non-medical argument is taken to be a medical one, or one which is not geometrical for a geometrical argument, or one which is not dialectical for dialectical, whether the result reached be true or false: (4) if the conclusion be reached through false premises: of this type the conclusion is sometimes false, sometimes true: for while a false conclusion is always the result of false premises, a true conclusion may be drawn even from premises that are not true, as was said above as well.$^3$ Fallacy in argument is due to a mistake of the arguer rather than of the argument: yet it is not always the fault of the arguer either, but only when he is not aware of it: for we often accept on its merits in preference to many true --- $^1$ 162$^a$ 32. Read $\alpha\omega\eta\delta\delta\epsilon\alpha\lambda\kappa\rho\iota\beta\epsilon\sigma\tau\epsilon\alpha\epsilon\sigma\tau\epsilon\nu$, with best MSS. $^2$ 162$^b$ 2. Read $\sigma\nu\mu\pi\epsilon\rho\alpha\iota\mu\epsilon\nu\sigma$. $^3$ a 10. ones an argument which demolishes some true proposition,¹ if it does so from premises as far as possible generally accepted. For an argument of that kind does demonstrate other things that are true: for one of the premises laid down ought never to be there at all, and this will then be demonstrated. If, however, a true conclusion were to be reached through premises that are false and utterly childish, the argument is worse than many arguments that lead to a false conclusion, though an argument which leads to a false conclusion may also be of this type. Clearly then the first thing to ask in regard to the argument in itself is, ‘Has it a conclusion?'; the second, ‘Is the conclusion true or false?'; the third, ‘Of what kind of premises does it consist?': for if the latter, though false, be generally accepted, the argument is dialectical, whereas if, though true, they be generally rejected, it is bad: if they be both false and also entirely contrary to general opinion, clearly it is bad, either altogether or else in relation to the particular matter in hand. 13 Of the ways in which a questioner may beg the original question and also beg contraries the true account has been given in the Analytics:² but an account on the level of general opinion must be given now. People appear to beg their original question in five ways: the first and most obvious being if any one begs the actual point requiring to be shown: this is easily detected when put in so many words; but it is more apt to escape detection in the case of different terms, or a term and an expression, that mean the same thing. A second way occurs whenever any one begs universally something which he has to demonstrate in a particular case: suppose (e.g.) he were trying to prove that the knowledge of contraries is one and were to claim that the knowledge of opposites in general is one: for then he is generally thought to be begging, along with a number of other things, that which he ought to have shown by itself. A third way is if any one were to beg in particular cases ¹ i.e. a reductio ad absurdum. ² An. Pr. ii. 16. what he undertakes to show universally: e.g. if he undertook to show that the knowledge of contraries is always one, and begged it of certain pairs of contraries: for he also is generally considered to be begging independently and by itself what, together with a number of other things, he ought to have shown. Again, a man begs the question if he begs his conclusion piecemeal: supposing e.g. that he had to show that medicine is a science of what leads to health and to disease, and were to claim first the one, then the other; or, fifthly, if he were to beg the one or the other of a pair of statements that necessarily involve one other; e.g. if he had to show that the diagonal is incommensurable with the side, and were to beg that the side is incommensurable with the diagonal. The ways in which people assume contraries are equal in number to those in which they beg their original question. For it would happen, firstly, if any one were to beg an opposite affirmation and negation; secondly, if he were to beg the contrary terms of an antithesis, e.g. that the same thing is good and evil; thirdly, suppose any one were to claim something universally and then proceed to beg its contradictory in some particular case, e.g. if having secured that the knowledge of contraries is one, he were to claim that the knowledge of what makes for health or for disease is different; or, fourthly, suppose him, after postulating the latter view, to try to secure universally the contradictory statement. Again, fifthly, suppose a man begs the contrary of the conclusion which necessarily comes about through the premisses laid down; and this would happen suppose, even without begging the opposites in so many words, he were to beg two premisses such that this contradictory statement that is opposite to the first conclusion will follow from them. The securing of contraries differs from begging the original question in this way: in the latter case the mistake lies in regard to the conclusion; for it is by a glance at the conclusion that we tell that the original question has been begged: whereas contrary views lie in the premisses, viz. in a certain relation which they bear to one another. The best way to secure training and practice in arguments of this kind is in the first place to get into the habit of converting the arguments. For in this way we shall be better equipped for dealing with the proposition stated, and after a few attempts we shall know several arguments by heart. For by 'conversion' of an argument is meant the taking the reverse of the conclusion together with the remaining propositions asked and so demolishing one of those that were conceded: for it follows necessarily that if the conclusion be untrue, some one of the premises is demolished, seeing that, given all the premises, the conclusion was bound to follow. Always, in dealing with any proposition, be on the look-out for a line of argument both pro and con: and on discovering it at once set about looking for the solution of it: for in this way you will soon find that you have trained yourself at the same time in both asking questions and answering them. If we cannot find any one else to argue with, we should argue with ourselves. Select, moreover, arguments relating to the same thesis and range them side by side: for this produces a plentiful supply of arguments for carrying a point by sheer force, and in refutation also it is of great service, whenever one is well stocked with arguments pro and con: for then you find yourself on your guard against contrary statements to the one you wish to secure. Moreover, as contributing to knowledge and to philosophic wisdom the power of discerning and holding in one view the results of either of two hypotheses is no mean instrument; for it then only remains to make a right choice of one of them. For a task of this kind a certain natural ability is required: in fact real natural ability just is the power rightly to choose the true and shun the false. Men of natural ability can do this; for by a right liking or disliking for whatever is proposed to them they rightly select what is best. It is best to know by heart arguments upon those questions which are of most frequent occurrence, and particularly in regard to those propositions which are ultimate: for in discussing these answerers frequently give up in despair. 1 163b4-5. Read ἐκλέγοντα πρὸς τὴν αἰτήν θέσιν. Moreover, get a good stock of definitions: and have those of familiar and primary ideas at your fingers' ends: for it is through these that reasonings are effected. You should try, moreover, to master the heads under which other arguments mostly tend to fall. For just as in geometry it is useful to be practised in the elements, and in arithmetic to have the multiplication table up to ten at one's fingers' ends—and indeed it makes a great$^1$ difference in one's knowledge of the multiples of other numbers too—likewise also in arguments it is a great advantage to be well up in regard to first principles, and to have a thorough knowledge of premisses at the tip of one's tongue. For just as in a person with a trained memory, a memory of things themselves is immediately caused by the mere mention of their loci, so these habits too will make a man readier in reasoning, because he has his premisses classified before his mind's eye, each under its number. It is better to commit to memory a premiss of general application than an argument: for it is difficult to be even moderately ready with a first principle, or hypothesis. Moreover, you should get into the habit of turning one argument into several, and conceal your procedure as darkly as you can: this kind of effect is best produced by keeping as far as possible away from topics akin to the subject of the argument. This can be done with arguments that are entirely universal, e.g. the statement that 'there cannot be one knowledge of more than one thing': for that is the case with both relative terms and contraries and co-ordinates. Records of discussions should be made in a universal form, even though one has argued only some particular case: for this will enable one to turn a single rule into several. A like rule applies in Rhetoric as well to enthymemes. For yourself, however, you should as far as possible avoid universalizing your reasonings. You should, moreover, always examine arguments to see whether they rest on principles of general application: for all particular arguments really reason universally, as well, i.e. a particular demonstration always contains a universal demonstration, because it is impossible to reason at all without using universals.$^2$ $^1$ 163$^b$ 25. Read ἔχειν, καὶ μέγα διαφέρει. $^2$ Read in 164$^a$ 11 τῶν καθόλου. You should display your training in inductive reasoning against a young man, in deductive against an expert. You should try, moreover, to secure from those skilled in deduction their premisses, from inductive reasoners their parallel cases; for this is the thing$^1$ in which they are respectively trained. In general, too, from your exercises in argumentation you should try to carry away either a syllogism on some subject or a refutation or a proposition or an objection, or whether some one put his question properly or improperly (whether it was yourself or some one else) and the point which made it the one or the other. For this is what gives one ability, and the whole object of training is to acquire ability, especially in regard to propositions and objections. For it is the skilled propounder and objector who is, speaking generally, a dialectician. To formulate a proposition is to form a number of things into one—for the conclusion to which the argument leads must be taken generally, as a single thing$^2$—whereas to formulate an objection is to make one thing into many: for the objector either distinguishes or demolishes, partly granting, partly denying the statements proposed. Do not argue with every one, nor practise upon the man in the street: for there are some people with whom any argument is bound to degenerate. For against any one who is ready to try all means in order to seem not to be beaten, it is indeed fair to try all means of bringing about one’s conclusion: but it is not good form. Wherefore the best rule is, not lightly to engage with casual acquaintances, or bad argument is sure to result. For you see how in practising together people cannot refrain from contentious argument. It is best also to have ready-made arguments relating to those questions in which a very small stock will furnish us with arguments serviceable on a very large number of occasions. These are those that are universal, and those in regard to which it is rather difficult to produce points for ourselves from matters of everyday experience. $^1$ Read in 164$^a$ 15 ἐν τοῖτω. $^2$ 164$^b$ 5. Read ἐν δὲως ληφθῆναι. DE SOPHISTICIS ELENCHIS 1 Let us now discuss sophistic refutations, i.e. what appear to be refutations but are really fallacies instead. We will begin in the natural order with the first. That some reasonings are genuine, while others seem to be so but are not, is evident. This happens with arguments, as also elsewhere, through a certain likeness between the genuine and the sham. For physically some people are in a vigorous condition, while others merely seem to be so by blowing and rigging themselves out as the tribesmen do their victims for sacrifice; and some people are beautiful thanks to their beauty, while others seem to be so, by dint of embellishing themselves. So it is, too, with inanimate things; for of these, too, some are really silver and others gold, while others are not and merely seem to be such to our sense; e.g. things made of litharge and tin seem to be of silver, while those made of yellow metal look golden. In the same way both reasoning and refutation are sometimes genuine, sometimes not, though inexperience may make them appear so: for inexperienced people obtain only, as it were, a distant view of these things. For reasoning rests on certain statements such that they involve necessarily the assertion of something other than what has been stated, through what has been stated: refutation is reasoning involving the contradictory of the given conclusion. Now some of them do not really achieve this, though they seem to do so for a number of reasons; and of these the most prolific and usual domain is the argument that turns upon names only. It is impossible in a discussion to bring in the actual things discussed: we use their names as symbols instead of them; and therefore we suppose that what follows in the names, follows in the things as well, just as people who calculate suppose in regard to their counters. But the two cases (names and things) are not alike. For names are finite and so is the sum-total of formulae, while things are infinite in number. Inevitably, then, the same formulae, and a single name, have a number of meanings. Accordingly just as, in counting, those who are not clever in manipulating their counters are taken in by the experts, in the same way in arguments too those who are not well acquainted with the force of names misreason both in their own discussions and when they listen to others. For this reason, then, and for others to be mentioned later, there exists both reasoning and refutation that is apparent but not real. Now for some people it is better worth while to seem to be wise, than to be wise without seeming to be (for the art of the sophist is the semblance of wisdom without the reality, and the sophist is one who makes money from an apparent but unreal wisdom); for them, then, it is clearly essential also to seem to accomplish the task of a wise man rather than to accomplish it without seeming to do so. To reduce it to a single point of contrast it is the business of one who knows a thing, himself to avoid fallacies in the subjects which he knows and to be able to show up the man who makes them; and of these accomplishments the one depends on the faculty to render an answer, and the other upon the securing of one. Those, then, who would be sophists are bound to study the class of arguments aforesaid: for it is worth their while: for a faculty of this kind will make a man seem to be wise, and this is the purpose they happen to have in view. Clearly, then, there exists a class of arguments of this kind, and it is at this kind of ability that those aim whom we call sophists. Let us now go on to discuss how many kinds there are of sophistical arguments, and how many in number are the elements of which this faculty is composed, and how many branches there happen to be of this inquiry, and the other factors that contribute to this art. Of arguments in dialogue form there are four classes: Didactic, Dialectical, Examination-arguments, and Contentious arguments. Didactic arguments are those that reason from the principles appropriate to each subject and not from the opinions held by the answerer (for the learner should take things on trust): dialectical arguments are those that reason from premises generally accepted, to the contradictory of a given thesis: examination-arguments are those that reason from premises which are accepted by the answerer and which any one who pretends to possess knowledge of the subject is bound to know—in what manner, has been defined in another treatise: contentious arguments are those that reason or appear to reason to a conclusion from premises that appear to be generally accepted but are not so. The subject, then, of demonstrative arguments has been discussed in the Analytics, while that of dialectic arguments and examination-arguments has been discussed elsewhere: let us now proceed to speak of the arguments used in competitions and contests. 3 First we must grasp the number of aims entertained by those who argue as competitors and rivals to the death. These are five in number, refutation, fallacy, paradox, solecism, and fifthly to reduce the opponent in the discussion to babbling—i.e. to constrain him to repeat himself a number of times: or it is to produce the appearance of each of these things without the reality. For they choose if possible plainly to refute the other party, or as the second best to show that he is committing some fallacy, or as a third best to lead him into paradox, or fourthly to reduce him to solecism, i.e. to make the answerer, in consequence of the argument, to use an ungrammatical expression; or, as a last resort, to make him repeat himself. 4 There are two styles of refutation: for some depend on the language used, while some are independent of language. Those ways of producing the false appearance of an argument which depend on language are six in number: they are ambiguity, amphiboly, combination, division of words, accent, form of expression. Of this we may assure ourselves both by induction, and by syllogistic proof based on this—and it may be on other assumptions as well—that this is the number of ways in which we might fail to mean the same thing by the same names or expressions. Arguments such as the following depend upon ambiguity. 1 Top. viii. 5. 2 Top. i-viii. Those learn who know: for it is those who know their letters who learn the letters dictated to them.' For to 'learn' is ambiguous; it signifies both 'to understand' by the use of knowledge, and also 'to acquire knowledge'. Again, 'Evils are good: for what needs to be is good, and evils must needs be.' For 'what needs to be' has a double meaning: it means what is inevitable, as often is the case with evils, too (for evil of some kind is inevitable), while on the other hand we say of good things as well that they 'need to be'. Moreover, 'The same man is both seated and standing and he is both sick and in health: for it is he who stood up who is standing, and he who is recovering who is in health: but it is the seated man who stood up, and the sick man who was recovering.' For 'The sick man does so and so', or 'has so and so done to him' is not single in meaning: sometimes it means 'the man who is sick or is seated now', sometimes 'the man who was sick formerly'. Of course, the man who was recovering was the sick man, who really was sick at the time: but the man who is in health is not sick at the same time: he is 'the sick man' in the sense not that he is sick now, but that he was sick formerly. Examples such as the following depend upon amphiboly: 'I wish that you the enemy may capture.' Also the thesis, 'There must be knowledge of what one knows': for it is possible by this phrase to mean that knowledge belongs to both the knower and the known. Also, 'There must be sight of what one sees: one sees the pillar: ergo the pillar has sight'. Also, 'What you profess to-be, that you profess-to-be: you profess a stone to-be: ergo you profess-to-be a stone.' Also, 'Speaking of the silent is possible': for 'speaking of the silent' also has a double meaning: it may mean that the speaker is silent or that the things of which he speaks are so.$^1$ There are three varieties of these ambiguities and amphibolies: (1) When either the expression or the name has strictly more than one meaning, e.g. $\delta\epsilon\tau\acute{o}s$ and the 'dog'; (2) when by custom we use them so; (3) when words that have a simple sense taken alone have more than one meaning in com- $^1$ Cf. Pl. Euthyd. 300 B-C. combination; e.g. 'knowing letters'. For each word, both 'knowing' and 'letters', possibly has a single meaning: but both together have more than one—either that the letters themselves have knowledge or that someone else has it of them. Amphiboly and ambiguity, then, depend on these modes of speech. Upon the combination of words there depend instances such as the following: 'A man can walk while sitting, and can write while not writing'. For the meaning is not the same if one divides the words and if one combines them in saying that 'it is possible to walk-while-sitting' [and write while not writing]. The same applies to the latter phrase, too, if one combines the words 'to write-while-not-writing': for then it means that he has the power to write and not to write at once; whereas if one does not combine them, it means that when he is not writing he has the power to write. Also, 'He knows now if he has learnt his letters.' Moreover, there is the saying that 'One single thing if you can carry a crowd you can carry too'. Upon division depend the propositions that 5 is 2 and 3, and even and odd, and that the greater is equal: for it is that amount and more besides. For the same phrase would not be thought always to have the same meaning when divided and when combined, e.g. 'I made thee a slave once a free man', and 'God-like Achilles left fifty a hundred men'. An argument depending upon accent it is not easy to construct in unwritten discussion; in written discussions and in poetry it is easier. Thus (e.g.) some people emend Homer against those who criticize as unnatural his expression τὸ μὲν οὐ καταπύθεται δμβρω. For they solve the difficulty by a change of accent, pronouncing the ου with an acuter accent. Also, in the passage about Agamemnon's dream, they say that Zeus did not himself say 'We grant him the fulfilment --- 1 166a 26–7. The words καὶ μὴ γράφοντα γρίφειν should probably be omitted: and read τὸ καθημένου (26) and τὸ μὴ γράφοντα (27). 2 166a 30. Read μανθάνει ἵνν γράμματα ἐπερ ἐμάνθανεν, omitting ἀ ἐπίσταται. 3 Source unknown, but cf. Terence, Andria, I. i. 10. 4 Source unknown. 5 Iliad, V. 328. of his prayer,' but that he bade the dream grant it. Instances such as these, then, turn upon the accentuation. Others come about owing to the form of expression used, when what is really different is expressed in the same form, e.g. a masculine thing by a feminine termination, or a feminine thing by a masculine, or a neuter by either a masculine or a feminine; or, again, when a quality is expressed by a termination proper to quantity or vice versa, or what is active by a passive word, or a state by an active word, and so forth with the other divisions previously laid down. For it is possible to use an expression to denote what does not belong to the class of actions at all as though it did so belong. Thus (e.g.) 'flourishing' is a word which in the form of its expression is like 'cutting' or 'building': yet the one denotes a certain quality —i.e. a certain condition—while the other denotes a certain action. In the same manner also in the other instances. Refutations, then, that depend upon language are drawn from these common-place rules. Of fallacies, on the other hand, that are independent of language there are seven kinds: (1) that which depends upon Accident: (2) the use of an expression absolutely or not absolutely but with some qualification of respect, or place, or time, or relation: (3) that which depends upon ignorance of what 'refutation' is: (4) that which depends upon the consequent: (5) that which depends upon assuming the original conclusion:³ (6) stating as cause what is not the cause: (7) the making of more than one question into one. Fallacies, then, that depend on Accident occur whenever any attribute is claimed to belong in a like manner to a thing and to its accident. For since the same thing has ¹ The words occur not in the passage referred to, Iliad, B. 1-35, but in Φ. 297. ² Top. i. 9. ³ Read, with Strache, παρὰ τὸ ἐν ἀρχῇ λαμβάνειν. many accidents there is no necessity that all the same attributes$^1$ should belong to all of a thing's predicates and to their subject as well. Thus (e.g.), 'If Coriscus be different from "man", he is different from himself: for he is a man': or 'If he be different from Socrates, and Socrates be a man, then', they say, 'he has admitted that Coriscus is different from a man, because it so happens (accidit) that the person from whom he said that he (Coriscus) is different is a man'. Those that depend on whether an expression is used absolutely or in a certain respect and not strictly, occur whenever an expression used in a particular sense is taken as though it were used absolutely, e.g. in the argument 'If what is not is the object of an opinion, then what is not is': for it is not the same thing 'to be $x$' and 'to be' absolutely. Or again, 'What is, is not, if it is not a particular kind of being, e.g. if it is not a man.' For it is not the same thing 'not to be $x$' and 'not to be' at all: it looks as if it were, because of the closeness of the expression, i.e. because 'to be $x$' is but little different from 'to be', and 'not to be $x$' from 'not to be'. Likewise also with any argument that turns upon the point whether an expression is used in a certain respect or used absolutely. Thus e.g. 'Suppose an Indian to be black all over, but white in respect of his teeth; then he is both white and not white.' Or if both characters belong in a particular respect, then, they say, 'contrary attributes belong at the same time'. This kind of thing is in some cases easily seen by any one, e.g. suppose a man were to secure the statement that the Ethiopian is black, and were then to ask whether he is white in respect of his teeth; and then, if he be white in that respect, were to suppose at the conclusion of his questions that therefore he had proved dialectically that he was both white and not white. But in some cases it often passes undetected, viz. in all cases where, whenever a statement is made of something in a certain respect, it would be generally thought that the absolute statement follows as well; and also in all cases where it is not easy to see which of the attributes ought to be rendered strictly. A situation of $^1$ 166b 32. Read $\tau\alpha\iota\tau\alpha$. this kind arises, where both the opposite attributes belong alike: for then there is general support for the view that one must agree absolutely to the assertion of both, or of neither: e.g. if a thing is half white and half black, is it white or black? Other fallacies occur because the terms 'proof' or 'refutation' have not been defined, and because something is left out in their definition. For to refute is to contradict one and the same attribute—not merely the name, but the reality—and a name that is not merely synonymous but the same name—and to confute it from the propositions granted, necessarily, without including in the reckoning the original point to be proved, in the same respect and relation and manner and time in which it was asserted. A 'false assertion' about anything has to be defined in the same way. Some people, however, omit some one of the said conditions and give a merely apparent refutation, showing (e.g.) that the same thing is both double and not double: for two is double of one, but not double of three. Or, it may be, they show that it is both double and not double of the same thing, but not that it is so in the same respect: for it is double in length but not double in breadth. Or, it may be, they show it to be both double and not double of the same thing and in the same respect and manner, but not that it is so at the same time: and therefore their refutation is merely apparent. One might, with some violence, bring this fallacy into the group of fallacies dependent on language as well. Those that depend on the assumption of the original point to be proved, occur in the same way, and in as many ways, as it is possible to beg the original point; they appear to refute because men lack the power to keep their eyes at once upon what is the same and what is different. The refutation which depends upon the consequent arises because people suppose that the relation of consequence is convertible. For whenever, suppose $A$ is, $B$ necessarily is, they then suppose also that if $B$ is, $A$ necessarily is. This is also the source of the deceptions that attend opinions based on sense-perception. For people often suppose bile to be honey because honey is attended by a yellow colour: also, since after rain the ground is wet in consequence, we suppose that if the ground is wet, it has been raining; whereas that does not necessarily follow. In rhetoric proofs from signs are based on consequences. For when rhetoricians wish to show that a man is an adulterer, they take hold of some consequence of an adulterous life, viz. that the man is smartly dressed, or that he is observed to wander about at night. There are, however, many people of whom these things are true, while the charge in question is untrue. It happens like this also in real reasoning; e.g. Melissus' argument, that the universe is eternal, assumes that the universe has not come to be (for from what is not nothing could possibly come to be) and that what has come to be has done so from a first beginning. If, therefore, the universe has not come to be, it has no first beginning, and is therefore eternal. But this does not necessarily follow: for even if what has come to be always has a first beginning, it does not also follow that what has a first beginning has come to be; any more than it follows that if a man in a fever be hot, a man who is hot must be in a fever. The refutation which depends upon treating as cause what is not a cause, occurs whenever what is not a cause is inserted in the argument, as though the refutation depended upon it. This kind of thing happens in arguments that reason ad impossibile: for in these we are bound to demolish one of the premisses. If, then, the false cause be reckoned in among the questions that are necessary to establish the resulting impossibility, it will often be thought that the refutation depends upon it, e.g. in the proof that the 'soul' and 'life' are not the same: for if coming-to-be be contrary to perishing, then a particular form of perishing will have a particular form of coming-to-be as its contrary: now death is a particular form of perishing and is contrary to life: life, therefore, is a coming-to-be, and to live is to come-to-be. But this is impossible: accordingly, the 'soul' and 'life' are not the same. Now this is not proved: for the impossibility results all the same, even if one does not say that life is the same as the soul, but merely says that life is contrary to death, which is a form of perishing, and that perishing has 'coming-to-be' as its contrary. Arguments of that kind, then, though not inconclusive absolutely, are inconclusive in relation to the proposed conclusion. Also even the questioners themselves often fail quite as much to see a point of that kind. Such, then, are the arguments that depend upon the consequent and upon false cause. Those that depend upon the making of two questions into one occur whenever the plurality is undetected and a single answer is returned as if to a single question. Now, in some cases, it is easy to see that there is more than one, and that an answer is not to be given, e.g. 'Does the earth consist of sea, or the sky?' But in some cases it is less easy, and then people treat the question as one, and either confess their defeat by failing to answer the question, or are exposed to an apparent refutation. Thus 'Is A and is B a man?' 'Yes.' 'Then if any one hits A and B, he will strike a man' (singular), 'not men' (plural). Or again, where part is good and part bad, 'is the whole good or bad?' For whichever he says, it is possible that he might be thought to expose himself to an apparent refutation or to make an apparently false statement: for to say that something is good which is not good, or not good which is good, is to make a false statement. Sometimes, however, additional premisses may actually give rise to a genuine refutation; e.g. suppose a man were to grant that the descriptions 'white' and 'naked' and 'blind' apply to one thing and to a number of things in a like sense. For if 'blind' describes a thing that cannot see though nature designed it to see, it will also describe things that cannot see though nature designed them to do so. Whenever, then, one thing can see while another cannot, they will either both be able to see or else both be blind; which is impossible. The right way, then, is either to divide apparent proofs and refutations as above, or else to refer them all to ignorance of what 'refutation' is, and make that our starting-point: for it is possible to analyse all the aforesaid modes of fallacy into breaches of the definition of a refutation. In the first place, we may see if they are inconclusive: for the conclusion ought to result from the premisses laid down, so as to compel us necessarily to state it and not merely to seem to compel us. Next we should also take the definition bit by bit, and try the fallacy thereby. For of the fallacies that consist in language, some depend upon a double meaning, e.g. ambiguity of words and of phrases, and the fallacy of like verbal forms (for we habitually speak of everything as though it were a particular substance)—while fallacies of combination and division and accent arise because the phrase in question or the term as altered$^1$ is not the same as was intended. Even this, however, should be the same, just as the thing signified should be as well, if a refutation or proof is to be effected; e.g. if the point concerns a doublet, then you should draw the conclusion of a ‘doublet’, not of a ‘cloak’. For the former conclusion also would be true, but it has not been proved; we need a further question to show that ‘doublet’ means the same thing, in order to satisfy any one who asks why you think your point proved. Fallacies that depend on Accident are clear cases of ignoratio elenchi when once ‘proof’ has been defined. For the same definition ought to hold good of ‘refutation’ too, except that a mention of ‘the contradictory’ is here added: for a refutation is a proof of the contradictory. If, then, there is no proof as regards an accident of anything, there is no refutation. For supposing, when $A$ and $B$ are, $C$ must necessarily be, and $C$ is white, there is no necessity for it to be white on account of the syllogism. So, if the triangle has its angles equal to two right-angles, and it happens to be a figure, or the simplest element or starting point, it is not because it is a figure or a starting point or simplest element that it has this character. For the demonstration proves the point about it not qua figure or qua simplest element, but qua triangle. Likewise also in other cases. If, then, refutation is a proof, an argument which argued per accidens could not be a refutation. It is, however, just in this that the experts and men of science generally suffer refutation at the hand of the unscientific: $^1$ 168a 28. Read τοῦνομα τὸ διαφέρον. for the latter meet the scientists with reasonings constituted per accidens; and the scientists for lack of the power to draw distinctions either say 'Yes' to their questions, or else people suppose them to have said 'Yes', although they have not.$^1$ Those that depend upon whether something is said in a certain respect only or said absolutely, are clear cases of ignoratio elenchi because the affirmation and the denial are not concerned with the same point. For of 'white in a certain respect' the negation is 'not white in a certain respect', while of 'white absolutely' it is 'not white, absolutely'. If, then, a man treats the admission that a thing is 'white in a certain respect' as though it were said to be white absolutely, he does not effect a refutation, but merely appears to do so owing to ignorance of what refutation is. The clearest cases of all, however, are those that were previously described$^2$ as depending upon the definition of a 'refutation': and this is also why they were called by that name. For the appearance of a refutation is produced because of the omission in the definition, and if we divide fallacies in the above manner, we ought to set 'Defective definition' as a common mark upon them all. Those that depend upon the assumption of the original point and upon stating as the cause what is not the cause, are clearly shown to be cases of ignoratio elenchi through the definition thereof. For the conclusion ought to come about$^3$ 'because these things are so',$^4$ and this does not happen where the premisses are not causes of it: and again it should come about without taking into account the original point, and this is not the case with those arguments which depend upon begging the original point. Those that depend upon the consequent are a branch of Accident: for the consequent is an accident, only it differs from the accident in this, that you may secure an admission of the accident in the case of one thing only (e.g. the identity of a yellow thing and honey and of a white thing --- $^1$ 168$^b$ 9. Read δόντας. $^2$ 167$^a$ 21–35. $^3$ 168$^b$ 24 omitting αἰτία τοῦ. $^4$ Cf. An. Pr. A. i. 24$^b$ 18. and swan), whereas the consequent always involves more than one thing: for we claim that things that are the same as one and the same thing are also the same as one another, and this is the ground of a refutation dependent on the consequent. It is, however, not always true, e.g. suppose that $A$ and $B$ are ‘the same’ as $C$ per accidens; for both ‘snow’ and the ‘swan’ are the same as something ‘white’. Or again, as in Melissus’ argument, a man assumes that to have been generated and to ‘have a beginning’ are the same thing, or to ‘become equal’ and to ‘assume the same magnitude’. For because what has been generated has a beginning, he claims also that what has a beginning has been generated, and argues as though both what has been generated and what is finite were the same because each has a beginning. Likewise also in the case of things that are made equal he assumes that if things that assume one and the same magnitude become equal, then also things that become equal assume one magnitude: i.e. he assumes the consequent. Inasmuch, then, as a refutation depending on accident consists in ignorance of what a refutation is, clearly so also does a refutation depending on the consequent. We shall have further to examine this in another way as well. Those fallacies that depend upon the making of several questions into one consist in our failure to dissect the definition of ‘proposition’. For a proposition is a single statement about a single thing. For the same definition applies to ‘one single thing only’ and to the ‘thing’, simply, e.g. to ‘man’ and to ‘one single man only’; and likewise also in other cases. If, then, a ‘single proposition’ be one which claims a single thing of a single thing, a ‘proposition’, simply, will also be the putting of a question of that kind. Now since a proof starts from propositions and refutation is a proof, refutation, too, will start from propositions. If, then, a proposition is a single statement about a single thing, 1 168b 34. Omit λεικόν with $A$ and $B$. 2 Cf. 167b 13. 3 168b 40. Read τὸ πεπερασμένου. 4 169b 2. Read λαμβάνειν with $A$ and $B$. 5 Chs. 24, 28. 6 169a 7. Omitting ἐὰ μὴ διαιρεῖν with $A$ and $B$. it is obvious that this fallacy too consists in ignorance of what a refutation is: for in it what is not a proposition appears to be one. If, then, the answerer has returned an answer as though to a single question, there will be a refutation; while if he has returned one not really but apparently, there will be an apparent refutation of his thesis. All the types of fallacy, then, fall under ignorance of what a refutation is, some of them because the contradiction, which is the distinctive mark of a refutation, is merely apparent, and the rest failing to conform to the definition of a proof. The deception comes about in the case of arguments that depend on ambiguity of words and of phrases because we are unable to divide the ambiguous term (for some terms it is not easy to divide, e.g. 'unity', 'being', and 'sameness'), while in those that depend on combination and division, it is because we suppose that it makes no difference whether the phrase be combined or divided, as is indeed the case with most phrases. Likewise also with those that depend on accent: for the lowering or raising of the voice upon a phrase is thought not to alter its meaning—with any phrase, or not with many. With those that depend on the form of expression it is because of the likeness of expression. For it is hard to distinguish what kind of things are signified by the same and what by different kinds of expression: for a man who can do this is practically next door to the understanding of the truth. A special reason why a man is liable to be hurried into assent to the fallacy is that we suppose every predicate of anything to be an individual thing, and we understand it as being one with the thing: and we therefore treat it as a substance: for it is to that which is one with a thing or substance, as also to substance itself, that 'individuality' and 'being' are deemed to belong in the fullest sense. For this reason, too, this type of fallacy is to be ranked among those that depend on language; in 1 169a 18. Read τρόποι. 2 169a 19 παρὰ τὴν λέξιν appears to be a gloss. 3 169a 20. Read φαινομένη ἡ ἀντίφασις (Wallies). 4 169a 33. Read a full-stop at τὰληθές. Also, read ἐπισπάται. the first place, because the deception is effected the more readily when we are inquiring into a problem in company with others than when we do so by ourselves (for an inquiry with another person is carried on by means of speech, whereas an inquiry by oneself is carried on quite as much by means of the object itself); secondly a man is liable to be deceived, even when inquiring by himself, when he takes speech as the basis of his inquiry: moreover the deception arises out of the likeness (of two different things), and the likeness arises out of the language. With those fallacies that depend upon Accident, deception comes about$^1$ because we cannot distinguish the sameness and otherness of terms, i.e. their unity and multiplicity, or what kinds of predicate have all the same accidents as their subject. Likewise also with those that depend on the Consequent: for the consequent is a branch of Accident. Moreover, in many cases appearances point to this—and the claim is made—that if $A$ is inseparable from $B$, so also is $B$ from $A$. With those that depend upon an imperfection in the definition of a refutation, and with those that depend upon the difference between a qualified and an absolute statement, the deception consists in the smallness of the difference involved; for we treat the limitation to the particular thing or respect or manner or time as adding nothing to the meaning, and so grant the statement universally. Likewise also in the case of those that assume the original point, and those of false cause, and all that treat a number of questions as one: for in all of them the deception lies in the smallness of the difference: for our failure to be quite exact in our definition of ‘premiss’ and of ‘proof’ is due to the aforesaid reason. 8 Since we know on how many points apparent syllogisms depend, we know also on how many sophistical syllogisms and refutations may depend. By a sophistical refutation and syllogism I mean not only a syllogism or refutation which appears to be valid but is not, but also one which, though it is valid, only appears to be appropriate to the thing in question. These are those which fail to refute and $^1$ 169$^b$ 3 sc. ἡ ἀπάτη γίνεται from 169$^a$ 22, as also in 169$^a$ 30. prove people to be ignorant according to the nature of the thing in question, which was the function of the art of examination. Now the art of examining is a branch of dialectic: and this may prove a false conclusion because of the ignorance of the answerer. Sophistic refutations on the other hand, even though they prove the contradictory of his thesis, do not make clear whether he is ignorant: for sophists entangle the scientist as well with these arguments. That we know them by the same line of inquiry is clear: for the same considerations which make it appear to an audience that the points required for the proof were asked in the questions and that the conclusion was proved, would make the answerer think so as well, so that false proof will occur through all or some of these means: for what a man has not been asked but thinks he has granted, he would also grant if he were asked. Of course, in some cases the moment we add the missing question, we also show up its falsity, e.g. in fallacies that depend on language and on solecism. If then, fallacious proofs of the contradictory of a thesis depend on their appearing to refute, it is clear that the considerations on which both proofs of false conclusions and an apparent refutation depend must be the same in number. Now an apparent refutation depends upon the elements involved in a genuine one: for the failure of one or other of these must make the refutation merely apparent, e.g. that which depends on the failure of the conclusion to follow from the argument (the argument ad impossibile) and that which treats two questions as one and so depends upon a flaw in the premiss, and that which depends on the substitution of an accident for an essential attribute, and—a branch of the last—that which depends upon the consequent: moreover, the conclusion may follow not in fact but only verbally: then, instead of proving the contradictory universally and in the same respect and relation and manner, the fallacy may be dependent on some limit of extent or on one or other of these qualifications: moreover, there is the assumption of the original point $^1$ to be proved, in violation of the clause 'without reckoning in the $^1$ 170a9. Read τὸ ἐν ἀρχῇ λαμβάνειν. original point'. Thus we should have the number of considerations on which the fallacious proofs depend: for they could not depend on more, but all will depend on the points aforesaid. A sophistical refutation is a refutation not absolutely but relatively to some one: and so is a proof, in the same way. For unless that which depends upon ambiguity assumes that the ambiguous term has a single meaning, and that which depends on like verbal forms assumes that substance is the only category, and the rest in the same way, there will be neither refutations nor proofs, either absolutely or relatively to the answerer: whereas if they do assume these things, they will stand, relatively to the answerer; but absolutely they will not stand: for they have not secured a statement that does have a single meaning, but only one that appears to have, and that only from this particular man. 9 The number of considerations on which depend the refutations of those who are refuted, we ought not to try to grasp without a knowledge of everything that is. This, however, is not the province of any special study: for possibly the sciences are infinite in number, so that obviously demonstrations may be infinite too. Now refutations may be true as well as false: for whenever it is possible to demonstrate something, it is also possible to refute the man who maintains the contradictory of the truth; e.g. if a man has stated that the diagonal is commensurate with the side of the square, one might refute him by demonstrating that it is incommensurate. Accordingly, to exhaust all possible refutations we shall have to have scientific knowledge of everything: for some refutations depend upon the principles that rule in geometry and the conclusions that follow from these, others upon those that rule in medicine, and others upon those of the other sciences. For the matter of that, the false refutations likewise belong to the number of the infinite: for according to every art there is false proof, e.g. according to geometry there is false geometrical proof, and according to medicine there is false medical proof. By 'according to the art', I mean 'according to the principles of it'. Clearly, then, it is not of all refutations, but only of those that depend upon dialectic that we need to grasp the common-place rules: for these stand in a common relation to every art and faculty. And as regards the refutation that is according to one or other of the particular sciences it is the task of that particular scientist to examine whether it is merely apparent without being real, and, if it be real, what is the reason for it: whereas it is the business of dialecticians so to examine the refutation that proceeds from the common first principles that fall under no particular special study. For if we grasp the starting-points of the accepted proofs on any subject whatever we grasp those of the refutations current on that subject. For a refutation is the proof of the contradictory of a given thesis, so that either one or two proofs of the contradictory constitute a refutation. We grasp, then, the number of considerations on which all such depend: if, however, we grasp this, we also grasp their solutions as well; for the objections to these are the solutions of them. We also grasp the number of considerations on which those refutations depend, that are merely apparent—apparent, I mean, not to everybody, but to people of a certain stamp; for it is an indefinite task if one is to inquire how many are the considerations that make them apparent to the man in the street. Accordingly it is clear that the dialectician's business is to be able to grasp on how many considerations depends the formation, through the common first principles, of a refutation that is either real or apparent, i.e. either dialectical or apparently dialectical, or suitable for an examination. It is no true distinction between arguments which some people draw when they say that some arguments are directed against the expression, and others against the thought expressed: for it is absurd to suppose that some arguments are directed against the expression and others against the thought, and that they are not the same. For what is failure to direct an argument against the thought except what occurs whenever a man does not in using the expression think it to be used in his question in the same sense in which the person questioned granted it? And this is the same thing as to direct the argument against the expression. On the other hand, it is directed against the thought whenever a man uses the expression in the same sense which the answerer had in mind when he granted it. If now any one (i.e. both the questioner and the person questioned), in dealing with an expression with more than one meaning, were to suppose it to have one meaning—as e.g. it may be that 'Being' and 'One' have many meanings, and yet both the answerer answers and the questioner puts his question supposing it to be one, and the argument is to the effect that 'All things are one'—will this discussion be directed any more against the expression than against the thought of the person questioned? If, on the other hand, one of them supposes the expression to have many meanings, it is clear that such a discussion will not be directed against the thought. Such being the meanings of the phrases in question, they clearly cannot describe two separate classes of argument. For, in the first place, it is possible for any such argument as bears more than one meaning to be directed against the expression and against the thought, and next it is possible for any argument whatsoever; for the fact of being directed against the thought consists not in the nature of the argument, but in the special attitude of the answerer towards the points he concedes. Next, all of them may be directed to the expression. For 'to be directed against the expression' means in this doctrine 'not to be directed against the thought'. For if not all are directed against either expression or thought, there will be certain other arguments directed neither against the expression nor against the thought, whereas they say that all must be one or the other, and divide them all as directed either against the expression or against the thought, while others (they say) there are none. But in point of fact those that depend on mere expression are only a branch of those syllogisms that depend on a multiplicity 1 170b 23. Omit Ζήνων—obviously a gloss. 2 170b 25. Read διειλεγμένος; εἰ δ’ ἔτερος . . . . of meanings. For the absurd statement has actually been made that the description 'dependent on mere expression' describes all the arguments that depend on language: whereas some of these are fallacies not because the answerer adopts a particular attitude towards them, but because the argument itself involves the asking of a question such as bears more than one meaning. It is, too, altogether absurd to discuss Refutation without first discussing Proof: for a refutation is a proof, so that one ought to discuss proof as well before describing false refutation: for a refutation of that kind is a merely apparent proof of the contradictory of a thesis. Accordingly, the reason of the falsity will be either in the proof or in the contradiction (for mention of the 'contradiction' must be added), while sometimes it is in both, if the refutation be merely apparent. In the argument that speaking of the silent is possible it lies in the contradiction, not in the proof; in the argument that one can give what one does not possess, it lies in both; in the proof that Homer's poem is a figure through its being a cycle it lies in the proof. An argument that does not fail in either respect is a true proof. But, to return to the point whence our argument digressed,¹ are mathematical reasonings directed against the thought, or not? And if any one thinks 'triangle' to be a word with many meanings, and granted it in some different sense from the figure which was proved to contain two right angles, has the questioner here directed his argument against the thought of the former or not? Moreover, if the expression bears many senses, while the answerer does not understand or suppose it to have them, surely the questioner here has directed his argument against his thought! Or how else ought he to put his question except by suggesting a distinction—suppose one's question to be 'Is speaking of the silent possible or not?' —as follows, 'Is² the answer "No" in one sense, but "Yes" in another?' If, then, any one were to answer that it was not possible in any sense and the other were to argue that it was, has not his argument been directed against the ¹ 170b 40. ² 171a 19. Read εἰ γ' ἐρωτήσειε, and ὅ in line 20. thought of the answerer? Yet his argument is supposed to be one of those that depend on the expression. There is not, then, any definite kind of arguments that is directed against the thought. Some arguments are, indeed, directed against the expression: but these$^1$ are not all even apparent refutations, let alone all refutations. For there are also apparent refutations which do not depend upon language, e.g. those that depend upon accident, and others. If, however, any one claims that one should actually draw the distinction, and say, 'By "speaking of the silent" I mean, in one sense this and in the other sense that', surely to claim this is in the first place absurd (for sometimes the questioner does not see the ambiguity of his question, and he cannot possibly draw a distinction which he does not think to be there): in the second place, what else but this will didactic argument be? For it will make manifest the state of the case to one who has never considered, and does not know or suppose that there is any other meaning but one. For what is there to prevent the same thing also happening to us in cases where there is no double meaning? 'Are the units in four equal to the twos? Observe that the twos are contained in four in one sense in this way, in another sense in that.' Also, 'Is the knowledge of contraries one or not? Observe that some contraries are known, while others are unknown.' Thus the man who makes this claim seems to be unaware of the difference between didactic and dialectical argument, and of the fact that while he who argues didactically should not ask questions but make things clear himself, the other should merely ask questions. Moreover, to claim a 'Yes' or 'No' answer is the business not of a man who is showing something, but of one who is holding an examination. For the art of examining is a branch of dialectic and has in view not the man who has knowledge, but the ignorant pretender. He, then, is a dialectician who regards the common principles with their application to the particular matter in hand, while he who $^1$ 171a24. Read καίτοι οὐτοι. only appears to do this is a sophist. Now for contentious and sophistical reasoning: (1) one such is a merely apparent reasoning, on subjects on which dialectical reasoning is the proper method of examination, even though its conclusion be true: for it misleads us in regard to the cause: also (2) there are those misreasonings which do not conform to the line of inquiry proper to the particular subject, but are generally thought to conform to the art in question. For false diagrams of geometrical figures are not contentious (for the resulting fallacies conform to the subject of the art)—any more than is any false diagram that may be offered in proof of a truth—e.g. Hippocrates' figure or the squaring of the circle by means of the lunules. But Bryson's method of squaring the circle,$^1$ even if the circle is thereby squared, is still sophistical because it does not conform to the subject in hand.$^2$ So, then, any merely apparent reasoning about these things is a contentious argument, and any reasoning that merely appears to conform to the subject in hand, even though it be genuine reasoning, is a contentious argument: for it is merely apparent in its conformity to the subject-matter, so that it is deceptive and plays foul. For just as a foul in a race is a definite type of fault, and is a kind of foul fighting, so the art of contentious reasoning is foul fighting in disputation: for in the former case those who are resolved to win at all costs snatch at everything, and so in the latter case do contentious reasoners. Those, then, who do this in order to win the mere victory are generally considered to be contentious and quarrelsome persons, while those who do it to win a reputation with a view to making money are sophistical. For the art of sophistry is, as we said,$^3$ a kind of art of money-making from a merely apparent wisdom, and this is why they aim at a merely apparent demonstration: and quarrelsome persons and sophists both employ the same arguments, but not with the same motives: and the same argument will be sophistical and contentious, but not in the $^1$ On the various methods of attempting to square the circle, here and below (172$^a$ 2–7), see Poste, Soph. El., Appendix F. $^2$ Cf. 172$^a$ 2–7 below. $^3$ 165$^a$ 22. same respect; rather, it will be contentious in so far as its aim is an apparent victory, while in so far as its aim is an apparent wisdom, it will be sophistical: for the art of sophistry is a certain appearance of wisdom without the reality. The contentious argument stands in somewhat the same relation to the dialectical as the drawer of false diagrams to the geometrician; for it beguiles by misreasoning from the same principles as dialectic uses, just as the drawer of a false diagram beguiles the geometrician. But whereas the latter is not a contentious reasoner, because he bases his false diagram on the principles and conclusions that fall under the art of geometry, the argument which is subordinate to the principles of dialectic will yet clearly be contentious as regards other subjects. Thus, e.g., though the squaring of the circle by means of the lunules is not contentious, Bryson's solution is contentious: and the former argument cannot be adapted to any subject except geometry, because it proceeds from principles that are peculiar to geometry, whereas the latter can be adapted as an argument against all the number of people who do not know what is or is not possible in each particular context: for it will apply to them all. Or there is the method whereby Antiphon squared the circle. Or again, an argument which denied that it was better to take a walk after dinner, because of Zeno's argument, would not be a proper argument for a doctor, because Zeno's argument is of general application. If, then, the relation of the contentious argument to the dialectical were exactly like that of the drawer of false diagrams to the geometrician, a contentious argument upon the aforesaid subjects could not have existed. But, as it is, the dialectical argument is not concerned with any definite kind of being, nor does it show anything, nor is it even an argument such as we find in the general philosophy of being. For all beings are not contained in any one kind, nor, if they were, could they possibly fall under the same principles. Accordingly, no art that is a method of showing the nature of anything proceeds by asking questions: for it does not permit a man to grant whichever he likes of the two alternatives in the question: for they will not both of them yield a proof. Dialectic, on the other hand, does proceed by questioning, whereas if it were concerned to show things, it would have refrained from putting questions, even if not about everything, at least about the first principles and the special principles that apply to the particular subject in hand. For suppose the answerer not to grant these,$^1$ it would then no longer have had any grounds from which to argue any longer against the objection. Dialectic is at the same time a mode of examination as well. For neither is the art of examination an accomplishment of the same kind as geometry, but one which a man may possess, even though he has not knowledge. For it is possible even for one without knowledge to hold an examination of one who is without knowledge, if also the latter grants him points taken not from things that he knows or from the special principles of the subject under discussion but from all that range of consequences attaching to the subject which a man may indeed know without knowing the theory of the subject, but which if he do not know, he is bound to be ignorant of the theory. So then clearly the art of examining does not consist in knowledge of any definite subject. For this reason, too, it deals with everything: for every 'theory' of anything employs also certain common principles. Hence everybody, including even amateurs, makes use in a way of dialectic and the practice of examining: for all undertake to some extent a rough trial of those who profess to know things. What serves them here is the general principles: for they know these of themselves just as well as the scientist, even if in what they say they seem to the latter to go wildly astray from them. All, then, are engaged in refutation; for they take a hand as amateurs in the same task with which dialectic is concerned professionally; and he is a dialectician who examines by the help of a theory of reasoning. Now there are many identical principles which are true of everything,$^2$ though they are not such as to constitute a particular nature, i.e. a particular $^1$ 172$^a$ 20. Read διδόντος. $^2$ 172$^a$ 36. Read ταὐτὰ κατὰ πάντων (BC have ταὐτά and AB have no καὶ). kind of being, but are like negative terms, while other principles are not of this kind but are special to particular subjects; accordingly it is possible from these general principles to hold an examination on everything, and that there should be a definite art of so doing, and, moreover, an art which is not of the same kind as those which demonstrate.\footnote{172\textsuperscript{b} 1. Read $\delta\varepsilon\iota\kappa\nu\omega\sigma\alpha$.} This is why the contentious reasoner does not stand in the same condition in all respects as the drawer of a false diagram: for the contentious reasoner will not be given to misreasoning from any definite class of principles, but will deal with every class. These, then, are the types of sophistical refutations: and that it belongs to the dialectician to study these, and to be able to effect them, is not difficult to see: for the investigation of premisses comprises the whole of this study. So much, then, for apparent refutations. As for showing that the answerer is committing some fallacy, and drawing his argument into paradox—for this was the second item of the sophist’s programme\footnote{165\textsuperscript{b} 19.}—in the first place, then, this is best brought about by a certain manner of questioning and through the question. For to put the question without framing it with reference to any definite subject is a good bait for these purposes: for people are more inclined to make mistakes when they talk at large, and they talk at large when they have no definite subject before them. Also the putting of several questions, even though the position against which one is arguing be quite definite, and the claim that he shall say only what he thinks, create abundant opportunity for drawing him into paradox or fallacy, and also, whether to any of these questions he replies ‘Yes’ or replies ‘No’, of leading him on to statements against which one is well off for a line of attack. Nowadays, however, men are less able\footnote{172\textsuperscript{b} 19. Read $\delta\varepsilon\upsilon\alpha\nu\tau\alpha$.} to play foul by these means than they were formerly: for people rejoin with the question, ‘What has that to do with the original subject?’ It is, too, an elementary rule for eliciting some fallacy or paradox that one should never put a controversial question straight away, but say that one puts it from the wish for information: for the process of inquiry thus invited gives room for an attack. A rule specially appropriate for showing up a fallacy is the sophistic rule, that one should draw the answerer on to the kind of statements against which one is well supplied with arguments: this can$^1$ be done both properly and improperly, as was said before.$^2$ Again, to draw a paradoxical statement, look and see to what school of philosophers the person arguing with you belongs, and then question him as to some point wherein their doctrine is paradoxical to most people: for with every school there is some point of that kind. It is an elementary rule in these matters to have a collection of the special 'theses' of the various schools among your propositions. The solution recommended as appropriate here, too, is to point out that the paradox does not come about because of the argument: whereas this is what his opponent always really wants. Moreover, argue from men's wishes and their professed opinions. For people do not wish the same things as they say they wish: they say what will look best, whereas they wish what appears to be to their interest: e.g. they say that a man ought to die nobly rather than to live in pleasure, and to live in honest poverty rather than in dishonourable riches; but they wish the opposite. Accordingly, a man who speaks according to his wishes must be led into stating the professed opinions of people, while he who speaks according to these must be led into admitting those that people keep hidden away: for in either case they are bound to introduce a paradox; for they will speak contrary either to men's professed or to their hidden opinions. The widest range of common-place argument for leading men into paradoxical statement is that which depends on the standards of Nature and of the Law: it is so that both Callicles is drawn as arguing in the Gorgias,$^3$ and that all the men of old supposed the result to come about: for $^1$ 172$^b$ 26. Read ἐστιν. $^2$ Top. ii. 5. $^3$ 482 E. nature (they said) and law are opposites, and justice is a fine thing by a legal standard, but not by that of nature. Accordingly, they said, the man whose statement agrees with the standard of nature you should meet by the standard of the law, but the man who agrees with the law by leading him to the facts of nature: for in both ways paradoxical statements may be committed. In their view the standard of nature was the truth, while that of the law was the opinion held by the majority. So that it is clear that they, too, used to try either to refute the answerer or to make him make paradoxical statements, just as the men of to-day do as well. Some questions are such that in both forms the answer is paradoxical; e.g. 'Ought one to obey the wise or one's father?' and 'Ought one to do what is expedient or what is just?' and 'Is it preferable to suffer injustice or to do an injury?' You should lead people, then, into views opposite to the majority and to the philosophers; if any one speaks as do the expert reasoners, lead him into opposition to the majority, while if he speaks as do the majority, then into opposition to the reasoners. For some say that of necessity the happy man is just, whereas it is paradoxical to the many that a king should not be happy. To lead a man into paradoxes of this sort is the same as to lead him into the opposition of the standards of nature and law: for the law represents the opinion of the majority, whereas philosophers speak according to the standard of nature and the truth. Paradoxes, then, you should seek to elicit by means of these common-place rules. Now as for making any one babble, we have already said what we mean by 'to babble'.¹ This is the object in view in all arguments of the following kind: If it is all the same to state a term and to state its definition, the 'double' and 'double of half' are the same: if then 'double' be the 'double of half', it will be the 'double of half of half'. And if, instead of 'double', 'double of half' be again put, then the same expression will be ¹ 165b 16. repeated three times, 'double of half of half of half'. Also 'desire is of the pleasant, isn't it?' But desire is conation for the pleasant: accordingly, 'desire' is 'conation for the pleasant for the pleasant'. All arguments of this kind occur in dealing (1) with any relative terms which not only have relative genera, but are also themselves relative, and are rendered in relation to one and the same thing, as e.g. conation is conation for something, and desire is desire of something, and double is double of something, i.e. double of half: also in dealing (2) with any terms which, though they be not relative terms at all, yet have their substance, viz. the things of which they are the states or affections or what not, indicated as well in their definition, they being predicated of these things. Thus e.g. 'odd' is a 'number containing a middle': but there is an 'odd number': therefore there is a 'number-containing-a-middle number'. Also, if snub-ness be a concavity of the nose, and there be a snub nose, there is therefore a 'concave-nose nose'. People sometimes appear to produce this result, without really producing it, because they do not add the question whether the expression 'double', just by itself, has any meaning or no, and if so, whether it has the same meaning, or a different one; but they draw their conclusion straight away. Still it seems, inasmuch as the word is the same, to have the same meaning as well. We have said before what kind of thing 'solecism' is.$^1$ It is possible both to commit it, and to seem to do so without doing so, and to do so without seeming to do so. Suppose, as Protagoras used to say, that $\mu\eta\nu\sigma$ ('wrath') and $\pi\eta\lambda\eta\xi$ ('helmet') are masculine: according to him a man who calls wrath a 'destructress' ($o\upsilon\lambda\omega\mu\epsilon\nu\eta\nu$) commits a solecism, though he does not seem to do so to other people, whereas he who calls it a 'destructor' ($o\upsilon\lambda\omega\mu\epsilon\nu\nu$) commits no solecism though he seems to do so. It is clear, then, that any one could produce this effect by art as well: and $^1$ 165$^b$ 20 for this reason many arguments seem to lead to solecism which do not really do so, as happens in the case of refutations. Almost all apparent solecisms depend upon the word 'this' (τόδε), and upon occasions when the inflection denotes neither a masculine nor a feminine object but a neuter. For¹ 'he' (οὗτος) signifies a masculine, and 'she' (αὕτη) a feminine; but 'this' (τοῦτο), though meant to signify a neuter, often also signifies one or other of the former: e.g. 'What is this?' 'It is Calliope'; 'it is a log'; 'it is Coriscus'. Now in the masculine and feminine the inflections are all different, whereas in the neuter some are and some are not. Often, then, when 'this' (τοῦτο) has been granted, people reason as if 'him' (τοῦτον) had been said: and likewise also they substitute one inflection for another. The fallacy comes about because 'this' (τοῦτο) is a common form of several inflections: for 'this' signifies sometimes 'he' (οὗτος) and sometimes 'him' (τοῦτον). It should signify them alternately; when combined with 'is' (ἐστί) it should be 'he', while with 'being' it should be 'him': e.g. 'Coriscus (Κορίσκος) is', but 'being Coriscus' (Κορίσκου). It happens in the same way in the case of feminine nouns as well, and in the case of the so-called 'chattels' that have feminine or masculine designations. For only those names which end in -ο and ν, have the designation proper to a chattel, e.g. ξύλον ('log'), σχοινίον ('rope'); those which do not end so have that of a masculine or feminine object, though some of them we apply to chattels: e.g. ἀσκός ('wine-skin') is a masculine noun, and κλίνη ('bed') a feminine. For this reason in cases of this kind as well there will be a difference of the same sort between a construction with 'is' (ἐστί) or with 'being' (τὸ εἶναι). Also, Solecism resembles in a certain way those refutations which are said to depend on the like expression of unlike things. For, just as there we come upon a material solecism, so here we come upon a verbal: for 'man' is both a 'matter' for expression and also a 'word': and so is 'white'. ¹ 173b 28. Read τὸ μὲν γὰρ. It is clear, then, that for solecisms we must try to construct our argument out of the aforesaid inflections. These, then, are the types of contentious arguments, and the subdivisions of those types, and the methods for conducting them aforesaid. But it makes no little difference if the materials for putting the question be arranged in a certain manner with a view to concealment, as in the case of dialectics. Following then upon what we have said, this must be discussed first. With a view then to refutation, one resource is length—for it is difficult to keep several things in view at once; and to secure length the elementary rules that have been stated before should be employed. One resource, on the other hand, is speed; for when people are left behind they look ahead less. Moreover, there is anger and contentiousness, for when agitated everybody is less able to take care of himself. Elementary rules for producing anger are to make a show of the wish to play foul, and to be altogether shameless. Moreover, there is the putting of one's questions alternately, whether one has more than one argument leading to the same conclusion, or whether one has arguments to show both that something is so, and that it is not so: for the result is that he has to be on his guard at the same time either against more than one line, or against contrary lines, of argument. In general, all the methods described before of producing concealment are useful also for purposes of contentious argument: for the object of concealment is to avoid detection, and the object of this is to deceive. To counter those who refuse to grant whatever they suppose to help one's argument, one should put the question negatively, as though desirous of the opposite answer, or at any rate as though one put the question without prejudice; for when it is obscure what answer one wants to secure, people are less refractory. Also when, in dealing with particulars, a man grants the individual case, when the induction is done you should often not put the universal \footnotesize{1 155b 26-157a 5. \hspace{1cm} 2 155b 26-157a 5.} \footnotesize{3 174a 34. Read ἐπαγαγόντα.} as a question, but take it for granted and use it: for sometimes people themselves suppose that they have granted it, and also appear to the audience to have done so, for they remember the induction and assume that the questions could not have been put for nothing. In cases where there is no term to indicate the universal, still you should avail yourself of the resemblance of the particulars to suit your purpose; for resemblance often escapes detection. Also, with a view to obtaining your premiss, you ought to put it in your question side by side with its contrary. E.g. if it were necessary to secure the admission that 'A man should obey his father in everything', ask 'Should a man obey his parents in everything, or disobey them in everything?'; and to secure that 'A number multiplied by a large number is a large number', ask 'Should one agree that it is a large number or a small one?' For then, if compelled to choose, one will be more inclined to think it a large one: for placing of their contraries close beside them makes things look big to men, both relatively and absolutely, and worse and better. A strong appearance of having been refuted is often produced by the most highly sophistical of all the unfair tricks of questioners, when without proving anything, instead of putting their final proposition as a question, they state it as a conclusion, as though they had proved that 'Therefore so-and-so is not true'. It is also a sophistical trick, when a paradox has been laid down, first to propose at the start some view that is generally accepted, and then claim that the answerer shall answer what he thinks about it, and to put one's question on matters of that kind in the form 'Do you think that ...?' For then, if the question be taken as one of the premisses of one's argument, either a refutation or a paradox is bound to result; if he grants the view, a refutation; if he refuses to grant it or even to admit it as the received opinion, a paradox; if he refuses to grant it, but admits that it is the received opinion, something very like a refutation, results. 1 174b 13. Read του (= τινός) for τοῦ. Moreover, just as in rhetorical discourses, so also in those aimed at refutation, you should examine the discrepancies of the answerer's position either with his own statements, or with those of persons whom he admits to say and do aright, moreover with those of people who are generally supposed to bear that kind of character, or who are like them, or with those of the majority or of all men. Also just as answerers, too, often, when they are in process of being confuted, draw a distinction, if their confutation is just about to take place, so questioners also should resort to this from time to time to counter objectors, pointing out, supposing that against one sense of the words the objection holds, but not against the other, that they have taken it in the latter sense, as e.g. Cleophon does in the Mandrobulus.¹ They should also break off their argument and cut down their other lines of attack, while in answering,² if a man perceives this being done beforehand, he should put in his objection and have his say first. One should also lead attacks sometimes against positions other than the one stated, on the understood condition that³ one cannot find lines of attack against the view laid down, as Lycophron did when ordered to deliver a eulogy upon the lyre. To counter those who demand 'Against what are you directing your effort?'⁴ since one is generally thought bound to state the charge made, while, on the other hand, some ways of stating it make the defence too easy,⁵ you should state as your aim only the general result that always happens in refutations,⁶ namely the contradiction of his thesis—viz. that your effort is to deny what he has affirmed,⁷ or to affirm what he denied: don't say that you are trying to show that the knowledge of contraries is, or is not, the same. One must not ask one's conclusion in the form of ¹ Probably a dialogue by Speusippus; cf. I. Bywater in Journal of Philology, xii. 21–30, and P. Lang, De Speusippii Academici Scriptis, 39–41, 52. ² 174b 29. Omit τόν. ³ Or perhaps, 'and interpret the latter so, if one cannot' &c. ⁴ 174b 34. Read πρὸς τ' ἐπιχείρεις; ⁵ 174b 35. Read a comma after εὐφυλακτότερον. ⁶ 174b 36. Read a comma after λέγειν, none after ἐλέγχοις. ⁷ 174b 36. Read ὅτι δ' ἔφησεν. a premiss, while some conclusions should not even be put as questions at all; one should take and use it as granted. 16 We have now therefore dealt with the sources of questions, and the methods of questioning in contentious disputations: next we have to speak of answering, and of how solutions should be made, and of what requires them, and of what use is served by arguments of this kind. The use of them, then, is, for philosophy, two-fold. For in the first place, since for the most part they depend upon the expression, they put us in a better condition for seeing in how many senses any term is used, and what kind of resemblances and what kind of differences occur between things and between their names. In the second place they are useful for one's own personal researches; for the man who is easily committed to a fallacy by some one else, and does not perceive it, is likely to incur this fate of himself also on many occasions. Thirdly and lastly, they further contribute to one's reputation, viz. the reputation of being well trained in everything, and not inexperienced in anything: for that a party to arguments should find fault with them, if he cannot definitely point out their weakness, creates a suspicion, making it seem as though it were not the truth of the matter but merely inexperience that put him out of temper. Answerers may clearly see how to meet arguments of this kind, if our previous account was right of the sources whence fallacies came, and also our distinctions adequate of the forms of dishonesty in putting questions. But it is not the same thing to take an argument in one's hand and then to see and solve its faults, as it is to be able to meet it quickly while being subjected to questions: for what we know, we often do not know in a different context. Moreover, just as in other things speed is enhanced by training, so it is with arguments too, so that supposing we are unpractised, even though a point be clear to us, we are often too late for the right moment. Sometimes too it happens as with diagrams; for there we can sometimes analyse the figure, but not construct it again: so too in refutations, 1 174b 39. Read ἔνα δ' οὐδ' ἐρωτητέον as parenthetical. 2 Chs. 4-11, 15. 3 175a 24. Omitting καὶ τὸ βραδύτερον. though we know the thing on which the connexion of the argument depends, we still are at a loss to split the argument apart. First then, just as we say that we ought sometimes to choose to prove something in the general estimation rather than in truth, so also we have sometimes to solve arguments rather in the general estimation than according to the truth. For it is a general rule in fighting contentious persons, to treat them not as refuting, but as merely appearing to refute: for we say that they don’t really prove their case, so that our object in correcting them must be to dispel the appearance of it. For if refutation be an unambiguous contradiction arrived at from certain views, there could be no need to draw distinctions against amphiboly and ambiguity: for they do not effect a proof. The only motive for drawing further distinctions is that the conclusion reached looks like a refutation. What, then, we have to beware of, is not being refuted, but seeming to be, because of course the asking of amphibolies and of questions that turn upon ambiguity, and all the other tricks of that kind, conceal even a genuine refutation, and make it uncertain who is refuted and who is not. For since one has the right at the end, when the conclusion is drawn, to say that the only denial made of one’s statement is ambiguous, no matter how precisely he may have addressed his argument to the very same point as oneself, it is not clear whether one has been refuted: for it is not clear whether at the moment one is speaking the truth. If, on the other hand, one had drawn a distinction, and questioned him on the ambiguous term or the amphiboly, the refutation would not have been a matter of uncertainty. Also what is incidentally the object of contentious arguers, though less so nowadays than formerly, would have been fulfilled, namely that the person questioned should answer either ‘Yes’ or ‘No’: whereas nowadays the improper forms in which questioners put their questions compel the party questioned to add something to his answer in correction of the faultiness of the proposition as put: for certainly, if the questioner distinguishes his meaning adequately, the answerer is bound to reply either 'Yes' or 'No'. If any one is going to suppose that an argument which turns upon ambiguity is a refutation, it will be impossible for an answerer to escape being refuted in a sense: for in the case of visible objects one is bound of necessity to deny the term one has asserted, and to assert what one has denied. For the remedy which some people have for this is quite unavailing. They say, not that Coriscus is both musical and unmusical, but that this Coriscus is musical and this Coriscus unmusical. But this will not do, for to say 'this Coriscus' is unmusical', or 'musical', and to say 'this Coriscus' is so, is to use the same expression: and this he is both affirming and denying at once. 'But perhaps they do not mean the same.' Well, nor did the simple name in the former case: so where is the difference? If, however, he is to ascribe to the one person the simple title 'Coriscus', while to the other he is to add the prefix 'one' or 'this', he commits an absurdity: for the latter is no more applicable to the one than to the other: for to whichever he adds it, it makes no difference. All the same, since if a man does not distinguish the senses of an amphiboly, it is not clear whether he has been confuted or has not been confuted, and since in arguments the right to distinguish them is granted, it is evident that to grant the question simply without drawing any distinction is a mistake, so that, even if not the man himself, at any rate his argument looks as though it had been refuted. It often happens, however, that, though they see the amphiboly, people hesitate to draw such distinctions, because of the dense crowd of persons who propose questions of the kind, in order that they may not be thought to be obstructionists at every turn: then, though they would never have supposed that that was the point on which the argument turned, they often find themselves faced by a paradox. Accordingly, since the right of drawing the distinction 1 175b21. Read . . λόγος τὸ τοῦτον τὸν Κ. 2 175b22. Read ἀμουσικὸν εἶναι (ή μουσικόν). 3 175b24. Read ὅστε τί διαφέρει; is granted, one should not hesitate, as has been said before.$^1$ If people never made $^2$ two questions into one question, the fallacy that turns upon ambiguity and amphiboly would not have existed either, but either genuine refutation or none. For what is the difference between asking 'Are Callias and Themistocles musical?' and what one might have asked if they, being different, had had one name? For if the term applied means more than one thing, he has asked more than one question. If then it be not right to demand simply to be given a single answer to two questions, it is evident that it is not proper to give a simple answer to any ambiguous question, not even if the predicate be true of all the subjects, as some claim that one should. For this is exactly as though he had asked 'Are Coriscus and Callias at home or not at home?', supposing them to be both in or both out: for in both cases there is a number of propositions: for though the simple answer be true, that does not make the question one. For it is possible for it to be true to answer even countless different questions when put to one, all together with either a 'Yes' or a 'No': but still one should not answer them with a single answer: for that is the death of discussion. Rather, the case is like as though different things had actually had the same name applied to them. If then, one should not give a single answer to two questions, it is evident that we should not say simply 'Yes' or 'No' in the case of ambiguous terms either: for the remark is simply a remark, not an answer at all, although among disputants such remarks are loosely deemed to be answers, because they do not see what the consequence is. As we said,$^3$ then, inasmuch as certain refutations are generally taken for such, though not such really, in the same way also certain solutions will be generally taken for solutions, though not really such. Now these, we say, must sometimes be advanced rather than the true solutions in contentious reasonings and in the encounter with ambi- $^1$ 160$^a$ 23 ff. $^2$ 175$^b$ 39. Read ἐποίει. $^3$ 164$^b$ 25. guity. The proper answer in saying what one thinks is to say 'Granted'; for in that way the likelihood of being refuted on a side issue is minimized. If, on the other hand, one is compelled to say something paradoxical, one should then be most careful to add that 'it seems' so: for in that way one avoids the impression of being either refuted or paradoxical. Since it is clear what is meant by 'begging the original question', and people think that they must at all costs overthrow the premisses$^1$ that lie near the conclusion, and plead in excuse for refusing to grant him some of them that he is begging the original question, so whenever any one claims from us a point such$^2$ as is bound to follow as a consequence from our thesis, but is false or paradoxical, we must plead the same: for the necessary consequences are generally held to be a part of the thesis itself.$^3$ Moreover, whenever the universal has been secured not under a definite name, but by a comparison of instances, one should say that the questioner assumes it not in the sense in which it was granted nor in which he proposed it in the premiss: for this too is a point upon which a refutation often depends. If one is debarred from these defences one must pass to the argument that the conclusion has not been properly shown, approaching it in the light of the aforesaid distinction between the different kinds of fallacy.$^4$ In the case, then, of names that are used literally one is bound to answer either simply or by drawing a distinction: the tacit understandings implied in our statements, e.g. in answer to questions that are not put clearly but elliptically$^5$ —it is upon this that the consequent refutation depends.$^6$ For example, 'Is what belongs to Athenians the property of Athenians?' Yes. 'And so it is likewise in other cases. But observe; man belongs to the animal kingdom, doesn't he?' Yes. 'Then man is the property of the animal kingdom.' But this is a fallacy: for we say that man 'belongs to' the animal kingdom because he is --- $^1$ 176a 28. Read πάντως, ἄν [= ἀ ἄν] ... $^2$ 176a 30. Read τὶ τοιοῦτον. $^3$ 176a 32. Read αὐτῆς εἶναι δοκεῖ τῆς θέσεως. $^4$ Cf. ch. 6. an animal, just as we say that Lysander 'belongs to' the Spartans, because he is a Spartan. It is evident, then, that where the premiss put forward is not clear, one must not grant it simply. Whenever of two things it is generally thought that if the one is true the other is true of necessity, whereas, if the other is true, the first is not true of necessity, one should, if asked which of them is true,$^1$ grant the smaller one: for the larger the number of premisses, the harder it is to draw a conclusion from them. If, again, the sophist tries to secure that $A$ has a contrary while $B$ has not,$^2$ suppose what he says is true, you should say that each has a contrary, only for the one there is no established name. Since, again, in regard to some of the views they express, most people would say that any one who did not admit them was telling a falsehood, while they would not say this in regard to some, e.g. to any matters whereon opinion is divided (for most people have no distinct view whether the soul of animals is destructible or immortal), accordingly (1) wherever it is uncertain in which of two senses the premiss proposed is usually meant—whether as maxims are (for people call by the name of 'maxims' both true opinions and general assertions), or like the doctrine 'the diagonal of a square is incommensurate with its side':$^3$ and moreover (2) whenever opinions are divided as to the truth, we then have subjects of which it is very easy to change the terminology undetected. For because of the uncertainty in which of the two senses the premiss contains the truth, one will not be thought to be playing any trick, while because of the division of opinion, one will not be thought to be telling a falsehood. Change the terminology therefore, for the change$^4$ will make the position irrefutable. Moreover, whenever one foresees any question coming, one should put in one's objection and have one's say beforehand: for by doing so one is likely to embarrass the questioner most effectually. $^1$ 176$^b$ 10. Read $\pi\omega\tau\epsilon\rho\nu$ ($sc.\ \varepsilon\sigma\tau\iota$). $^2$ Cf. 106$^a$ 36, 123$^b$ 31. $^3$ 176$^b$ 20. Read a comma, instead of a full-stop, after $\alpha\sigma\mu\mu\epsilon\rho\sigma$. $^4$ 176$^b$ 24. Read $\eta\ \gamma\alpha\rho\ \mu\epsilon\tau\alpha\phi\omicron\alpha$. Inasmuch as a proper solution is an exposure of false reasoning, showing on what kind of question the falsity depends, and whereas 'false reasoning' has a double meaning—for it is used either if a false conclusion has been proved, or if there is only an apparent proof and no real one—there must be both the kind of solution just described,¹ and also the correction of a merely apparent proof, so as to show upon which of the questions the appearance depends. Thus it comes about that one solves arguments that are properly reasoned by demolishing them, whereas one solves merely apparent arguments by drawing distinctions. Again, inasmuch as of arguments that are properly reasoned some have a true and others a false conclusion, those that are false in respect of their conclusion it is possible to solve in two ways; for it is possible both by demolishing one of the premisses asked, and by showing that the conclusion is not the real state of the case: those, on the other hand, that are false in respect of their premisses can be solved only by a demolition of one of them; for the conclusion is true. So that those who wish to solve an argument should in the first place look and see if it is properly reasoned, or is unreasoned; and next, whether the conclusion be true or false, in order that we may effect the solution either by drawing some distinction or by demolishing something, and demolishing it either in this way or in that, as was laid down before.² There is a very great deal of difference between solving an argument when being subjected to questions and when not: for to foresee traps is difficult, whereas to see them at one's leisure is easier. Of the refutations, then, that depend upon ambiguity and amphiboly some contain some question with more than one meaning, while others contain a conclusion bearing a number of senses: e.g. in the proof that 'speaking of the silent' is possible, the conclusion has a double meaning, while in the proof that 'he who knows does not understand what he knows' one of the questions contains an amphiboly. Also the double-edged saying is true in one context but ¹ Ch. 17. ² 176b 36-177a 2. not in another: it means something that is and something that is not. Whenever, then, the many senses lie in the conclusion no refutation takes place unless the sophist secures as well the contradiction of the conclusion he means to prove; e.g. in the proof that 'seeing of the blind' is possible: for without the contradiction there was no refutation. Whenever, on the other hand, the many senses lie in the questions, there is no necessity to begin by denying the double-edged premiss: for this was not the goal of the argument but only its support. At the start, then, one should reply with regard to an ambiguity, whether of a term or of a phrase, in this manner, that 'in one sense it is so, and in another not so', as e.g. that 'speaking of the silent' is in one sense possible but in another not possible: also that in one sense 'one should do what must needs be done', but not in another: for 'what must needs be' bears a number of senses. If, however, the ambiguity escapes one, one should correct it at the end by making an addition to the question: 'Is speaking of the silent possible?' 'No, but to speak of $A$ while he is silent is possible.' Also, in cases which contain the ambiguity in their premises, one should reply in like manner: 'Do people then not understand what they know?'¹ 'Yes, but not those who know it in the manner described': for it is not the same thing to say that 'those who know cannot understand what they know', and to say that 'those who know something in this particular manner cannot do so'. In general, too, even though he draws his conclusion in a quite unambiguous manner, one should contend that what he has negated is not the fact which one has asserted but only its name; and that therefore there is no refutation. It is evident also how one should solve those refutations that depend upon the division and combination of words: for if the expression means something different when divided and when combined, as soon as one's opponent draws his conclusion one should take the expression in the ¹ 177a28. Read ὃ τι ἐπίσταται. contrary way. All such expressions as the following depend upon the combination or division of the words: 'Was $X$ being beaten with that with which you saw him being beaten?' and 'Did you see him being beaten with that with which he was being beaten?' This fallacy has also in it an element of amphiboly in the questions, but it really depends upon combination. For the meaning that depends upon the division of the words is not really a double meaning (for the expression when divided is not the same),$^1$ unless also the word that is pronounced, according to its breathing, as ὁπος and ὁπος is a case of double meaning. (In writing, indeed, a word is the same whenever it is written of the same letters and in the same manner—and even there people nowadays put marks at the side to show the pronunciation—but the spoken words are not the same.) Accordingly an expression that depends upon division is not an ambiguous one. It is evident also that not all refutations depend upon ambiguity as some people say they do. The answerer, then, must divide the expression: for 'I-saw-a-man-being-beaten with my eyes' is not the same as to say 'I saw a man being-beaten-with-my-eyes'. Also there is the argument of Euthydemus proving 'Then you know now in Sicily that there are triremes in Piraeus':$^2$ and again, 'Can a good man who is a cobbler be bad?' 'No.' 'But a good man may be a bad cobbler: therefore a good cobbler will be bad.' Again, 'Things the knowledge of which is good, are good things to learn, aren't they?' 'Yes.' 'The knowledge, however, of evil is good: therefore evil is a good thing to know.' 'Yes. But, you see, evil is both evil and a thing-to-learn, so that evil is an evil-thing-to-learn, although the knowledge of evils is good.' Again, 'Is it true to say in the present moment that you are born?' 'Yes.' 'Then you are born in the present moment.' 'No; the expression as divided has a different $^1$ 177b 2 οὐ γὰρ . . . διαιρούμενος is parenthetic. $^2$ 177b 12–13. Read "Αρ' οἶδας (12) and a colon instead of a question-mark after ἐν Σικελίᾳ ὄν. $^3$ 177b 17 σπονδαίν τὸ μάθημα probably a slip for σπονδαία ἡ ἐπιστήμη, which the argument requires. The translation assumes the latter. meaning: for it is true to say-in-the-present-moment that "you are born", but not "You are born-in-the-present-moment." Again, 'Could you do what you can, and as you can?' 'Yes.' 'But when not harping, you have the power to harp: and therefore you could harp when not harping.' 'No: he has not the power to harp-while-not-harping; merely, when he is not doing it, he has the power to do it.' Some people solve this last refutation in another way as well. For, they say, if he has granted that he can do anything in the way he can, still it does not follow that he can harp when not harping: for it has not been granted that he will do anything in every way in which he can; and it is not the same thing 'to do a thing' in the way he can' and 'to do it in every way in which he can'. But evidently they do not solve it properly: for of arguments that depend upon the same point the solution is the same, whereas this will not fit all cases of the kind nor yet all ways of putting the questions: it is valid against the questioner, but not against his argument. Accentuation gives rise to no fallacious arguments, either as written or as spoken, except perhaps some few that might be made up; e.g. the following argument. 'Is oὐ καταλύεις a house?' 'Yes.' 'Is then oὐ καταλύεις the negation of καταλύεις?' 'Yes.' 'But you said that oὐ καταλύεις is a house: therefore the house is a negation.' How one should solve this, is clear: for the word does not mean the same when spoken with an acuter and when spoken with a graver accent. It is clear also how one must meet those fallacies that depend on the identical expression of things that are not identical, seeing that we are in possession of the kinds of predications. For the one man, say, has granted, when asked, that a term denoting a substance does not belong as an attribute, while the other has shown that some attribute belongs which is in the Category of Relation or of Quantity, but is usually thought to denote a substance because of its expression; e.g. in the following argument: 'Is it possible to be doing and to have done the same thing at the same time?' 'No.' 'But, you see, it is surely possible to be seeing and to have seen the same thing at the same time, and in the same aspect.' Again, 'Is any mode of passivity a mode of activity?' 'No.' 'Then "he is cut", "he is burnt", "he is struck by some sensible object" are alike in expression and all denote some form of passivity, while again "to say", "to run", "to see" are like one another in expression: but, you see, "to see" is surely a form of being struck by a sensible object; therefore it is at the same time a form of passivity and of activity.' Suppose, however, that in that case any one, after granting that it is not possible to do and to have done the same thing in the same time, were to say that it is possible to see and to have seen it, still he has not yet been refuted, suppose him to say that 'to see' is not a form of 'doing' (activity) but of 'passivity': for this question is required as well, though he is supposed by the listener to have already granted it, when he granted that 'to cut' is a form of present, and 'to have cut' a form of past, activity, and so on with the other things that have a like expression. For the listener adds the rest by himself, thinking the meaning to be alike: whereas really the meaning is not alike, though it appears to be so because of the expression. The same thing happens here as happens in cases of ambiguity: for in dealing with ambiguous expressions the tyro in argument supposes the sophist to have negated the fact which he (the tyro) affirmed, and not merely the name: whereas there still wants the question whether in using the ambiguous term he had a single meaning in view: for if he grants that that was so, the refutation will be effected. Like the above are also the following arguments. It is asked if a man has lost what he once had and afterwards has not: for a man will no longer have ten dice even though he has only lost one die. No: rather it is that he has lost what he had before and has not now; but there is no necessity for him to have lost as much or as many things as he has not now. So then, he asks the questions as to what he has, and draws the conclusion as to the whole number that he has: for ten is a number. If then he had asked to begin with, whether a man no longer having the number of things he once had has lost the whole number, no one would have granted it, but would have said 'Either the whole number or one of them'. Also there is the argument that 'a man may give what he has not got': for he has not got only one die. No: rather it is that he has given, not what he had not got, but in a manner in which he had not got it, viz. just the one. For the word 'only' does not signify a particular substance or quality or number, but a manner of relation, e.g. that it is not coupled with any other. It is therefore just as if he had asked 'Could a man give what he has not got?' and, on being given the answer 'No', were to ask if a man could give a thing quickly when he had not got it quickly, and, on this being granted, were to conclude that 'a man could give what he had not got'. It is quite evident that he has not proved his point: for to 'give quickly' is not to give a thing, but to give in a certain manner; and a man could certainly give a thing in a manner in which he has not got it, e.g. he might have got it with pleasure and give it with pain. Like these are also all arguments of the following kind: 'Could a man strike a blow with a hand which he has not got, or see with an eye which he has not got?' For he has not got only one eye. Some people solve this case, where a man has more than one eye, or more than one of anything else, by saying also that he has only one. Others also solve it as they solve the refutation of the view that 'what a man has, he has received': for A gave only one vote; and certainly B, they say, has only one vote from A. Others, again, proceed by demolishing straight away the proposition asked, and admitting that it is quite possible to have what one has not received; e.g. to have received sweet wine, but then, owing to its going bad in the course of receipt, to have it sour. But, as was said also above$^1$, all these persons direct their solutions against the man, not against his argument. For if this were a genuine solution, then, suppose any one to grant the opposite, he could find no solution, just as happens in other cases; e.g. suppose $^1$ 177b 31. the true solution to be 'So-and-so is partly true and partly not,' then, if the answerer grants the expression without any qualification, the sophist's conclusion follows. If, on the other hand, the conclusion does not follow, then that could not be the true solution: and what we say in regard to the foregoing examples is that, even if all the sophist's premises be granted, still no proof is effected. Moreover, the following too belong to this group of arguments. 'If something be in writing did some one write it?' 'Yes.' 'But it is now in writing that you are seated—a false statement, though it was true at the time when it was written: therefore the statement that was written is at the same time false and true.' But this is fallacious, for the falsity or truth of a statement or opinion indicates not a substance but a quality: for the same account applies to the case of an opinion as well. Again, 'Is what a learner learns what he learns?' 'Yes.' 'But suppose some one learns "slow" quick'. Then his (the sophist's) words denote not what the learner learns but how he learns it. Also, 'Does a man tread upon what he walks through?' 'Yes.' 'But X walks through a whole day.' No, rather the words denote not what he walks through, but when he walks; just as when any one uses the words 'to drink the cup' he denotes not what he drinks, but the vessel out of which he drinks. Also, 'Is it either by learning or by discovery that a man knows what he knows?' 'Yes.' 'But suppose that of a pair of things he has discovered one and learned the other, the pair is not known to him by either method.' No: 'what' he knows, means 'every single thing' he knows, individually; but this does not mean 'all the things' he knows, collectively. Again, there is the proof that there is a 'third man' distinct from Man and from individual men. But that is a fallacy, for 'Man', and indeed every general predicate, denotes not an individual substance, but a particular quality, or the being related to something in a particular manner, or something of that sort. Likewise also in the case of 'Coriscus' and 'Coriscus the --- 1 178b 19-20. Read oîov ei 'êστι μὲν δ', êστι δ' δ' oû' ἃ λύσις (sc. êστι). 2 178b 36. Read τὸ δ' οὐχ ἀπαντα. 3 178a 38-9. Read ὅ πρός τι πως. musician' there is the problem, 'Are they the same or different?' For the one denotes an individual substance and the other a quality, so that it cannot be isolated; though it is not the isolation which creates the 'third man', but the admission that it is an individual substance. For 'Man' cannot be an individual substance, as Callias is.$^1$ Nor is the case improved one whit even if one were to call the element he has isolated not an individual substance but a quality: for there will still be the one beside the many, just as 'Man' was. It is evident then that one must not grant that what is a common predicate applying to a class universally is an individual substance, but must say that it denotes either a quality, or a relation, or a quantity, or something of that kind. It is a general rule in dealing with arguments that depend on language that the solution always follows the opposite of the point on which the argument turns: e.g. if the argument depends upon combination, then the solution consists in division; if upon division, then in combination. Again, if it depends on an acute accent, the solution is a grave accent; if on a grave accent, it is an acute. If it depends on ambiguity, one can solve it by using the opposite term; e.g. if you find yourself calling something inanimate,$^2$ despite your previous denial that it was so, show in what sense it is alive: if, on the other hand, one has declared it to be inanimate and the sophist has proved it to be animate, say how it is inanimate. Likewise also in a case of amphiboly. If the argument depends on likeness of expression, the opposite will be the solution. 'Could a man give what he has not got?' 'No, not what he has not got; but he could give it in a way in which he has not got it, e.g. one die by itself.' Does a man know either by learning or by discovery each thing that he knows, singly? 'Yes, but not the things that he knows, collectively.' Also a man treads, perhaps, on any thing he walks through, but not on the time he walks through. Likewise also in the case of the other examples. $^1$ 179$^a$ 5. Read a comma after Καλλίας. $^2$ 179$^a$ 17. Read ἀψυχον for ἐμψυχον. In dealing with arguments that depend on Accident, one and the same solution meets all cases. For since it is indeterminate when an attribute should be ascribed to a thing, in cases where it belongs to the accident of the thing, and since in some cases it is generally agreed and people admit that it belongs, while in others they deny that it need belong, we should therefore, as soon as the conclusion has been drawn, say in answer to them all alike, that there is no need for such an attribute to belong. One must, however, be prepared to adduce an example of the kind of attribute meant. All arguments such as the following depend upon Accident. 'Do you know what I am going to ask you?' 'Do you know the man who is approaching', or 'the man in the mask'? 'Is the statue your work of art?' or 'Is the dog your father?' 'Is the product of a small number with a small number a small number?' For it is evident in all these cases that there is no necessity for the attribute which is true of the thing's accident to be true of the thing as well. For only to things that are indistinguishable and one in essence is it generally agreed that all the same attributes belong; whereas in the case of a good thing, to be good is not the same as to be going to be the subject of a question; nor in the case of a man approaching, or wearing a mask, is 'to be approaching' the same thing as 'to be Coriscus', so that suppose I know Coriscus, but do not know the man who is approaching, it still isn't the case that I both know and do not know the same man; nor, again, if this is mine and is also a work of art, is it therefore my work of art, but my property or thing or something else. (The solution is after the same manner in the other cases as well.) Some solve these refutations by demolishing the original proposition asked: for they say that it is possible to know and not to know the same thing, only not in the same respect: accordingly, when they don't know the man who is coming towards them, but do know Coriscus, they assert that they do know and don't know the same object, but not 1 179a 30. Read συμβασθέντος. 2 Cf. Pl. Euthyd. 298 E. a small number: for if, when the conclusion is not proved, they pass this over and say that a conclusion has been proved and is true, on the ground that every number is both great and small, they make a mistake. Some people also use the principle of ambiguity to solve the aforesaid reasonings, e.g. the proof that 'X' is your father', or 'son', or 'slave'. Yet it is evident that if the appearance of a proof depends upon a plurality of meanings, the term, or the expression in question, ought to bear a number of literal senses, whereas no one speaks of A as being 'B's child' in the literal sense, if B is the child's master, but the combination depends upon Accident. 'Is A yours?' 'Yes.' 'And is A a child?' 'Yes.' 'Then the child A is yours,' because he happens to be both yours and a child; but he is not 'your child'. There is also the proof that 'something "of evils" is good'; for wisdom is a 'knowledge "of evils"'. But the expression that this is 'of so-and-so' (= 'so-and-so's') has not a number of meanings: it means that it is 'so-and-so's property'. We may suppose of course, on the other hand, that it has a number of meanings—for we also say that man is 'of the animals', though not their property; and also that any term related to 'evils' in a way expressed by a genitive case is on that account a so-and-so 'of evils', though it is not one of the evils—but in that case the apparently different meanings seem to depend on whether the term is used relatively or absolutely. 'Yet it is conceivably possible to find a real ambiguity in the phrase "Something of evils is good".' Perhaps, but not with regard to the phrase in question. It would occur more nearly, suppose that 'A servant is good of the wicked'; though perhaps it is not quite found even there: for a thing may be 'good' and be 'X's' without being at the same time 'X's good'. Nor is the saying that 'Man is of the animals' a phrase with a number of meanings: for a phrase does not become possessed of a number of meanings merely suppose we express it elliptically: for we express 'Give me the 1 180a 5. Read σὸν ἄρα τοῦτο τὸ τέκνου. 2 Extend the parenthesis to after the second κακῶν in l. 13. Iliad' by quoting half a line of it, e.g. 'Give me "Sing, goddess, of the wrath . . . "' Those arguments which depend upon an expression that is valid of a particular thing, or in a particular respect, or place, or manner, or relation, and not valid absolutely, should be solved by considering the conclusion in relation to its contradictory, to see if any of these things can possibly have happened to it. For it is impossible for contraries and opposites and an affirmative and a negative to belong to the same thing absolutely; there is, however, nothing to prevent each from belonging in a particular respect or relation or manner, or to prevent one of them from belonging in a particular respect and the other absolutely. So that if this one belongs absolutely and that one in a particular respect, there is as yet no refutation. This is a feature one has to find in the conclusion by examining it in comparison with its contradictory. All arguments of the following kind have this feature: 'Is it possible for what is-not to be?' 'No.' 'But, you see, it is something, despite its not being.'¹ Likewise also, Being will not be; for it will not be some particular form of being. 'Is it possible for the same man at the same time to be a keeper and a breaker of his oath?' 'Can the same man at the same time both obey and disobey the same man?' Or isn't it the case that being something in particular and Being are not the same? On the other hand, Not-being, even if it be something, need not also have absolute 'being' as well. Nor if a man keeps his oath in this particular instance or in this particular respect, is he bound also to be a keeper of oaths absolutely, but he who swears that he will break his oath, and then breaks it, keeps this particular oath only; he is not a keeper of his oath: nor is the disobedient man 'obedient', though he obeys one particular command. The argument is similar, also, as regards the problem whether the same man can at the same time say what is both false and true: but it appears to be a troublesome question because it is not easy to see in which ¹ Cf. 167a 1 supra. of the two connexions the word 'absolutely' is to be rendered $^1$—with 'true' or with 'false'. There is, however, nothing to prevent it from being false absolutely, though true in some particular respect or relation, i.e. being true in some things, though not 'true' absolutely. Likewise also in cases of some particular relation and place and time. For all arguments of the following kind depend upon this. 'Is health, or wealth, a good thing?' 'Yes.' 'But to the fool who does not use it aright it is not a good thing: therefore it is both good and not good.' 'Is health, or political power, a good thing?' 'Yes.' 'But sometimes it is not particularly good: therefore the same thing is both good and not good to the same man.' Or rather there is nothing to prevent a thing, though good absolutely, being not good to a particular man, or being good to a particular man, and yet not good now or here. 'Is that which the prudent man would not wish, an evil?' 'Yes.' 'But to get rid of, he would not wish the good: therefore the good is an evil.' But that is a mistake; for it is not the same thing to say 'The good is an evil' and 'to get rid of the good is an evil'. Likewise also the argument of the thief is mistaken. For it is not the case that if the thief is an evil thing, acquiring things is also evil: what he wishes, therefore, is not what is evil but what is good; for to acquire something good is good. Also, disease is an evil thing, but not to get rid of disease. 'Is the just preferable to the unjust, and what takes place justly to what takes place unjustly?' 'Yes.' 'But to be put to death unjustly is preferable.' 'Is it just that each should have his own?' 'Yes.' 'But whatever decisions a man comes to on the strength of his personal opinion, even if it be a false opinion,$^2$ are valid in law: therefore the same result is both just and unjust.' Also, 'should one decide in favour of him who says what is just, or of him who says what is unjust?'$^3$ 'The former.' 'But, you see, it is just for the injured party also to say fully the things he has suffered; and these were unjust.' $^1$ 180$^b$ 4. Read a comma after $\delta\pi\lambda\omega$. $^2$ 180$^b$ 25. Read $\psi\varepsilon\nu\delta\eta\varsigma$. $^3$ Or read $\tau\alpha\ \tilde{\alpha}\delta\kappa\alpha\ \nu\kappa\alpha\nu$ in 180$^b$ 27= 'should one judge him...or him...to be the winner?' (cf. l. 38). But these are fallacies. For because to suffer a thing unjustly is preferable, unjust ways are not therefore preferable to just; but, absolutely, just ways are preferable, though in this particular case the unjust may very well be better than the just. Also, to have one's own is just, while to have what is another's is not just: all the same, the decision in question may very well be a just decision, whatever it be that the opinion of the man who gave the decision supports: for because it is just in this particular case or in this particular manner, it is not also just absolutely. Likewise also, though things are unjust, there is nothing to prevent the speaking of them being just: for because to speak of things is just, there is no necessity that the things should be just, any more than because to speak of things be of use, the things need be of use. Likewise also in the case of what is just. So that it is not the case that because the things spoken of are unjust, the victory goes to him who speaks unjust things: for he speaks of things that are just to speak of, though absolutely, i.e. to suffer, they are unjust. Refutations that depend on the definition of a refutation must, according to the plan sketched above, be met by comparing together the conclusion with its contradictory, and seeing that it shall involve the same attribute in the same respect and relation and manner and time. If this additional question be put at the start, you should not admit that it is impossible for the same thing to be both double and not double, but grant that it is possible, only not in such a way as was agreed to constitute a refutation of your case. All the following arguments depend upon a point of that kind. 'Does a man who knows $A$ to be $A$, know the thing called $A$?' and in the same way, 'is one who is ignorant that $A$ is $A$ ignorant of the thing called $A$?' 'Yes.' 'But one who knows that Coriscus is Coriscus might be ignorant of the fact that he is musical, so that he both knows and is ignorant of the same thing.' 'Is a thing four cubits long greater than a thing three cubits long?' 1 167a 21. 'Yes.' 'But a thing might grow from three to four cubits in length;' now what is 'greater' is greater than a 'less': accordingly the thing in question will be both greater and less than itself in the same respect. 27 As to refutations that depend on begging and assuming the original point to be proved, suppose the nature of the question to be obvious, one should not grant it, even though it be a view generally held, but should tell him the truth. Suppose, however, that it escapes one, then, thanks to the badness of arguments of that kind, one should make one's error recoil upon the questioner, and say that he has brought no argument: for a refutation must be proved independently of the original point. Secondly, one should say that the point was granted under the impression that he intended not to use it as a premiss, but to reason against it, in the opposite way from that adopted in refutations on side issues. 28 Also, those refutations that bring one to their conclusion through the consequent you should show up in the course of the argument itself. The mode in which consequences follow is two-fold. For the argument either is that as the universal follows on its particular—as (e.g.) 'animal' follows from 'man'—so does the particular on its universal: for the claim is made that if $A$ is always found with $B$, then $B$ also is always found with $A$. Or else it proceeds by way of the opposites of the terms involved: for if $A$ follows $B$, it is claimed that $A$'s opposite will follow $B$'s opposite. On this latter claim the argument of Melissus also depends: for he claims that because that which has come to be has a beginning, that which has not come to be has none, so that if the heaven has not come to be, it is also eternal. But that is not so; for the sequence is vice versa. 29 In the case of any refutations whose reasoning depends on some addition, look and see if upon its subtraction the 1 181a 14. Read κατὰ ταὐτὸ after αὐτοῦ. 2 181a 16. Read πυνθανομένω, ἀν μὲν ἐν δῆλον, 3 181a 21. Read a comma after συλλογισμενου, not after τοῦναιντίου. absurdity follows none the less: and then if so, the answerer should point this out, and say that he granted the addition not because he really thought it, but for the sake of the argument, whereas the questioner has not used it for the purpose of his argument at all. To meet those refutations which make several questions into one, one should draw a distinction between them straight away at the start. For a question must be single to which there is a single answer, so that one must not affirm or deny several things of one thing, nor one thing of many, but one of one. But just as in the case of ambiguous terms, an attribute belongs to a term sometimes in both its senses, and sometimes in neither, so that a simple answer does one, as it happens, no harm despite the fact that the question is not simple, so it is in these cases of double questions too. Whenever, then, the several attributes belong to the one subject, or the one to the many, the man who gives a simple answer encounters no obstacle even though he has committed this mistake: but whenever an attribute belongs to one subject but not to the other, or there is a question of a number of attributes belonging to a number of subjects and in one sense both belong to both, while in another sense, again, they do not, then there is trouble, so that one must beware of this. Thus (e.g.) in the following arguments: Supposing $A$ to be good and $B$ evil, you will, if you give a single answer about both, be compelled to say that it is true to call these good, and that it is true to call them evil and likewise to call them neither good nor evil (for each of them has not each character), so that the same thing will be both good and evil and neither good nor evil. Also, since everything is the same as itself and different from anything else,$^1$ inasmuch as$^2$ the man who answers double questions simply can be made to say that several things are ‘the same’ not as other things but ‘as themselves,’ and also that they are different from themselves, it follows that the same things must $^1$ 181$^b$ 13. Read a comma after $\varepsilon\tau\varepsilon\rho\nu$. $^2$ 181$^b$ 14. Read $\varepsilon\pi\varepsilon\delta\eta$ for $\varepsilon\pi\varepsilon\grave{\iota}\delta'$. be both the same as and different from themselves.\textsuperscript{1} Moreover, if what is good becomes evil while what is evil is good,\textsuperscript{2} then they must both become two. So of two unequal things each being equal to itself, it will follow that they are both equal and unequal to themselves. Now these refutations fall into the province of other solutions as well: for ‘both’ and ‘all’ have more than one meaning, so that the resulting affirmation and denial of the same thing does not occur, except verbally: and this is not what we meant by a refutation. But it is clear that if there be not put a single question on a number of points, but the answerer has affirmed or denied one attribute only of one subject only, the absurdity will not come to pass. With regard to those who draw one into repeating the same thing\textsuperscript{3} a number of times, it is clear that one must not grant that predications of relative terms have any meaning in abstraction by themselves, e.g. that ‘double’ is a significant term apart from the whole phrase ‘double of half’ merely on the ground that it figures in it. For ten figures in ‘ten minus one’ and ‘do’ in ‘not do’, and generally the affirmation in the negation; but for all that, suppose any one were to say, ‘This is not white’, he does not say that it is white. The bare word ‘double’, one may perhaps say, has not even any meaning at all, any more than has ‘the’ in ‘the half’: and even if it has a meaning, yet it has not the same meaning as in the combination. Nor is ‘knowledge’ the same thing in a specific branch of it (suppose it, e.g., to be ‘medical knowledge’) as it is in general: for in general it was the ‘knowledge of the knowable’. In the case of terms that are predicated of the terms through which they are defined, you should say the same thing,\textsuperscript{4} that the term defined is not the same in abstraction as it is in the whole phrase. For ‘concave’ has a general meaning which is the \textsuperscript{1} 181\textsuperscript{b} 14–15 ἐπερα αὐτῶν . . . ἐκατοῖς ἐπερα. The Greek idiom must here be kept, to bring about the contradiction: the English idiom ‘different from one another’ avoids it. \textsuperscript{2} 181\textsuperscript{b} 15–16 εἰ τὸ μὲν . . . ἀγαθὸν ἐστιν, sc. as happens if you answer a double question about them together simply. \textsuperscript{3} 181\textsuperscript{b} 25 Read εἰς τὸν αὐτό. \textsuperscript{4} 181\textsuperscript{b} 36 Read ταὐτὸ for τοῦτο. same in the case of a snub nose, and of a bandy leg, but when added to either substantive nothing prevents it from differentiating its meaning; in fact it bears one sense$^1$ as applied to the nose, and another as applied to the leg: for in the former connexion it means 'snub' and in the latter bandy-shaped'; i.e. it makes no difference whether you say 'a snub nose' or 'a concave nose'. Moreover, the expression must not be granted in the nominative case: for it is a falsehood. For snubness is not a concave nose but something (e.g. an affection) belonging to a nose: hence, there is no absurdity in supposing that the snub nose is a nose possessing the concavity that belongs to a nose. With regard to solecisms, we have previously said$^2$ what it is that appears to bring them about; the method of their solution will be clear in the course of the arguments themselves. Solecism is the result aimed at in all arguments of the following kind: 'Is a thing truly that which you truly call it?' 'Yes.' 'But, speaking of a stone, you call him real$^3$: therefore of a stone it follows that "him is real".' No: rather, talking of a stone means not saying 'which' but 'whom', and not 'that' but 'him'. If, then, any one were to ask, 'Is a stone him whom you truly call him?' he would be generally thought not to be speaking good Greek, any more than if he were to ask, 'Is he what you call her?' Speak in this way$^4$ of a 'stick' or any neuter word, and the difference does not break out. For this reason, also, no solecism is incurred, suppose any one asks, 'Is a thing what you say it to be?' 'Yes.' 'But, speaking of a stick, you call it real: therefore, of a stick it follows that it is real.' 'Stone', however, and 'he' have masculine designations. Now suppose some one were to ask, 'Can "he" be a "she" (a female)?', and then again, 'Well, but is not he Coriscus?' $^1$ 182$^a$ 1 Read σημαίνει. $^2$ 165$^b$ 20f. $^3$ 182$^a$ 11. 'Stone' (λίθος) being masculine in Greek. It has been necessary to deal rather freely with this passage, because 'stone' is not inflected in English. Literally, the Greek says, 'You declare something to be a stone (acc.): something therefore is a stone' (still acc., though the change to oratio recta requires a change to the nom.). $^4$ 182$^a$ 15 Read εἰπεῖν οὐτως. and then were to say, 'Then he is a "she"', he has not proved the solecism, even if the name 'Coriscus' does signify a 'she', if, on the other hand, the answerer does not grant this: this point must be put as an additional question: while if neither is it the fact nor does he grant it, then the sophist has not proved his case either in fact or as against the person he has been questioning. In like manner, then, in the above instance as well it must be definitely put that 'he' means the stone. If, however, this neither is so nor is granted, the conclusion must not be stated: though it follows apparently, because the case (the accusative), that is really unlike, appears to be like the nominative. 'Is it true to say that this object is what you call it by name?' 'Yes.' 'But you call it by the name of a shield: this object therefore is "of a shield".' No: not necessarily, because the meaning of 'this object' is not 'of a shield' but 'a shield': 'of a shield' would be the meaning of 'this object's'. Nor again if 'He is what you call him by name', while 'the name you call him by is Cleon's', is he therefore 'Cleon's': for he is not 'Cleon's', for what was said was that 'He, not his,' is what I call him by name'. For the question, if put in the latter way, would not even be Greek. 'Do you know this?' 'Yes.' 'But this is he: therefore you know he.'² No: rather 'this' has not the same meaning in 'Do you know this?' as in 'This is a stone'; in the first it stands for an accusative, in the second for a nominative case. 'When you have understanding³ of anything, do you understand it?' 'Yes.' 'But you have understanding of a stone: therefore you understand of a stone.' No: the one phrase is in the genitive, 'of a stone', while the other is in the accusative, 'a stone'⁴: and what was granted was that ¹ 182a 29-30 αὐτῇ ἀσπίδα, 31 ταῖτην, 32 Κλέωνα, 33 τοῦτον. Possessive cases are here substituted for the Greek accusative, as the English accusative is not inflected. ² 182a 35 λίθος: lit, 'a stone': but 'he' has been substituted, because 'stone' does not inflect in English. ³ 182a 38 ἐπιστήμην, ἐπιστάμει: lit. 'knowledge', 'know': but 'understanding', 'understand' have been substituted because the phrase 'know of a stone' has a meaning in English, and therefore fails to bring out the solecism of the Greek conclusion. ⁴ 182a 39-41 Read ὃ τὸ μὲν τοῦτον (λίθου) λέγεις, τὸ δὲ τοῦτον (λίθου). ‘you understand that, not of that, of which you have understanding’, so that you understand not ‘of a stone’, but ‘the stone’. Thus that arguments of this kind do not prove solecism but merely appear to do so, and both why they so appear and how you should meet them, is clear from what has been said. We must also observe that of all the arguments aforesaid it is easier with some to see why and where the reasoning leads the hearer astray, while with others it is more difficult, though often they are the same arguments as the former. For we must call an argument the same if it depends upon the same point; but the same argument is apt to be thought by some to depend on diction, by others on accident, and by others on something else, because each of them, when worked with different terms, is not so clear as it was. Accordingly, just as in fallacies that depend on ambiguity, which are generally thought to be the silliest form of fallacy, some are clear even to the man in the street (for humorous phrases nearly all depend on diction; e.g. ‘The man got the cart down from the stand’; and ‘Where are you bound?’ ‘To the yard arm’; and ‘Which cow will calve afore?’ ‘Neither, but both behind,’ and ‘Is the North wind clear?’ ‘No, indeed; for it has murdered the beggar and the merchant.’ ‘Is he a Goodenough-King?’ ‘No, indeed; a Rob-son’: and so with the great majority of the rest as well), while others appear to elude the most expert (and it is a symptom of this that they often fight about their terms, e.g. whether the meaning of ‘Being’ and ‘One’ is the same in all their applications or different; for some think that ‘Being’ and ‘One’ mean the same; 1 An obscure joke: the phrase φέρεσθαι κατὰ κλίμακος δίφρον probably contains a double pun, (1) to get the body of a car (δίφρος) taken off its chassis (κλίμαξ = the notched support on top of the axle, on which the car rested), (2) to ‘come a sitter’ (δίφρος = a seat) off a ladder (κλίμαξ). 2 182b 22 Close the bracket, and read a comma instead of a full-stop after πλεῖστοι. 3 182b 22 σημεῖων . . . 27 τὸ ὃν is parenthetic (like 15 καὶ γὰρ—22 πλεῖστοι), and should be likewise enclosed in brackets, followed by a comma, the colon after λανθάνειν (l. 22) being removed. while others solve the argument of Zeno and Parmenides by asserting that 'One' and 'Being' are used in a number of senses), likewise also as regards fallacies of Accident and each of the other types, some of the arguments will be easier to see while others are more difficult; also to grasp to which class a fallacy belongs, and whether it is a refutation or not a refutation, is not equally easy in all cases. An incisive argument is one which produces the greatest perplexity: for this is the one with the sharpest fang. Now perplexity is two-fold, one which occurs in reasoned arguments, respecting which of the propositions asked one is to demolish, and the other in contentious arguments, respecting the manner in which one is to assent to what is propounded. Therefore it is in syllogistic arguments that the more incisive ones produce the keenest heart-searching. Now a syllogistic argument is most incisive if from premisses that are as generally accepted as possible it demolishes a conclusion that is accepted as generally as possible. For the one argument, if the contradictory is changed about, makes all the resulting syllogisms alike in character: for always from premisses that are generally accepted it will prove a conclusion, negative or positive as the case may be, that is just as generally accepted; and therefore one is bound to feel perplexed.$^1$ An argument, then, of this kind is the most incisive, viz. the one that puts its conclusion on all fours with the propositions asked; and second comes the one that argues from premisses, all of which are equally convincing: for this will produce an equal perplexity as to what kind of premiss, of those asked, one should demolish. $^1$ 182b 37–183a 2. The nature of the syllogisms which produce this most 'incisive' and perplexing form of argument by 'changing about the contradictory' (of the first conclusion established) may be illustrated by Pacius' example. Suppose the thesis maintained to be the exceedingly probable view that 'Medea did not love her children', the dialectician then argues I. All mothers love their children (exceedingly probable). Medea was a mother (exceedingly probable). ∴ Medea loved her children (just as probable as, but utterly subversive of, the exceedingly probable thesis). Next, he constructs two syllogisms in which the contradictory of this conclusion (i.e. the original, and exceedingly probable, thesis) is Herein is a difficulty: for one must demolish something, but what one must demolish is uncertain. Of contentious arguments, on the other hand, the most incisive is the one which, in the first place, is characterized by an initial uncertainty whether it has been properly reasoned or not; and also whether the solution depends on a false premiss or on the drawing of a distinction; while, of the rest, the second place is held by that whose solution clearly depends upon a distinction or a demolition, and yet it does not reveal clearly which it is of the premisses asked, whose demolition, or the drawing of a distinction within it, will bring the solution about, but even leaves it vague whether it is on the conclusion or on one of the premisses that the deception$^1$ depends. Now sometimes an argument which has not been properly reasoned is silly, supposing the assumptions required to be extremely contrary to the general view or false; but sometimes it ought not to be held in contempt. For whenever some question is left out, of the kind that concerns both the subject and the nerve of the argument, the reasoning that has both failed to secure this as well, and also failed to reason properly, is silly; but when what is omitted is some extraneous question, then it is by no means to be lightly despised, but the argument is quite respectable, though the questioner has not put his questions well. Just as it is possible to bring a solution sometimes used in a changed position with each of the two original premisses in turn, to subvert the other: thus— II. All mothers love their children (exceedingly probable). Medea did not love her children (exceedingly probable). ∴ Medea was not a mother (just as probable as, but subversive of, the exceedingly probable minor premiss of Syllogism I). III. Medea did not love her children (exceedingly probable). Medea was a mother (exceedingly probable). ∴ Some mothers do not love their children (as probable as, but subversive of, the exceedingly probable major premiss of Syllogism I). All three syllogisms are ‘alike’, in that each overthrows an exceedingly probable view by means of a conclusion based on exceedingly probable premisses, and therefore itself exceedingly probable. Together they produce the maximum of perplexity because, as a result, of each of three exceedingly probable propositions the contradictory has also been shown to be exceedingly probable. $^1$ 183$^a$ 12 Read ὑ ἀπάντην for αὐτη (v. Pseudo-Alexander). against the argument, at others against the questioner and his mode of questioning, and at others against neither of these, likewise also it is possible to marshal one's questions and reasoning both against the thesis, and against the answerer and against the time, whenever the solution requires a longer time to examine than the period available. As to the number, then, and kind of sources whence fallacies arise in discussion, and how we are to show that our opponent is committing a fallacy and make him utter paradoxes; moreover, by the use of what materials solecism is brought about, and how to question and what is the way to arrange the questions; moreover, as to the question what use is served by all arguments of this kind, and concerning the answerer's part, both as a whole in general, and in particular how to solve arguments and solecisms—on all these things let the foregoing discussion suffice. It remains to recall our original proposal and to bring our discussion to a close with a few words upon it. Our programme was, then, to discover some faculty of reasoning about any theme put before us from the most generally accepted premises that there are. For that is the essential task of the art of discussion (dialectic) and of examination (peirastic). Inasmuch, however, as it is annexed to it, on account of the near presence of the art of sophistry (sophistic), not only to be able to conduct an examination dialectically but also with a show of knowledge, we therefore proposed for our treatise not only the aforesaid aim of being able to exact an account of any view, but also the aim of ensuring that in standing up to an argument we shall defend our thesis in the same manner by means of views as generally held as possible. The reason of this we have explained; for this, too, was why Socrates used to ask questions and not to answer them; for he used to confess that he did not know. 1 183a 26 Omit τὸ διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς τὴν λύσιν—clearly a marginal gloss on ἡ λύσις (25). 2 183a 30 συλλογισμός, 33 συλλογισμούς: Read σολοκισμός and σολοκισμούς (cf. 165b 19, 20). 3 165a 19-27. We have made clear, in the course of what precedes, the number both of the points with reference to which, and of the materials from which, this will be accomplished, and also from what sources we can become well supplied with these: we have shown, moreover, how to question or arrange the questioning as a whole, and the problems concerning the answers and solutions to be used against the reasonings of the questioner. We have also cleared up the problems concerning all other matters that belong to the same inquiry into arguments. In addition to this we have been through the subject of Fallacies, as we have already stated above.$^1$ That our programme, then, has been adequately completed is clear. But we must not omit to notice what has happened in regard to this inquiry. For in the case of all discoveries the results of previous labours that have been handed down from others have been advanced bit by bit by those who have taken them on, whereas the original discoveries generally make an advance that is small at first though much more useful than the development which later springs out of them. For it may be that in everything, as the saying is, ‘the first start is the main part’: and for this reason also it is the most difficult; for in proportion as it is most potent in its influence, so it is smallest in its compass and therefore most difficult to see: whereas when this is once discovered, it is easier to add and develop the remainder in connexion with it. This is in fact what has happened in regard to rhetorical speeches and to practically all the other arts: for those who discovered the beginnings of them advanced them in all only a little way, whereas the celebrities of to-day are the heirs (so to speak) of a long succession of men who have advanced them bit by bit, and so have developed them to their present form, Tisias coming next after the first founders, then Thrasymachus after Tisias, and Theodorus next to him, while several people have made their several contributions to it: and therefore it is not to be wondered at that the art has attained considerable dimensions. Of this inquiry, on the other $^1$ 183a27. hand, it was not the case that part of the work had been thoroughly done before, while part had not. Nothing existed at all. For the training given by the paid professors of contentious arguments was like the treatment of the matter by Gorgias. For they used to hand out speeches to be learned by heart, some rhetorical, others in the form of question and answer, each side supposing that their arguments on either side generally fall among them. And therefore the teaching they gave their pupils was ready but rough. For they used to suppose that they trained people by imparting to them not the art but its products, as though any one professing that he would impart a form of knowledge to obviate any pain in the feet, were then not to teach a man the art of shoe-making or the sources whence he can acquire anything of the kind, but were to present him with several kinds of shoes of all sorts: for he has helped him to meet his need, but has not imparted an art to him. Moreover, on the subject of Rhetoric there exists much that has been said long ago, whereas on the subject of reasoning we had nothing else of an earlier date to speak of at all, but were kept at work for a long time in experimental researches. If, then, it seems to you after inspection that, such being the situation as it existed at the start, our investigation is in a satisfactory condition compared with the other inquiries that have been developed by tradition, there must remain for all of you, or for our students, the task of extending us your pardon for the shortcomings of the inquiry, and for the discoveries thereof your warm thanks. Absolute attributes: to belong 'absolutely' def., 115b 29-35. A. belongs absolutely, if in greater or less degrees, 115a 3; not vice versa, 115a 32-3, b 8-10; or if in a certain respect, time or place, 115b 11: objections to positive use of this principle, 115b 14, 17, 19, 26; reply to some of them, 115b 24, 27. Good 'absolutely' better than good 'for X', 116b 8 (cf. a 21-2); if A is better absolutely than B, best ex. of A is better than best ex. of B, and vice versa, 117b 33. That A is absolutely good or desirable or objectionable can be shown by same argts. which show it to be more so than B, 119a 2-9. Absolute predication of Properties, 134a 32, 135b 2. Fallacy of Absolute and qualified use of expression (dictum simpliciter and secundum quid), one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b 22-3; illustrated, 166b 37-167a 20: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 25; a form of ign. elencht, 168b 11-16: why deceptive, 169b 10-12. Accent (προσωδία), Fallacy of: one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 165b 27; illustrated, 166b 1-9: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 21 and 179a 14-15; a form of ign. elencht, 168a 27 foll.: why deceptive, 169a 27-29. (Cf. Breathing.) Accident: 101b 18, 25: def. negatively, 102b 4, and (better) affirmatively, 102b 6-14. Commonplace tests of accident: Bk. II passim. Comparisons of things based on accidents, 102b 14: commonplace tests of, Bk. III passim. Tests of a., alone apply to all other predicables, 155a 11-12. Tests common to genus and a., 120b 15-17, 124b 7-8 (from contradictories), 125b 10 and 126a 14 (from consideration of subjects wherein S and P inhere): to property and a., 129a 32-4, 133a 32-4: to definition and a., 102b 27, 139a 36-b 3. A. may = temporary or relative property, 102b 21 (cf. 129a 32-4), but never = property absolutely, 102b 25: cf. 131a 27-37, b 5-18. No a. of X can be X's genus, 120b 21, 30-35; or differentia, 144a 23-7. A., as test of sameness, 152a 33-7. (essential attribute (καθ' αὐτόν), 116b 21 foll., 116a 31-3, b 2-7, 143a 3-4, 149b 9, 13, 170a 4. Universal affirmation of a. easier to disprove than to prove, 154b 33; particular do., easier to prove than to disprove, 154b 36: proof of a. the easiest task in dialectic, 155a 28-31; disproof of do. very difficult, 155a 31-36. A., alone of predicables, may belong in part only, and : admit only precariously of conversion (i.e. of transition from 'P belongs to S' to 'S is P'), 109a 10-26. Sophistical difficulty whether an attribute of S belongs to S qualified by some a., 133b 15-24, 31-36 (cf. 178b 39-179a 1). If both variable, S and its a. should vary together, 115a 4-6. Immortality an accident (σύμπτωμα) of life, 126b 36, 39. Fallacy of Accident: one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b 22: illustrated, 166b 28-36: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 24; why deceptive, 169b 3-6: a form of ign. elencht, 168a 34-b 5, 169a 3-4. Usual fallacy whereby amateurs entrap scientists, 168b 6-10. Fallacy of Consequent, a branch of F. of A., 168b 27 foll. Achilles: 117b 14-15, 24; 166a 38. INDEX Activity (1) = ποτείν: a category of passivity, 103b 23. Capacity for a. and p. not a property of Being, 139a 4-8; nor its defn., 146a 22-3, 31-2, 148a 18-21. Movement rather a form of a. or p. in soul than the soul's genus, 120b 26-7. Verbal terminations proper to a. (those proper to passivity or quality; their confusion a source of fallacy of 'form of expression', 166b 13-8, 178a 11-24. (2) = ἐνέργεια: considered as genus of 'building', 124a 21; of 'using', 124a 33: genus of 'motion', 125b 17; of 'memory', 125b 19. (State (ζήτις), 125b 15. Regarded (like γένεσις) as aiming at further end, in which it ceases; contr. 'pleasure', regarded as an a. which is also an end in itself, 146b 13-19. 'Kissing' a 'physical activity', 106b 2-3. Affection (πάθος): cannot have as its genus the thing affected (τὸ πεπονθός), 126b 34-127a 2; nor yet its subject, S (οὐ ἔστι πάθος), 127a 3; unless the affection can be called 'an S', 127a 9-19. Must be inherent in the thing whose affection it is, 145a 35-b 11. = an accident (σύμπτωμα), 126b 36, 39. Agamemnon, his dream, 166b 6-7. Air: not its property to be 'breathable', for (1) this, though true of particular portions of air, is not true of the air as a whole, 135a 33-b 1: (2) it is merely potential and presupposes an animal capable of breathing, which may not exist, 138b 30-37. Not the genus of 'wind', 127a 4. 'Full of air')('empty', 152b 19-24, Windlessness: air = calm: sea, 108a 11-12, b 24-6. Ajax, more like Achilles, and . . . a better man, than Odysseus, 117b 13, 16, 24. Alteration (ἀλλοίωσις), a species of 'motion', 121a 32: pleasure not an a., ib. Ambiguity, inevitable because things infinite, names finite, in no., 165a 6-13. Importance of detecting, 108a 18 foll.: rules for, Bk. I, ch. 15. As source of tests of accidents, 110a 23-b 15. To be avoided in rendering Genus, 123a 27-29, 33-7, 127b 5-7; in rendering a Property correctly (καλῶς), 129b 30 foll., or its subject, 130a 15 foll.; in Definition, 139b 19 foll., 148a 23-b 23. One of most general and effective tests, 154a 18, 20. A. of term (ὄνομα), as opp. a. of whole phrase (δός δ λόγος), 129a 30-2. [Cf. 110b 16-17 and see Amphiboly.] Fallacy of Ambiguity, one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 165b 26: illustrated, 165b 30-166a 6, 14-21: rules for its solution, Soph. El., ch. 19 and 179a 15-19: why deceptive, 169a 22-5. Not all sophistical refutations depend on ambiguity, 177b 7-9 (cf. 179b 38-180a 7); only amphiboly and fallacy of 'form of expression', 168a 23-5; resemblance between fallacies of a. and form of expression, 178a 24-28. Depends on latent 'double question', 175b 39-41, 176a 14-15. Silliest type of fallacy, 182b 13-14: humorous exx. of, 182b 15-21. A. in questions renders even genuine refutation disputable, 175a 40-b 14, 28-30: leads into paradox, 175b 33-7. Ambiguous terms (v. esp. Bk. I, ch. 15): 'same', 103a 7, 25-39, 169a 25: 'good', 106a 4, 107a 5 foll.: 'sharp', 106a 13, 32, 107a 13, b 14, 23: βαρύς, 106a 18; 'fine' (καλόν), 106a 20; 'clear' (λευκόν) and 'obscure' (μέλαν), of sounds and colours, 106a 25, b 5, 107a 12, b 14, 35; 'dull' (ἀμφάν), 106a 32: 'pleasure', 106a 37: to 'love' (φιλεῖν), 106b 2-4: 'see' (βλέπειν), 106b 15: 'have sense' (αἰσθίνεινθαι), 106b 23, cf. 129b 33-4: 'just', 106b 29: 'healthy', 106b 34, cf. 107b 8-12: 'donkey' (ὄνος), 107a 19, 29: to be 'commensurably related to health' (συμINDEX μέτρως ἔχειν πρὸς ὑγίειαν, 107b 8: ‘colour’, 107b 28: ‘desirable’ (αἱρέσιν), 118b 27: ‘passage into...’ (ἀγωγὴ εἰς...), 139b 21: ‘balance’ (συμμετρία), 139b 21: ‘unsupplantable’ (ἀπεπάπτωτος), ‘nurse’ (παῖδην), ‘harmony’ (συμφωνία), 139b 33: ‘life’ (in plants and animals), 148b 23 foll. (esp. 27 foll.): what ‘needs to be’ (ἀναγκῶν δέναι), 165b 35–8; ἀετός and κύων, 166a 16: ‘Being’ and ‘One’, 166a 24, 170b 21–2 (but cf. 182b 24–7). Ambitious man: def. = ‘one who strives for honour’ inadequate, 146b 23. Amphiboly: as test of Accident, 110b 16–111a 7 (no technical name used: described as an ambiguity μὴ καθ’ ὁμογνώμαν, ἄλλα κατ’ ἄλλον τρόπον). To be avoided in rendering Property, 129b 30 (again no technical name: described as ambiguity of ‘the whole phrase’). Exx., ‘the science of many things is one’, 110b 17: ‘immune at present from destruction’ (described as ἀμφίζολον), 145b 24. Fallacy of Amphiboly: one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 162b 26: illustrated, 166a 6–23: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 19 and 179a 15–20: really depends on ‘ambiguity’, 168a 23–5, 175a 36–8: on concealed ‘double question’, 175b 39–41: renders even genuine refutation disputable, 175a 41–b 8, 28–30. Analytics, the (Prior), 162a II (II. 2); 162b 32 (II. 16); (Posterior), 153a II n. (II. 3–13); 153a 24 n. (II. 13); 165b 9. Anger (ὀργή): def. = ‘desire for vengeance on account of an apparent slight’, 156a 32: not def. = ‘pain + consciousness of being slighted’, 151a 15–16 (relation being causal and not expressible by +): not a kind of pain, 125b 29, 126b 6–12; but the effect of pain, 125b 33–4: ‘pain’ and ‘conception of a slight’ seem to have equal claims to be the genus of a., 127b 30: situated in the ‘spirited faculty’, 113a 36: not followed by hatred, 113a 35–b 3. To make answerer angry by appearing unscrupulous, a good trick in contentious argument, 174a 20–3. ‘Good temper’ not def. = control of a., 125b 21–7. Animal: its properties (1) to ‘have sensation’ (αἰσθησιν ἔχειν), 129b 26–9: (2) to be ‘naturally sentient’ (τὸ αὐθαίνεσθαι περὶκύκλιος), 133a 8–11, cf. 137b 23–7: (contr., 129b 33–5, where disallowed as improperly expressed because of ambiguity of αἰσθάνεσθαι = (a) αἰσθησιν ἔχειν (b) αἰσθῆσθαι χρῆσθαι: but not disqualified as a property in former sense): (3) ‘sensation’ (τὸ αὐθαίνεσθαι), belongs to it because it has species which partake of its nature (τῷ μετέχειν), 134b 1, 138a 28. Not a property of it (1) actively to ‘perceive’ (αἰσθάνεσθαι=αἰσθῆσθαι χρῆσθαι of 129b 34), 138a 6–8: (2) to be ‘a substance of which man is a species’ (because virtually circular, and... uninstructive), 131a 4–6: (3) ‘sometimes to move and sometimes to stand still’ (because not permanent), 131a 35–7, 133b 3–4, 144b 33–145a 1: (4) to be ‘sensible’ (αἰσθητός) or ‘divisible’ (μεριστός), 138a 23–5. A. not a kind of ‘perceptible’ or ‘visible thing’, 126a 22–5: its body only a part of a., 126a 26–9. Anything of which a. is predicable is ‘an animal’, 109a 14–17: all animals either species of a., or individual animals, 144b 2–3. No common type of life in a. and plant, 148a 29–31. A. always take nutriment, but do not always grow, 111b 25–6. Its differentiae: ‘walking biped’, ‘flying biped’, 107a 26–7, 111a 26, 133b 7–11 (cf. a. 1–5), 143b 1–2, 144b 16–18, 22–4: ‘quadruped’, 111a 26: ‘land-’ and ‘aquatic’, 143b 2, 144b 36–145a 1. (‘Walking’ a quality, not a kind, of a., 128a 25–9.) INDEX A. the genus of 'ox', 102a 39, 144a 34; of 'bird' and 'raven', 107a 21 foll.; of 'man', 102a 34-5, 38 (cf. 101b 29-34); 144a 34: more familiar than 'man', 141b 29-34: not a property of man, 136a 19 foll., 137a 23 foll.: cannot be differentia of anything, 143a 32: a substance, 103b 30-1. 'A. that walks on 2 feet' the defn. of 'man', 103a 26-7 (cf. 101b 29-34): the addition 'six-feet high' inadmissible, 140b 23-6. 'Flying biped a.' the defn. of 'bird', 107a 26-7. 'Idea' of a. (αὐτὸ ξών), 143b 31. Answerer: his role (questioner's role, in dialectic, 159a 18-24: in contentious reasoning, 159a 30-32. Rules how to answer, in dialectic, Bk. VIII, chh. 5-10; in contentious reasoning, Soph. El., chh. 16-32 [v. Solution]. May be required to cite objection, 157a 35, 165b 1 [v. Objection]; to bring counter-argument (ἀντιπερίχειρεν), see 160b 5, 10; to furnish a division, if he refuses the one offered, 158a 22-4. May ask for explanation of ambiguous phrase, 160a 18-22; or distinguish its meanings for himself, 160a 26-8. To assent without such distinctions a mistake, 175b 28-33, 38-9; though answerers shy of drawing them, for fear of seeming obstructive, 175b 33-6. Must answer 'Yes' or 'No' to clear question, 160a 33-4 (cf. 158a 15-17). A. may be to blame for degeneration of argument into contentiousness, 161a 17 foll.; or for petitio principii, or self-contradiction of questioner, 161b 11-17. A. and questioner, partners in a common task, 161a 37-9. Answers prescribed (in contentious argument) to suggest merely apparent solutions, 176a 23 foll. Perplexity (ἀπορία) of a. two-fold—in reasoned arguments, which proposition is to be demolished, 182b 33-4; in contentious arguments, how to grant the point asked, 182b 34. Antiphon, his method of squaring the circle, 172a 7. Antisthenes, his paradox that contradiction is impossible, 104b 21. ἀξιώματα merely = 'admissions claimed' as premisses, 156a 23, 159a 4, 160a 7, b 29. (Apollonides), 182b 20. Aporeme, defined, 162a 17. Arithmetic (ἀριθμοί), 153a 10, 163b 24. Arrangement (ῥάτις) of argument: importance of, in dialectic, Bk. VIII, ch. 1; in contentious argument, 174a 13. Rules of, in dialectic, Bk. VIII, chh. 1-2; in contentious argument, Soph. El., ch. 15. Astonishment (ἐκπλήξις), usually def. = 'excessive wonderment', 126b 17: not 'excess of wonderment', 126b 14-33. Athenians, 176b 1-2. Babbling (ἰδολεσχεῖν) def. = 'being constrained to say the same thing a no. of times', 165b 16. Results from repeating (1) same term in a formula, 130a 34: (2) same question in a discussion, 158a 28: (3) from replacement of words by their definitions, 130a 38: also in dealing (4) with relative terms, 173b 1-5: (5) with any term whose defn. mentions the substance of which it is the state, affection etc., 173b 5-11. Apparent (real b.), 173b 12-16. To entrap into b., a principal aim of contentious reasoners, 165b 15: methods employed, Soph. El., ch. 13: how avoided, Soph. El., ch. 31. Bad (1) = κακόν, 115b 5-7: see Evil. (2) = φαιδός, 109b 38. Bad (reasonable (ἐπιεικές) disposition, 113a 13. To do harm to friends, or good to enemies, the mark of a b. disposition, 113a 9-16. B. knowledge (good (σπουδαία)), 111a 23. Badness (φανλότης) depends on choice (προϊψεσις), not on capacity (δύναμις), 126a 36. Bad temper (δυσκολία) def., 160b 11–13: how shown in argument, 156b 34, 160b 2–3, 161a 17 foll.; forces questioner to do best he can, 161b 9–10. [Cf. Anger.] Balance (συμμετρία): must be inherent in things whose b. it is, 125a 35–37, 145b 9–10. ‘Health’ not well def. = ‘b. of hot and cold elements’ for (1) ‘b.’ is ambiguous, 139b 21; (2) health is not inherent in hot and cold elements, 145b 7–10. Bandy leg (ροκών), 181b 38. Beautiful (καλὸς): syn. ‘becoming’ (πρέπον), 102a 6, 135a 13: statement that ‘the becoming is beautiful’ said to be ‘definitory’, 102a 5. To be ‘becoming’, not its property, since identical, 135a 12–14. Not def. = ‘what is pleasing to the eyes or to the ears’, 146a 22–31. Neither genus nor species of ‘white’, 128a 3–4. Beauty (καλλιός) valued only for appearance (δόξα), and .: not so desirable as health, 118b 20–21. Genuine and sham b., 164b 20. Becoming (1) ‘generation’, ‘coming-to-be’ (γένεσις), a species of motion, 111b 7: not def. = a ‘passage into being’ (άγωνή εἰς οὐσίαν), for ‘passage’ is ambiguous, 139b 20. Modes of b., as tests of predications of Accident, 114b 16–24, 119b 8–15; of comparative values of things, 117b 3–9; of Genus, 124a 20–30; of Property, 137a 21–b 2; of Sameness, 151b 36–152a 4. (2) πρέπον. v. Beautiful. Being: ambiguous and difficult to divide, 169a 24, 170b 21–2 (but cf. 182b 24–7): to be ‘capable of being acted on or of acting’, a property of B., 135a 4–8; but B. not definable so, 146a 22–3, 31–2; esp. by a Platonist, 148a 18–21. A universal predicate, 121a 17, b 7, 127a 27, 33: has no genus, 121a 16–19: commensurate with ‘Unity’ (τὸ ἕν) and .: neither genus nor species of it, 121b 7–8: generally thought to belong in highest degree to substance or what is one with substance, 169a 35. ‘Object of opinion’ (δοξαστόν) not a species of being, 121a 21–5; but taken as basis of sophistical proof that what is not, is, 167a 1–6, 180a 32–4, 36–8. Melissus’ view that ‘B. is one’ a ‘thesis’ (paradox), 104b 23. Tests of predications of Property derived from interchange of verbs ‘to be’, ‘to become’, ‘to be destroyed’, with both S and P, 137a 21 foll. Bekker, 149b 29 n. Bird: species of ‘animal’, genus of ‘raven’, 107a 23: ‘flying biped animal’ its definition, 107a 26–7; ‘flying biped’ its property, 133b 7–11 (if text be kept, but see n. ad loc.). Black: (1) a species of colour, 123b 26: its differentia, that it ‘compresses the vision’ (συγκριτικῶν ὀψεως), 153a 1, cf. 107b 29–30: b. and ‘white’ are contraries, 105b 36, 110a 27–8; between which all other colours are intermediate (μεταξὺ), 123b 27: ‘grey’ an intermediate, 106b 6. (2) Applied to sounds = ‘obscure’, 106a 25, b 6–7: its contrary = ‘clear’ (λεπτός): but no intermediate, unless perh. ‘harsh’ (σοραῖός), 106b 7–8. Blind: def. = ‘not having sight when it would naturally have it’ (negative defn., but permissible, because inevitable), 143b 34. Blindness: def. = ‘privation of sight in the eye’, 147b 34–5: cf. 109b 22, 114a 10, 124a 38: a species of ‘insensibility’, 124b 6: its property ‘not to see, inasmuch as we have not got our natural sight’, 136a 2–4. Body: not ambiguous, 130a 10: not well defined = ‘that which has 3 dimensions’ (genus being omitted), 142b 24. ‘To be coloured’, allowed to be its property, belonging to it derivatively (ὡς καὶ ἄλλο), because it INDEX possesses a surface, 134b 10-13; but elsewhere denied to be, because (1) an attribute of 'surface' as well, 134a 22-5; (2) what is 'more' or 'less a body' is not: more or less coloured, 137b 18-20; (3) whether the property of 'surface' or not, it cannot in either case be that of 'body', 138a 15-19. Empedocles' doctrine of 4 elements of bodies, 105b 17. Of bodies, fire the readiest to move upwards in space, 130a 13; the most rarefied and lightest, 130b 29-31: light consists of most rarefied particles, 146a 16-17: earth specifically the heaviest, 132b 31-3. B. cannot mingle with what is incorporeal, 149a 1-2. The body: less good and important than the soul, 118a 32-3: to be 'fitted to obey' (ιπηρετικών) a relative property of it (rel. to the 'soul'), 128b 18-19. B. not the genus of 'animal', being only a part, 126a 28-9: to be 'compounded of soul and b.' a permanent property of a 'living creature', 129a 2; 131a 8, 137b 13. Bodily)(spiritual sense and want of sense, 106b 23-8; bodily)(spiritual virtue and vice, 153b 10: those in a sound state of b., the standard of what is absolutely healthy, 142a 11. Bone not well defined='the composition of fire, earth, and air', 151a 23-31 (cf. Flesh). Breathing (προσφοία), 177b 3. (Cf. Accent.) Bryson, his method of squaring the circle, 171b 16, 172a 4. Builder: not his property to 'produce a house', 137a 1. B.: production of house = doctor: production of health, 136b 35. Building, a kind of activity, 124a 21. Bywater, I., 174b 27 n. Callias, 176a 1, 7, 179a 5. Callicles, 173a 8. Calliope, 173b 30. Capacity (δύναμις), considered as kind of 'disposition' (διάθεσις), 124a 32. Not the genus (1) of the state (ἐξις) which it accompanies, 125b 20: (2) of any blameworthy or objectionable act, 126a 30 foll.: (3) of anything intrinsically precious or desirable, 126b 4-6. Always desirable, 126a 37 (cf., however, 119b 25), but only as means to something else (δι’ ἀλλο), 126b 5-6. As test of genus, 124a 31-3; of property, 138b 27-139a 8. Distinction of c.) state as source of test for predication of Genus, 125b 20-7. 'Sensation' (αἰσθήσις) not always a c., 119b 1-2. 'Self-control' (ἐγκρατεία) a c. rather than a virtue, 128a 8. Carpentry, 116a 18. Carriage (φορά): (1) a kind of 'locomotion' (κατὰ τόπον κίνησις), viz. involuntary ('walking' (βάδισις), 122b 32-5, 123a 3-5: Plato's def. of 'locomotion' = 'carriage' criticized, 122b 26. (2) same word (φορά) in wider sense = 'locomotion' (q.v.), 142b 3 (φορὰ ηλιου ὑπὲρ γῆς). Categories: ten distinguished, 103b 21: as sources of tests of ambiguity, 107a 3-17; of Genus, 120b 36-121a 9, 122a 3-19, b 16-17, 124b 15-22, 128a 13-19 (cf. 125b 15-19); of Differentia, 128a 20-9; of Property, 132a 10 foll. (requires S first to be placed in its essence by mention of its genus), 132b 35 foll. (forbids rendering of any essential attribute as property); of Sameness, 152a 38-9: as source of solution of fallacy of Form of expression, 178a 4 foll. Diff. meanings of 'good', illustrated in different c., 107a 5-11; argts. to be developed on each, 105b 13. Choerilus, 157a 16. Clearness in argument (τὸ σαφέστερον εἰμι τῶν λόγων) one of the aims of non-necessary premisses, 155b 23: how secured, 157a 14-17: of three kinds, 162a 35-b 2. INDEX Cleon, 182a 32. Cleophon, 174b 27. Cloud not def. = a 'condensation of the air', 146b 29. Coal (= live coal, ἀθραξ), a species of 'fire', 134b 28-29: to 'burn', not its property, 138b 18-20. Colour, ambiguous (1) of bodies, (2) of tunes, 107b 28-32: genus, not accident, of 'white', 106a 36, 123b 26; also genus of 'black', 123b 26; and of all intermediate colours, 123b 27. Its differentiae (as applied to bodies) = 'sight-piercing' (διακριτικὸν ὄψις, cf. 119a 30, 153a 38) and 'sight-compressing' (συγκριτικὸν ὄψις, cf. 153b 1), 107b 29-30. Not a kind of 'compressing' (συγκριτικῶν), 123a 2. Combination (σύνθεσις), Fallacy of: one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 165b 26: illustrated, 166a 23-32: why deceptive, 169a 25-7: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 20 and 170a 12-13: a form of ign. elenchi, 168a 26 foll. Composition (σύνθεσις): contrary of decomposition' (διάλυσις), 151a 28: ('compound' (σύνθετον), or 'whole' (ὅλον), 151a 20-31. Compound (σύνθετον), rule for definition of, 148b 33 foll. [cf. Composition]. Concave (κοῖλον), general t. applied to snub-nose and bandy-leg, 181b 38 foll. Concealment of intended conclusion (κρυψίς τοῦ συμπεράσματος), an aim of non-necessary premisses, 155b 23; contentious in motive, 155b 26. Rules for obtaining, in dialectic, 156a 7-157a 5; in contentious argument, Soph. El., ch. 15. Conception (ὑπόληψις): genus of 'knowledge', 114a 18, 119b 3, 125a 9-11, cf. 130b 15, 131a 23, 146b 2: not = kn., 149b 10. Not genus of 'conviction' (πίστις), 125b 29, 35-126a 2: though def. of 'conviction' = 'vehement conception' (ὑπόληψις σφοδρά) usually accepted, 126b 18. Consequences (τὰ ἁκολοθέα, 111b 17 foll., 112a 16 foll.; τὰ παρεπόμενα, 117a 5 foll.): as tests of predication of Accident, 111b 17-23, 112a 16-23; for distinguishing values otherwise indistinguishable, 117a 5-15; as tests of definition, 145b 11-20, and 150a 22-b 18 (definition of X as 'the product of A+B'—τὸ ἐκ τοῦτων). Prior )( later c. [πρότερον ]( ὑστέρον ἐπόμενα), 117a 11. Consequent, Fallacy of: one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b 25: analysed and illustrated, 167b 1-20: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 28: why deceptive, 169b 6-7: a form of ign. elenchi, 168b 27-169a 5. A branch of fallacy of Accident, 168b 27-8, 169b 6-7: its distinctive feature, always to require more than one subject, 168b 28 foll. Contact (ἀψίς); the genus, not a species, of 'juncture' (συνοχή), 122b 25-8. Contentious (ἐρωτικός) Reasoning: defined, 100b 23, 165b 7-8: effects only apparent refutation, 165a 19-24, 175a 33 foll.: those properly )( those improperly called 'reasoning', 101a 1. C. )( dialectical reasoning, 108a 33-7, 112a 4-11, 161a 33-4, 162a 16-18, 171b 6-7, 34-172a 15 (so too 'refutations', 170b 9-10). C. r. to be avoided, if possible, in dialectic, 108a 29-37 (use of fallacy), 112a 9-11 (apparent confutation on irrelevant side-issue), 161a 33-4; but sometimes inevitable, 133b 36-134a 4, 155b 26-8, 161a 21-4. C. )( dialectical way of bringing round an opponent, 162a 33-4. C. argument: dialectical do. = drawer of false diagrams: geometrician, 171b 35-7; but with a difference, 171b 38-172a 7, b 1-4. C. )( Examination - arguments, 160b 23-9: (so too 'refutations', 170b 10-11). C. )( Sophistical argument, distinguished by motives of arguers, 171b 25-34. possesses a surface, 134b 10-13; but elsewhere denied to be, because (1) an attribute of 'surface' as well, 134a 22-5; (2) what is 'more' or 'less a body' is not: more or less coloured, 137b 18-20; (3) whether the property of 'surface' or not, it cannot in either case be that of 'body', 138a 15-19. Empedocles' doctrine of 4 elements of bodies, 105b 17. Of bodies, fire the readiest to move upwards in space, 130a 13; the most rarefied and lightest, 130b 29-31: light consists of most rarefied particles, 146a 16-17: earth specifically the heaviest, 132b 31-3. B. cannot mingle with what is incorporeal, 149b 1-2. The body: less good and important than the soul, 118a 32-3: to be 'fitted to obey' (ὑπηρετικών) a relative property of it (rel. to the 'soul'), 128b 18-19. B. not the genus of 'animal', being only a part, 126a 28-9: to be 'compounded of soul and b.' a permanent property of a 'living creature', 129a 2, 131a 8, 137b 13. Bodily (spiritual sense and want of sense, 106b 23-8; bodily (spiritual virtue and vice, 153b 10: those in a sound state of b., the standard of what is absolutely healthy, 142a 11. Bone not well defined—'the composition of fire, earth, and air', 151a 23-31 (cf. Flesh). Breathing (προσφορία), 177b 3. (Cf. Accent.) Bryson, his method of squaring the circle, 171b 16, 172a 4. Builder: not his property to 'produce a house', 137a 1. B.: production of house = doctor: production of health, 136b 35. Building, a kind of activity, 124a 21. Bywater, I., 174b 27 n. Callias, 176a 1, 7, 179a 5. Callicles, 173a 8. Calliope, 173b 30. Capacity (δύναμις), considered as kind of 'disposition' (διάθεσις), 124a 32. Not the genus (1) of the state (ἐξές) which it accompanies, 125b 20: (2) of any blameworthy or objectionable act, 126a 30 foll.: (3) of anything intrinsically precious or desirable, 126b 4-6. Always desirable, 126a 37 (cf., however, 119b 25), but only as means to something else (δι’ ἀλλο), 126b 5-6. As test of genus, 124a 31-3; of property, 138b 27-139a 8. Distinction of c.) (state as source of test for predication of Genus, 125b 20-7. 'Sensation' (αἰσθητικός) not always a c., 119b 1-2. 'Self-control' (ἐγκράτεια) a c. rather than a virtue, 128a 8. Carpentry, 116a 18. Carriage (φορά): (1) a kind of 'locomotion' (κατὰ τόπον κίνησις), viz. involuntary) ('walking' (βάδισις), 122b 32-5, 123a 3-5: Plato's def. of 'locomotion' = 'carriage' criticized, 122b 26. (2) same word (φορά) in wider sense = 'locomotion' (q.v.), 142b 3 (φορά ἡλιοῦ ἐπὲρ γῆς). Categories: ten distinguished, 103b 21: as sources of tests of ambiguity, 107a 3-17; of Genus, 120b 36-121a 9, 122a 3-19, b 16-17, 124b 15-22, 128a 13-19 (cf. 125b 15-19); of Differentia, 128a 20-9; of Property, 132a 10 foll. (requires S first to be placed in its essence by mention of its genus), 132b 35 foll. (forbids rendering of any essential attribute as property); of Sameness, 152a 38-9: as source of solution of fallacy of Form of expression, 178a 4 foll. Diff. meanings of 'good', illustrated in different c., 107a 5-11; argts. to be developed on each, 105b 13. Choerilus, 157a 16. Clearness in argument (τὸ σαφέστερον εἶναι τὸν λόγον) one of the aims of non-necessary premisses, 155b 23: how secured, 157a 14-17: of three kinds, 162a 35-b 2. Cleon, 182a 32. Cleophon, 174b 27. Cloud not def. = a 'condensation of the air', 146b 29. Coal (= live coal, ἀνθραξ), a species of 'fire', 134b 28-29: to 'burn', not its property, 138b 18-20. Colour, ambiguous (1) of bodies, (2) of tunes, 107b 28-32: genus, not accident, of 'white', 109a 36, 123b 26; also genus of 'black', 123b 26; and of all intermediate colours, 123b 27. Its differentiae (as applied to bodies) = 'sight-piercing' (διακριτικὸν ὑψως, cf. 110a 30, 153a 38) and 'sight-compressing' (συγκριτικὸν ὑψως, cf. 153b 1), 107b 29-30. Not a kind of 'compressing' (συγκριτικόν), 123a 2. Combination (σύνθεσις), Fallacy of: one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 165b 26: illustrated, 166a 23-32: why deceptive, 169a 25-7: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 20 and 179a 12-13: a form of ign. elenchi, 168a 26 foll. Composition (σύνθεσις): contrary of 'decomposition' (διάλυσις), 151a 28: ('compound' (σύνθετον), or 'whole' (δλον), 151a 20-31. Compound (σύνθετον), rule for definition of, 148b 33 foll. [cf. Composition]. Concave (κοίλον), general t. applied to snub-nose and bandy-leg, 181b 38 foll. Concealment of intended conclusion (κρύψις τοῦ συμπεράσματος), an aim of non-necessary premisses, 155b 23; contentious in motive, 155b 26. Rules for obtaining, in dialectic, 156a 7-157a 5; in contentious argument, Soph. El., ch. 15. Conception (ἰπόληψις): genus of 'knowledge', 114a 18, 119b 3, 125a 9-11, cf. 130b 15, 131a 23, 146b 2: not = kn., 149a 10. Not genus of 'conviction' (πίστις), 125b 29, 35-126a 2: though def. of 'conviction' = 'vehement conception' (ἰπόληψις σφοδρὰ) usually accepted, 126b 18. Consequences (τὰ ἄκολουθα, 111b 17 foll., 112a 16 foll.; τὰ παρεπόμενα, 117a 5 foll.): as tests of predication of Accident, 111b 17-23, 112a 16-23; for distinguishing values otherwise indistinguishable, 117a 5-15; as tests of definition, 145b 11-20, and 150a 22-b 18 (definition of X as 'the product of A+B'—τὸ ἐκ τοῦτων). Prior )( later c. [πρότερον)( νότερον ἐπ’όμενα], 117a 11. Consequent, Fallacy of: one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b 25: analysed and illustrated, 167b 1-20: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 28: why deceptive, 169b 6-7: a form of ign. elenchi, 168b 27-169a 5. A branch of fallacy of Accident, 168b 27-8, 169b 6-7: its distinctive feature, always to require more than one subject, 168b 28 foll. Contact (ἀψίς); the genus, not a species, of 'juncture' (συνοχή), 122b 25-8. Contentious (ἐρωτικὸς) Reasoning: defined, 100b 23, 165b 7-8: effects only apparent refutation, 165a 19-24, 175a 33 foll.: those properly )( those improperly called 'reasoning', 101a 1. C. )( dialectical reasoning, 108a 33-7, 112a 4-11, 161a 33-4, 162a 16-18, 171b 6-7, 34-172a 15 (so too 'refutations', 170b 9-10). C. r. to be avoided, if possible, in dialectic, 108a 29-37 (use of fallacy), 112a 9-11 (apparent confutation on irrelevant side-issue), 161a 33-4; but sometimes inevitable, 133b 36-134a 4, 155b 26-8, 161a 21-4. C. )( dialectical way of bringing round an opponent, 162a 33-4. C. argument: dialectical do. = drawer of false diagrams: geometrician, 171b 35-7; but with a difference, 171b 38-172a 7, b 1-4. C. )( Examination - arguments, 169b 23-9: (so too 'refutations', 170b 10-11). C. )( Sophistical argument, distinguished by motives of arguers, 171b 25-34. 5 aims of c. (sophistical) reasoners (Refutation, Fallacy, Paradox, Solecism, Babbling), Soph. El., ch. 3. 2 types of c. (sophistical) reasoning, 169b 20-4, 171b 8-10, 11 foll. C. Refutation; its forms discovered by same method as forms of apparent reasoning, Soph. El., ch. 8: does not refute absolutely, but always relatively to answerer, 170a 12-19. C. reasoning sometimes demands apparent rather than real solutions, 176a 19 foll.: unscrupulous, 159a 30-2, 171b 24-5, 174a 21-3: like a 'foul' (ἀδικία) in a race or fight, 171b 22-5, 174a 22: c. tricks and rhetorical tricks, 174b 19 foll. How to put questions in c. reasoning, Soph. El., ch. 15: questioners less inclined than formerly to seek 'Yes' or 'No' answer, 175b 8-10. Most incisive (δριμύτατος) of c. argts., 183a 7. Traditional teaching of c. argt. compared to Gorgias' teaching of rhetoric, 183b 36 foll. Contradictory terms (κατ' ἀντίφασιν ἀντικείμενα: φάσις καὶ ἀπόφασις), as sources of tests of ambiguity, 106a 13-20; of Accident, 113b 15-26; of Genus, 124b 7-14; of Property, 136b 5-b 2. Contrary terms (ἐναντία): as tests of ambiguity, 106a 9-b 12; of predications of Accident, 112b 27-113b 14, 113b 27-114a 6, 114b 6-15, 115a 37-b 1; of comparative values of things, 117b 4-7; of comparative estimates of any quality, 119a 27-8; of predications of Genus, 123b 1-124a 9, 153a 33-6; of Differentia, 153a 36-b 24; of Property, 135b 8-16; of Definition, 140a 18-20, 147a 32-b 25, 151a 32-b 2, 153a 26, 29-31. Terms with c.)( terms with none, 106a 36. C. with intermediate terms, 106b 4. C. in same thing (e.g. rightness and wrongness in sensation), how shown, 111a 14 foll. C. cannot coexist in same subject, 113a 22; but contr. Heraclitus (on good and evil), 159b 30-3. Whatever subject admits one of a pair of c. must admit the other too, 113a 34-5. C. subjects have c. attributes, 113b 27 foll., and associations, 113b 34 foll. C. have either same or c. genera, 153a 35-6; have same differentiae (if genera be c.) or c. (if genus be same), 153a 36-7, b 4-12, 17-18. Knowledge of c. one, 105b 5-6, 23, 110b 20, 155b 30-4, 156b 11, 163a 2-3, 164a 1-2, 171a 36-8. If any statement generally accepted (and .: a fit premiss for dialectic), so will contradiction of its c. be, 104a 13. 'Contrary' used loosely = 'opposite', 147b 7, 10, 17, 20. Contrary acts: Of the six combinations (συμπλοκαι) possible between the acts formed by combination of 2 c. verbs and 2 c. objects, four produce c. acts, 112b 27-8, 113a 8-14, each of these acts having 2 contraries among the others, 113a 14-18. Acts are c. if they treat same thing in c. ways (112b 34, 113a 9), or c. things in same way (112b 36, 113a 9), but not if they treat c. things in c. ways (112b 31, 113a 1). Contumely (προπηλακισμός) not def. = 'insolence accompanied by jeering' (for j. is a species, not differentia, of insolence), 144a 6. Conventional language, breach with, a fault, 100a 28: c. to be followed in regard to connotations, but not denotations, of terms, 110a 14 foll., 148b 20 foll. Conversion (ἀντιπερέν) = (1) transition from 'P belongs to S' to 'S is P'; valid if P is definition, or genus, or property, but precarious if P is accident, of S, 109a 10-26. (2) conversion by negation (ἡ κατὰ τὴν ἀντίφασιν ἄκολουθησις ἀντιπαλίν γνωμένη), from 'A is B' to 'No-not-B is A'; as INDEX test of Accident, 113b 15-26; applied to Genus, 124b 7-14. (3) reductio per impossibile, 163a 32-6. Conviction (πίστις): not a kind of ‘conception’ (ὑπόληψις), 125b 29, 35-126a 2: not = ‘vehemence of conception’, 126b 14-33: but definition = ‘a vehement conception’ passed as generally accepted, 126b 17-18. Genus of ‘knowledge’, 128a 35-7. Cooling: def. = ‘privation of heat’, 141a 12-13: not properly def. = ‘privation of natural heat’ (‘natural’ implied in ‘privation’), 141a 10-14. Co-ordinates (συντοκχα) of X, def. = (1) terms related to X as are ‘just deeds’ (or ‘a just man’) to justice, 114a 27. (2) anything tending to produce or preserve X, 114a 29. (‘inflections’, 114a 32; but often held to include them, 114a 34. As tests of Accident, 114a 26, 38 foll.; 116a 38, b 6-8; of Genus, 124a 10-14; of Definitions, 147a 21-2, 153b 25-35; of Sameness, 151a 28-33. Reckoned among most generally handy tests, 154a 12-13. Putting question about co-ordinates of S, instead of about S direct, recommended as method of concealment in dialectic, 156a 27 foll. Knowledge of c. one, 164a 1-2. Co-ordinates in a division (ἀντιδιαφέροντα): as tests of Property, 136b 3-14; of Definition, 142b 7 foll.; of Differentia, 143a 34 foll., b 2, 6, 35-144a 4. Coriscus, 166b 32, 173b 31, 38, 175b 19-23, 25, 176a 7, 178b 39, 179a 1, b 2-3, 9, 28, 32, 181a 10, 182a 20-1. Correct rendering (τὸ καλῶς ἀποδεῖναι): of Properties, Bk. V, chh. 2-3: of Definitions, 139a 34, b 6, 12-141a 24. Sources of incorrectness (1) obscurity (q.v.), 139b 12, (2) redundancy (q.v.), 139b 15. Courage: not properly def. = (1) ‘control of fears’; rather implies total immunity from fear 125b 22-7: (2) ‘daring + right reasoning’ (no guarantee that the two are found in same circs. and relations), 151a 3-13. Found in soul, 150b 36. Is justice same as c., how determined, 151b 31-3: justice not def. = temperance and courage, 150a 3. Good intrinsically (contr. means of health), 106a 4 foll. (cf. 107a 5-8): more desirable in youth than in age, 117a 30: less desirable than justice and temperance, 117a 36, 38: than justice, 118a 17, 36: goodness of c. transcends evil of false opinion, 150b 4-5. ‘Courageous’, syn. ‘strong at heart’ (ἐψυχος), 112a 33. Covetous man (φιλοχρήματος), not def. = ‘one who strives for money’ (for quantity of money should be stated), 146b 25. Day: def. = ‘passage of the sun over the earth’, 142b 3. Deafness: not its property to be a ‘lack of sensation’, 135b 31-2. Debility (κακεξία): contrary of ‘vigour’, 113b 35-9, 157b 18-20, 23: follows on disease, 113b 36: less evil than disease, 157b 20. Decomposition (διάλυσις); contrary of ‘composition’ (σύνθεσις), 151a 28. Considered as kind of destruction (φθορά), 124a 23-4, 28-9: but contr. 153b 31, where φθορά is suggested as kind of decomposition (διάλυσις οὐσίας). Defect (ἐλεῖα): contrary of ‘excess’ (ὑπερβολή), in same genus (Evil), 123b 28: ‘moderate amount’ (τὸ μέτρον) intermediate between them, 123b 29. Definition (ὁρισμός): def. = an attribute peculiar (like Property), and essential (contr. Property), 101b 19-21, 39: of term (ὀνομα) or of phrase (λόγος), 102a 1: always consists of a phrase, 102a 4, 148b 36-149a 4. Always same as definitum, 102a 7-14; though what is same as definitum not always its d., 102a 14. Examination of likeness of things useful for d., 108b 9, 19 foll. Rules for d., Bk. VI, passim. Must (1) consist of genus and differentia, 103b 15, 139a 28, 143b 8-9, 19-20, 153a 15-21, b 14-15, 154a 26-7; (2) be true universally, 139a 26-7, 140b 21-3, 154a 36-b 1; (3) be peculiar, 101b 19-21, 109b 10, 139a 31, b 3, 149b 22-3, 154b 1-3, 10-12, 155a 20; (4) express essence, 101b 21, 39, 139a 33: (tests for this, 141a 24 foll.): 155a 21: and whole essence, 153a 16-17, 21-2, 154a 29: (5) render appropriate genus, 139a 29, b 3, 143a 12, 155a 20: viz. proximate (ἐγγύτατο) genus, 143a 19: (6) add appropriate differentiae, 139a 29: (tests for this, 143a 29 foll.): must state them fully, 146b 20 foll.: (7) make clear also d. of contrary term, 140a 18-20: (8) not be circular, 142a 34: cf. 147b 12 foll., 20 foll. D. more scientific (ἐπιστημονικώτερον), if rendered of posterior through prior terms, 141b 16; but d. through terms more intelligible to A or B sometimes necessary ad hominem, 141b 17 foll. 2 different d. of same essence impossible, 142b 35, 153a 21-2: treated as absurd, 141a 31-2, 148b 14, 151a 33-4, b 16-17. One d. of 2 different essences also impossible, 154a 10-11: treated as absurd, 153b 24. ‘Equimembral d.’ def., 148b 34. Definition and other predicables: D. amenable to all tests for other predicables, 102b 27 (cf. 155a 7-10), though distinctions should be kept for clearness, 102b 35: cf. Accident, 139a 36-b 3; cf. Genus, 102b 27, 120b 13, 139b 3-5, 143a 12-14; cf. Property, 120b 13, 139b 3-5, 154b 18-23: esp. (1) no term must be repeated, 130a 29-31, 140b 27 foll.: (2) no universal predicate must be used, 130b 11-14, 140a 24: (3) nothing superfluous must be added, 130b 25-8, 139b 15, 140a 24 foll.: (4) neither S nor any of its species must be mentioned, 130b 38 foll., and cf. 142a 34 foll. Tests for d. not all applicable to other predicables, 155a 10. Of other predicables, Property most like d., 155a 23: but d. not to be rendered as property, 131b 37 foll. Of elements in d., Genus is principal mark of essence, 130a 29-31. Science of d. (ἱποστική) a branch of speculative science θεωρητική, 141a 8: exact account of d. not the business of dialectic, 153a 11-12, 24-5. D. generally assumed by the sciences, not proved, 153a 7; but dialectical proof possible, 153a 13-22. D. the only way to grasp the fundamentals in science, 158a 33, b 1-4 (one of the principal uses of dialectic study, 101a 36). Dialectician should collect d., esp. of primary and recurrent concepts, 163b 20. For lack of d., problems often prove intractable, in dialectics, 158b 17, 24 foll.; in maths., 158b 29 foll. Disproof of d. the easiest of all tasks of dialectic, 155a 3-10: proof of d., the hardest, 155a 18-22. Both d. and Property easier to disprove than to prove, and for like reasons: (1) disproof requires one conclusion only, proof requires many, 154a 32-6, b 15-18. (2) proof of either must be universal, whereas one neg. instance disproves, 154a 36-b 10, 19-22. (3) proof of either requires that formula be shown to be not only universally true, but peculiar, 154b 10-12, 22-3. D. of terms used, as test of ambiguity, 106a 3, 107a 36-b 12; of Accident, 109b 30-110a 9, 111b 12-16; of comparative estimates of any quality, 119a 29-31; of Genus, 120b 30-5, 121a 10-19, 122a 7-9, b 7-11; of Property, 130a 38; of Definition, 140b 29 foll., 142b 2-6, 146a 33-5, 147b 13-17. Definitory (δοικόν) ; applied (1) to elucidation of term by synonym, 102a5: (2) to every problem respecting sameness and difference, 102a6: (3) to any problem bearing on inquiry into definitions, 102a9. In a sense all inquiries on any predicable do this last, 102b27 foll. (cf. s.v. Definition), and are therefore definitory, 102b33: but better to distinguish d. problems (‘generic’ do. (γενικά), 102b35–103a4. Demonstration: def., 100a27: requires systematic deduction from principles appropriate to subject, 158a36–7. Every d. also a refutation, 170a24–6. (Dialectic [q.v.], does not proceed by question and answer, 172a15–21. ) ( Examination-argument held acc. to principles of dialectic, 172a21 foll., 39–b1. Demonstrations, like sciences, perh. infinite in no., 170a22–3. Desirable (αἱρέω): = (1) expedient, (2) honourable, (3) pleasant, 105a27, 118b27: contrary of ‘objectionable’ (φευκτόν), 113a12, b33, 135b15: syn. ‘proper object of pursuit’ (διώκτιμον), 133a28. A property of ‘good’, 135b15–16: but ‘more desirable’) (‘better’, 118a8–15: the same thing may be equally desirable and objectionable, 118b37: relative to individual, 116a22, 118a11, cf. b15. Not a property of the d. to ‘appear good to some people’, 133a26–8. Intrinsically (δι’ αὐτό) d.) (d. for sake of something else (δι’ ἀλλο, δι’ ἐπερον), 116a29, 149b31 foll. (Tests for definition of former, 149b31–9.) Essentially (καθ’ αὐτό) d.) (d. accidentally (κατὰ συμβεβηκός), 116b31. Rules for distinguishing desirable)(undesirable, and less)(more desirable, Bk. III chh. 1–4. Doing good to friends, and evil to enemies, both d., 113a2. ‘Capacity’ of any kind d., even of bad man, 126a36. ‘Most desirable’, used of 2 terms, does not imply their identity (unless each is an individual), but only that the one contains the other, 152a28–30. Desire (ἐπιθυμία): def. = ‘conation’ (1) ‘for pleasure’, 146b11–12: (2) ‘for what appears pleasant’, 147a1–5. Said not to be def. = ‘conation for the pleasant’, 140b27 foll., though objection here not really well founded, 140b31–14a4: but cf. 146b11–12, 147b1–5. ‘Sexual love’ not ‘desire for intercourse’ (see Love). ‘Desire of X’ ambiguous, 110b37 foll. Desire, faculty of (ἐπιθυμητικόν): the seat of ‘friendship’ (φιλία), 113b2: of pleasure and pain, 126a9–10. Incapable of knowledge, and .: of ignorance, 113b3–6. Its property, to be the ‘primary seat of Temperance’ (ἡ πρῶτων σωφρον), 138b1–5: not its property, to ‘desire’ (ἐπιθυμεῖν), 138a34–5. A property of the soul to be the primary whole of which faculty of desire is part, 138b13–14. Destruction (φθορά, φθείρεσθαι): a species of ‘motion’ (κινέσθαι), 111b5–7. Modes of d., as tests of predications of Accident, 114b16–24, 119b8–15; of comparative values of things, 117b3–5; of Genus, 124a20–30; of Property, 137a21–b2; of Definition, 150a33–6; of Sameness, 152a1–4. D. and decomposition (v. Decomposition). Dialectic: critical approach to common principles of all inquiries, 101b3: no definite kind of being for its province, 172a12: so of refutations, d. studies only those based on common principles, 170a38–9, i.e. such as are (1) really dialectical, (2) sophistical and only apparently dialectical, (3) suited to examination, 170b8–11. Uses of studying d., 101a25, 36; cf. 165a19–31, 175a5–16. D. comp. with rhetoric and medicine, 101b5. Divisions of D., v. Table of Contents. Problems how to arrange and put questions peculiar to d. (contr. philosophy), 155b9. Dialectical proposition and problem (s.v. Propositions and Problems). Dialectical Reasoning: def., 100a29, 165b3-4, = epichireme, 162a16. Inductive )( deductive, 105a10-19. )( Philosophy, 105b30-1, 155b7-16, 162a15-16, b31-3, 175a31-3; but useful for philosophy, 101a34-b4, 155b7-8, 163b9-12, 175a5-12. )( Demonstration, 162a15-16, 157b34 foll., 172a12-21. )( Teaching (Didactic), 159a11-14, 26 foll.; 161a24-5; 165b1-4, 171a31-b2, 172a15-21. )( Contentious reasoning (Eristic, Sophistic), see Contentious Reasoning. D.r. and Examination-arguments, 159a25, 33, 161a25: distinguished, 165b3-6. Examination a branch of d., aimed at exposing ignorant pretender, 169b25-7, 171b4-6: cf. 183a37-b1. D. r. a mode of examination, 172a23-b1: every one in a sense an examiner, 172a30-5: expert examiner (dialectician) differs in possessing technique of the syllogism, 172a35-6. D. r. and Rhetoric, see Rhetoric. Dialogue-form, arguments in: 4 kinds (1) Didactic,(2) Dialectic, (3) Examination-arguments, (4) Contentious arguments, 165a38-9. Didactic argument: def.= 'those that reason from principles appropriate to each subject, and not from opinions held by answerer', 165b1-2: = demonstration, cf.together 165a39 and b9-11. D.)( dialectical reasoning, see Dialectical reasoning. Differences of things to be observed, 105a24 and Bk. I, ch. 16: importance of them, 108a38-b6. Differentia: D. and species: D. belongs to essence of S., 108b4-6, 133a1-3, 153a18, 154a27-8; (but contr. 122b15-17 and cf. 128a20): must : be appropriate (iδια) to S., 143a30-1; a permanent attribute, 123a15-19, 145a11; not a property, 133a19, 21; not an accident, 144a23-7; not merely S.'s place or habitat, 144b31. Absolutely more intelligible than, and prior to, S., 141b27-34, 144b9-11. Commensurate with, or wider than, S., 122b39-123a1, 144b6. Identical terms have same d., 107b27-31, 152b3. 'Specific' (ειδοποιος) d., 143b7-8. D. and genus: closely associated, 101b18: d. cannot be S.'s genus, nor vice versa, 122b12-15, 123a3-5, 126b13-33, 128a20-9, 144a9 foll.: nor genus of S.'s genus, 123a1, 6-10. A quality, not essential attribute, of genus, 128a26-8 (cf. 122b16-17), 144a18, 20-2. Of narrower denotation than genus, 121b11-14, 123a6-10, 128a22. Less expressive than genus of essence of S., 128a23-6. Cannot be a species of S.'s genus, 107b33-4, 144a5-8: cf. 122b20-4. Posterior to genus, 144b10: genus not a quality of d., 128a27-9. Must be one of a number of co-ordinates distinguished within S.'s genus, 143b34-b5. Different and non-subaltern genera must have different d., unless the genera be themselves in same higher genus, 107b19, 144b13-25. Must not be rendered negatively, 143b11 foll. Must be rendered fully, 142b30, 146b20 (with full determinations of quantity, quality, manner, cause, &c.). Of relative terms, d. must render correlate that is better rather than worse (143a9), natural (145a19-27) and primary (145a28-32). Of contraries, d. are contrary if in same genus, or same if in contrary genera, 153a37-b24. Dionysius, 148a27. Disease a kind of evil, 123b17-18: brings debility (κακέξια), 113 36: a greater evil than debility 157b 20: worse than ugliness (because greater hindrance to both pleasure and goodness) 118b 35: contrary of ‘health’, with no intermediary, 123b 17–18: but particular diseases (fever, ophthalmia, &c.) have no contrary, 123b 34–7. Disposition (διάθεσις), the genus of ‘knowledge’, 111a 23, 121b 38, 125a 1, 145a 36 (cf. State): of ‘virtue’, 121b 38: considered as genus of ‘capacity’, 124a 32. Must be inherent in the thing whose d. it is, 125a 33–7, 145a 33–b 11. Knowledge a state and d. of the soul, 124b 34, 145a 36. Division of terms (into species or individuals) recommended, 105b 31–7: as test for Accident, 109b 13–29, 111a 33–b 11, 120a 34–b 6; of Genus, 121a 27–37; of Property, 132a 27–b 3: one of most general and effective tests, 154a 17. Fallacy of Division: one of 6 fallacious refutations dependent on diction, 165b 26: illustrated, 166a 33–8: why deceptive, 169a 25–7: rules for its solution, Soph. El., ch. 20 and 179a 13–14: a form of ignu. elenchi, 168a 27 foll. Doctor: his business to take all possible means to heal, 101b 5–10: his views, the accepted standard in medicine, 104a 33–7, 116a 20–2: his property, to ‘have ability to produce health’, 137a 3–7; not ‘to produce health’, 136b 37. D.: production of health = builder: production of house, 136b 35–7 D.: ability to produce health = trainer (γυμναστής): ability to produce vigour (εὐέξια), 137a 3–5. [Cf. Medicine.] Donkey—ambiguous, 107a 19, 29: bears inferior likeness to horse, 117b 25–7. Double (διπλάσιον): def. of d. through ‘half’ (its opposite) permissible, because inevitable, 142a 27. ‘Double of X’ def. = ‘that which exceeds X by an amount equal to X’, 147a 30. A kind of ‘multiple’, 121a 4–5; but only in ref. to same unit, 124b 24–7: (‘multiple’, 152b 15–16. Like ‘multiple’, a relative term, 121a 3–5, 124b 15–18: rel. to ‘half’, 124b 24, 29, 135b 19: possible exception to rule that genus and species are related to anequal no. of things, 125a 18–24. Its property, to be ‘in proportion of ½’, 135b 25; not its property ‘to exceed’ (τὸ ἐπερέχον), 135b 20–1. Dull (ἀπλός), used (1) of edges, 106a 13, 32: (2) of flavours, 106a 32. Earth: its properties (1) to be ‘specifically heaviest body’, 132b 31–4: (2) ‘naturally to fall downwards’, 135b 3–5 (cf. 130b 1–2 for incorrect rendering of this). Not def. = a ‘nurse’, 130b 33: not genus of ‘mud’, 127a 14. ‘Sun’s movement over e.’, 131b 25–30, 142b 1–6. ‘Shadow on the e.’ not adequate def. of ‘night’; ‘movement of the e.’, not adequate def. of ‘earthquake’, 146b 28–30. Empedocles, his doctrine that there are 4 physical elements, 105b 16. Empty, not = ‘full of air’, 152b 19–24. Epichireme, def., 162a 16. Equity (ἐπιείκεια), not def. = ‘remission of what is expedient and just’ (redundant), 141a 16–19. ‘Reasonable’ (equitable) disposition ) (‘bad’ one (φαύλον), 113a 13. Ethiopian, the; 167a 11. (Euarchus), 182b 20. Euthydemus, 177b 12: E., the, 166a 14 n., 179a 35 n. Even: ) (odd, the differentiae of ‘number’, 120b 3–6, 123a 11–13, 142b 9–10. E. number not def. = ‘a no. divisible into halves’ (circular), 142b 12. ‘2’ (ἡ δυάς) = ‘the only prime no. among even nos.’, 157a 39. Events occur (1) of necessity, (2) usually (ως ἐπὶ τὸ πολύ), (3) by chance (ὀπτερα ἐτυχε), 112b 1-2. Evil (κακόν): opposite (ἀντικείμενον) of ‘good’, 119a 36-b 1; ‘contrary’ (ἐναντίον) of good, 105b 36, 135b 14-15: e. and good thing cannot be same, 152b 1: Heraclitus’ paradox that good and e. are same, 159b 30-3 (cf. 163a 16-17). Sophistical proof that same two things can be both good, and both e., and neither good nor e., 181b 9-16 (cf. 180b 9-21). Like ‘good’, a genus not referable to any higher genus, 123b 8-12. Its property, to be ‘objectionable’ (φευκτόν), 135b 14-16. Must not appear in rendering a property of ‘good’ (circular), 131a 17-20; nor in definition of ‘good’, 142b 23 (because opposite, and . . . not prior, to g.), and 147b 18-25 (because circular). The genus of ‘disease’, 123b 17-18; of ‘defect’ and ‘excess’, 123b 28. That whose destruction is e. is itself good; that whose production is e. is itself e., 114b 19-24. What destroys good, or produces e., is e. (and vice versa), 119b 8 foll. What causes e. essentially (καθ’ αὐτό) more objectionable than what causes it accidentally (κατὰ συμβεβηκός), 116b 4-6: cause of less e., preferable to cause of more, 117a 8-9: what is less connected with e., preferable, 117b 31-2. Injustice an e., 115a 1 (cf. 119b 4); but not its property to be ‘the worst’, 135b 10-12. If all (or some) pleasure be good, all (or some) pain is e., 119a 39-b 1. Any contrary of a good thing is e., 119a 36 foll.; but principle that ‘greater e. is contrary to greater good’ amended by addition ‘unless one good involves the other’, 157b 17-24. Whole formed by addition of good to e. not necessarily good, 115b 1. Quality of products of things good, evil, and neutral, 150a 36-b 18. Examination-argument: 159a 25 foll.: rules how to answer in such arguments, Bk. VIII, chh. 5-10. ( Teaching, 159a 33, 161a 25.) ( Scientific reasoning: e. demands ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ answers, 171b 3, cf. 172a 15-17. Requires no scientific knowledge, but only general knowledge indispensable to student of science, 172b 21-7; 39-b 1: concerned only with common principles, 172a 27-30: practised by all, 172a 30-4. (cf. Dialectical Reasoning). ( Contentious or Sophistical argument, 159a 25, 169b 20-9: but possible to examine sophistically as well as dialectically, 183b 1-3. Eye: primary seat of ‘sight’ and of ‘blindness’, 147b 34-5 (cf. 29): not to be described in definition as ‘brow-shaded’ (unfamiliar), 140a 4. Sight: eye = reason: soul, 108a 11. --- Fallacy, Fallacious Argument, False Reasoning (cf. Misreasonings, and see Soph. El., passim). Study of ambiguous terms valuable both for avoidance and for perpetration of f., 108a 26-33; though deliberate perpetration of f. to be avoided where possible in dialectic, 108a 33-7. 4 kinds of f. a., 162b 3-15; 2 kinds of f. r., 176b 31-3. F. a. a fault of arguer rather than of argument, 162b 16. Difficulty of classifying f., in some cases, Soph. El., ch. 33 init. One of principal aims of contentious reasoners, to entrap into f. (ψείδος), 165b 14: methods employed, 172b 10-28: test questions for detecting, 162b 24-30, 177a 2-6. False Cause, Fallacy of (non causa pro causa), one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b 26: analysed and illustrated, 167b 21-36: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 29; why deceptive, 169b 13-17: a form of ign. elenchi, 168b 22-5: described as an ‘argument dependent on some addition', 181a 31. Falsehood: sophistical proof that a man can speak f. and truth at same time, 180b 2-7. False diagrams (ψευδογραφεῖν, ψευδογράφημα), 101a 6-17, 132a 33, 157a 2, 160b 36, 171b 12-16: drawer of f. d.: geometrician = contentious: dialectical arguer, 171b 35-7; but with difference that f. d. employ genuinely geometrical principles, 171b 38-172b 8, 172b 1-4. Faults of argument: ) (faults of questioner, Bk. VIII, ch. 11-12 (161a 16 foll., b 18, 162b 3-24 N.B. 16). F. of a. in itself) (in relation to proposed conclusion, 161b 34-162a 3. 5 f. of a. in itself, 161b 19-33: another, 162a 24-34. 5 test questions for f. of a. in itself, 162b 24-33. Argt. always bad if premisses generally rejected, esp. if also false; though not bad because premisses false, if generally accepted, 162b 27-30. Fever, 123b 36. Fire: its species, 'live coals' (ἀνθρόπεις), 'flame' (φλόγες), 'light' (φῶς), 134b 28-9: embodied more in 'flame' than in 'light', 146a 15-16. Its properties (1) to be 'body quickest to move upward in space', 130a 10-14: (2) to 'move naturally upward', 103a 29, 137b 37: cf. 137b 37-138a 2: (3) to 'consist of most rarefied particles' (belongs specifically), 134a 31; but contr. 134b 31 foll., 135a 4-5 (property of 'light'), and 139a 9 foll. (superlatives forbidden): cf. (for incorrect rendering) 130a 36-8: also cf. 130b 29-32 (forbids rendering of (1) and (3) in one): 132b 21-4 (forbids rendering of (3) in reverse order). Not def. = 'body consisting of most rarefied particles', 146a 13-18. Not its property (1) to be 'very like the soul', 129b 10: (2) to be 'primary element in which the soul naturally exists', 129b 18: (3) to be 'the lightest body' (forbidden, as superlative), 139a 14-16. Cannot mix with 'colour' to form 'white', 149a 39-b 3. 'Flesh' and 'bone' not 'compositions of fire with earth and air', 151a 23. Flame, a species of 'fire', 134b 28-9: more of nature of fire than light is, 146a 15; but consists of less rarefied particles than light, 146a 16. Not its property to burn, 138b 18-20. Flesh, not def. = the 'composition of fire, earth, and air', 151a 23-31 (cf. Bone). Forgetfulness = 'loss of knowledge', 153b 27: but not vice versa, unless the object be presumed to remain unchanged, 157b 11-16. Form of Expression (Figura dictiionis), Fallacy of; one of 6 fallacious refutations depending on diction, 165b 27: illustrated, 166b 10-19. Why deceptive, 169a 29-36; more so in argument than in solitary reflection, 169a 37-40; though here too, if reasoning becomes verbal, 169a 40-b 2. Rules for solution, Soph. El., ch. 22, and 179a 20-4: depends on ambiguity, 168a 23-6; results esp. from tendency to treat all predicates as if indiv. substances, 168a 25-6, 166a 33-6, 170a 15, and Soph. El., ch. 22, esp. 178a 5-8, b 36-179a 10. Compared to solecism, 174a 5-9. Fraction (πολλοστημόριον). 3, a fraction, 114a 15: relative to 'multiple', 114a 17, 125a 7-9: genus of 'half', 125a 26-7. Friendship: if found in faculty of desire, not a kind of wishing, 126a 12-13: cf. 113b 2. More desirable than wealth (1) because prized for itself, 116b 38-117a 4, (2) because excess of it better than e. of money, 118b 6. Friends ) (m. in the street, 118a 2-5. Friends as test of comparative values of things, 118a 1-2, cf. b 7-9. Fusion, species, not genus, of 'mixture', 122b 25-6; for it excludes m. of dry things, 122b 30-1. INDEX Generic questions, 102a 36: (definitory, 103a 3. Differentia 'generic', 101b 18. Genus, 101a 17, 25, 38: ranked with differentia, 101b 18-19: how distinct from, 128a 20-9 [and see Differentia]. Def., 102a 31-2. Tests for g., apply to definition too, 102b 27, 120b 13, 139b 3-5, 143b 12-14. Seldom made subject of separate inquiry, 120b 14. Rules for, Bk. IV, passim. 2 different g. of same term must be in subaltern relation, 107a 18 foll., 121b 29-30. All attributes of species belong to g., 111a 20-3, 27-9; not vice versa, 111a 25-7: but contr. 143b 26-8 (attributes of g. true of all species): properties belong in different manner to a genus (τὸ μὲτέχονθα) and to a species (τὸ μὲτέχειν), 134b 1-4, 18-22. Described as species or 'kind' (εἶδος), 133a 35, b 1, 6, 10. G. and species 'synonymous', 123a 28-9, 127b 6, (cf. 154a 18). Subaltern (non-subaltern genera, 107a 19, 22, 33, b 19-26: 144b 13, 19, 21, 23, 28. God: cannot be injured, and .: cannot be wronged, 109b 33: better than man, 116b 12-15: a 'living being, who partakes of knowledge', 132b 11: an 'immortal living being', 122b 13-14, cf. 37-8 and 136b 6-7 (Bekker):—a permanent property of G., 128b 19-20. Neither species nor genus of 'immortal', 122b 12, 37. Has, but does not use, capacity to do bad things, 126a 34-6. Not His property to be an 'intelligible living-being', 136b 6-7. The gods to be honoured, 105a 5, 115b 32. Gold, genuine and sham, 164b 22-4. Good: a quality, 121a 1: contrary of evil, 105b 36, 135b 14-15. Different meanings in diff. categories, 107a 5-11: arguments on each to be drawn up, 105b 13; question, how many, not dialectical, 158a 16. Not referable to any higher genus, 123b 8-12. Not def. through 'evil' (because opposite, and .: not prior, to g.), 142a 23-4; and .: not as 'contrary of evil' (circular), 147b 18-25. Its property, to be 'desirable', 135b 15-16: more conspicuous g. the more desirable, 117b 28: 'better' generally 'more desirable', but distinguished, 118b 8-15(cf. b 37). Not its property to be 'most direct opposite of evil' (circular), 131a 18-20. G. intrinsically (g. as means, 106a 4, 149b 31-2, though intrinsic g. may also be g. as means, 149b 35: intrinsic g. better, 116a 29, b 22-3: cf. 116b 37-117a 4. Good (useful, 124a 16; cf. 147a 34, 153b 38 G. absolutely) (g. for X (τύπι), 116b 8. What is g. in a particular respect or at pr. time or for pr. person, not necessarily g. absolutely, 115b 15 foll. Standard of what is better absolutely is verdict of better science, though to X (e.g. doctor) it may be that of his own science, 116a 21-2. [For 'better science', v. 157a 9.] Natural g.) (acquired g., 116b 10-12, cf. 110a 9-11. G. the genus of 'justice', 116a 23-4; of 'health', 123b 17-18; of the 'moderate' (or right) amount, 123b 29-30; of 'virtue', 124b 20-1, 144a 10. Not genus of 'pleasure' (for some p. not g.), 120b 17-20. [For 'good' and 'pleasure' cf. also 114b 7-8, 39, 119a 38-b 1, 19-21, 120a 7 foll., 124a 17, b 8-14: and see also 'The Good'.] A g. thing tested by its contraries, 113a 1-14, b 27-34; by its co-ordinates, 114a 39-b 5; by the modes of its generation, production, and destruction, 114b 16-24; by its variations in degree, 114b 38-115a 2: by adding it to other things, 115a 27-9 (a positive test only, 115a 33-b 2). Tests of better (worse, Bk. III, chh. 1-3: do. applied to simple distinction good) (evil, Bk. III, ch. 4. Of things g. as means, that is better (1) which does g. per se than that which does g. per accidens, 116b 1-4: (2) which is nearer to the end, 116b 23: (3) whose end is better, 116b 23, 26, 117a 7, 118b 32. 'The good': not def. = the 'state of virtue' (circular), 142b 12. Its property, to be 'the best', 136b 31-2. Of goods, that is more desirable which is nearer, or more like, the g., 117b 10-11. Doctrine that pleasure = the g., shows depravity and is invidious, 160b 19-22. G. man, not jealous, 109b 36: has capacity, but not character, of doing evil, 126a 34-6. G. life, failure of Xenocrates' proof that it = happy life, 152a 7-10, 26-30. G. and evil, see s.v. Evil. G. = merely 'expert' ('good thief'), 149b 29. Wishing = conation for g., 146b 6; i.e. for apparent g., 147a 1-5. Sophistical proof that something can be both g. and not g., 180b 9-21 (cf. 181b 9-16). Doing good () evil, to friends () enemies, 104a 22-33, 112b 32-113a 16. Goodenough-King (Euarchus), 182b 20. Good temper (πραότης), not def. = 'control of anger' (rather implies complete immunity), 125b 21-7. Gorgias, 183b 37. G., the, 173a 8. Grammar, def. = 'science of reading and writing', 142b 33-4: not def. = (1) 'science of writing from dictation', 142b 31-5; (2) 'science of letters', 146b 6. A single science, 104a 17-18: a kind of 'knowledge', 111a 37, 124b 19, 126a 5, 19: not (like 'knowledge') a relative term, 124b 19. To be 'capable of learning grammar', a property of 'man', 102b 19-22. Greater and less degrees (τὸ μᾶλλον καὶ ἥττον): attributes not admitting of, 115a 32-3, b 8-9. As tests of ambiguity, 107b 13-18; of Accident, 114b 37-115a 14, 115b 3-10, 119b 17-30; of Genus, 127b 18-128a 12; of Property, 137b 14-138a 29; of Definition, 146a 3-18, 154a 4-11; of Sameness, 152b 6-9: reckoned among most generally handy tests, 154a 12. Greeks, 152a 13. Grey, intermediate colour between 'white' and 'black', 106b 6. Growth (αὐξέσθαι), a species of 'motion', 111b 5: does not always accompany being nourished (τρέφεσθαι), 111b 25. Half: species of 'fraction', 125a 26-7: its property, to be 'in proportion $\frac{1}{2}$', 135b 26: not its property, to be 'exceeded' (τὸ ἐπερχόμενον), 135b 21-2: rel. to 'double', 135b 20. Harmony (ἀρμονία), not the genus of 'temperance', 123a 33-7, 139b 33: always found in 'notes' (φθόγγοι), 123a 36-7. Harsh (κορόδος), intermediate sound between 'clear' (λευκίς) and 'obscure' (μέλας), 106b 7. [Cf. Grey.] Hatred: contrary of friendship, 106b 2, 113b 1: found in faculty of desire (if friendship be so), 113b 2: does not follow anger, 113a 35-b 3. Health (ὑγεία): a kind of good, 123b 17-18: desired as an end, 111a 1, 116a 29-30: contrary of 'disease', with no intermediary (μέταξί), 123b 17-18 (cf. 112a 24-5), 123b 34-5. Not def. = 'balance of hot and cold elements', for (1) 'balance' is ambiguous, 139b 21: (2) h. is not inherent in hot and cold elements, 145b 7-10. Follows 'vigour' (εὐζήτω), 113b 35, 157b 23-4: less good than vigour 157b 19. Superior to 'means of h.', but still more markedly inferior to 'happiness', and therefore inferior to 'means of happiness', 116b 29-36. Better than strength or beauty, 116b 18; than beauty, 118b 20. Medicine the science of producing h., 110b 18, 141a 19, 143a 3-4. Ability to produce INDEX h., a property of the doctor, 137a 3-7: actual production of it, not so, 136b 37. Recovery of h. (τὸ ὑγιαίεσθαι) good absolutely, 116b 8-10: desirable as means to h., 117a 20. Healthy (ὑγείων): ambiguous, 106b 34-6; (1) productive of h., cf. 107b 8, 110a 19, 114a 30-1; (2) preservative of h., cf. 114a 30-1; (3) indicative of h., cf. 107b 8. Good as means, 106a 5-8 (contr. courage, good intrinsically), cf. 107a 5-8. The doctor the judge of what is h., 110a 20-2. H. ‘absolutely’ = h. to those in sound state of body, 142a 11. Means of health contrary of means of disease, 163a 18-19, cf. 150b 11. Hearing (ἀκοή, ἀκούσις): to ‘possess h.’ cf. to ‘hear’, 114b 27: not a property of hearing (ἀκούσις) to be a ‘sensation’, 135b 31-3: h. not a property of man, 138b 8-10. ‘Clearness’ (in sound) distinguished by h., 106a 30-2: cf. 107b 1-2. ‘Beauty’ not def. = the ‘pleasure that comes through sight or through h.’, 146a 22 foll. Heraclitus: his paradoxes (1) that all things are in motion, 104b 22 (cf. 160b 19); (2) that good and evil are the same (involving denial of view that contrary predicates cannot coexist in same thing), 159b 30-3. Hippias Major, the; 146a 22 n. Hippocrates, his method of squaring the circle, 171b 15. Homer, 157a 15, 166b 3, 171a 10 (Epic cycle). Cf. Iliad. Hypothetical reasoning (ὁ ἐξ ὑποθέσεως συλλογισμός): examination of likeness between things useful for, 108b 8, 12. As test of Accident, 110b 35-120a 5 (cf. Preliminary admission); of Sameness, 152b 17-24. ‘Ideas’ (Platonic): motionless, 113a 27, 148a 20: intelligible, 113a 28: cannot be said without self-contradiction to exist in us, 113a 25 foll. As sources of tests of Property, 137b 3-13; of Definition, 143b 23 foll., 147a 3 foll., 148a 13 foll.: classed among ‘most effective, tests, 154a 19.’ Ignorance (ἀγνοία): def. = ‘privation of knowledge in the rational faculty’, 147b 29-34 I. of contraries one, 156b 12. Ignoratio elenchi [cf. Refutation] one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on dictio, 166b 24; but cf. 167a 35: analysed and illustrated, 167a 21-35: its solution, Soph. El., ch. 26; why deceptive, 169b 9-12. All fallacies analysable into it, Soph. El., ch. 6. Iliad, the, 166b 5 n., 9 n., 180a 21. Imelman, conj. 128a 31. Immortal: not def. = a ‘living being immune at present from destruction’, 145b 21-3: differentia, rather than genus, of God, 122b 12: not species of God, 122b 38. ‘Immortal living being’ a permanent property of God, 128b 19-20. Immortality: not def. = ‘everlasting life’, 126b 35; nor any kind of life; rather an accident (σύνηπτον) or affection (πάθος) of life, 126b 36-127a 2. Impossible. Argument per impossibile, suitable for demonstration, not for dialectic, 157b 34 foll.—158a 2: called ‘conversion’, 163a 32-6. A. ad impossible, 162b 7, 19-22, 167b 23, 170a 2: ex., 167b 27-34. Incisive (δρυμός) argument: def. = ‘one which produces greatest perplexity’, 182b 32: most incisive of syllogistic arguments, 182b 37; of contentious arguments, 183a 7. Incontinent man, not def. = ‘one who is mastered by pleasures’ (unless quality of p. be stated), 146b 25. India, 116a 38: Indian, 167a 8. Indignant (νεφεστικός), def. = ‘grieved at prosperity of wicked’, 110a 3: (jealous, 110a 1. Induction def., 105a 13, cf. 156a 4-6: more convincing and clearer than deduction, 105a 16: appeals more to senses and to mass of men, 105a 17-18, 156a INDEX 4-7, 157a 19-20; should be practised with the young, 164a 12 (to secure stock of parallel cases, παραβολαι). Study of 'likeness' useful for, 108b 7, 9. Recommended, 105b 27, 113b 17, 29; 115a 5: cf. 120a 32; 122a 17-19: 123b 7: 155b 34-156a 1. I. and argument from likeness (analogy), their resemblance and difference, 156b 14-17: the 2 usual ways of establishing a universal, 160a 37-9. Inductive premisses, not 'necessary' premisses, 155b 20-2. Superfluous i., a method of securing 'ornament' for argument, 157a 7. Results of i., to be accepted, unless neg. instance forthcoming, 157a 34. I. 'through the view laid down', 'through the thesis', as means of diversion to more favourable subject, 111b 38-112a 1, 112a 5-6. Difficulty in i. arising from absence of suitable common names (see Likeness). Inequality def. = 'privation of equality', 147b 5, 14-15. Inflections (πτώσεις) of X def. as forms related to X as adverb to adjective, 114a 33 (cf. 106b 29 foll., 124a 12-14, 148a 11-13, 151b 32): also gender-endings, 173b 27-9; case-endings, 136b 20-2, 173b 32 foll.) co-ordinates, 114a 32; often held to be included in them, 114a 34: treated together, 124a 10-14, 151b 30-3, 153b 25 foll. As tests of ambiguity, 106b 29 foll.; of Accident, 114a 26 foll.; of Genus, 124a 10-14; of Property, 136b 15-32; of Definition, 148a 10-13, 153b 25-35; of Sameness, 151b 28-33: reckoned among most generally handy tests, 119a 36-8, 154a 12-13. Confusion of i., a great source of solecism, 173b 26-174a 11. Inherence in... (τὸ ἐν τινι, ἐν ὑποκείμενῳ, λέγεσθαι): ('predication of...') (λέγεσθαι, κατηγορεῖσθαι, κατὰ...), 127b 1-4: but syn., 132b 19-34. As test of comparative values of things, 116b 17 foll.; of Genus, 125a 33 foll., 127b 1-4; of Property, 132b 19 foll.; of Definition, 145a 33-b 11, 150a 26-33, 151a 32-b 2. 'Disposition', 'state', 'balance', 'affection' must be inherent in the thing whose disposition, &c., it is, 125a 35-7, 145a 33-b 11. Injure: God cannot be injured, 109b 34-5. Injurious (διαβερόν) = (1) productive of evil; (2) destructive of good, 147a 34-5: contrary of 'useful', ib. Injustice, a species of 'Vice', 123b 15, 21, 32: a vice of the soul) (of the body, 153b 8-10. Not its property to be 'lowest evil' (τὸ χείρων), because its contrary (justice) not 'highest good', 135b 10-12. Of a 'foul' (in race or fight), 171b 22, 174a 22. 'Do injustice' (διδκεῖν) def. = 'injure deliberately', 109b 33-4. Intelligible: 'absolutely' i. i. ('to us', 141b 4: same to persons of sound understanding, 142a 9. Prior terms more i. absolutely than posterior, 141b 5; but posterior sometimes more i. to us, 141b 9 (cf. 156a 6-7). Objects of sense more i. at first; then objects of thought, 142a 2-4: o. of sense more i. either absolutely or to most people, 141b 9-12, 156a 6-7. Exx., 111a 9-10, 129b 10-12, 26-8, 141b 6-9, 149a 5-7, 16-17. More i. terms required for correct rendering of Property, 129b 2 foll. (in 2 senses, 5 foll., 13 foll.), cf. 131a 3, 12: in Definition, 141a 26-b 2, 142b 20-1 (cf. 150b 22-3): sources of failure here, (1) 141b 3-142a 18, (2) 142a 19-21: cf. 26. Intractability in a problem (δυσεπιχείρητον): its sources, 158b 16-159a 4. Jealousy def. = 'pain at the apparent success of some well-behaved person', 109b 36: not an attribute of the good man, ib. ) Indignation, 109b 38. Judging (κρίνειν), the genus of 'perceiving', (αἰσθάνεσθαι), 111a 19. INDEX Juncture (συνοχή), species, not genus, of 'contact' (ἀψίς), 122b 25-6. Just, ambiguous, 106b 30: one of the meanings of good, as applied to the soul, in category of Quality, 107a 5-8. What is j., sometimes evil, 119b 4. Not a property of what is j. to be 'beautiful', 136b 17-18. Sophistical proof that what is unjust may be preferable to what is j., 180b 21-39. Justice; a good 116a 24: good intrinsically, 106a 4-8; contrary of injustice, 135b 10; (courage, 108a 1-2 (cf. 151b 31-3): may belong in one respect only, 109a 21-2. Not = knowledge, 114b 8, 120a 30 (cf. 124a 12-14); not a species of knowledge, 121b 26-30. A species of virtue, 109a 35-1b 1, 121b 26, 123b 15, 21, 32, 127b 20: of the expedient, 141a 17. Found in soul, 150b 35; cf. 153b 8-10. Not def. (1) 'control of gains', 125b 22-7; (2) 'state that produces equality' or 'that distributes what is equal' (too wide), 143a 15-19; (3) 'ability to distribute what is equal' ('choice' rather than 'ability'), 145b 35-146a 2; (4) 'what preserves the laws', 149b 32; (5) 'temperance and courage', 150a 3-21. Not its property to be highest good, 135b 11. Praiseworthy, 114b 2; better than a just man, 116a 23, b 10, 117b 11; than strength, 116b 38; than courage, 117a 36, 38, 118b 17, 36. In friends desirable essentially, in enemies per accidens, 116a 31-5. Happiness better than j. and courage combined, 117a 21-3. Genuine j. more desirable than apparent 118a 3-4. Legal (natural valuation of j., 173a 11 (cf. Law). Justly: ambiguous, 106b 29-33: not = 'knowingly and skilfully', 114b 9. J. and 'knowingly', 124a 13: j. and 'bravely', 151b 32-3. Not a property of what is done j. to be done 'beautifully' (καλῶς), 136b 17-18, or 'well' (ἀγαθῶς), 136b 27-8: to act j. more desirable than bravely, 118a 36: an act done j. may be evil, 119b 5. v. also 180b 21-3. Knowledge (see also Science): a kind of 'disposition' (διάθεσις), 111a 23, 145a 36: of 'state and disposition', 121b 38, 124b 33-4, 125a 1; of 'conceiving' (πρόνηψις), 114a 18, 119b 3, 125a 9-11; cf. 130b 15, 131a 23; of 'conviction' (πίστις), 128a 25-7. Not a kind of 'good' (for 'k.' a rel. term, 'good a quality), 121a 1-3; of sensation, 125a 28-32. Not = a knower, 126b 33. Def. = 'conception of a knowable', 146b 5: not def. = (1) 'unspoplantable'(metaph.) 139b 32; (2) 'incontrovertible conception' (c. of what?), 146b 2. To 'know', not a property of man, 138a 6-8: (c. 'be thinking of' (διανοεῖσθαι), 114b 32-7. K. sometimes bad 111a 23, 119b 9 foll. A relative term (contr. its species, e.g. 'grammar'), 124b 19; rel. to 'object of k.', 124b 33, 149b 11; should be defined in rehn. to its best object, 143a 11: fourfold ambiguity of phrase, 'the knowledge of A', 130a 19-22. Its property, to be (1) 'the most convincing conception', 131a 23-6; (2) 'incontrovertible by argument'—belongs to k. because k. is the state of some one (τὸ ἐκεῖθαν), as also to scientist τὸ ἐκεῖν, 134a 36b-b 1, 17 [the solution of the objection raised in 133b 28-31]. K. and 'justice', 114b 9, 121a 26-30 (cf. 124a 12-14). K. and 'prudence', 120a 28-31, 137a 14. K. and 'memory', 125b 6-10. K. and 'ignorance': def. of k. implies def. of ignorance, 147a 17 (cf. 151b 1-2); 'ignorance' = privation of K., 147b 30; though not so 'error', 148a 8. K. and 'forgetfulness', 153b 27, 157b 11-16. K. and 'sensation', 105a 28-30, 108a 4, 156b 11-14: k. of objects of sense assumed possible, 114a 21; but often denied, 114a 23: obj. of k. not a kind of obj. of s., 125a 29. 'Obj. of k.' not the genus of 'obj. of opinion' (δοξαστών), 121a 21–5. That 'k. of many things is one', ambiguous, 110b 17: 'k. of opposites one', 105b 33, 109b 17; 155b 32, 163a 3 (noted as opinion of 'some people', 142a 24–5); do. of 'contraries', 104a 16, 105b 5–6, 34, 155b 31, 156b 11, 163a 2 (cf. Ignorance); do. of 'relatives', 105b 34. To be 'capable of receiving k.' a property of 'man', 103a 28, 128b 35, 130b 8, 132a 19–21, b 1–3, 133b 20–3, 134a 14–17; though no part of his definition, 140a 35–6: cf. 102a 19–22 ('capable of learning grammar'): not a differentia of 'soul', 151b 1. To 'partake of k.' not a property of man (true also of God), 132b 10–13. Faculty of desire not capable of receiving k. and 'not of ignorance, 113b 3–6. 'Self-k.' possible, not necessary, to soul, 125a 39–40 (cf. b 3–4). 'Speculative k.' not = 'speculative conception', 149a 9–13; (practical knowledge, 152b 4. Lang, P., 174a 27 n. Law: not def. (1) a 'measure of what is by nature just': (2) an 'image of do.', 140a 7–8: (3) an 'image of what is by nature noble and just', 141a 20–1. L. (convention) opp. Nature; frequently leads to paradox, 173a 7–18, 27–30: l. represents 'opinion of majority', as opp. to the true nature of things, 173a 29–30. Learning, as species of recollection, 124a 22. Rules for 'teachers and learners') (those who argue 'contentiously' or 'in spirit of inquiry', 159a 11–14, 26–8: cf. 161a 24–5. Cf. Didactic argument. Length (μήκος), genus of 'line', 143b 16: its differentiae 'without breadth') ('with breadth', 143b 14, 19. 'Idea' of l. (αὐτὸ μήκος), 143b 24, 31. Life=ζωή: ambiguous; no single type of l. in animals and plants, rendering single def. impossible, 148a 27 foll.: hence Dionysius' def. of it = a 'movement of a creature sustained by nourishment, congenitally present with it' fails. A property (1) of 'living being' absolutely, 134a 32, cf. 138a 27–9: (2) of a particular kind of living being, because it partakes of l. b. (τῷ μετέχειν), 134b 4, 20–2. L.) (good l., 118a 7. Not genus of immortality, 126b 35: the soul has a share of l., 123a 25. (b) = βίος. L. of virtue ) (of enjoyment, 102b 17: Xenocrates' proof that happy l.= good l., 152a 7–10, 26–30. The 'end of l.', 116b 24. Light (a) = φῶς, a species of fire, 134b 28–9: less of nature of fire than flame is, 146a 15–16. Its property, to consist of most rarefied particles of all species of fire, 134b 32–4, 135a 4–5, 146a 16–17. (b) = βαρύς, contrary of 'heavy', 106a 18–19. Like degrees (τῷ δυοῖσι), argument from, as test of ambiguity, 107b 13–18; of Accident, 115a 15–24, 119b 17, 21–6; of Genus, 127b 26–36, 128a 5–6, 10–11; of Property, 138a 30–b 22 (contr. argt. from 'like relations', 138b 23–6); of Definition, 145a 18–20, 154a 4. Reckoned among handiest tests, 154a 12. Likeness of things to be studied, 105a 25 and Bk. I, ch. 17: importance of observing, 108b 7 foll. 2 draughts of water from same spring differ from others only by more marked l., 103a 19–22. L. or like objects (τὰ ὁμοία), as tests of Accident, 114b 25–36; of comparative values of things, 117b 10–14, 20–1:—objections, that likeness of A to B may be irrelevant to good points of B (14–17), or inexact, i.e. unflattering or flattering to B (17–19, 25–7), or but slight (21–5)—as tests of sameness, 156b 10–17. Argument from l. (analogy) and Induction [v. Induction]. Difficulty of argument from l. when no common name to express point of l., 157a 21–33; cf. 174a 37–40: answerer shd. then plead ambiguity, 176a 33–5. L. of relations of things (τὰ ὁμοίως ἐχοντα πρὸς ἀλληλα), when A : B = α : β; as tests of Genus, 124a 15–20; of Property, 136b 33–137a 7 (cf. 138b 23–6); of Sameness, 152a 1–2. For contrast with argument from ‘like degrees’, v. 138b 23–6. Line: not def. (1) = ‘length without breadth’, 143b 12–23: (2) ‘length with breadth’, 144a 1–2: (3) ‘limit of a plane’ (except when necessary ad hominem) 141b 5–25. Prior to, and . . . more intelligible absolutely than, ‘plane’; posterior to, and . . . less intelligible absolutely than, ‘point’, 141b 5–7. No ‘product’ of l. and ‘number’, 150a 24–5. Fallacy produced by misdrawing l., 101a 16 (and see False diagrams). ‘Straight ls.’ all one species, 121b 22–3: ‘finite str. l.’ not def. = the ‘limit of a finite plane such that its centre is in line with its extremes’, 148b 26–32 [for end of def., which should define ‘straightness’, inapplicable to infinite str. l., which has no middle or extremes]. ‘Indivisible ls’, 121b 19: ‘indivisible’ not their genus, 19–23. Liquid (ὕδωρ): a species of ‘body’, 130b 35: its property, to be a ‘body adaptable to every shape’, 130b 34–7. Literal (usual meanings of words, 112a 34–8. Living being (ζων): its differentiae, ‘mortal’ (‘immortal’, 122b 13–14: its property, ‘to live’, belongs ‘absolutely’, 134a 32, 136a 25–8: cf. 138a 10–12: hence also of ‘not-living being’ (μὴ ζῶν), ‘not to live’ (μὴ ζῆν) 136a 25–8. A ‘particular species of l.b.’ has property of ‘living’ by reason of ‘partaking’ in nature of l.b. (τὰ μετέχειν), 134b 4. To be (1) a ‘l.b. that partakes of knowledge’ not a property of man, for belongs also to God, 132b 10–13: (2) an ‘intelligible l.b.’ not a property of God, 136b 6–7: (3) ‘a sensible l.b.’, not a property of l. beings other than God, ib. Living creature (ζώων): not def. = a ‘composition of soul and body’, 151a 21–31. Its properties (1) to be ‘compounded of soul and body’ (permanent property), 120a 2, 131a 8, 137b 11–13: (2) to ‘have a soul’, correctly stated so far as no universal predicate is introduced 130b 20–2, and attribute is convertible with subject, 132b 16–18; but defective in so far as genus of l.c. (viz. ‘substance’) is not stated, 132a 15–16: (3) to be an ‘animate substance’, 135a 16–19, cf. 136a 12. Hence ‘being inanimate’ not its property, 136a 12–13; and being ‘animate’ not property of what is not a l.c. (μὴ ζῶν), 136a 33–4. ‘Idea’ of l.c. (αὐτὸζων), 137b 11. Locomotion (a) = ἡ κατὰ τόπον κίνησις or μεταβολή: genus of ‘carriage’ (φορά), 122b 27, 32 foll., 128a 3–5: Plato’s identification of l. and ‘carriage’ rejected, 122b 26 foll. [cf. Carriage]. (b) = φορά. A species of ‘motion’ (κίνησις), 121a 31, 122a 23–6: Pleasure not = l., 121a 31. L., genus of ‘walking’, (βάδισις), 122a 21–30. [N.B. φορά here = ἡ κατὰ τ. κίνησις, or μεταβολή, of 122b 27, 32; for walking (βάδισις) and ‘carriage’ (φορά) are co-ordinate species of same genus, ‘locomotion’]: cf. 142b 3 (φορά ἥλιου υπὲρ γῆς.) Love: (1) sexual (ἔρως): not def.= ‘desire for intercourse’ (do not vary in degree together), 146a 9–12, 152b 7–9. (2)=ἀγαπᾶν: problem whether parents shd. be loved not dialectical, 105a 3–7. (3)=φιλεῖν: ambiguous; spiritual (physical meaning, 106b 2–3. In former sense, contrary to ‘hate’; in latter, no contrary, ib. Lycophron, his response to a call for an encomium on the lyre, 174b32. Lysander, 176b5. Man: a substance, 103b29-31; does not admit variations in degree, 115b9, but see 137b32-3: a species of 'animal', 102a34-5 (cf. 112a18, 113b17, 125b37-9), 128a24-5, 131a4-5. Def. = 'animal that walks on 2 feet', 140b33-4; cf. 112a18-19: his defn. an ex. of a dialectical problem or proposition, 101b30: not well def. (1) with addition, 'capable of receiving knowledge' (v. Plat. Def. 415a), 140a35-7 (cf. 151b1): (2) = a 'walking biped animal, six ft. high', 140b23-6: (3) = 'that which knows how to count', 142b24. M. the same inter se (specifically); as horse or dog (generically), 103a10-14, 105a14-16: better than a horse, 117b35. A property of m. to be (1) 'by nature a civilized animal'—an essential property, 128b17, 130a27-8, 132a6-9, 138a11, 139a18-20: (2) a 'biped'—a relative property [ ] (a horse), 128b25, of a kind universally and always present, 129a8-10: Contr., however, 134a8-11, where disallowed as being normal (cf. 134a29) but not invariable: (3) 'a walking biped', 133b8, 136b20-2: but contr. 133a3-5, 132a1-4: (4) a 'mortal living being, capable of receiving knowledge'—an essential property, 128b35: (5) an 'animal capable of receiving knowledge', 103a28 (cf. 112a18-19), 130b8, 132a19-21, b1-3, 133a20-3, 134a14-17 (cf. 102a19-22, 'capable of learning grammar'): but contr. 132b10-13 (see (3) below): (6) a 'mortal' (βροτός); hence of 'becoming a man', to 'become a mortal'; of the 'destruction of a man', the 'destruction of a mortal', 137a34-7: (7) 'possessed of a tripartite soul', 133a30-2. Not a property of man (1) to be an 'animal', 136a19: hence not of what is 'not man' 'not to be an animal'; nor of 'becoming a man' to 'become an animal'; nor of the 'destruction of a man' to be the 'destruction of an animal', 137a24-7: (2) to be a 'walking biped' (belongs as part of essence, κατὰ μέθεξιν), 133a3-5: or a 'walking biped animal' (his def.), 132a1-4: (3) to be a 'living being who partakes of knowledge' (true also of God), 132b10-13: (4) to 'move by his own initiative', 133b1-5: (5) to 'walk through the market-place' (never, or not always, a property), 133b15-18: (6) to be 'motionless' (ἡσυχία): belongs to 'idea' of man only qua 'idea', not qua 'man', 137b6-8: (7) to be 'virtuous' (τὸ σωφρόνιον): hence not of what is 'more human' (μᾶλλον ἀνθρώπινος) to be more virtuous, 137b31-3: (8) to 'know', 138a6-8: (9) to 'see' or 'hear', 138b8-10: (10) to 'sleep', 102a22-4. To be 'sitting', an accident of m., but a temporary property of any one who alone is sitting, or a relative property ) (those not sitting, 102b21-4. M. ) (white m.: sophistical puzzle regarding their attributes, 133b16 foll.: different mode of being, 133b33-5. A 'particular man' (ὁ τῆς ἀνθρώπου); his property (1) to be 'walking in the gymnasium', —a temporary property, 128b20-1; 129a3-5: (2) to be 'walking now',—a property of the present time, 131b16-18: (3) to 'possess 4 fingers'—an actual property (τὸ ἐπάρχον), 134a30. Not his property, 'to be sitting with X'—rather a temporary property, 131b11-14 (cf. 102b20-6). 'Third man' (τρίτος ἀνθρώπου), neither 'Man' nor 'a man', 178b36-9. Mandrobulus, the, 174b27. Many questions (double question), Fallacy of: one of 7 fallacious refutations not dependent on diction, 166b27: illustrated, 167b38-168a16: rules for solution, Soph. El., ch. 30: why INDEX deceptive, 169b 14-17: a form of ign. elenchi, 169a 6-18. At root of fallacies of ambiguity and amphiboly, 175b 39-41. Marrow, not to be described in definition as ‘bone-formed’, 140a 5. Maxim (γνώμη) = (1) true opinion, (2) general assertion, 176b 18. Medea, 183a 2 n. Medicine (a) = φάρμακα: to take it expedient at times, but not absolutely, 115b 26. (b) = ἰατρική, the science both of producing health and of dieting, 110b 18: not def. (1) = ‘knowledge of what makes for health in animals and man’ (redundant), 141a 19-20: (2) = ‘knowledge how to produce disease and health’ [= kn. how to produce health essentially, disease only accidentally], 143a 3-8: (3) = ‘science of reality’ (Hippocrates’ defn.: much too wide), 149b 6-10. Enables not always to cure, but to do all that is possible to cure, 101b 8-10. In m. the ‘good’ = what produces health, 107a 6; in m. that is more desirable which most or all doctors would choose, 116a 17-18. Melissus: (1) paradox that Being is one, 104b 22: (2) argument that universe is eternal, 167b 13-18, 168b 35-40, 181a 27-30: (3) 168b 37, 40-169a 3. Memory, an activity, not a state, 125b 18. Not def. (1) = ‘abiding of knowledge’, 125b 6 foll.: (2) ‘a state retentive of a conception’, 125b 17. Knowledge not ‘remembering’, for may be of present or future, 111b 27-31. Mnemonic loci, 163b 29-30. Metaphor always obscure, 139b 34: based on resemblance, hence renders subject partly intelligible, 140a 9-11. M. condemned in rendering genus, 123a 33-7: so too metaphorical definition, 139b 32 (cf. 158b 8-15), though not so bad as def. inapplicable even metaphorically, 140a 6-17. Makes a problem intractable (δυσεπιχείρητον), 158b 17. Misreasonings (παραλογισμοί) from premises proper to special sciences, 101a 5-17, 170a 31-4: exx. from maths., 101a 15-17, 171b 38-172a 5: due to ignorance of force of words (ambiguities, &c.), 165a 15. Mixture (μίξις); the genus, not a species, of ‘fusion’ (κρᾶσις), 122b 25-6, since includes m. of dry things and .: of wider denotation, 122b 30-6: not a differentia of ‘fusion’ (for same reason), 123a 3-4. Moderate (or right) amount (τὸ μέτρον): intermediate between ‘defect’ and ‘excess’, 123b 29: a species of ‘good’, 123b 30 (in category of quantity, 107a 10-11). Motion, Movement (κίνησις), a kind of ‘activity’, 125b 17: genus of ‘growth, destruction, coming-to-be, &c.’, 111b 5: of ‘locomotion (φορά), alteration, &c.’, 121a 31-2: of ‘locomotion, growth, decrease, &c’, 122a 28-9: of ‘walking’, 128a 32-3. Possibly not found in soul, 123a 15-16. Not genus of ‘soul’ (even if found in it, is liable to fail), 120b 24, 123a 15-17, 127b 15-17. Heraclitus’ doctrine that all things are in m., 104b 21 (cf. 160b 19): Zeno’s doctrine that there is no m., 160b 8, 19. ‘Wind’ = a ‘m. of air’, rather than ‘air in m.’, 127a 4. Mud, not = ‘earth mixed with moisture’, 127a 14; nor any kind of earth at all, ib. Multiple (πολλαπλασίων), genus of ‘double’, 121a 4-5, but only in reln. to same unit, 124b 24-7. a kind of ‘excess’, 124b 29-31: rel. to ‘fraction’, 114a 17, 125a 6-9, 26-7: cf. 121a 4-5, 3a multiple, 114a 15. Multiplication-table, to 10 (οἱ κεφαλισμοι), 163b 25. Music, a kind of ‘science’—111a 37, b 2, 128a 31-3. M. and grammar, 104b 26. Natural ability (εὐφυία) for philosophy, def. = ‘the power rightly to choose the true and shun the false’, 163b 13-15: appearance of, cultivated by disclaiming love of hard work, 118a 22. Nature: ) ( convention: see Law. A ‘particular n.’ = a particular kind (γένος) of being, 172a 37. Necessary: N. events ) ‘usual’ events (τὰ ὡς ἐμὲ τὸ πολὺ), 112b 1; ) (the contrary of ‘usual’ (i.e. ‘comparatively rare’) events (τὰ ἐπ’ ἐλαττον), 112b 9 foll.: ) ‘chance’ events (τὸ δυστοπερ’ ἐτυχεῖ), 112b 2, 13; be n.) (be possible (ἐνδεχοθεί), 121a 10, 152b 32. N. premisses (see Premisses). Changes of subject, n.) (apparently n., ) (neither really nor apparently n., Bk. II, ch. 5 init. Attributes that are notn., require renewed confirmation by sense, 131b 21–5. Necessaries) superfluities (τὰ ἐκ περιουσίας), 118a 6 foll.: superfluities the better, though not more desirable unless necessaries are already present, ib. N. predicates (of S and P) as tests of Accident, 112a 16–23. Nestor, 117b 24. Night, not def. = a ‘shadow on the earth’, 146b 28. Not-being (μὴ ὄν): contradictory of Being, 109b 23 (cf. 19): always predicable of what is ‘coming to be’, 128b 6; but not convertible with c.-to-be, 128b 7; nor its genus, 128b 8: nor the genus of anything at all, 128b 9. Number: always either odd or even, 120b 4, 142b 9–10, cf. 123a 13–14: ‘odd’ as differentia, 122b 19, 23–4. Not the genus of ‘odd’, 122b 18; nor its species, 123a 1–2. Unable to combine with ‘line’ to have a ‘product’ (ἐκ τοῦ τῶν), 150a 24–5. Posterior to, and : less intelligible absolutely than, ‘unit’, 141b 5–9; though unit generally defined through it, = ‘starting-point of number’, 108b 26, 29. The soul not a n., 120b 3–6, 123a 11–14, 23–6. Numerical sameness [v. Same-ness]. Oath: Sophistical proof that o. can be broken and kept at same time, 180a 34–5, 38–b 1. Objection (ἐπιτιθέμεν): Exx. of, 114a 20; 115b 15; 117a 18, b 14; 123b 17, 27, 34; 124b 32; 128b 6; 134a 25 (cf. 135a 6); 156a 35; 157b 2, 8, 17; 160b 2, 8 foll. O. to be invited, 109b 28, 120a 37, 157a 34, b 1, 160b 1; to be brought, 110a 10, 156b 18. Should not be directed to actual point asked, if other ground can be found, 157a 37–b 2. 4 kinds of o.:—(1) Solution of fallacy: (2) O. ad hominem: (3) O. to questions asked: (4) O. to time allowed (cf. Time), 161a 1–15. Readiness in o. a principal aim of dialectic training, 164a 1–4: objecting) putting propositions, 164b 4–7. How to meet o., 134a 3–4, 157b 6, 9, 20, 24: easy if proposition be partly true, partly false, 157b 25–31: exx., 114a 22, 156a 38, 157b 11–16, 17–24. Captious o. (of answerer) or false suggestion (of questioner) (ἀνκοφαντέω), 139b 26, 157a 32. Objectionable (ϕευκτόν) contrary of desirable (q.v.), 113b 33–4, 135b 15 (cf. 117b 5, 118b 34): property of ‘evil’, 135b 14–16. Obscurity (τὸ σκοτείνει): sources of, 139b 19 foll. (1) ambiguous terms (139b 19–31, cf. 130a 2–3), (2) metaphorical terms (139b 32–140a 2), (3) unfamiliar terms (140a 3–5), (4) inappropriate terms, whether lit. or metaph. (140a 6–17), (5) expressions which conceal their contrary (140a 18–20) or their own meaning (20–2). Renders defin. intractable (δυσεπιτιχίατων), 158b 12–13. Hints for examining Accident, when indeterminate (ἀδιαφαστον), 120a 6 foll.; for examining obscure defin., 151b 7–17; for answering obscure questions, Bk. VIII, ch. 7 (160a 17–33). Odd, the differentia of number, 122b 19, 23–4, 123a 11–13, 142b 10; not its species, 122b 18–24; not its genus, 123a 1–2. ‘Odd no.’ not def. (1) = ‘that which is greater by one than an even no.’, 142b 8: (2) = a ‘no. with a middle’, 149a 30–7 (cf. 173b 8–9). INDEX Odysseus, 117b 13, 24. Opinion: 'true or false' not differentia of o., for it may be neither, 123a 15–18. Conformity with general o. the aim in dialectic, as truth in philosophy, 105b 30–1 (and v. Dialectic). Dialectic must study o. of crowd, 101a 31, 105a 35; of majority, 105a 36; of philosophers, ib.; of experts, 105b 1; also unusual o., 105a 37. One o. may have more than one object, 114a 25–6. O.-in-itself (αὐτόδοξα), 162a 30–1. Object of o., not a kind of 'being', because wider (including things non-existent), 121a 21–5, b 3–4: not a kind of object of knowledge, because wider (including things not knowable), 121a 21–5. Basis of sophistical proof that what is not, is, 167a 1–2 (cf. 180a 32–4). 'Obj.-of-o.-in-itself' (δοξαστὸν αὐτό), 162a 28. Opposites (ἀντικείμενα): 4 kinds (1) relatives, (2) contraries, (3) privation and state, (4) contradictories, 109b 18–19, 113b 15. Simultaneous by nature, 142a 24. Def. of term through its o. a fault, 142a 22 foll., but sometimes inevitable, 142a 26 foll. def. of o. should be o., 147a 29 foll. As tests of Genus, 125a 25–32; of Property, 131a 14–26, 135b 7–136a 13, 136b 23–31; of Definition, 153a 26–9; of Sameness, 151b 33–6: reckoned among the handiest and most general of tests, 119a 36. Knowledge of opposites one (see Knowledge). Ornament (κόσμος) in argument, how secured, 157a 6–13 (cf. Weightiness). Pacius' edition, 132a 36 n., b 3–8 n. 137a 12–17 n., 183a 2 n. Pain (a) = λύπη: not genus of 'anger', 125b 29, 126a 6–12; in spite of apparent claim, 127b 30: rather a cause of anger, 125b 33–4 (cf. Anger). 'Jealousy' a kind of p., 109b 36, 110a 1; 'Indignation', a kind of p., 110a 2–3. P. of thirst contrary of pleasure of drinking, 106a 37. Things better without p. than with, 117a 24. That p. is evil, as general a belief as that pleasure is good, 119a 38–b 1. To cause p. and repentance may be sufficient punishment, 156a 39. (b) = ἀλγηδόν: not def. = 'violent disruption of parts naturally conjoined', 145b 2–7 (pain not inherent in sundered parts), 145b 12–14 (gives cause rather than def. of p.). Paradox. To lead into p., one of chief aims of questioner in dialectical reasoning, 159a 18–20; in contentious argument, 165b 14 (cf. 183a 29): methods employed in contentious argument, 172b 10–24, and 29–173a 30; 174b 15–17: often results from leaving ambiguity undisclosed, 175b 33–7. Should not be asked point-blank in contentious argument, 172b 21–4. Solutions suggested of arguments designed to lead to p., 172b 19–21, 33–4: cf. 176a 25–7. P. maintained by well-known philosopher = a Thesis (q.v.), 104b 19 foll. Sophistical method of overthrowing paradoxical thesis, 174b 12–18. Paradoxical thesis to be avoided in dialectic, 160b 17: 2 forms of it, 160b 18–22. Paralogism (see Misreasoning). Parmenides: argument that Being is one, 182b 26. Passivity, a category, 103b 23. See Activity (ποιέω). Peculiar, Peculiarity (ἰδιον), 101b 17: applied either to Definition or to Property, 101b 19: cf. 139a 31, 140a 33–4, b 19–22, 149b 19. Peloponnesians, 152a 13, 15, 17, 20, 23. Perception (αἴσθησις), a kind of judgement, 111a 16, 19. Not a property of 'animal', 138a 7. P. of contraries one, 104a 16, 105b 5, 156b 12–14. Problems soluble by p., 105a 7. [Cf. Sensation.] Perplexity (ἀπορία) not def. = 'equality of contrary reasonings', 145b 1–2, 4–7, 16–20: two kinds of, 182b 33 foll. Greatest p. caused by 'incisive' argument (q.v.), 182b 32. Petitio principii may be due to answerer's fault, 161b 11-17. 5 modes of, 162b 34-163a 13; 166b 25; 167a 36-9: rules for its solution, Soph. El., ch. 27; why deceptive, 169b 13-17: a form of ign. elenchi, 168b 22-6: )( begging contrary views, 163a 24-8. Phaedrus, the, 140b 4 n. Philosopheme def., 162a 15. Philosophy )(' dialectic [see Dialectical Reasoning]. Standards of philosophy )(' of law or convention, 173a 29-30. Natural ability necessary for ph., 163b 12-16 (and see s.v.). Phlegm, not well def. = the 'undigested moisture that comes first off food', 140b 7. Physics, the, 160b 8 n. Piraeus, 177b 13. Place (ποῦ), one of categories, 103b 23, 115b 12, 146b 20, 30 n. Difference of p. not a specific difference, 144b 32. Definition should mention essential determinations of p., 146b 30. Plane (ἐπιπεδον): def. = 'limit of a solid' not strictly scientific, but may be inevitable for unscientific man, 141b 15-25. Posterior to, and .'. less intelligible absolutely than, 'line', 141b 5-7; but prior to, and .'. more intelligible absolutely than, 'solid', ib. More readily perceived than a 'line', 141b 10-11. 'Finite line' def. = 'limit of finite plane', 148b 28-9. Plato: (a) philosopher: 122b 26 (def. of 'locomotion' = 'carriage', Theaet. 181 d); 140a 3, b 4 (Phaedr. 245 e); 142b 1 n. (Def. 411 a); 146a 22 n. (Hippias Mai. 297 e, 299 c); 148a 15; 166a 14 n. (Euthyd. 300 b-c); 173a 8 (Gorgias 482 e); 179a 35 n. (Euthyd. 298 e). (b) comedian: 140a 3 n. Pleasure: ambiguous, 106a 37-b 1 (p. of knowing has no contrary pain: contr. p. of drinking, contrary of pain of thirst, 106a 37). 'Is p. desirable?' a good dialectical problem, 104b 7. P. and 'good' or 'the good' (see Good). Not a kind of motion (κίνησις), 121a 30-7: treated as 'activity' (ἐνέργεια), 146b 16-19. Makes a good thing yet better, 117a 23: sometimes objectionable, 119b 6, 10; sometimes beneficial, 119b 7. Prodicus' division of p. (1) 'joy' (χαρά), (2) 'delight' (τέρψις), (3) 'good cheer' (εὐφορίαν), 112b 22. Virtue better than p., 118b 32-3. Inconvenience concerned with certain p. only, 146b 26-7. 'The pleasant' = 'productive of pleasure', 124a 16-17; hence (if p. be good) a species of the 'useful' (ὠφελήμον), 124a 17-20. One of the ends which makes things desirable, 118b 27-8 (though strictly 'pleasure', rather than 'the pleasant', is the end, 146b 10-12): whether itself a kind of good, depends on whether what is not good can be pleasant, 124b 8-14. Point (στρυμή, σημεῖον), def. = 'limit of line' (not strictly scientific, but sometimes inevitable in dealing with unscientific men), 141b 15 foll. Prior to, and .'. more intelligible 'absolutely' than, 'line', 141b 5-7: but less readily perceived, and .'. sometimes less intelligible 'to us', than 'line', 141b 9-12. Poste, E.; edition of Soph. El., 171b 16 n. Preliminary admission (προδιομολογία) sometimes to be secured, 108b 14, 110a 32, 119b 35, 148b 7-8. Premisses (see also Prepositions): how to put and arrange, Bk. VIII (esp. chh. 1-2). 'Necessary p.', def. 155b 20: how to employ, 155b 29-156a 3; may be secured by either deduction or induction, 155b 35. 'P. other than necessary', their fourfold purpose, 155b 21-5: how recognized, 160a 35-9. Should p. more difficult to argue than proposed concln. be asked or granted? v. 159a 4 foll. False p. admissible in dialectic, 161a 27-33, INDEX 162a 8–11, b 18–22: their concln. either true or false, 162b 12–15. False concln. requires false p., 162b 13–14; but use of wholly or mostly false p., if irretrievably barren of any concln., stands first among ‘faults of argument in itself’, 161b 19–24. Argument with false p. (whatever its concln.) 4th among types of fallacious argument, 162b 11–15. False and childish p. make even argument with true concln. worse than many with false conclns., 162b 22–4. Reasoning employs few p., 158a 28–9. Superfluous p., a fault in reasoning held for inquiry, 162a 24–34; but recommended as dodge for concealment, 157a 1; though a controversial trick only, 155b 26. Degree of conviction attaching to p., compared with that attaching to concln., 162a 19–24. Present (δορεῖ) def. = ‘a grant that need not be returned’, 125a 18. Prior terms, more intelligible ‘absolutely’ than posterior, 141b 5; though sometimes less so ‘to us’, 141b 9. Genus should be p. to differentia, differentia to species, 144b 10–11. Definition, to be scientific, should be of posterior through p. terms, 141a 26–31, b 15–16; though sometimes inevitably vice versa in dealing with unscientific people, 141b 17 foll. Sources of failure to define through p. terms are defn. of X (1) through X’s opposite, 142a 22 foll., (2) through X itself, 142a 34 foll., (3) through X’s co-ordinate-in-a-division (ἀντιδημημένον), 142b 7 foll, (4) through a species or instance of X, 142b 11 foll. A is better than B if inherent in p. subject, 116b 17. What is at rest (ἡσυχία, ἐν ἡμερᾳ) and definite (ὁμοστάτου) is p. to what is indefinite (ἄνωστον) and changing (ἐν κινήσει), 142a 20–1. Problems = propositions (q.v.), 101 14–16, but differ in turn of phrase, 101b 28 foll. Universal p. ) (particular p., 108b 37. 2 kinds of error in, (1) falsity, (2) unconventional vocabulary, 106a 27–33. Dialectical p. def., 104b 1; illustrated, 104b 7–17. Some subjects disqualified, 105a 3–9, cf. 160b 17–22. Some harder to handle than others, and less amenable to generally accepted premisses, 161b 34 foll. D. p. and thesis, 104b 29–105a 2 (cf. Thesis). Prodicus, his triple division of pleasures (v. Pleasure), 112b 22. Property: def. = an attribute peculiar to, and convertible with, S, but not essential, 101b 19–23, 102a 18–19 (cf. 28–30), 102b 11–12, 109b 10. S and its p. the ‘same’, though less strictly so than S and its definition, 103a 27–9; must be different terms, though convertible, 135a 9–19. Tests for p. applied to Definition, 102b 27–9, 120b 13, cf. 154b 13–14, 18–23 (see Definition); to Accident, 133a 32–4: seldom studied separately, 120b 14. Different kinds of p. (1) Essential p., 128b 16–18: def., 128b 34–6; (2) relative p., 102a 26–8, b 24–6, 128b 18–19; def., 128b 36–9: gives rise to either 2 or 4 problems, 128b 22–33, 129a 18–20: 2 kinds of r. p., according as difference is present (a) universally and always, or (b) usually and in most cases, 129a 6–16; amenable to tests for Accident, 129a 32–4; (3) permanent p., 128b 19–20: def. 128b 39–129a 2; (4) temporary p., 102a 24–6, b 24–6, 128b 20–1: def., 129a 3–5. P. of present time (νῦν), 131b 5 foll. P. of particular individual (τινί) 128b 20, 131b 12, 17. Accident may become temporary or relative p., but never a p. absolutely, v. Accident. Different ways in which p. may belong:—(1) naturally (normally), as opp. permanently, 134a 5, 29, b 5–7; (2) actually (τὸ παρόν), 134a 30, b 7–10: (3) specifically (εἰδέναι), INDEX 134a 31, b 22–135a 5: (4) absolutely, 134a 32, 135a 2, 137b 28–138a 3: (5) derivatively (κατ’ ἀλλο), 134a 32, b 10–13: (6) primarily (ὡς πρὸς τὸν αὐτό) 134a 33, b 10–13: (7) conditionally on being in a certain state (τῶς ἔχειν), 134a 34, b 13–18: (8) conditionally on being the state in which something else is (τῶς ἐχεσθαι), 134a 36, b 13–16: (9) because S is genus of a certain species (τῶς μετέχεσθαι), 134b I, b 18–22: (10) because S is species of a certain genus (τῶς μετέχειν), 134b 4, b 18–22: (11) potentially (δυνάμει), 138b 27–139a 8. Most arguable (λογικὰ) p. are the essential (129a 17, 21–6), permanent (129a 18, 26–8), and relative (129a 18–21). Tests for essential and permanent p., Bk. V. (a) Are they rendered correctly? (chh. 2–3); (b) Are they properties at all? (chh. 4 foll.). P. must render S more intelligible, 129b 2 foll., esp. 7–9, 131a 12 foll.: must be unambiguous, 129b 30–130a 14; likewise its S, 130a 15–28: must ‘not contain redundancies, 130a 29–b 10, or universal attributes, 130b 11–22: must be rendered singly, 130b 23–37; and not circularly, 130b 38–131a 11: must be a permanent attribute, 131a 27–b 4, unless stated to be temporary, 131b 5–18; not evidenced by perception alone, 131b 19–36; not essential, 131b 37–132a 9 (not definition), 132b 35–133a 11 (not differentia), 133a 18–23 (not definition or differentia); though should be prefaced by indication of essence (genus) 132a 10–21: must be convertible, 132a 7, b 8–18, 135a 18; cf. 154b 18–23: must be true universally of S, 132a 27–b 3, 154b 19–22; and of whatever is same as S, as such, 133a 24–34: must not be rendered in superlative, 139a 9–20 (cf. 134b 22 foll.): is usually rendered in complex phrase (ἐν συμπλοκῇ), 154b 15–16, (ἐκ πολλῶν) 155a 24. Sophistical difficulties arising from (a) problem whether S qualified by some accident is same as S, 133b 15–36; (b) different ways in which p. may belong, 134a 5, 18, 26–135a 5: to meet them, manner in which p. belongs must be stated fully, 135a 6–8. P. of wholes of similar parts (διαμερισμένη) must apply to both parts and whole (συνολον), 135a 20–b 6; of contraries, must be contrary, 135b 8–16; of relatives, must be relative, 135b 17–26; of terms opp. as state and privation, must be so opposed, 135b 27–136a 4; of contradictories, must be contradictory, 136a 14–27; of coordinates-in-division must be coordinates in divn., 136b 3–14; of S, must be true of ‘idea of S’ not qua ‘idea’ but qua S, 137b 3–13; of S that is variable in degree, must vary directly with it, 137b 14–27. P. more easily disproved than proved, 154b 13–23: of predicables other than definition, p. the easiest to disprove, hardest to prove, 155a 23–7. Propositions (see also Premisses): the material of reasoning, 101b 15: = problems, 101b 14–16, but different in turn of phrase, 101b 28 foll. 4 kinds of p. dist. by predicable involved, 101b 17, 23: proof of this, inductive (103b 2–6) or deductive (103b 6–19): no single system of tests applies to all, 102b 35. P. always predicate an attribute in one of 10 categories, 103b 23. 3 kinds of p. dist. by subject-matter, viz. those dealing with ethics (ἡθικαὶ), nat. philosophy (φυσικαὶ), and logic (λογικαὶ), 105b 19 foll.: classification rough (105b 19) and its branches not easily defined (b 25). Makes a single statement about a single thing, 169a 8. Dialectical p. def., 104a 8, and varieties illustrated, Bk. I. 10 passim, and 14 init. (see Opinion): = ‘one to which answer is “Yes” or “No”,’ 158a 15–17, 160a 33–4, (cf. 175b 8–10, 176a 11, 15) = ‘one supported by a no. of instances with no apparent neg. instance', 157b 32-3: cf. 158a 3-6. Philosophy regards truth of p., dialectic their general acceptance, 105b 30: cf. 155b 7-16. P. to be secured in most general form and then subdivided as far as possible, 105b 31: cf. 109b 13 foll., 164a 3, b 18. Discovery of suitable p., a main means of dialectic, 105a 21-3, 164b 2-4. Stock of p. should be learnt by heart, 163b 28; to be obtained by practice in deduction with expert reasoners, 164a 13-14. Putting of p.) (objecting, 164b 4-7. Arrangement of p. (see Arrangement). Prosylllogism, in proof of premisses, a means of concealment, 156a 7. Protagoras, 173b 19. Prudence (φρόνησις): more desirable in old age, 117a 28; than power, 118a 18: the form of knowledge most generally agreed to be good, 119b 33-4: thought by some to be both a moral virtue and = knowledge, 121b 31; thought by others not to be knowledge, 121b 32-3. Fourfold disproof that, of virtues, p. alone is knowledge, 120a 27-31. P. as knowledge of the noble and of the base, 137a 12 foll. What tends to bring happiness, preferable to what tends to brings p., 116b 24-6. Choice of prudent man, the norm of what is desirable, 116a 14; of the 'natural' use of anything, 145a 25-7. Pseudo-Alexander, 183a 12 n. Punishment: some doubts deserve p., 105a 4-7. To cause pain and repentance may be p. enough, 156a 39. Quality, a category, 103b 22, 26, 38, 179a 9: essence of a term may be a q., 103b 27-8, 31-3. Tests for comparative values generalized as comparative tests of any q., Bk. III, ch. 5. Genus of a q. must be a q., 121a 7-8. Differentia indicates a q., 128a 26-8 (cf. 122b 16-17), 144a 18-22. Definition should mention essential determinations of q., 146b 20-2, 30. 'White' a q., not essence, of 'snow', 120b 27-9; so 'good', of 'virtue' (144a 17-18), of 'soul' or 'man' (107a 7-8). Verbal terminations proper to q.)(those proper to quantity or to activity, a source of fallacy of 'form of expression', 166b 13, 16-8. Quantity, a category, 103b 22, 26, 38, 178a 8, 179a 9: essence of a term may be a q., 103b 33-5. Definition should mention essential determinations of q., 146b 20-2, 30. 'Good' (of q.)= the 'proper amount' (μέτριον), 107a 10-11. For variations of q., see Greater and less Degrees, Superlative. Reason (νοῦς) in soul, analogous to 'sight' in eye, 108a 11: man 'capable of acquiring r.', 112a 18-9. Reason, faculty of (τὸ λογιστικὸν): the seat of 'shame' (αἰσχύνη) 126a 8: of 'wishing', 126a 13: of 'ignorance', 147b 29-33. Its property (1) to 'command' ('relative' property, of kind occurring 'usually and in most cases'), 120a 10-16; (2) to show 'wisdom' (τὸ φρόνιμον); belongs to it, 'primarily' (ὡς τὸ πρῶτον), 134a 33-4: cf. 138b 2-4, 145a 30-2, and cf. 136b 11. Not its property actually to 'reason', 138a 33-6. Belongs primarily to 'soul', 138b 12-15. Reasoning (syllogism), def., 100a 25: divided, 100a 27 foll.: the division rough, 101a 19. Always employs few premisses, 158a 28-9: requires universal premisses, 164a 10-11; turns on def. of familiar and primary ideas, 163b 20-2. Genuine)(apparent, 164b 25 foll. R. per accidens cannot be refutation, 168b 4-5, though amateurs often entrap scientists by it, 168b 6-10. R.) (rhetoric, 167b 13 (contr. 8): backwardness of earlier theory of r. (contr. Rhetoric), 184a 8–b2. Dialectician dist. from amateur examiner in knowing theory of r., 172a 34–6. [See Demonstration, Didactic argument, Contentious r., Dialectical r., Hypothetical r., Fallacy, Misreasoning.] ‘R.’ = deductive r. (as opp. inductive), 103b 7, 105a 11, 153a 8, 23, 155b 35, 164a 13: more forcible and effective, 105a 18: more suited agst. experts, 105a 18, 157a 18, 164a 13–14 (advised, with view to laying up store of premisses). Recollection, considered as genus of ‘learning’, 124a 22. Knowledge not = r., 111b 26–31. (Cf. Memory). Reductio ad absurdum, 162b 20 n.: and see Impossible. Redundancy, 139b 15 and Bk. VI, ch. 3. Sources of, 140a 24 foll. (1) universal predicates, 140a 24–32: (2) words not required to express essence, 140a 33–b 15: (3) words that render defn. too narrow, 140b 16–26: (4) vain repetition of word already used or implied, 140b 27–141a 14, 141a 15–22. [See Babbling.] Refutation: genuine () apparent or sophistical r., 164b 25 foll. 2 kinds of sophistical r., (1) only apparently valid, (2) valid but only apparently appropriate, 165b 20–3. One of principal aims of contentious reasoning, 165b 14. Sophistical r. never absolute, but always relative to some one, 170a 12–13, viz. answerer, 170a 17. R. def. (1) = ‘reasoning involving contradictory of given conclusion’, 165a 3; or (more simply) = ‘proof of contradictory of given thesis’, 170b 1, 171a 5: cf. 174b 35–6, 177a 16–17; (2) 167a 23–7: cf. 181a 1–5, b 20–2. Defn. of r. follows closely on that of ‘reasoning’, except that conclusion is described as the ‘contradiction’ of some view, 168a 35–6. All demonstration is also r., 170a 24–6: every one engaged in r., 172a 34. R. dependent on diction of 6 kinds, 165b 24–7; proof of this, 27–30; such r. sometimes due to lack of clearness in question, 169b 35–6; but same lack of clearness often obscures r., 175a 41–b 14, b 28–30. Not all r. dependent on ambiguity, 177b 7–9 (cf. 179b 38–180a 7); only ‘ambiguity’, ‘amphiboly’, and ‘form of expression’, 168a 23–5. R. not dependent on diction of 7 kinds, 166b 21–7. Reasoning per accidens cannot be r., 168b 4–5. R. (true or false) infinite in no.; complete study of r. demands omniscience, 170a 20–34. Study of r. employing principles of particular science belongs to experts in that science, 170a 36–8. Dialectic studies only r. resting on common principles, not peculiar to any particular science, 170a 38–9: this includes r. which are (1) really dialectical, (2) only apparently dialectical, (3) suited to examination, 170b 8–11. Dialectic studies sophistical r., 172b 5–8: cf. 108a 26–31 (but contr. 108a 33–7). Relation, a category, 103b 22. Essential r. (πρός τι καθ’ αὐτό) opp. generic r. (πρός τι κατὰ τὸ γένος), 124b 23, 146a 36: opp. accidental r. (πρός τι κατὰ συνβεβλημένον), 143a 3–4. Refutation must prove contradictory true in same r. intended in original thesis, 167a 26, 170a 7, 180a 28–30, b 7 foll., 181a 1–4. Relative terms: essence of term may be a relation, 142a 28–30, 146b 3–4 (cf. 103b 27–9): such essentially r. t. (πρός τι καθ’ αὐτό) must be def. through its correlate, 142a 30–1; being meaningless in abstraction, 181b 26–8. Genus of r. t. must be r., 121a 3–4, 124b 16–17; but this questionable (e.g. ‘virtue’ a r. t., but ‘good’ not so), 124b 19–22; and not true vice versa (e.g. ‘knowledge’ a r. t., not so ‘grammar’), 124b 18–19: r. t. and its genus should be r. to equal no. of things, 125a 14–23; though perh. not always, 125a 23–4. Differentia of r.t. must specify correlate, 145a 13–18. R.t. should be def. in all its relations, 142b 30–5, esp. in that which is best (143a 9–11: cf. 146b 11, 149b 37), natural (145a 19–27), and primary (145a 28–32): but not in accidental relations, 142b 35–143a 8, 149b 4–6, 12–23. [For def. of r.t. see also Bk. VI, ch. 8 (146a 36–147a 11), 147a 23–31.] Test for statements about r.t., 111a 6–7 (v. 110b 33–111a 6). Knowledge of r.t. the same, 105b 34, 109b 18, 164a 1–2. R.)( absolute standard of ‘good’ or ‘desirable’, 116a 21–2, b 8–10: r.)(absolute use of expression, 166b 23, 37–167a 20, and Soph. El., ch. 25. Sophistic refutation always r.to answerer, 170a 12–13, 17–8. R.t. give occasion for ‘babbling’, 173b 1–5: for fallacy of ‘form of expression’, if mistaken for substances, 178a 4–8, 36–b 1, 179a 8–9. R.t. as tests of Accident, 114a 13–25, 119a 37, b 3–4: of Genus, 124b 15–125b 14, 147a 23–8; of Differentia, 145a 13–32, 146a 21–32; of Property, 135b 17–26; of Definition (see reff. above). Rhetoric: like dialectic, (1) aims at doing best in circs., 101b 5–10; (2) examines inconsistencies of statement, 174b 19 foll.)( reasoning (syllogism), 167b 8 (contr. 13). History of r. compared with that of dialectic, 183b 26 foll. Rule of r., to cast enthymemes into universal form, 164a 5: in r., argument from ‘signs’ (analogy) = argument from consequences, 167b 8. Rhetorician, def. of, criticized, 149b 26–9. Rob-son (‘Απολλωνίδης), 182b 20. Ross, W. D., conj., 137b 10 n. Sameness (ταὐτόν): ambiguous, 103a 7, 25–9: and not easy to divide, 169a 24–5. 3 kinds of s., 103a 7, (1) numerical, def. 103a 9, (2) specific, def. 103a 10, (3) generic, def. 103a 13. Of these, numerical s. its most generally agreed sense 103a 23: but even this ambiguous; 3 shades of meaning distinguished, 103a 25–39. Tests of numerical sameness, Bk. VII, ch. 1. Water from same well, same specifically, 103a 14. Questions of definition mostly concerned with s., 102a 7: disproof of s. disproves defn., but proof of s. does not prove one, 102a 11–17, Bk. VII, ch. 2. Study of ‘differences’ useful for arguments about s., 108a 38–4. Sophistical difficulties in fixing properties, owing to ambiguity of ‘s.’ and ‘difference’ (e.g. is ‘A’ the same as ‘A qualified by an accident’, or as its accident?), 133b 15 foll.: cf. 178b 39–179a 1. Arguments about A from what is ‘same’ as A, in fixing properties, 133a 24; accidents, 133a 32. Failure to distinguish s.)(difference, a source of fallacy of Accident, 169b 3–6. Sameness of relations between 2 things (A and B) and an attribute (a), as test of Property, 137a 8–20. Science (see also Knowledge). Principles of s. should be self-evident, 100b 19–21; and prius of all else, 101a 39. Use of dialectic in ref. to principles of s., 101a 36–b 4. Fallacies based on principles of special s., 101a 5–17, 170a 31–4 (see Misreasoning, Refutation). Special s. of anything the judge of its ‘natural’ use, 145a 25–7. No special s. definable as the ‘s. of reality’, 149b 6–23. S. possibly infinite in no., 170a 22. One s. ‘better’ than another if (1) concerned with better object, or (2) more accurate, 157a 9. That ‘the s. of many things is one’, ambiguous, 110b 16. Speculative )( practical s., 152b 4 (and cf. 149a 9–13, 14, 17): speculative )( practical )( productive s., 145a 15, 157a 10. Philosophical s., 101a 34. S. of definition (ὁριστική) a speculative s., 141a 8. Exx. of sciences: (1) Arithmetic (ἀριθμοί), also called a 'study' (μάθησις), 153a 10; (2) Geometry, 101a 7, 132a 31 foll., 170a 28–30, also called a 'study' (μάθησις), 153a 10; an 'art' (τέχνη), 104a 34–6 (cf. 15), 170a 31, 171b 12–13, 172a 1: cf. 'art and faculty', 170a 36; (3) Medicine, 101b 6–10, 110b 18, 141a 19, 149b 6, 19, 163a 10, 170a 29–30: also called a 'faculty' (δύναμις), 101b 6; an 'art', 104a 34–6, 170a 31: (4) Grammar, 111a 37, 124b 19, 126a 5, 19: (5) Music, 111a 37, 128a 31–2: (6) Rhetoric, 101b 6–10: also called a 'faculty' (ib.); an 'art', 104a 34–6 (cf. 15). [N.B. no apparent distinction observed between 'science', 'art', 'faculty' and 'study'.] Scientist:—his property to be ' incontrovertible by argument'—belongs by reason of state he is in (ὡς τῶ ἐχει), whereas to 'science' it belongs because it is the state of the s. (τῶ ἐχειθει), 134a 34–b 1, 15–18. [This the solution of the objection (133b 28–31) that it belongs to both, and 'is' property of neither.] Not his property 'not to be deceived by argument,' 132a 31–4. Sea: not its property to be 'the largest vol. of salt water' (true of whole sea, but not of particular seas), 135a 28–32. Calm: sea = windlessness: air, 108a 11–12, b 25–6. Sensation, Sentience (αἰσθησις): a kind of 'state' (ἔξις), 125b 17: its privation 'absence of s.' (ἀναίσθησις), 114a 11. Not a 'capacity', 119b 2: not genus of 'knowledge', 125a 28–32: not= knowledge, because irrecoverable if lost, 105a 28–30; problem, how different, demands study, 108a 4. Problem 'Is s. knowledge?' a 'definitory' problem, 102a 5–7. S.: object of s.= knowledge: object of knowledge, 108a 9. Not def.= 'movement through the body', 125b 16. 'Be sentient', or 'have sense' (αἰσθάνεσθαι) and 'want sense' (ἀναίσθητον εἶναι) doubly ambiguous, (1) have sense (active use of sense, 129b 33–4: (2) spiritual sense) (bodily sense, 106b 23–8. 'Seeing' (ὁρᾶσις) a species of s., 114a 19, 124a 38, b 6. To be a s., not a property of hearing, 135b 31–3. Sleep not a 'failure of s.', 145b 1–4, 14–16. S. as a property of 'animal' (see Animal). Object of s., assumed to be knowable, 114a 21; but often denied to be so, 114a 23; better known (1) to mass of men, and sometimes to us, than more abstract objects, 141b 9–12, 156a 6–7; (2) at first, but objects of thought later, 142a 2–4. Objects of same kind apprehended by same s., 106a 29–30: 'white' (clear) in colour and in sound, or 'sharp' (dull) in flavours and in edges, apprehended by different s., 106a 30–3. Facts evidenced by s. not to be trusted as permanent, 131b 19 foll. 'Ideas' must be objects of s., if they exist in us, 113b 27–32. Shame (ἀφικμένη) resides in faculty of reason, 126a 8; not a kind of fear, 126a 6. Shamelessness (ἀφιόδεια) not def.= 'product of courage and false opinion', 150b 3–6. Sharp (ὀξύ), opp. (1) to 'flat' (βαρύ), of sounds: (2) to 'dull' (ἀμβλύ), of edges, 106a 13, 32, 107a 13, b 23. Applied to flavours, 106a 32, 107b 14: to an angle (acute), 107a 16. Sicily, 177b 13. Sight (ὁρᾶσις), a species of sensation, 114a 19 (ὁρᾶσις), 124a 38, b 6: the state (ἔξις) of which 'blindness' is privation, 109b 22, 147b 34 (see Blindness). S.: eye = reason (νοῦς): soul, 108a 11. )( hearing, 106a 32. A property of it, 'to see, insomuch as we have s.', 136b 1–2. To 'see' (ὁρᾶν), not a property of 'man', 138b 9: 'Seeing' (ὁλέπειν) ambiguous,(1) to possess s.,(2) to use s. actively, 106b 15–20. (So too 'failure to see' —τὸ μὴ βλέπειν.) INDEX Colours in bodies dist. by their reaction on s., 107b 29-30. 'Beauty' not def. = 'pleasure that comes through s. or hearing', 146a 22 foll. Silver ) ( litharge and tin, 164b 22-4. Sleep not def. = 'failure of sensation', 145b 1-4, 14-16: not a property of man, 102a 22-4, 28-30. Snow, not = 'frozen water', 127a 14; nor is 'water' its genus at all, 127b 15. 'White' its accident, not its genus, 120b 22-35, 127b 2-4. Snub-nose 173b 10, 181b 38 foll. Socrates, 103a 30, 160b 27-8, 166b 34, 183b 7, Solecism def., 165b 20-1: a principal aim of contentious reasoners to produce, 165b 14: methods employed, Soph. El., ch. 14: how avoided, Soph. El., ch. 32: sometimes turns on failure of question to be explicit, 169b 35-7. S. real ) ( apparent, 173b 17 foll. S. compared to fallacy of 'form of expression', 174a 5-9. Solid (1) = στερεός: posterior to, and . . . absolutely less intelligible than, 'plane', 141b 5-7: more readily perceived than either 'plane' or 'line', and . . . sometimes more intelligible to us, 141b 9-11. 'Plane' def. = 'limit of a s.', 141b 22. (2) = ὀγκος: 'sharp' has diff. meaning of a s. and of a sound, 106a 13-14, 107b 23: of a s. and of a flavour, 106a 32. Solution (λύσις) def. (1) 160b 23-39; (2) 175b 29-30, 179b 23-4. S. of refutations appears in analysis of their forms, being merely the appropriate objection, 170b 4-5, 175a 17-20: expounded in detail, Soph. El., chh. 16-32. Suggestions for s. of arguments leading (1) into fallacy, 162b 24-30, 176b 36-177a 6; (2) into paradox, 172b 19-21, 33-4: cf. 176a 25-7. S. of properly reasoned arguments ) ( s. of merely apparent arguments, 176b 35-6. S. of fallacies dependent on diction follows opposite of point on which fallacy turns, 179a 11 foll. Merely apparent s. should be advanced in default of 'proper' (ὀρθοῦ) s., 176a 19 foll. (cf. b 29). Study of s. useful (1) for philosophy, 175a 5-12, (2) for reputation as arguer, 175b 13-16. Sophism, 162a 14: def. 162a 16. Sophist def. = 'one who makes money from apparent but unreal wisdom', 165a 22-3, 171b 28-9; not def. = 'one who can' (deceive), 126a 31-2. Doctrine of s. that all that is either has come to be or is eternal, 104b 25-6. Sophistical ) ( contentious argument [q.v.] distinguished by motives of arguers, 171b 25-34. S. difficulties in fixing properties, arising from ambiguity of 'same' and 'different', 133b 15 foll. Arguments seem s. if not proved step by step, 158a 34-6. Apparent but irrelevant proof always s., 162a 12-15. Bryson's method of squaring circle sophistical, because not based on appropriate premisses, 171b 16-18. Most s. of all tricks of questioner, to state conclusion as proved when unproved, 174b 8-11. 'S. turn' of argument on to more favourable ground, Bk. II, ch. 5, 111b 32 foll., 172b 19, 25-8: not so easy as formerly, because answerers are sharper, 172b 20: where neither really nor apparently necessary, to be avoided, as alien to spirit of dialectic, 112a 9-11 (cf. Verbal Argument). Sophistry def. = (1) 'the art of making money from an apparent wisdom', 171b 27-9; (2) 'the semblance of wisdom without the reality', 165a 21, 171b 34. Akin to dialectic and the art of examination, 183b 2. Soul: def. = 'self-mover' (Plato), 140b 3: but not a 'self-moving number', 140b 2: nor a 'number' at all, 120b 3-6; 123a 13-14, 23-6. 'Self-moved' not its genus but rather its accident, 120b 22-8, 32-5: nor 'moved', for possibly not in motion, 123a INDEX 15-17, cf. 127b 15-17: 'motion' inapplicable to s., for none of its species will apply, 111b 5. Not def. = 'substance capable of receiving knowledge' (for capable of ignorance too), 151b 1. May, but need not, possess self-knowledge, 125a 39-40, b 3-4. Its property (1) to be 'fitted to command' the body—relative property, 128b 18-19; (2) to 'show wisdom'—belongs derivatively (κατ' ἀλλα), because s. possesses faculty of reason, 134a 32; (3) to be the 'primary whole of which faculties of desire and of reason form part', 138b 12-15. Better and more important than body, 118a 32-3: virtue and vice of s.)(of body, 153b 8-10. Its immortality, 119b 36-7. To 'have a s.' not correctly rendered as property of 'living creature' (ζων) unless genus ('substance') be also stated, 132a 15-16; though correct in avoidance of universal predicates, 130b 20-2. To 'have tripartite soul', an essential property of 'man', 133a 30-2. Spartans, 152a 14, 15, 17, 20, 22, 176b 5. Species. See Genus. Spesistippus, 174b 27 n. Spider (φαλάγγιον), not to be described in defn. as 'poison-fanged' (unfamiliar term), 140a 4. Spirited faculty: (1) = θυμοειδές; seat of anger, but not of friendship and .'. not of hatred, 113a 35 foll., 126a 10; seat of fear, 126b 8. (2) θυμικόν, 129b 12. Squaring the circle, method of Hippocrates, 171b 15; by lunules, 171b 15, 172a 3; of Bryson, 171b 16, 172a 4; of Antiphon, 172a 7. State: (1) = ἔχειν, one of the categories, 103b 23; (2) = ἔξεις. S.)('activity', 125b 15; ) (the 'capacity' that attends it, 125b 20; ) (what is in, or is described in terms of, the s.:—a property may belong in either way, 134a 34-1, 13-18: a s. and what is in the s. have same properties, 133b 25-8. Genus of 'virtue' and of 'knowledge', 121b 38 (cf. Disposition): knowledge a s. of the soul, 124b 34. A s. necessarily found in that whose s. it is, 125a 33-7. Tests for definition of a s., 147a 12-22. 'The good' not a 's. of virtue', 142b 12. Justice not a 's. that produces equality' or 'distributes what is equal', 143a 15-16. 'Virtue' not = 'a good s.', 144a 9-10. S. and privation: as tests of ambiguity, 106b 21-8; of Accident, 114a 7-12, 119a 37, b 1-3; of Genus, 124a 35-b 6; of Property, 135b 27-136a 4; of Definition, 147b 4-17, 26-148a 9. Strache, edition, 132a 36 n., 166b 25 n. Strength less good than health, 116b 18; than justice, 116b 38. Strigil, not def. = an 'instrument for dipping water' (not its natural use), 145a 23-5. Students (ἡκοαμένοι) as opp. other hearers of Aristotle, 184a 6. Substance, a category, 103b 22 foll. Tendency to treat every predicate as a s., a special source of fallacy of 'form of expression', 168a 25-6, 169a 33-6, 170a 15, and Soph. El. ch. 22, esp. 178a 5-8, b 36-179a 10. Predicates in categ. of s. (e.g. 'man'), like other general predicates, ) individual s., 178b 37 foll. 'Individuality' and 'being' usually ascribed in fullest sense to s., 169a 35-6. Sun: not def. = 'star that appears by day' (virtually circular), 142b 1. Not its property to be 'the brightest star that moves over the earth' (known by perception only, and .'. not knowable as permanent), 131b 25-30. Superlative, attribute rendered in (καθ' ἐπερβαλλῆ, 134b 24; ἐπερβαλῆ, 139a 9: μείστα ὑποῖν, 152a 5): cannot be a property. 139a 9-20 (cf. 134b 22 foll.): of A and B, if each an individual, implies their numerical sameness, 152a 5-12; if not, implies that one contains the other 152a 12-30. Surface (ἐπιφάνεια). Its property, to be ‘the primary thing that is coloured’, 131b33–6, 134b10–13: belongs primarily (ὡς τὸ πρῶτον), 134b10–13:—solution of objection (134a22–5) that it belongs to ‘body’ also, and . . . cannot be property of either. Contr. 138a15–19, ‘being coloured’ not a property of s., and whether so or not, cannot be property of ‘body’. (Same solution would, however, apply.) Syllogism. See Reasoning. Syllogistic (reasoned) argument (contentious argument, 182b34–6. Most incisive form of s. argument, 182b37 foll.; of contentious do., 183a7. Synonym, Synonymous terms. Must have same definition, 107b4–5, 148a24–5, b3. Genus and species must be s., 123a28–9, 127b6, cf. 154a18. Syllable cannot be s. with one of the letters in it, 150b20–1. S. not a definition, 149a1–4; though ‘definitory’, 102a5. Refutation must prove contradictory of actual attribute asserted, not of its s., 167a24. Exx., ‘doublet’ = ‘cloak’, 103a10, 27, 168a30: ‘beautiful’ = ‘becoming’, 102a6, 135a13. Temperance: not def. = a ‘harmony’ (συμφωνία), because (1) metaphorical, 123a34–7, 139b33: (2) a harmony always found between notes; not so ‘virtue’; . . . ‘harmony’ and ‘virtue’ not in subaltern relation, 139b37–140a2. More desirable in youth than in old age, 117a32; than courage, 117a36. A property of t. to be essentially the natural virtue of the faculty of desire, 136b10–14; likewise of faculty of desire to be primary seat of t., 138b4. ‘Justice’ not def. = ‘t. and courage’, 150a3 foll. Terence, 166a37 n. Theaetetus, the, 122b26 n. Themistocles, 176a1. Theodorus, 183b32. Thesis (1) acc. to strict defn., 104b19, 34, 172b22, 30: e.g. paradoxes of Antisthenes, Heraclitus and Melissus, 104b20–2. Every t., in this sense, a ‘problem’; not vice versa, 104b29–34. Such t. to be collected among other ‘premises’, 172b31–2. (2) in wider sense = ‘dialectical problem’ generally, 104b34–6, or (more strictly) the answerer’s ‘position’ on the problem, 111b36 (= τὸ κείμενον, 112a1), 112a4, 7, 13, 113a19, 120a27, Bk. VIII passim, 158b24 (clearly = πρόβλημα, 158b16), 159a3, 39 and foll. (= τὸ κείμενον, 159b24), 160b14, 183a24, b6. Some t. not suited for dialectic discussion, 105a3: the clearer in expression, the easier to argue upon, 111a10–11. Every t. bound to be ‘generally accepted’ (ξεδοξεῖν) or ‘rejected’ (ἀδοξεῖν) or ‘neutral’ (μηδετέρας), 159a38: rules for defending each, 159b4–35. 2 kinds of ‘generally rejected’ t., 160b16–22. Rules for selecting and maintaining a t., Bk. VIII, ch. 9. Aim of questioner always to prove opposite of answerer’s t., 159b5–6. Parallel arguments to be drawn up pro and con same t., 163b4–5. Thief def. = ‘one who wishes to pilfer in secret’; not ‘one who pilfers in secret’ (true only of expert t.), 149b27–30. The ‘argument of the t.’, 180b18. Thrasymachus, 183b32. Time (1) = ποτέ, a category: 103b23. ‘Good’ in this category = what is ‘in season’ (ἐν καιρῷ), 107a8. (2) = χρόνος: neither in motion nor a form of motion, 120a39–b3. Discrepancies of t. (past, present, and future) as tests of Accident, 111b24–31, cf. 115b12, 17–21: of Genus and Differentia, 123a16–19; of Property, 131a27–b4, b5 foll., 133a12 foll.; of Definition, 145b21 foll. Refutation must prove contradictory true at time to which thesis refers, 167a26–7, 180b7–8, 11–12, 14, 181a1–4 (cf. 165b38–166a6, b23, 180b INDEX 13-14). Objection directed by answerer agst. t. allowed for discussion, 161a 9-12, 183a 22: questions likewise directed by questioner, where t. is too short to overthrow answerer's solution, 183a 24. T. or season (καιρός), as determinant of values of things, 117a 26-37. Temporary property (see Property): requires ref. to present t. only, 129a 28: property of present t. (νῦν ἔσων), 131b 5 foll. Tistias, 183b 31-2. Trainer (γυμνοτής): his property, to 'have ability to produce vigour', 137a 5-6. T.: ability to produce vigour = doctor: ability to produce health, 137a 3-5. Training (γυμνασία) = (1) physical: desired as means, 116a 30-1. (2) in dialectics. Study of Dialectics useful for, 101a 26: some proofs too elaborate to be suitable for t., 105a 9. Arguments held for 't. and examination' (contentious arguments, and teaching, 159a 25, cf. 161a 25. [Apparently 't.' = 'inquiry' (σκέψις): cf. 159a 25 and 34.] Hints upon t. in dialectics, Bk. VIII, ch. 14, passim. To argue pro and con everything is good t. for both questioning and answering, 163a 36-b 3. Triangle: to have angles = 2 right angles, essential to t., but accidental to 'equilateral t.', 110b 22-5, cf. 110b 6-7: accidental also to 'figure', 168a 40-b 4. Triballi, 115b 23, 26. Unit (μονάς): prior to 'number', 141b 8: starting-point of 'number', 108b 26, 29, 141b 8; and more intelligible absolutely than 'number', 141b 5-8. Unity (τὸ ἕν) ambiguous, and difficult to divide, 169a 24, 170b 21-2; though opinions differ about this, 182b 24-7. Not a 'kind' of anything, because a universal predicate, 121a 16-19, b 7: cf. 127a 27, 33, 130b 15-17. Commensurate with 'Being', and .: neither its genus nor a species of it, 121b 7-8. Failure to distinguish one (many, a source of fallacy of Accident, 169b 3-4. Universal predicates (δὲ πᾶντι ὑπάρχει: κοινῶν), e.g. 'Being', 'Unity'. Not to be used where distinctive terms are required, e.g. in rendering a property, 130b 11 foll.; or definition, 140a 24-32. Unjustly (see also Injustice). Not a property of what is done u. to be done 'badly' (κακῶς), 136b 27-8: what occurs u. may be preferable to what occurs justly, 180b 21-3. Useful (ὠφέλιμον): def. = 'productive of good', 124a 16-17, 147a 34, 153b 38: possibly the genus of 'pleasant' (if pleasure be a good), 124a 17-20. Cause of good essentially (καθ', αὐτό) better than cause of good 'accidentally', 116b 1. What is u. for greater no. of desirable ends, is more desirable, 118b 26-30: also what is u. for better end, 118b 32-3. Most u. of commonplace rules, Bk. VII, ch. 4. Uses (χρήσεις) of a thing, as tests of comparative values, 118a 34; of genus, 124a 31-3. Using (χρῆσις) considered as a kind of 'activity' (ἐνεργεία) 124a 33. Verbal argument (τὸ πρὸς τοῦντα διαλέγειν): to be avoided in Dialectic, 108a 33, cf. 104b 36-7; and 112a 9, 164b 8 (see 'Sophistic turn' of argument): but legitimate to stick at nothing with opponent who sticks at nothing, 134a 1-4, cf. 148a 21. In Soph. El., distinction of arguments directed at verbal expression—λόγοι πρὸς τοῦντα (directed against thought (πρὸς τὴν διάνοιαν)—riddled with criticism (ch. 10): but argument conducted verbally (διὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων) the commonest source of fallacy, 165a 4 foll. Refutation by fallacy of many questions only verbal, 181b 20–1. Vice: contrary of ‘virtue’, 113b 31–2; the cause of evil essentially, 116b 6. Genus of ‘injustice’, 123b 15, 21, 32; an attribute of ‘cowardice’, 113b 31–2. V. of soul (= injustice) opp. to v. of body, 153b 8–10. Vigorous (εὐεκτικός): = (1) what produces vigour, 114a 30–1, 153b 37: (2) what preserves vigour, 114a 30–1, cf. 106b 35: (3) what betokens vigour, cf. 105a 30 and 106b 35. (Analogy seems to hold completely ‘vigorous : vigour = healthy : health.’) The v., good as means, 106a 5–8. Vigour (εὐεξία): contrary of ‘debility’ (καθεξία), 113b 35, 157b 18–20: brings ‘health’, 113b 35, 157b 23–4: better than health, 157b 18–19. Genuine and sham v., 164a 26–7. Capacity to produce v., the property of a trainer (γυμναστής), 137a 5–6. Virtue (1) = ἀρετή: a relative term (unlike its genera, ‘good’ and ‘noble’), 124b 20–2: contrary of ‘vice’, 113b 31–2. What displays its proper v. more desirable than anything of same kind which does not so, 118a 27–8. V. of soul (justice) opp. to v. of body, 153b 8–10. (2) = moral virtue (ἡδεκή ἀρετή): a kind of ‘state and disposition’, 121b 38; a kind of ‘good’, 142b 14, 17, and .:. not def. = a ‘good or noble state’, 144a 9–11 (but cf. 11–19). A ‘state of v.’ not = ‘the good’, 145b 12. Cause of good essentially, and .:. better than luck, 116b 1–3: better than pleasure, 118b 33. Its properties (1) to be ‘naturally situated in a no. of faculties’ (contr. knowledge)—a relative property, 128b 38–9: (2) to be ‘anything that makes its possessor good’, 131b 1–4. Genus of ‘justice’, 121b 26, 123b 15, 21, 32, 127b 20, not an accident of it, 109a 35–b 1: genus of ‘temperance’, 139b 35–140a 2: attribute of ‘courage’, 113b 31. A different genus from ‘knowledge’, 152b 1–2: that of virtues prudence alone is knowledge can be disproved in 4 ways, 120a 28–31. Problem, whether life of v. or of self-indulgence is pleasanter, a problem about Accident, 102b 17–20. To be virtuous (τὸ σπουδαῖον) not a property of ‘man’, 137b 32. Waltz (edition), 132a 36 n., 155b 30 n., 157a 21 n., 158a 11 n. Wallies, M., 116b 2–3 n. Walking: (1) = βαδίσις, a species of ‘locomotion’ (φορά), which is species of ‘motion’, 122a 21–30: a kind of motion, 109b 2–4, 128a 32–3. (‘carriage’ (φορά), 122b 32. (2) = πεζώ: differentia of ‘animal’ (v. Animal). Water: not genus of ‘snow’, 127a 14; of ‘wine’, 127a 18. W. from same well, the ‘same’ specifically, 103a 14–23. Wealth, less desirable than friendship, 116b 38, because (1) always prized for sake of something else, not for itself, 117a 1; (2) excess of friendship more desirable than of w., 118b 6. Happiness unquestionably better than w., 116a 6–7. To make money less good than to study philosophy, but more desirable to a man lacking life’s necessities, 118a 10. Is w. good, if not good to a fool? 180b 9–14. Weightiness (δύκος) in argument, one of the aims of non-necessary premisses, 155b 22. (Seems = ‘ornament’: cf. 155b 22 and 157a 6 foll.) White: an accidental predicate, 102b 8–9; a quality, 103b 31–3; applicable in certain respect only, 109a 21–5, 167a 7 foll., 168b 12–14. ‘Colour’ its genus, not an accident, 109a 36, 123b 26, 126a 4–5. Def. = ‘a colour which pierces the vision’, 119a 30, 153a 38 (cf. 107b 29–30, 123a 2): not def. = ‘colour mingled with fire (an impossible mixture), 149a 38–b 2. Contrary of ‘black’, 105b 36, 110a 27–8; all other colours intermediate, 123b 27. Applied to ‘sound’ (= ‘clear’), 106a 25, b 5: cf. 107a 12, 37, b 14, 36. (Cf. Black.) Cannot be a genus, since white things do not differ in kind, 127a 22–5: not genus of ‘snow’, since (1) an accident of it, 120b 21–4, (2) inherent in snow, not predicable of it, 127b 2–4. Not in subaltern relation to ‘beautiful’, 128a 3–4. Addition of w. to black does not necessarily make the whole w., 115b 1–2. Wind: its definition = ‘movement of air’ better than = ‘air in motion’, 127a 4; but should specify quantity of air, 146b 29. Windlessness: air = calm: sea, 108a 11–12, b 24–6. Wine not = ‘fermented water’, 127a 18; nor any kind of water, ib. Sweet-toothed man (φιλόγλυκος) desires wine only per accidens, because sweet; not if dry (ἀβορηπός), 111a 3–5. Wisdom (a) = σοφία: not def. = ‘what produces happiness’, 149b 33 foll. (See also Sophistry). (b) = φρόνησις, 136b 11, 163b 9, cf. 134a 33, 138b 1–5: not def. = (1) ‘that which defines and contemplates reality’ (redundant), 141a 7–9: (2) the ‘virtue of a man’ or ‘of the soul’ (not primary correlate), 145a 28–32. To be ‘essentially the natural virtue of the faculty of reason’, a property of w., 136b 10–12: even its definition, 145a 28–32. To display w., a property of the faculty of reason (q.v.). W.= ‘knowledge of evils’, but not therefore an evil, 180a 8 foll. Wishing (βούλησις): def. = ‘conation for an apparent good’, 146b 5–6, 27–147a 5: not def. = ‘painless conation’, 146b 2: always found in faculty of reason, 126a 13: not the genus of ‘friendship’, if latter is in faculty of desire, 126a 12–13. Xenocrates: 112a 37: his definition of ‘soul’ as ‘self-moving number’, 140b 2 n. (cf. 120b 3–4 n.); of ‘wisdom’ as that which ‘defines and contemplates reality’, 141a 6–9: his attempt to prove that the good life=the happy life, because both are the most desirable life, 152a 7–10, 26–30. Zeno: argument that motion is impossible, 160b 8, 172a 9, 179b 20 foll.; that Being is one, 182b 26. Zeus, 166b 7. PRINTED IN ENGLAND AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD BY JOHN JOHNSON, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY B 407 .S6 1910 v.1 SMC Aristotle. The works of Aristotle 47086883 BOOK DOES NOT DEPENSIZE THE LITERARY MAGAZINE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. VOL. II. 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Money is the commonly accepted medium of exchange. In an economy which consists of only one individual there cannot be any exchange of commodities and hence there is no role for money. Even if there is more than one individual but these individuals do not take part in market transactions, example: family living on an isolated island, money has no function for them. However, as soon as there is more than one economic agent who engage themselves in transactions through the market, money becomes an important instrument for facilitating these exchanges. Economic exchanges without the mediation of money are referred to as barter exchanges. However, they presume the rather improbable double coincidence of wants. Consider, for example, an individual who has a surplus of rice which she wishes to exchange for clothing. If she is not lucky enough she may not be able to find another person who has the diametrically opposite demand for rice with a surplus of clothing to offer in exchange. The search costs may become prohibitive as the number of individuals increases. Thus, to smoothen the transaction, an intermediate good is necessary which is acceptable to both parties. Such a good is called money. The individuals can then sell their produces for money and use this money to purchase the commodities they need. Though facilitation of exchanges is considered to be the principal role of money, it serves other purposes as well. Following are the main functions of money in a modern economy. 3.1 Functions of Money As explained above, the first and foremost role of money is that it acts as a medium of exchange. Barter exchanges become extremely difficult in a large economy because of the high costs people would have to incur looking for suitable persons to exchange their surpluses. Money also acts as a convenient unit of account. The value of all goods and services can be expressed in monetary units. When we say that the value of a certain wristwatch is Rs 500 we mean that the wristwatch can be exchanged for 500 units of money, where a unit of money is rupee in this case. If the price of a pencil is Rs 2 and that of a pen is Rs 10 we can calculate the relative price of a pen with respect to a pencil, viz. a pen is worth $10 \div 2 = 5$ pencils. The same notion can be used to calculate the value of money itself with respect to other commodities. In the above example, a rupee is worth $1 \div 2 = 0.5$ pencil or $1 \div 10 = 0.1$ pen. Thus if prices of all commodities increase in terms of money i.e., there is a general increase in the price level, the value of money in terms of any commodity must have decreased – in the sense that a unit of money can now purchase less of any commodity. We call it a deterioration in the purchasing power of money. A barter system has other deficiencies. It is difficult to carry forward one’s wealth under the barter system. Suppose you have an endowment of rice which you do not wish to consume today entirely. You may regard this stock of surplus rice as an asset which you may wish to consume, or even sell off, for acquiring other commodities at some future date. But rice is a perishable item and cannot be stored beyond a certain period. Also, holding the stock of rice requires a lot of space. You may have to spend considerable time and resources looking for people with a demand for rice when you wish to exchange your stock for buying other commodities. This problem can be solved if you sell your rice for money. Money is not perishable and its storage costs are also considerably lower. It is also acceptable to anyone at any point of time. Thus money can act as a store of value for individuals. Wealth can be stored in the form of money for future use. However, to perform this function well, the value of money must be sufficiently stable. A rising price level may erode the purchasing power of money. It may be noted that any asset other than money can also act as a store of value, e.g. gold, landed property, houses or even bonds (to be introduced shortly). However, they may not be easily convertible to other commodities and do not have universal acceptability. Some countries have made an attempt to move towards an economy which use less of cash and more of digital transactions. A cashless society describes an economic state whereby financial transactions are not connected with money in the form of physical bank notes or coins but rather through the transfer of digital information (usually an electronic representation of money) between the transacting parties. In India government has been consistently investing in various reforms for greater financial inclusion. During the last few years’ initiatives such as Jan Dhan accounts, Aadhar enabled payment systems, e-Wallets, National financial Switch (NFS) and others have strengthened the government resolve to go cashless. Today, financial inclusion is seen as a realistic dream because of mobile and smart phone penetration across the country. ### 3.2 Demand for Money and Supply of Money #### 3.2.1. Demand for Money The demand for money tells us what makes people desire a certain amount of money. Since money is required to conduct transactions, the value of transactions will determine the money people will want to keep: the larger is the quantum of transactions to be made, the larger is the quantity of money demanded. Since the quantum of transactions to be made depends on income, it should be clear that a rise in income will lead to rise in demand for money. Also, when people keep their savings in the form of money rather than putting it in a bank which gives them interest, how much money people keep also depends on rate of interest. Specifically, when interest rates go up, people become less interested in holding money since holding money amounts to holding less of interest-earning deposits, and thus less interest received. Therefore, at higher interest rates, money demanded comes down. 3.2.2. Supply of Money In a modern economy, money comprises cash and bank deposits. Depending on what types of bank deposits are being included, there are many measures of money$^1$. These are created by a system comprising two types of institutions: central bank of the economy and the commercial banking system. Central bank Central Bank is a very important institution in a modern economy. Almost every country has one central bank. India got its central bank in 1935. Its name is the ‘Reserve Bank of India’. Central bank has several important functions. It issues the currency of the country. It controls money supply of the country through various methods, like bank rate, open market operations and variations in reserve ratios. It acts as a banker to the government. It is the custodian of the foreign exchange reserves of the economy. It also acts as a bank to the banking system, which is discussed in detail later. From the point of view of money supply, we need to focus on its function of issuing currency. This currency issued by the central bank can be held by the public or by the commercial banks, and is called the ‘high-powered money’ or ‘reserve money’ or ‘monetary base’ as it acts as a basis for credit creation. Commercial Banks Commercial banks are the other type of institutions which are a part of the money-creating system of the economy. In the following section we look at the commercial banking system in detail. They accept deposits from the public and lend out part of these funds to those who want to borrow. The interest rate paid by the banks to depositors is lower than the rate charged from the borrowers. This difference between these two types of interest rates, called the ‘spread’ is the profit appropriated by the bank. The process of deposit and loan (credit) creation by banks is explained below. In order to understand this process, let us discuss a story. Once there was a goldsmith named Lala in a village. In this village, people used gold and other precious metals in order to buy goods and services. In other words, these metals were acting as money. People in the village started keeping their gold with Lala for safe-keeping. In return for keeping their gold, Lala issued paper receipts to people of the village and charged a small fee from them. Slowly, over time, the paper receipts issued by Lala began to circulate as money. This means that instead of giving gold for purchasing wheat, someone would pay for wheat or shoes or any other good by giving the paper receipts issued by Lala. Thus, the paper receipts started acting as money since everyone in the village accepted these as a medium of exchange. Now, let us suppose that Lala had 100 Kgs of gold, deposited by different people and he had issued receipts corresponding to 100 kgs of gold. At this time Ramu comes to Lala and asks for a loan of 25 kgs of gold. Can Lala give the loan? The 100 kgs of gold with him already has claimants. However, Lala could decide that everyone with gold deposits will not come to withdraw their deposits at the same time and so he may as well give the loan to Ramu and charge him for it. If Lala gives the loan of 25 kgs of gold, Ramu could also pay Ali with these 25 kgs of gold and Ali could keep the 25 kgs of gold with Lala in return for a paper receipt. In effect, the paper receipts, acting as money, would --- $^1$See the box on the measures of money supply at the end of the chapter. have risen to 125 kgs now. It seems that Lala has created money out of thin air! The modern banking system works precisely the way Lala behaves in this example. Commercial banks mediate between individuals or firms with excess funds and lend to those who need funds. People with excess funds can keep their funds in the form of deposits in banks and those who need funds, borrow funds in form of home loans, crop loans, etc. People prefer to keep money in banks because banks offer to pay some interest on any deposits made. Also, it may be safer to keep excess funds in a bank, rather than at home, just as people in the example above preferred to keep their gold with Lala instead of keeping at home. In the modern context, given cheques and debit cards, having a demand deposit makes transactions more convenient and safer, even when they do not earn any interest. (Imagine having to pay a large amount in cash – for purchasing a house.) What does the bank do with the funds that have been deposited with it? Assuming that not everyone who has deposited funds with it will ask for their funds back at the same time, the bank can loan these funds to someone who needs the funds at interest (of course, the bank has to be sure it will get the funds back at the required time). So the bank will typically retain a portion of the funds to repay depositors whenever they demand their funds back, and loan the rest. Since banks earn interest from loans they make, any bank would like to lend the maximum possible. However, being able to repay depositors on demand is crucial to the bank’s survival. Depositors would keep their funds in a bank only if they are fully confident of getting them back on demand. A bank must, therefore, balance its lending activities so as to ensure that sufficient funds are available to repay any depositor on demand. ### 3.3 Money Creation by Banking System Banks can create money in a manner similar to that as given in Lala’s story. Banks can lend simply because they do not expect all the depositors to withdraw what they have deposited at the same time. When the banks lend to any person, a new deposit is opened in that person’s name. Thus money supply increases to old deposits plus new deposit (plus currency.) Let us take an example. Assume that there is only one bank in the country. Let us construct a fictional balance sheet for this bank. Balance sheet is a record of assets and liabilities of any firm. Conventionally, the assets of the firm are recorded on the left hand side and liabilities on the right hand side. Accounting rules say that both sides of the balance sheet must be equal or total assets must be equal to the total liabilities. Assets are things a firm owns or what a firm can claim from others. In case of a bank, apart from buildings, furniture, etc., its assets are loans given to public. When the bank gives out loan of Rs 100 to a person, this is the bank’s claim on that person for Rs 100. Another asset that a bank has is reserves. Reserves are deposits which commercial banks keep with the Central bank, Reserve Bank of India (RBI) and its cash. These reserves are kept partly as cash and partly in the form of financial instruments (bonds and treasury bills) issued by the RBI. Reserves are similar to deposits we keep with banks. We keep deposits and these deposits are our assets, they can be withdrawn by us. Similarly, commercial banks like State Bank of India (SBI) keep their deposits with RBI and these are called Reserves. \[ \text{Assets} = \text{Reserves} + \text{Loans} \] Liabilities for any firm are its debts or what it owes to others. For a bank, the main liability is the deposits which people keep with it. \[ \text{Liabilities} = \text{Deposits} \] The accounting rule states that both sides of the account must balance. Hence if assets are greater than liabilities, they are recorded on the right hand side as Net Worth. \[ \text{Net Worth} = \text{Assets} - \text{Liabilities} \] ### 3.3.1 Balance Sheet of a Fictional Bank Let our fictional bank start with deposits (liabilities) equal to Rs 100. This could be because Ms Fernandes has deposited Rs 100 in the bank. Let this bank deposit the same amount with RBI as reserves. Table 3.1 represents its balance sheet. #### 3.1 Balance Sheet of a Bank \| Assets \| Liabilities \| \|--------------\|-----------------\| \| Reserves \| Rs 100 \| \| \| Deposits \| \| \| Rs 100 \| \| Net Worth \| Rs 0 \| \| Total \| Rs 100 \| If we assume that there is no currency in circulation, then the total money supply in the economy will be equal to Rs 100. \[ M_1 = \text{Currency} + \text{Deposits} = 0 + 100 = 100 \] ### 3.3.2 Limits to Credit Creation and Money Multiplier Suppose Mr. Mathew comes to this bank for a loan of Rs 500. Can our bank give this loan? If it gives the loan and Mr Mathew deposits the loan amount in the bank itself, the total bank deposits and therefore, the total money supply will rise. It seems as though the banks can go on creating as much money as they want. But is there a limit to money or credit creation by banks? Yes, and this is determined by the Central bank (RBI). The RBI decides a certain percentage of deposits which every bank must keep as reserves. This is done to ensure that no bank is ‘over lending’. This is a legal requirement and is binding on the banks. This is called the ‘Required Reserve Ratio’ or the ‘Reserve Ratio’ or ‘Cash Reserve Ratio’ (CRR). Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) = Percentage of deposits which a bank must keep as cash reserves with the bank. Apart from the CRR, banks are also required to keep some reserves in liquid form in the short term. This ratio is called Statutory Liquidity Ratio or SLR. In our fictional example, suppose CRR = 20 per cent, then with deposits of Rs 100, our bank will need to keep Rs 20 (20 per cent of 100) as cash reserves. Only the remaining amount of deposits, i.e., Rs 80 (100 – 20 = 80) can be used to give loans. The statutory requirement of the reserve ratio acts as a limit to the amount of credit that banks can create. We can understand this by going back to our fictional example of an economy with one bank. Let us assume that our bank starts with a deposit of Rs 100 made by Leela. The reserve ratio is 20 per cent. Thus our bank has Rs 80 (100 – 20) to lend and the bank lends out Rs 80 to Jaspal Kaur, which shows up in the bank’s deposits in the next round as liabilities, making a total of Rs 180 as deposits. Now our bank is required to keep 20 per cent of 180 i.e. Rs 36 as cash reserves. Recall that our bank had started with Rs 100 as cash. Since it is required to keep only Rs 36 as reserves, it can lend Rs 64 again (100 – 36 = 64). The bank lends out Rs 64 to Junaid. This in turn shows up in the bank as deposits. The process keeps repeating itself till all the required reserves become Rs 100. The required reserves will be Rs 100 only when the total deposits become Rs 500. This is because for deposits of Rs 500, cash reserves would have to be Rs 100 (20 per cent of 500 = 100). The process is illustrated in Table 3.2. Table 3.2: Money Multiplier Process \| Column 1 \| Column 2 \| Column 3 \| Column 4 \| \|----------\|------------\|--------------\|----------------\| \| Round \| Deposit in Bank \| Required Reserve \| Loan made by Bank \| \| 1 \| 100.00 \| 20.00 \| 80.00 \| \| 2 \| 180.00 \| 36.00 \| 64.00 \| \| ... \| ... \| ... \| ... \| \| Last \| 500.00 \| 100.00 \| 400.00 \| The first column lists each round. The second column depicts the total deposits with the bank at the beginning of each round. Twenty per cent of these deposits need to be deposited with the RBI as required reserves (column 3). What the bank lends in each round gets added to the deposits with the bank in the next round. Column 4 indicates the Loans made by the banks. Table 3.3: Balance Sheet of the Bank \| Assets \| Liabilities \| \|--------------\|-----------------\| \| Reserves \| Rs 100 \| \| Loans \| Rs 400 \| \| Total \| Rs 500 \| \| Deposits (100+400) \| Rs 500 \| \| Total \| Rs 500 \| Since the bank is only expected to keep 20 per cent of its deposits as reserves, thus, reserves of Rs 100 (20 per cent of 500 = 100) can support the deposits of Rs 500. In other words, our bank can give a loan of Rs 400. Table 3.3 demonstrates its balance sheet. \[ M_1 = \text{Currency} + \text{Deposits} = 0 + 500 = 500 \] Thus, money supply increases from Rs 100 to Rs 500. Given a CRR of 20 per cent, the bank cannot give a loan beyond Rs 400. Hence, requirement of reserves acts as a limit to money creation. \[ \text{Money Multiplier} = \frac{1}{\text{Cash Reserve Ratio}} \] In our example, money multiplier $= \frac{1}{20\%} = \frac{1}{0.2} = 5$. Thus, reserves of Rs 100 create deposits of Rs (5 X 100)=Rs 500. ### 3.4 Policy Tools to Control Money Supply Reserve Bank is the only institution which can issue currency. When commercial banks need more funds in order to be able to create more credit, they may go to market for such funds or go to the Central Bank. Central bank provides them funds through various instruments. This role of RBI, that of being ready to lend to banks at all times is another important function of the central bank, and due to this central bank is said to be the lender of last resort. The RBI controls the money supply in the economy in various ways. The tools used by the Central bank to control money supply can be quantitative or qualitative. Quantitative tools, control the extent of money supply by changing the CRR, or bank rate or open market operations. Qualitative tools include persuasion by the Central bank in order to make commercial banks discourage or encourage lending which is done through moral suasion, margin requirement, etc. It should be evident by now that if the Central bank changes the reserve ratio, this would lead to changes in lending by the banks which, in turn, would impact the deposits and hence, the money supply. In the previously discussed example, what would the money multiplier be if the RBI increases the reserve ratio to 25 per cent? Notice that in the previous case, Rs 100 in reserves could support deposits of Rs 400. But the banking system would now be able to loan Rs 300 only. It would have to call back some loans to meet the increased reserve requirements. Hence, money supply would fall. Another important tool by which the RBI also influences money supply is Open Market Operations. Open Market Operations refers to buying and selling of bonds issued by the Government in the open market. This purchase and sale is entrusted to the Central bank on behalf of the Government. When RBI buys a Government bond in the open market, it pays for it by giving a cheque. This cheque increases the total amount of reserves in the economy and thus increases the money supply. Selling of a bond by RBI (to private individuals or institutions) leads to reduction in quantity of reserves and hence the money supply. There are two types of open market operations: outright and repo. Outright open market operations are permanent in nature: when the central bank buys these securities (thus injecting money into the system), it is without any promise to sell them later. Similarly, when the central bank sells these securities (thus withdrawing money from the system), it is without any promise to buy them. later. As a result, the injection/absorption of the money is of permanent nature. However, there is another type of operation in which when the central bank buys the security, this agreement of purchase also has specification about date and price of resale of this security. This type of agreement is called a repurchase agreement or repo. The interest rate at which the money is lent in this way is called the repo rate. Similarly, instead of outright sale of securities the central bank may sell the securities through an agreement which has a specification about the date and price at which it will be repurchased. This type of agreement is called a reverse repurchase agreement or reverse repo. The rate at which the money is withdrawn in this manner is called the reverse repo rate. The Reserve Bank of India conducts repo and reverse repo operations at various maturities: overnight, 7-day, 14-day, etc. This type of operations have now become the main tool of monetary policy of the Reserve Bank of India. The RBI can influence money supply by changing the rate at which it gives loans to the commercial banks. This rate is called the Bank Rate in India. By increasing the bank rate, loans taken by commercial banks become more expensive; this reduces the reserves held by the commercial bank and hence decreases money supply. A fall in the bank rate can increase the money supply. Box 3.1: Demand and Supply for Money : A Detailed Discussion Money is the most liquid of all assets in the sense that it is universally acceptable and hence can be exchanged for other commodities very easily. On the other hand, it has an opportunity cost. If, instead of holding on to a certain cash balance, you put the money in a fixed deposits in some bank you can earn interest on that money. While deciding on how much money to hold at a certain point of time one has to consider the trade off between the advantage of liquidity and the disadvantage of the foregone interest. Demand for money balance is thus often referred to as liquidity preference. People desire to hold money balance broadly from two motives. The Transaction Motive The principal motive for holding money is to carry out transactions. If you receive your income weekly and pay your bills on the first day of every week, you need not hold any cash balance throughout the rest of the week; you may as well ask your employer to deduct your expenses directly from your weekly salary and deposit the balance in your bank account. But our expenditure patterns do not normally match our receipts. People earn incomes at discrete points in time and spend it continuously throughout the interval. Suppose you earn Rs 100 on the first day of every month and run down this balance evenly over the rest of the month. Thus your cash balance at the beginning and end of the month are Rs 100 and 0, respectively. Your average cash holding can then be calculated as $(Rs\ 100 + Rs\ 0) \div 2 = Rs\ 50$, with which you are making transactions worth Rs 100 per month. Hence your average transaction demand for money is equal to half your monthly income, or, in other words, half the value of your monthly transactions. Consider, next, a two-person economy consisting of two entities – a firm (owned by one person) and a worker. The firm pays the worker a salary of Rs 100 at the beginning of every month. The worker, in turn, spends this income over the month on the output produced by the firm – the only good available in this economy! Thus, at the beginning of each month the worker has a money balance of Rs 100 and the firm a balance of Rs 0. On the last day of the month the picture is reversed – the firm has gathered a balance of Rs 100 through its sales to the worker. The average money holding of the firm as well as the worker is equal to Rs 50 each. Thus the total transaction demand for money in this economy is equal to Rs 100. The total volume of monthly transactions in this economy is Rs 200 – the firm has sold its output worth Rs 100 to the worker and the latter has sold her services worth Rs 100 to the firm. The transaction demand for money of the economy is again a fraction of the total volume of transactions in the economy over the unit period of time. In general, therefore, the transaction demand for money in an economy, $M^d_T$, can be written in the following form $$M^d_T = k.T \quad (3.1)$$ where, $T$ is the total value of (nominal) transactions in the economy over unit period and $k$ is a positive fraction. The two-person economy described above can be looked at from another angle. You may perhaps find it surprising that the economy uses money balance worth only Rs 100 for making transactions worth Rs 200 per month. The answer to this riddle is simple – each rupee is changing hands twice a month. On the first day, it is being transferred from the employer’s pocket to that of the worker and sometime during the month, it is passing from the worker’s hand to the employer’s. The number of times a unit of money changes hands during the unit period is called the velocity of circulation of money. In the above example, it is 2, inverse of half – the ratio of money balance and the value of transactions. Thus, in general, we may rewrite equation (3.1) in the following form $$\frac{1}{k} \cdot M^d_T = T, \text{ or, } v.M^d_T = T \quad (3.2)$$ where, $v = 1/k$ is the velocity of circulation. Note that the term on the right hand side of the above equation, $T$, is a flow variable whereas money demand, $M^d_T$, is a stock concept – it refers to the stock of money people are willing to hold at a particular point of time. The velocity of money, $v$, however, has a time dimension. It refers to the number of times every unit of stock changes hand during a unit period of time, say, a month or a year. Thus, the left hand side, $v.M^d_T$, measures the total value of monetary transactions that has been made with this stock in the unit period of time. This is a flow variable and is, therefore, equal to the right hand side. We are ultimately interested in learning the relationship between the aggregate transaction demand for money of an economy and the (nominal) GDP in a given year. The total value of annual transactions in an economy includes transactions in all intermediate goods and services and is clearly much greater than the nominal GDP. However, normally, there exists a stable, positive relationship between value of transactions and the nominal GDP. An increase in nominal GDP implies an increase in the total value of transactions and hence a greater transaction demand for money from equation (3.1). Thus, in general, equation (3.1) can be modified in the following way $$M^d_T = kPY \quad (3.3)$$ where $Y$ is the real GDP and $P$ is the general price level or the GDP deflator. The above equation tells us that transaction demand for money is positively related to the real income of an economy and also to its average price level. The Speculative Motive An individual may hold her wealth in the form of landed property, bullion, bonds, money etc. For simplicity, let us club all forms of assets other than money together into a single category called ‘bonds’. Typically, bonds are papers bearing the promise of a future stream of monetary returns over a certain period of time. These papers are issued by governments or firms for borrowing money from the public and they are tradable in the market. Consider the following two-period bond. A firm wishes to raise a loan of Rs 100 from the public. It issues a bond that assures Rs 10 at the end of the first year and Rs 10 plus the principal of Rs 100 at the end of the second year. Such a bond is said to have a face value of Rs 100, a maturity period of two years and a coupon rate of 10 per cent. Assume that the rate of interest prevailing in your savings bank account is equal to 5 per cent. Naturally you would like to compare the earning from this bond with the interest earning of your savings bank account. The exact question that you would ask is as follows: How much money, if kept in my savings bank account, will generate Rs 10 at the end of one year? Let this amount be $X$. Therefore $$X \left(1 + \frac{5}{100}\right) = 10$$ In other words, $$X = \frac{10}{\left(1 + \frac{5}{100}\right)}$$ This amount, Rs $X$, is called the present value of Rs 10 discounted at the market rate of interest. Similarly, let $Y$ be the amount of money which if kept in the savings bank account will generate Rs 110 at the end of two years. Thus, the present value of the stream of returns from the bond should be equal to $$PV = X + Y = \frac{10}{\left(1 + \frac{5}{100}\right)} + \frac{(10+100)}{\left(1 + \frac{5}{100}\right)^2}$$ Calculation reveals that it is Rs 109.29 (approx.). It means that if you put Rs 109.29 in your savings bank account it will fetch the same return as the bond. But the seller of the bond is offering the same at a face value of only Rs 100. Clearly the bond is more attractive than the savings bank account and people will rush to get hold of the bond. Competitive bidding will raise the price of the bond above its face value, till price of the bond is equal to its PV. If price rises above the PV the bond becomes less attractive compared to the savings bank account and people would like to get rid of it. The bond will be in excess supply and there will be downward pressure on the bond-price which will bring it back to the PV. It is clear that under competitive assets market condition the price of a bond must always be equal to its present value in equilibrium. Now consider an increase in the market rate of interest from 5 per cent to 6 per cent. The present value, and hence the price of the same bond, will become \[ \frac{10}{(1 + \frac{6}{100})} + \frac{(10 + 100)}{(1 + \frac{6}{100})^2} = 107.33 \text{ (approx.)} \] It follows that the price of a bond is inversely related to the market rate of interest. Different people have different expectations regarding the future movements in the market rate of interest based on their private information regarding the economy. If you think that the market rate of interest should eventually settle down to 8 per cent per annum, then you may consider the current rate of 5 per cent too low to be sustainable over time. You expect interest rate to rise and consequently bond prices to fall. If you are a bond holder a decrease in bond price means a loss to you – similar to a loss you would suffer if the value of a property held by you suddenly depreciates in the market. Such a loss occurring from a falling bond price is called a capital loss to the bond holder. Under such circumstances, you will try to sell your bond and hold money instead. Thus speculations regarding future movements in interest rate and bond prices give rise to the speculative demand for money. When the interest rate is very high everyone expects it to fall in future and hence anticipates capital gains from bond-holding. Hence people convert their money into bonds. Thus, speculative demand for money is low. When interest rate comes down, more and more people expect it to rise in the future and anticipate capital loss. Thus they convert their bonds into money giving rise to a high speculative demand for money. Hence speculative demand for money is inversely related to the rate of interest. Assuming a simple form, the speculative demand for money can be written as \[ M_S^d = \frac{r_{\max} - r}{r - r_{\min}} \] (3.4) where $ r $ is the market rate of interest and $ r_{\max} $ and $ r_{\min} $ are the upper and lower limits of $ r $, both positive constants. It is evident from the above equation that as $ r $ decreases from $ r_{\max} $ to $ r_{\min} $, the value of $ M_S^d $ increases from 0 to $ \infty $. As mentioned earlier, interest rate can be thought of as an opportunity cost or ‘price’ of holding money balance. If supply of money in the economy increases and people purchase bonds with this extra money, demand for bonds will go up, bond prices will rise and rate of interest will decline. In other words, with an increased supply of money in the economy the price you have to pay for holding money balance, viz. the rate of interest, should come down. However, if the market rate of interest is already low enough so that everybody expects it to rise in future, causing capital losses, nobody will wish to hold bonds. Everyone in the economy will hold their wealth in money balance and if additional money is injected within the economy it will be used up to satiate people’s craving for money balances without increasing the demand for bonds and without further lowering the rate of interest below the floor $r_{\text{min}}$. Such a situation is called a liquidity trap. The speculative money demand function is infinitely elastic here. In Fig. 3.1 the speculative demand for money is plotted on the horizontal axis and the rate of interest on the vertical axis. When $r = r_{\text{max}}$ speculative demand for money is zero. The rate of interest is so high that everyone expects it to fall in future and hence is sure about a future capital gain. Thus everyone has converted the speculative money balance into bonds. When $r = r_{\text{min}}$, the economy is in the liquidity trap. Everyone is sure of a future rise in interest rate and a fall in bond prices. Everyone puts whatever wealth they acquire in the form of money and the speculative demand for money is infinite. Total demand for money in an economy is, therefore, composed of transaction demand and speculative demand. The former is directly proportional to real GDP and price level, whereas the latter is inversely related to the market rate of interest. The aggregate money demand in an economy can be summarised by the following equation $$M^d = M_T^d + M_S^d$$ or, $$M^d = kPY + \frac{r_{\text{max}} - r}{r - r_{\text{min}}}$$ (3.5) The Supply of Money: Various Measures In a modern economy money consists mainly of currency notes and coins issued by the monetary authority of the country. In India currency notes are issued by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI), which is the monetary authority in India. However, coins are issued by the Government of India. Apart from currency notes and coins, the balance in savings, or current account deposits, held by the public in commercial banks is also considered money since cheques drawn on these accounts are used to settle transactions. Such deposits are called demand deposits as they are payable by the bank on demand from the account-holder. Other deposits, e.g. fixed deposits, have a fixed period to maturity and are referred to as time deposits. Though a hundred-rupee note can be used to obtain commodities worth Rs 100 from a shop, the value of the paper itself is negligible – certainly less than Rs 100. Similarly, the value of the metal in a five-rupee coin is probably not worth Rs 5. Why then do people accept such notes and coins in exchange of goods which are apparently more valuable than these? The value of the currency notes and coins is derived from the guarantee provided by the issuing authority of these items. Every currency note bears on its face a promise from the Governor of RBI that if someone produces the note to RBI, or any other commercial bank, RBI will be responsible for giving the person purchasing power equal to the value printed on the note. The same is also true of coins. Currency notes and coins are therefore called fiat money. They do not have intrinsic value like a gold or silver coin. They are also called legal tenders as they cannot be refused by any citizen of the country for settlement of any kind of transaction. Cheques drawn on savings or current accounts, however, can be refused by anyone as a mode of payment. Hence, demand deposits are not legal tenders. Legal Definitions: Narrow and Broad Money Money supply, like money demand, is a stock variable. The total stock of money in circulation among the public at a particular point of time is called money supply. RBI publishes figures for four alternative measures of money supply, viz. M1, M2, M3 and M4. They are defined as follows \[ M1 = CU + DD \\ M2 = M1 + \text{Savings deposits with Post Office savings banks} \\ M3 = M1 + \text{Net time deposits of commercial banks} \\ M4 = M3 + \text{Total deposits with Post Office savings organisations (excluding National Savings Certificates)} \] where, $CU$ is currency (notes plus coins) held by the public and $DD$ is net demand deposits held by commercial banks. The word ‘net’ implies that only deposits of the public held by the banks are to be included in money supply. The interbank deposits, which a commercial bank holds in other commercial banks, are not to be regarded as part of money supply. M1 and M2 are known as narrow money. M3 and M4 are known as broad money. These measures are in decreasing order of liquidity. M1 is most liquid and easiest for transactions whereas M4 is least liquid of all. M3 is the most commonly used measure of money supply. It is also known as aggregate monetary resources$^2$. --- $^2$See Appendix 3.2 for an estimate of the variations in M1 and M3 over time. Box No. 3.2: Demonetisation Demonetisation was a new initiative taken by the Government of India in November 2016 to tackle the problem of corruption, black money, terrorism and circulation of fake currency in the economy. Old currency notes of Rs 500, and Rs 1000 were no longer legal tender. New currency notes in the denomination of Rs 500 and Rs 2000 were launched. The public were advised to deposit old currency notes in their bank account till 31 December 2016 without any declaration and up to 31 March 2017 with the RBI with declaration. Further to avoid a complete breakdown and cash crunch, the government had allowed exchange of Rs 4000 old currency for new currency per person and per day. Further till 12 December 2016, old currency notes were acceptable as legal tender at petrol pumps, government hospitals and for payment of government dues, like taxes, power bills, etc. This move received both appreciation and criticism. There were long queues outside banks and ATM booths. The shortage of currency in circulation had an adverse impact on the economic activities. However, things improved with time and normalcy returned. This move has had positive impact also. It improved tax compliance as a large number of people were brought into the tax ambit. The savings of an individual were channelised into the formal financial system. As a result, banks have more resources at their disposal which can be used to provide more loans at lower interest rates. It is a demonstration of State’s decision to put a curb on black money, showing that tax evasion will no longer be tolerated. Tax evasion will result in financial penalty and social condemnation. Tax compliance will improve and corruption will decrease. Demonetisation could also help tax administration in another way, by shifting transactions out of the cash economy into the formal payment system. Households and firms have begun to shift from cash to electronic payment technologies. Summary Exchange of commodities without the mediation of money is called Barter Exchange. It suffers from lack of double coincidence of wants. Money facilitates exchanges by acting as a commonly acceptable medium of exchange. In a modern economy, people hold money broadly for two motives – transaction motive and speculative motive. Supply of money, on the other hand, consists of currency notes and coins, demand and time deposits held by commercial banks, etc. It is classified as narrow and broad money according to the decreasing order of liquidity. In India, the supply of money is regulated by the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) which acts as the monetary authority of the country. Various actions of the public, the commercial banks of the country and RBI are responsible for changes in the supply of money in the economy. RBI regulates money supply by controlling the stock of high powered money, the bank rate and reserve requirements of the commercial banks. It also sterilises the money supply in the economy against external shocks. Key Concepts Barter exchange Double coincidence of wants Money Medium of exchange Unit of account Store of value Bonds Rate of interest Liquidity trap Fiat money Legal tender Narrow money Broad money Currency deposit ratio Reserve deposit ratio High powered money Money multiplier Lender of last resort Open market operation Bank Rate Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) Repo Rate Reverse Repo Rate Exercises 1. What is a barter system? What are its drawbacks? 2. What are the main functions of money? How does money overcome the shortcomings of a barter system? 3. What is transaction demand for money? How is it related to the value of transactions over a specified period of time? 4. What are the alternative definitions of money supply in India? 5. What is a ‘legal tender”? What is ‘fiat money’? 6. What is High Powered Money? 7. Explain the functions of a commercial bank. 8. What is money multiplier? What determines the value of this multiplier? 9. What are the instruments of monetary policy of RBI? 10. Do you consider a commercial bank ‘creator of money’ in the economy? 11. What role of RBI is known as ‘lender of last resort’? Suggested Readings 1. Dornbusch, R. and S. Fischer. 1990. Macroeconomics, (fifth edition) pages 345 – 427, McGraw Hill, Paris. 2. Sikdar, S., 2006. Principles of Macroeconomics, pages 77 – 89, Oxford University Press, New Delhi. The Sum of an Infinite Geometric Series We want to find out the sum of an infinite geometric series of the following form \[ S = a + a.r + a.r^2 + a.r^3 + \ldots + a.r^n + \ldots + \infty \] where $a$ and $r$ are real numbers and $0 < r < 1$. To compute the sum, multiply the above equation by $r$ to obtain \[ r.S = a.r + a.r^2 + a.r^3 + \ldots + a.r^{n+1} + \ldots + \infty \] Subtract the second equation from the first to get \[ S - r.S = a \] or, \[ (1 - r)S = a \] which yields \[ S = \frac{a}{1-r} \] In the example used for the derivation of the money multiplier, $a = 1$ and $r = 0.4$. Hence the value of the infinite series is \[ \frac{1}{1-0.4} = \frac{5}{3} \] Money Supply in India Table 3.4: Changes in M1 and M3 Over Time (in Billion) \| Year \| M1 (Narrow Money) \| M3 (Broad Money) \| \|--------\|-------------------\|------------------\| \| 1999-00\| 3417.96 \| 11241.74 \| \| 2000-01\| 3794.33 \| 13132.04 \| \| 2001-02\| 4228.24 \| 14983.36 \| \| 2002-03\| 4735.58 \| 17179.36 \| \| 2003-04\| 5786.94 \| 20056.54 \| \| 2004-05\| 6497.66 \| 22456.53 \| \| 2005-06\| 8263.89 \| 27194.93 \| \| 2006-07\| 9679.25 \| 33100.38 \| \| 2007-08\| 11558.10 \| 40178.55 \| \| 2008-09\| 12596.71 \| 47947.75 \| \| 2009-10\| 14892.68 \| 56026.98 \| \| 2010-11\| 16383.45 \| 65041.16 \| \| 2011-12\| 17373.94 \| 73848.31 \| \| 2012-13\| 18975.26 \| 83898.19 \| \| 2013-14\| 20597.62 \| 95173.86 \| \| 2014-15\| 22924.04 \| 105501.68 \| \| 2015-16\| 26025.38 \| 116176.15 \| \| 2016-17\| 26819.57 \| 127919.40 \| \| 2017-18\| 32673.31 \| 139625.87 \| Source: Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy, Reserve Bank of India, 2017-18 The difference in values between the two columns is attributable to the time deposits held by commercial banks. \| Year \| Currency in Circulation \| Cash with Banks \| Currency with the Public \| Other Deposit with the RBI \| Banker’s Deposit with the RBI \| \|----------\|-------------------------\|-----------------\|--------------------------\|----------------------------\|-------------------------------\| \| 1981-82 \| 154.11 \| 9.37 \| 144.74 \| 1.68 \| 54.19 \| \| 1991-92 \| 637.38 \| 26.40 \| 610.98 \| 8.85 \| 348.82 \| \| 2001-02 \| 2509.74 \| 101.79 \| 2407.94 \| 28.31 \| 841.47 \| \| 2004-05 \| 3686.61 \| 123.47 \| 3563.14 \| 64.54 \| 1139.96 \| \| 2005-06 \| 4295.78 \| 174.54 \| 4121.24 \| 68.43 \| 1355.11 \| \| 2006-07 \| 5040.99 \| 212.44 \| 4828.54 \| 74.67 \| 1972.95 \| \| 2007-08 \| 5908.01 \| 223.90 \| 5684.10 \| 90.27 \| 3284.47 \| \| 2008-09 \| 6911.53 \| 257.03 \| 6654.50 \| 55.33 \| 2912.75 \| \| 2009-10 \| 7995.49 \| 320.56 \| 7674.92 \| 38.06 \| 3522.99 \| \| 2010-11 \| 9496.59 \| 378.23 \| 9118.36 \| 36.53 \| 4235.09 \| \| 2011-12 \| 10672.30 \| 435.60 \| 10236.70 \| 28.22 \| 3562.91 \| \| 2012-13 \| 11909.75 \| 499.14 \| 11410.61 \| 32.40 \| 3206.71 \| \| 2013-14 \| 13010.75 \| 552.55 \| 12458.19 \| 19.65 \| 4297.03 \| \| 2014-15 \| 14483.12 \| 621.31 \| 13861.82 \| 145.90 \| 4655.61 \| \| 2015-16 \| 16634.63 \| 662.09 \| 15972.54 \| 154.51 \| 5018.26 \| \| 2016-17 \| 13352.66 \| 711.42 \| 1241.24 \| 210.91 \| 5441.27 \| \| 2017-18 \| 18293.48 \| 696.35 \| 17597.12 \| 239.07 \| 5655.25 \| Source: Handbook of Statistics on Indian Economy, Reserve Bank of India, 2017-18	8bd30ad8-e6f0-49c6-8e6b-acc190effc84	CC-MAIN-2024-38	https://exampaper.sarkarinaukaricom.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Chapter-3-46.pdf	2024-09-12T21:30:40+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-38/segments/1725700651498.46/warc/CC-MAIN-20240912210501-20240913000501-00007.warc.gz	222,361,380	10,929	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.955814	eng_Latn	0.998907	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 2322, 5960, 9423, 13175, 15819, 17720, 21024, 24434, 27775, 30797, 33302, 36394, 38293, 41303, 42682, 44705, 47543 ]	[ 3.25, 2.921875 ]	1	0
Achieving well-designed places through neighbourhood planning Introduction to the Toolkit Ben Castell Director, AECOM Background: design in neighbourhood planning “Good design is a key aspect of sustainable development, creates better places in which to live and work and helps make development acceptable to communities” National Planning Policy Framework “Design policies should be developed with local communities so they reflect local aspirations, and are grounded in an understanding and evaluation of each area’s defining characteristics” National Planning Policy Framework “Neighbourhood plans can play an important role in identifying the special qualities of each area and explaining how this should be reflected in development” National Planning Policy Framework MHCLG/Locality technical support - Halfway through a 4-year, £22.5M MHCLG support programme - Includes £8.8M grants up to £17,000 MHCLG/Locality technical support - Over 200 groups supported in design and masterplanning so far - Historic places like Berwick, Stamford, Windsor, Jewellery Quarter, Stroud, Falmouth... 2.2.3 Building Line & Boundary Treatment Dwellings must be properly linked and small gaps between houses should be avoided. If there is a necessity for a gap to be created for maintenance, this can be used to maintain the building line. Building lines should run parallel to the back of the pavement edge or the front of the building facing the street. The building pitch but also side elevation must be consistent on the line shown in the plan. The building line could have variety in the form of recessed bays, but these should be presented as a unified whole. Balconies and bay windows should not exceed 1.5m metres beyond this line. Boundary treatments should reflect the existing boundary treatment in the area of input. They should be low walls made of local stone, hedge/rose or a combination of both. Alternatively, a wall with a trellis structure could be used. Waste storage should be integrated into the overall design of the property and landscaping should be used to minimise the impact of recycling containers. MHCLG/Locality technical support - Over 200 groups supported in design and masterplanning so far - Scores of villages and small towns Design toolkit - www.neighbourhoodplanning.org/toolkits-and-guidance/ - Produced with input from 15 neighbourhood planners + MHCLG Design Team 7 principles of good design 1. Function well and add to the overall quality of the area - Easily accessible, especially on foot and by cycle, and with well designed parking - Easy to manage and maintain in the long term - Encourage healthy lifestyles - Convenient for deliveries and service vehicles, including bin storage 2. Be visually attractive - Fit in with surrounding buildings, streets and landscape of quality - Influenced by local style of building, material or detailing - Have a pleasing pattern, repetition or symmetry (e.g. rooflines, windows, building heights) 3. Be sympathetic to local character and history - Have a distinct and special feel, influenced by the best elements of the area - Celebrate or enhance views of local landmarks - Does not necessarily mean recreating a replica of existing buildings - Respond to local physical and social factors 4. Establish and maintain a strong sense of place - Well integrated public spaces – streets, parks, village greens, squares - Contribute positively to the area’s identity - Appealing planting, paving and street furniture 5. Ensure an appropriate amount and mix of development - A range of uses, businesses or activities in the same space over a day, week or season - Different uses that support one another, managing potential conflicts 6. Be safe, inclusive and accessible, and promote health and well-being - Well connected through good physical, social and digital infrastructure - Easily and safely accessed by all users, whatever their mobility or mode of transport - Encourage healthy lifestyles and higher quality of life - Priority for pedestrians, then cyclists and public transport users, and motor vehicles last of all. 7. Be adaptable and resilient - Be able to accommodate changes of use over time as economic, demographic and social trends and lifestyles continue to change. - Design that considers the potential impacts of climate change, e.g. temperature extremes or increased risk of flash floods. - Robust materials and detailing that will stand the test of time and are easy to manage and maintain. Key message: design in context - Good design means different things in different contexts - Understand what makes a place special - Context is character, assets and constraints Link to 10 characteristics in National Design Guide 1. Context 2. Identity 3. Built form 4. Movement 5. Nature 6. Public spaces 7. Uses 8. Homes and buildings 9. Uses 10. Lifespan The tools Defining the special qualities of an area Ask a simple question - Get out and speak to people where they are - “What do you like about this place?” - “What would you change?” Ask a simple question - Get out and speak to people where they are - “What do you like about this place?” - “What would you change?” - Circulate a questionnaire or on-line survey Community walkabouts - In groups, answer the simple questions and record on a map - Use an app, like Placecheck (www.placecheck.info) Workshops - Like all tools, can be simple or complex - Allow in-depth discussion from a smaller group of people than the tools above - [www.placestandard.scot](http://www.placestandard.scot) provides a good framework Thinking about your place Please indicate a score, accompanied by some thoughts as to why you have awarded it that score. \| Moving around \| Can I easily walk and cycle around using good quality routes? \| \|---------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Traffic and parking \| Do traffic and parking arrangements allow people to move around safely and meet the community’s needs? \| \|---------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Play and recreation \| Do I have access to a range of space and opportunities for play and recreation? \| \|---------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Housing and community \| Does housing support the needs of the community and contribute to a positive environment? \| \|-----------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Feeling safe \| Do I feel safe? \| \|--------------\|-----------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Climate-ready place \| Is my place well adapted and resilient to climate change? \| \|---------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Streets and spaces \| Do buildings, streets and public spaces create an attractive place that is easy to get around? \| \|--------------------\|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Facilities and amenities \| Do facilities and amenities meet my needs? \| \|---------------------------\|--------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Social interaction \| Is there a range of spaces and opportunities to meet people? \| \|--------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Care and maintenance \| Are buildings and spaces well cared for? \| \|----------------------\|------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Public transport \| Does public transport meet my needs? \| \|------------------\|-------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Natural space \| Can I regularly experience good quality natural space? \| \|---------------\|--------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Work and local economy \| Is there an active local economy and the opportunity to access good quality work? \| \|------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Identity and belonging \| Does this place have a positive identity and do I feel I belong? \| \|------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| \| Influence and sense of control \| Do I feel able to participate in decisions and help change things for the better? \| \|--------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Score \| \| \| Why? \| \| A Character Assessment is an in-depth description of a place – landscape and/or built environment Evidence base for design policies DIY or by expert consultants Materials – Oolitic limestone is the main stone used for buildings; – Collyweston slate (imestoned) for roofs; – limestone stone walling found on some buildings from 16th century onwards; – Welsh slate present on early 19th century buildings. Detailing – Traditional sash windows with multiple panes and glazing bars; – Timber side opening casements with multiple panes and glazing bars; – Stone mullions; – Stone window surrounds; – Gables to front elevation; – Stone mullions and transoms (structural vertical and horizontal elements to windows); – Stone tracery (ornamental stone work); – Cill bands; – Overhanging eaves (eaves are the edges of the roof which overhang the face of a wall and timber soffits underside of overhanging eaves); – Clipped eaves; – Single width dormer roof windows with sloping roofs, hipped, pitched and curved roofs; – Stone stepped chimneys; and – Stone walls and railings. Building Height and Roof-line Creating a good variety in the roof line is a significant element of designing attractive places. There are certain elements that serve as guidelines in achieving a good variety of roofs: – Scale of the roof should always be in proportion with the dimensions of the building itself; – Monotonous building elevations should be avoided, therefore variation in the roof line should be ensured during the design process; – Proposed houses should have a scale matching that of the typical Georgian town-house found in Stamford; – Proposed developments should work within the height parameters set out in the Local Plan; – For terraces, the scale should be broken up by having a lower ridge and eaves line at both ends of the block; and – Gabled roofs, feature gables, dormers and single storey elements create interest and relief to developments and should be encouraged. Defining how new development should be designed Design charrettes and co-design workshops - Hands-on, interactive and intensive - Participants review context and generate design options - DIY or by expert consultants - Benefit from skilled facilitator - Products include Planning for Real and Prince’s Foundation’s BIMBY Exhibitions - Make them convenient and well-publicised - Collect feedback Engage with applicants - Good planning is a collaborative, not combative, process - Meet applicants early on and as designs emerge - Demand meaningful engagement Design guides - Usually cover the whole area - Append to the Plan to provide depth and illustration Context – general introduction, allocated sites, planning policy context. Character analysis – similar to character assessment above (a heavily illustrated summary of what makes the area special), but in less detail. Design guidelines – detail on what you would like to see developed, illustrated with photos, sketches, plans and diagrams: - Movement and connectivity For example: How will connections into and through the area be improved? How can safe walking and cycling be encouraged? - Green space and views For example: How should open space be integrated with new development? Which special views should be protected and why? - Pattern and layout of buildings For example: How should new buildings be laid out to reflect the existing patterns in the area? - Boundary treatments For example: What should be the approach to hedges, walls, fences and the interfaces between public and private space? - Building heights and roofline For example: How many storeys would be acceptable? To reflect the area, should rooflines be varied or regular? - Household extensions For example: How should extensions relate to the existing building? Should there be any particular guidelines for roof extensions? - Materials and building details For example: What is the palette of materials that architects should be guided by? What is distinctively local? - Car parking For example: How should car parking be accommodated in new housing development? - Public realm For example: Are there streets and spaces that could be improved? How should public space be incorporated into new development? - Contemporary design For example: How can contemporary design be encouraged in the context of your area? --- Appearance - Height: The area contains a mixture of developments (Kemble House, way cottages, detached, semi-detached, terraced properties) with varying heights. New buildings should match the height of local context and should not generally exceed 2 to 3 storeys; - Fenestration: Windows should be of traditional construction and design. Plastic non-flush fitting casements should be avoided; - Predominant architectural style: Kemble has late seventeenth/eighteenth century farmhouses, and some early high quality nineteenth century Georgian barns and Victorian houses. These reinforce the area’s historic association with surrounding land and its use. Of particular note is the number of labourer estate cottages which have been converted and are now closely linked to the inhabitants of Kemble House. The use of poor quality materials and design in an attempt to recreate historic architectural styles in the area should be avoided; - Gutters and pipes: Gutters should be used to complement the line of the roof and match with a colour that is subversive to the main roof; and - Front gardens and parking areas: Buildings should have, where possible, generously proportioned gardens and driveways with a verdant backdrop. Car parks and access roads dominate the urban landscape and be well screened by landscape and vegetation. --- Figure 39: Some examples showing the architectural style in the area Masterplans - Like a design guide for a specific site - Can illustrate community expectations for layouts, access, open space, community facilities - Illustrations to bring policies to life Design codes - Provide detailed parameters for development of a site - Could specify distances between buildings, lengths of gardens, heights, materials, car parking - Usually need to build on a masterplan 4.10 Materials and Detailing (CODE - MD) The adjacent image illustrates the selection of materials and detailing used across Sowerby which contribute to the town’s character. Future development should use this as a palette to choose from when detailing housing designs. Materials and Detailing Design Code Diagram Reviewing proposals: Building for Life 12 - 12 questions - Elaborate or illustrate what they mean locally - Can be stipulated in policy Integrating into the neighbourhood 1. Connections Does the scheme integrate into its surroundings by reinforcing existing connections and creating new ones, while also respecting existing buildings and land uses around the development site? 2. Facilities and services Does the development provide (or is it close to) community facilities, such as shops, schools, workplaces, parks, play areas, pubs or cafes? 3. Public transport Does the scheme have good access to public transport to help reduce car dependency? 4. Meeting local housing requirements Does the development have a mix of housing types and tenures that suit local requirements? Creating a place 5. Character Does the scheme create a place with a locally inspired or otherwise distinctive character? 6. Working with the site and its context Does the scheme take advantage of existing topography, landscape features (including water courses), wildlife habitats, existing buildings, site orientation and microclimates? 7. Creating well defined streets and spaces Are buildings designed and positioned with landscaping to define and enhance streets and spaces and are buildings designed to turn street corners well? 8. Easy to find your way around Is the scheme designed to make it easy to find your way around? Street & home 9. Streets for all Are streets designed in a way that encourage low vehicle speeds and allow them to function as social spaces? 10. Car parking Is resident and visitor parking sufficient and well integrated so that it does not dominate the street? 11. Public and private spaces Will public and private spaces be clearly defined and designed to be attractive, well managed and safe? 12. External storage and amenity space Is there adequate external storage space for bins and recycling as well as vehicles and cycles? Reviewing proposals: Building for Life 12 - Built for Life quality mark - http://www.builtforlifehomes.org/ Writing design policies Types of design policy - Generic, neighbourhood area-wide - Character area specific - Site specific New development should deliver sustainable high quality urban design. To be supported development proposals must: 1. Respond positively to the area’s character, scale, grain and identity, creating or reinforcing local distinctiveness…; 2. Conserve or enhance the Plan area’s important built and archaeological heritage assets and their settings; 3. Respond to the key existing development aspects of the Plan area’s layout, landscape, density, mix, height, massing, details and materials; 7. Analyse and protect/enhance strategic views defined as (1) St James Church Tower from Dee Way (2) Brownsea Island from Poole Quay (3) Poole Quay from Poole Harbour; 15. Demonstrate how they aim to achieve Building For Life 12 (or successor) standards where they include a significant residential component; and 16. Incorporate flood risk management measures. Character area specific (Ascot, Sunninghill & Sunningdale) - Development proposals in Townscape Assessment zones Leafy Residential Suburbs and Villas in a Woodland Setting should retain and enhance the sylvan, leafy nature of the area, which, where possible and appropriate, should include the planting of trees and/or shrubs along the street and neighbouring sites’ boundaries. Site specific (Broadstone) - Development proposals in the Central Shopping Area shown in Figure 3.6 will be expected to adhere to the following principles: (i) Respect the scale, height, mass and grain of surrounding development, and harmonise with the architecture of the existing building where alterations or extensions are proposed (ii) Create distinctive, legible, well-designed frontages and features to ensure vitality to the shopping area is retained (iii) Where appropriate, does not prevent future comprehensive development of adjoining sites (iv) Does not exceed 4 storeys in height, except where it can be demonstrated that the proposal would contribute positively to the character of the village centre (v) Unless it is demonstrated that they are not feasible, improvements to the public realm should form part of the overall design scheme. Site specific (Altrincham) - Proposals that improve an historic town centre ginnel will be encouraged and supported. Any proposals that would result in the loss of an historic town centre ginnel will be resisted. Historic ginnel between Stamford New Road and The Causeway through to George Street; another between Regent Road and the car park and the steps leading down from the Regent Road car park to Kings Court and the new Hospital on Railway Street. Securing good design after the plan is made After the plan is made - Design review - Building for Life 12 to assess schemes - Keep using the tools! Achieving well-designed places through neighbourhood planning Introduction to the Toolkit Ben Castell Director, AECOM firstname.lastname@example.org Addendum: Lessons from Dartmouth Park Hampstead Heath ZSL London Zoo Lord's Cricket Ground Madame Tussauds London Marble Arch Hyde Park The British Museum The British Library Parliament Hill Dartmouth Park Gospel Oak The images show different urban environments in London, highlighting the variety of architectural styles and green spaces within the city. The top left image depicts a modern residential building with balconies and a stone wall, while the top right image shows a tree-lined street with parked cars and a grassy area. The bottom left image features a row of traditional terraced houses with chimneys and a quiet street lined with trees. The bottom right image captures a high-rise apartment building surrounded by trees, suggesting a mix of urban living and nature. These images collectively illustrate the diverse urban landscapes found in London. The image shows four different scenes: 1. A swimming pool with a brick building in the background, likely part of a residential complex or community center. 2. A busy street market with people shopping and vendors selling goods under tents and stalls. 3. A street scene with two red double-decker buses, indicating a public transportation setting in an urban area. 4. An open grassy field with people scattered across it, possibly for a picnic or outdoor event, under a partly cloudy sky. A mixed area - 8,889 residents in 3,780 households - 20% over 60 years old (15% in Camden), 18% under 15 (Camden is 16%) - 44% of homes are owner-occupied (Camden: 33%) - 38% of homes (1442) are social rented (Camden: 33%) - 16% of homes are privately rented (Camden: 32%) - 50% of households have no car Eight years to make a plan 1. Testing the water (2012) 2. Establishing the Forum and engaging with the community (2013 – 14) 3. Developing policies and drafting the plan (2014 – 15) 4. Finalising the first draft of the plan (2015 – 16) 5. Preparing and consulting on Regulation 14 draft of the plan (2017 – 18) 6. Preparing the submission draft (2018 – 19) 7. Referendum and adoption (2020) Heritage vs the housing crisis? ‘Let families build home extensions’ plea Neighbourhood Forum’s draft plan includes bid to encourage residents to stay in the area 23 April, 2018 — By Dan Carrier The Dartmouth Park Neighbourhood Forum want to protect its ‘village feel’ PROTECTING what is special and shaping future development are the key planks of a new neighbourhood plan, due to be revealed next week. The Dartmouth Park Neighbourhood Forum has spent the past four years drawing up a framework for the area, which covers streets from Churchill Road in the south up to Swains Lane in the north, Dartmouth Park Hill to the east and Parliament Hill Fields to the west. The draft plan will be presented at the Forum’s annual meeting on Wednesday and gives people living in the area a chance to have their say on the proposals. Heritage vs the climate emergency? Say no to the neighbourhood forum’s ‘vision’ 23 January, 2020 The seven-storey Haddo House in Highgate Road • VOTERS must say no to the Dartmouth Park Neighbourhood Forum’s vision for the area until it is amended to the needs of 21st century climate crisis living, (Vote could safeguard area’s history, January 16). It must encourage external wall insulation, to help those one in seven people in area in fuel/food poverty, needing local food banks, and also to substantially cut fossil fuel carbon emissions. We all need encouragement to urgently reduce to zero, our carbon emissions from burning fossil fuels. The great work done by volunteers deserves our support 30 January, 2020 • As a resident of Dartmouth Park I was intrigued when a ballot paper dropped through my letterbox about the Neighbourhood Forum and planning. I had no idea what this was about and so spent some time online to find out more. I was fascinated to learn a local group of volunteers had taken it upon themselves to try and help improve the local area by forming a Neighbourhood Forum which liaises with residents, businesses, the local council and developers to help shape the area. I attended the annual general meeting in the week and was so overwhelmed by the passion in the room and the power of local people to achieve change, I felt compelled to get involved. I didn’t know, for example, it was due to the actions of the Dartmouth Park Neighbourhood Forum that the Dartmouth Arms pub had been listed as a Community Asset and saved from the hands of property developers. I also didn’t know about the major works planned for Murphy’s Yard (a 17-acre site) and how they were liaising with the owners with regard to future plans. I also didn’t know about the traffic and pollution works, and the ideas for improving the entrance to Gospel Oak Overground. All in all, I felt quite ignorant of the amazing work a group of local volunteers had committed to doing to improving our local area. Achieving well-designed places through neighbourhood planning Introduction to the Toolkit Ben Castell Director, AECOM email@example.com	ba5d0865-688f-4dee-854d-91284f50405b	CC-MAIN-2021-31	http://htvf.org/resources/Ben-Castell-Achieving-well-designed-places-through-neighbourhood-planning.pdf	2021-07-25T18:19:09+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-31/segments/1627046151760.94/warc/CC-MAIN-20210725174608-20210725204608-00559.warc.gz	19,647,168	5,279	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.979503	eng_Latn	0.997444	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", ...	true	rolmOCR	[ 119, 165, 361, 586, 781, 913, 2133, 2269, 2414, 2443, 2740, 2995, 3292, 3515, 3733, 4129, 4520, 4699, 4881, 4892, 4935, 5070, 5255, 5391, 11156, 13127, 13176, 13451, 13527, 13691, 17009, 17201, 17726, 19781, 19891, 19916, 20018, 20871, 2125...	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MANAGING MONTANA’S PADDLEFISH: NEW APPROACHES by DENNIS SCARNECCHIA and PHIL STEWART Yellowstone and Missouri. Hallowed blue-ribbon trout waters, right? In their upper reaches, where they run clear and cold, yes. But farther east, out on the prairie, where these rivers surge and roil with spring runoff the color of cocoa, they become home to sauger, catfish, sturgeon, and a unique, ancient fish known as the paddlefish. Granted, if delicate flyrods and matching the hatch are your passion, fishing for paddlefish may not be for you. They do not have the tradition and mystique of trout. Nor do they have the toothy pugnacity of fish like bass and northern pike. But they do have size. Consider that the largest trout ever caught in Montana—a lake trout—weighed 42 pounds, and the largest northern pike a few pounds less. Then add exactly 100 pounds, and you have the weight of Montana’s record paddlefish. Not surprisingly, catching a fish of this size requires special gear. Because paddlefish eat tiny organisms called zooplankton, they don’t strike at baits or lures. Anglers must instead snag them as they congregate on their upriver spawning migrations, either in deep holes or below obstructions such as diversion dams. Snagging gear consists of a long spinning rod and a spinning reel filled with 20- to 50-pound-test line. Attached to the end of the line are an 8/0 to 10/0 treble hook and a 4- to 6-ounce Popular spots for snagging paddlefish include Fred Robinson Bridge on the Missouri River northeast of Lewistown and the Intake diversion on the Yellowstone River 15 miles northeast of Glendive (right). Fishing at the dam. weight. The hook and lead are jerked through the water in probable paddlefish haunts until hook meets fish. When the hook lodges in the fish’s tough skin, the fight is on. Depending on the size of the fish, where it is hooked, the water temperature, and the river stage, landing a paddlefish may consist of a 60-second tug-of-war or a 20-minute struggle an angler will never forget. Fishing for paddlefish in Montana takes place primarily in two locales: the lower Yellowstone River below Glendive, and the Missouri River just upstream from Fort Peck Reservoir. Each spring, mature paddlefish living in Lake Sakakawea (a Missouri River reservoir in North Dakota) migrate upstream to the mouth of the Yellowstone River, then up the Yellowstone to Intake, a diversion dam 15 miles northeast of Glendive. In high water years, these fish may continue as far as the Cartersville diversion at Forsyth. Other paddlefish migrating upstream from Lake Sakakawea stay in the Missouri River, some going as far as the dredge cuts below Fort Peck Dam. These fish all belong to the Yellowstone Sakakawea stock, one of two stocks of paddlefish inhabiting Montana. The other, known as the upper Fort Peck stock, consists of fish that mature in Fort Peck reservoir and migrate up the Missouri River above the reservoir to spawn. These fish are caught at popular fishing spots such as Slippery Ann and the Fred Robinson Bridge northeast of Lewistown. Although paddlefish are distributed throughout the Missouri and Mississippi rivers in portions of 22 states, they are not abundant in most of their range due to habitat loss and exploitation. Paddlefish need free-flowing rivers, often with high natural sediment loads, for successful spawning and survival of young. Because most free-flowing rivers have been interrupted with reservoirs, much paddlefish spawning habitat (seasonally flooded gravel bars) has been destroyed. Overfishing has also depleted populations in many states, particularly commercial fishing for meat and eggs. Montana’s paddlefish continue to thrive because good spawning habitat still exists in the lower Yellowstone River and the Missouri river above Fort Peck Reservoir. Today, Montana’s stocks are among the nation’s last remaining wild stocks capable of supporting sport fisheries. An overharvested paddlefish stock may take years to recover, if it ever does. One reason is that paddlefish are finicky spawners, even in free-flowing rivers. Cooperative research by Montana Fish, Wildlife & Parks (FWP) and the North Dakota Game and Fish Department on the Yellowstone-Sakakawea stock indicates that years of high flows during May and June on the Yellowstone—1991, 1993, and 1995—resulted in much better reproductive success than did the intervening years of low flows. Paddlefish require the right combination of flows, temperatures (about 60°F), and perhaps other factors such as turbidity (silt load) for spawning. Suitable conditions do not occur every year. Second, young paddlefish take many years to mature once they emerge from their eggs and move down into the reservoirs to feed. Males typically need eight or nine years of growth before they migrate upriver the first time, while females may need 15 to 18 years or even longer. In four years of intensive sampling at Intake, biologists have found fewer than 10 female paddlefish younger than 15 years of age. Once mature, individual males may participate in spawning only every other year and females only every three or more years. Obviously, rebuilding a stock with such a long life cycle is a slow, difficult task. It is much better to keep the stock healthy in the first place. For this reason, FWP has made a long-term commitment to continual stock assessment and careful management of this unique fish. The intent is to provide sustainable fishing for wild fish while ensuring that overharvest does not occur. Unfortunately, throughout much of its range down the Missouri and lower Mississippi rivers, the paddlefish has not been managed carefully in the past. Ironically, it has often been viewed as an oddity, or even a rough fish, of limited use and interest. Regulations in most states have been inconsistent and counterproductive, and paddlefish have often been taken in commercial fishing operations directed at more abundant species. In Montana, however, paddlefish fisheries have been monitored closely. This monitoring began soon after paddlefish were first reported at Intake. in 1962. Although there have long been paddlefish in the Yellowstone River, the Yellowstone-Sakakawea stock increased greatly in numbers after Garrison Dam created Lake Sakakawea in 1953. Such population booms are common in new reservoirs for many fish species, but have not been well documented in other paddlefish populations. Flooding of nutrient-rich vegetation and soils results in productive, sparsely inhabited waters. Nine years after Lake Sakakawea began to fill, the first large group of paddlefish was detected migrating up the Yellowstone, and the Intake fishery began to increase in popularity. J. W. Robinson, a Montana State University (MSU) graduate student who investigated the age of these fish in 1964 and 1965 by counting annual rings (called annuli) on their lower jawbones, reported that nearly all were males about 10 years old. Clearly, they were among the first of the strong year classes of paddlefish benefiting from the food supply in newly formed Lake Sakakawea. The females, which would not mature for several years, were still down in the reservoir and had not yet made their first trip up the Yellowstone. The next decade was to be a paddlefish version of the baby boom, with many years of successful reproduction in the Yellowstone and good survival of young in the gradually filling reservoir. By the mid-1970s, both female and male paddlefish were being caught at Intake. By this time females had begun to outnumber males in the harvest. Bruce Rehwinkel, now a biologist with FWP, sampled the Yellowstone fish in 1973 and 1974 as part of his graduate work at MSU. He found that these paddlefish were nearly all less than 20 years old, which meant they were born after the reservoir had begun to fill. The “baby boomers” were now resulting in a substantial fishery at Intake. In 1973 and 1974, 4,600 and 4,300 fish were caught by anglers; of these, slightly more than half were kept and the rest released. By the mid-1980s, the paddlefish baby boomers had aged, and older females predominated in the harvest. Younger fish were still being caught, but older females produced the memorable catches. Most of these large female fish were 15 to 30 years old. Annual catches at Intake in the 1980s varied from 500 to more than 5,000 fish, with the largest catches occurring in years of high May-June flows on the Yellowstone. Beginning in 1991, FWP began to monitor the harvest at Intake even more closely. From 1991 to 1994, the paddlefish stock at Intake continued to age. The baby boomers, still the source of most of the large females, were now 25 to 35 years old. In 1993 and 1994 there were indications that these fish were finally being depleted. From now on, the fishery will have to be sustained by the natural, year-in, year-out productivity of the reservoir, not from the benefits of initial filling. Although the fishery at Intake has been one of the nation’s most closely monitored paddlefish fisheries, the need, as well as the opportunity, for careful management increased even more in 1990 when the Montana Legislature authorized a roe donation program. Although paddlefish roe has long been recognized as a valuable source of caviar, until recent years most snaggers at Intake discarded the eggs with the rest of the entrails. Under the roe donation program, anglers can have their fish cleaned by the Glendive Chamber of Commerce and Agriculture. The Chamber processes the eggs into caviar and markets them, with 60% of the proceeds going to regional community programs (FWP receives 40% of net caviar income for management, research, and fishing access site development). Although still managed strictly as a recreational fishery, the paddlefishery has seen increased interest both in Montana and downriver in North Dakota. As a result, both of Montana’s paddlefish stocks are now managed under a cooperative 10-year plan. Joint management is essential for the Yellowstone-Sakakawea stock because, although these fish migrate into Montana to spawn, they spend most of their time in North Dakota. Although North Dakota’s harvest was much smaller than Montana’s during the mid-1980s, by 1995 it had grown to equal the Montana harvest. Several features of the Montana/North Dakota paddlefish management plan distinguish it from efforts in other states: • Emphasis on maintaining wild stocks.—While most paddlefish stocks elsewhere are supplemented by hatchery fish, FWP biologists and many others believe that maintaining good natural habitat, natural spawning, and wild genetics is the best way to ensure long-term health of Montana’s paddlefish. • Interstate cooperation.—FWP and North Dakota biologists work together on the river and meet regularly to coordinate management. Biologists in both states tag adult paddlefish and exchange information on tag recoveries to obtain a better picture of harvest rates and migration patterns. • Three-stage early warning system using population age structure as an assessment tool.—Young-of-the-year and yearling paddlefish are counted each August and September in Lake Sakakawea to give an index of reproductive success. After the yearling stage, biologists don’t know how well the stock is doing until the fish mature, migrate upriver to spawn, and are harvested by anglers. At this stage, biologists develop a Spawning Adult Index by estimating the relative abundance of young (8- to 12-year-old) male paddlefish in the harvest. Good catches of young males mean there are females of these ages still down in the reservoir; the absence of young males means that reproduction was unsuccessful in the past and that few females can be expected in future years. • Total harvest quota for the Yellowstone-Sakakawea stock.—Although total harvest quotas have been used successfully for other (especially marine) fisheries, such a quota has seldom been used for paddlefish. In 1996, anglers in Montana and North Dakota will be permitted to harvest a maximum of 1,500 fish from this stock in each state (currently there is no quota for the upper Fort Peck stock). The quota, presently based mainly on historic harvest levels, is intended to return total harvest of Yellowstone-Sakakawea paddlefish to the level of the 1970s. • Concerted information and education effort.—FWP provides information to anglers and other interested persons on paddlefish and the fishery both at Intake and at Region 7 headquarters in Miles City. The department also seeks input from anglers on their preferences and attitudes about paddlefish and paddlefishing. In 1993, angler surveys provided detailed information on who participates in the fishery, where, and why. Like traditional anglers, paddlefish anglers cite being outdoors, experiencing the thrill of catching fish, and spending time with friends as primary motivations. Although these anglers rate paddlefish meat highly, obtaining meat is a secondary consideration. • Tag-based harvest system.—In both Montana and North Dakota, all paddlefish anglers are required to purchase a locking tag that is attached to the front of the dorsal fin when a fish is landed. This system provides useful information about fishermen and their catches, and makes enforcement easier. • Controlled catch-and-release fishery.—From 1981 through 1993, the limit on the Yellowstone was two paddlefish per person per year with mandatory retention of snagged fish. This regulation served to prevent high-grading of the largest fish, all of which are females. In 1994, in response to concern about aging of the stock, an increasing overall harvest rate, and decreasing success of snaggers at Intake, anglers were limited to one fish per year. In 1995, the one-fish limit was continued; however, in response to anglers’ requests to be able to continue fishing after filling their tag, two weekly catch-and-release periods (Wednesday and Sunday, 3:00 p.m. to 9:00 p.m.) were established at Intake during the six-week season. In 1995 FWP biologists were on hand to assist in release of snagged fish and monitor the effects of snagging. Results indicate that paddlefish survive being snagged when they are released promptly and not handled by the gills. In addition, wounds from snagging are in nearly all cases minor; the tough skin usually protects the fish from serious damage, and wounds do not become infected by bacteria or fungi. Based on success of this trial catch-and-release program in 1995, it has been renewed for 1996. All seven of these features—maintaining genetic integrity and habitat, interstate cooperation, an early warning system, a total harvest quota, an information and education program, a tag-based harvest system, and opportunity for catch-and-release fishing—are important for effective paddlefish management in Montana. The paddlefish is an irreplaceable part of the state’s natural and recreational heritage. Its abundance in the twenty-first century will depend on these and other new management approaches, as well as continued cooperation between anglers and biologists.	27a291d8-db54-4d69-8727-276f129e64ee	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://www.uidaho.edu/-/media/UIdaho-Responsive/Files/cnr/faculty-publications/Scarnecchia/popular-articles/managing-montanas-paddlefish.pdf?la=en&hash=40D26BB6D349CACB85E15285799A21B8219DE69D	2023-03-25T08:53:01+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296945317.85/warc/CC-MAIN-20230325064253-20230325094253-00786.warc.gz	1,183,875,937	3,232	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997178	eng_Latn	0.997383	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1624, 1645, 6117, 9781, 15160 ]	[ 2.21875 ]	1	1
Småland og Blekinge 2008 Caltha palustris (Marsh marigold) is a flowering plant in the buttercup family, Ranunculaceae. It is native to Europe and Asia, and has been introduced to North America. It is a perennial herb that grows in wetlands, such as marshes, swamps, and ditches. The plant has bright yellow flowers that bloom in early spring, before the leaves have fully developed. The flowers are typically 2-3 cm in diameter and have five petals. The leaves are rounded and have a wavy edge. The plant is often used as an ornamental in gardens and can be grown in containers or in the ground. It is also used in traditional medicine for its anti-inflammatory properties. Caltha palustris (Marsh marigold) is a perennial herb that grows in wetlands and along streams. It has bright yellow flowers that bloom in early spring, often before other plants have started to grow. The leaves are large and heart-shaped, and they float on the surface of the water. Marsh marigolds are an important food source for many wildlife species, including ducks, geese, and songbirds. They are also used in traditional medicine to treat a variety of ailments, including skin conditions and digestive problems. A bridge over a river with trees on both sides. The river is flowing through a forested area with rocks and grass along the banks. The bridge is a stone arch bridge with a metal railing on top. It spans over a small stream with rocks and moss-covered stones in the foreground. The surrounding area has trees and grass, indicating a natural setting. A stone bridge spans a flowing stream, with rocks and greenery surrounding it. The river is flowing rapidly, with white water visible in some areas, indicating strong currents and possibly rapids or falls. The surrounding forest appears dense, with trees that have moss growing on them, suggesting a moist environment. The water's color is a mix of brown and white, which could be due to sediment or the reflection of sunlight on the surface. The overall scene conveys a sense of natural beauty and the power of the river in its untamed state. Figure 1. The water level measurement station at the river Väinjäoki, Finland (left) and the water level measurement station at the river Kymijoki, Finland (right). The water flows over the dam, creating a small waterfall and splashing onto the rocks below. The water in the river is flowing rapidly, creating white foam and splashes. The riverbed appears to be rocky, with some areas covered in brown sediment. The surrounding forest is dense, with tall trees that have thin trunks and sparse foliage. The ground near the riverbank is covered with green grass and some fallen branches. The overall scene suggests a natural, untamed environment. The image shows a natural landscape with reeds in the foreground and a body of water in the background. Inset is a smaller image of a forested area with trees and a clear sky. The forest is a place of mystery and wonder, where the trees stand tall and proud, their branches reaching towards the sky. The ground is covered in a thick layer of moss, providing a soft and cushioned surface for those who dare to venture into its depths. The air is filled with the scent of pine and earth, a reminder of the natural beauty that surrounds us. In the forest, one can find peace and tranquility, away from the hustle and bustle of everyday life. It is a place of magic and enchantment, where the trees whisper secrets to those who listen closely. Lichen on rock A small, rustic outhouse stands in a grassy area surrounded by trees and bushes. The outhouse has a red exterior with a blue door and a small window at the top. The surrounding vegetation includes some flowering plants and moss-covered rocks. The forest is a place of peace and tranquility, where nature thrives in its rawest form. The air is fresh, the sounds are soothing, and the sight of towering trees and lush greenery is breathtaking. It's a place where one can escape from the hustle and bustle of daily life and find solace in the beauty of the natural world. One of the most striking features of the forest is the large boulder that sits prominently in the foreground. Its size and shape make it a focal point of the scene, drawing the eye and creating a sense of awe. The moss that covers its surface adds to its rustic charm, giving it an almost mystical quality. As one walks through the forest, the path winds and turns, leading deeper into the heart of the woodland. The trees on either side create a canopy overhead, filtering the sunlight and casting dappled shadows on the ground. The undergrowth is thick with ferns and other plants, adding to the sense of depth and mystery. The forest is not just a place of beauty, but also of history and culture. Legends and myths abound, with stories of ancient creatures and hidden treasures waiting to be discovered. The air is filled with the scent of pine and earth, and the sound of birdsong and rustling leaves creates a symphony of nature. In the end, the forest is a place of wonder and enchantment, a reminder of the power and majesty of the natural world. It's a place where one can lose themselves in the beauty of the moment, and find a sense of peace and contentment that lasts long after they've left its embrace. The moss-covered rocks in the forest create a serene and mysterious atmosphere, inviting exploration and contemplation. A man crouches behind a tree, taking a photograph with a camera. In front of him is a large, moss-covered stump with a pile of dried leaves and pine cones on top. The scene is set in a forested area with trees and greenery surrounding them. The image shows a serene landscape with a body of water in the foreground, likely a lake or pond, surrounded by trees. The trees appear to be a mix of deciduous and coniferous types, suggesting a temperate climate. The sky is partly cloudy, indicating a calm day. There is a small island or peninsula visible in the middle of the water, adding to the natural beauty of the scene. The overall atmosphere is peaceful and tranquil, typical of a natural setting away from urban areas. Two lily pads floating on water, with sunlight reflecting off their surfaces. Oxalis acetosella, commonly known as wood sorrel or shamrock, is a small herbaceous plant in the family Oxalidaceae. It is native to Europe and parts of Asia, where it grows in woodland, meadows, and other damp places. The plant has trifoliate leaves and small white flowers with yellow centers. Wood sorrel is often used as a ground cover in gardens due to its ability to spread rapidly and suppress weeds. It is also valued for its ornamental value and is sometimes grown in hanging baskets or as a potted plant. The forest is a place where nature thrives, providing a habitat for countless species of plants and animals. It is also a place where people can find peace and solitude, away from the hustle and bustle of urban life. The forest is a place of beauty and wonder, with its towering trees and lush greenery. It is a place of mystery and magic, with its hidden trails and secret glens. The forest is a place of history and culture, with its ancient ruins and sacred groves. It is a place of adventure and exploration, with its challenging hikes and thrilling wildlife encounters. The forest is a place of healing and rejuvenation, with its fresh air and natural remedies. It is a place of inspiration and creativity, with its endless possibilities and boundless imagination. The forest is a place of love and connection, with its shared experiences and deep bonds. It is a place of hope and resilience, with its enduring spirit and unwavering faith. The forest is a place of wonder and awe, with its breathtaking vistas and awe-inspiring sights. It is a place of joy and happiness, with its simple pleasures and profound joys. The forest is a place of beauty and grace, with its serene atmosphere and tranquil ambiance. It is a place of peace and tranquility, with its calming presence and soothing influence. The forest is a place of harmony and balance, with its interconnectedness and interdependence. It is a place of wisdom and insight, with its profound teachings and timeless truths. The forest is a place of inspiration and motivation, with its endless potential and boundless opportunities. It is a place of growth and transformation, with its nurturing environment and supportive community. The forest is a place of wonder and enchantment, with its magical allure and mystical aura. It is a place of enchantment and enchantment, with its captivating charm and alluring appeal. The forest is a place of enchantment and enchantment, with its captivating charm and alluring appeal. The willow tree is a symbol of spring, representing renewal and new beginnings. Its fluffy catkins, which appear before the leaves, are a sign that winter is ending and spring is on its way. The willow tree's ability to thrive in wet environments makes it an important species for wetland ecosystems, providing habitat for various wildlife and contributing to the overall health of these areas. Narcissus poeticus Narcissus poeticus is a species of flowering plant in the family Amaryllidaceae, native to the Balkans and Turkey. It is a hardy perennial growing to 15–20 cm (6–8 in) tall by 10–15 cm (4–6 in) broad, with narrow leaves and small white flowers with yellow centres. It is cultivated as an ornamental plant for its flowers and foliage. The flowers are fragrant and have been used in perfumes. The plant is also known as the poet's narcissus or the wild daffodil. The image shows a rustic wooden cabin with a red exterior and a rusted metal roof. The cabin has two windows, one on each side, and a dark wooden door in the center. Mounted on the wall above the door are two sets of antlers, likely from deer or other animals. The ground around the cabin is covered with grass, and there are some trees visible in the background. The overall appearance suggests a rural or countryside setting. The image shows two different views of a red wooden building. The top part of the image focuses on the side of the building, highlighting several birdhouses attached to the wall. The bottom part of the image provides a broader view of the building, revealing its structure and surroundings. The building appears to be situated in a natural environment, with trees visible in the background. Pinocchio and the Goose A stone wall covered in moss and lichen, with young ferns growing at its base, surrounded by trees and fallen leaves. The rock art site in the forest of the Vosges, France, is located on a large boulder that has been carved and painted with images of animals. The site is believed to be from the Upper Paleolithic period, around 15,000 years ago. The paintings depict a variety of animals, including a bear, a deer, and a bird. The site is considered one of the most important prehistoric rock art sites in Europe. The image shows a red wooden house with a sloped roof, situated in a lush green forested area. The house has several windows and a door, and there is a small stack of firewood near the entrance. The surrounding landscape includes grassy areas and trees, creating a serene and natural setting. The image shows a traditional red wooden barn with a steeply pitched roof, likely used for storing hay or other agricultural supplies. The barn has several large doors and windows, some of which are framed in white, adding a decorative touch to the rustic structure. The surrounding area is lush with green grass and trees, indicating a rural setting. The overall appearance suggests that this barn is well-maintained and possibly part of a working farm or historical site. The image shows an old, weathered wooden door with a metal latch. The latch is made of iron and has a chain attached to it. The door appears to be quite old and has a rustic appearance, with visible signs of wear and tear. The latch is in the locked position, indicating that the door is secured. The overall scene suggests a sense of history and age, possibly hinting at a location that has been around for a long time. A mossy forest floor with rocks and trees. The window is framed in white and has a grid pattern with six panes. The curtains are orange and white plaid, partially drawn to reveal the interior. Three small potted plants are placed on the windowsill, adding a touch of greenery to the scene. The stone walls are covered in moss, indicating they have been there for a long time. The rock is covered in moss and lichen, indicating its age and exposure to the elements. The surrounding area is lush with green grass and small trees, suggesting a natural, undisturbed environment. KULTURMINNE GRÄNSMÄRKE DANMARK-SVERIGE BRYTAD ENLÅG LÄNSSTYRELSEN The image shows two Canada geese swimming in a body of water, likely a pond or lake. The water is calm with gentle ripples, and there are reeds and other vegetation along the edge of the water. In the background, there is a red building partially submerged, indicating that the area might be experiencing flooding. The reflection of the geese and the surrounding environment can be seen on the water's surface. The branches of a tree are covered in small, orange flowers. The background is a hazy blue sky. The water is calm and still, reflecting the surrounding trees and bushes. The colors of the leaves are changing, indicating that it might be autumn. There are some lily pads floating on the surface of the water. SL 92314 Figure 10. The rock wall at the entrance to the cave (left) and the rock wall in the cave (right). Lichen and moss on a tree trunk. The forest is a place of peace and tranquility, where nature thrives and time seems to stand still. Horses grazing along a dirt road in a forested area. Horses in a fenced area with a barn and tractor in the background. The house is a small, single-story structure with a red exterior and a brown tiled roof. It has white-framed windows and a blue door. The house is surrounded by trees and a wooden fence. OLOFSTROMS ENERGISERVICE AB EKO-SMÅKRAFT www.olofstroms.se Pulsatilla patens (pasqueflower) The church is located in a picturesque setting, surrounded by nature and offering a serene atmosphere for worship and reflection. Handelsbanken RIKSTELEFON RIKSTELEFON EZE Agriktibod Bilhus ELKÖ Kodak HÅLSKRAFT Chairs Open Barbecuer, Grillar, Tillsammans SALT SALT SALT The church is located in the center of the city, and its architecture reflects the rich history of the region. The church's bell tower is a prominent feature, standing tall against the backdrop of the city skyline. The church's interior is equally impressive, with intricate carvings and paintings adorning the walls and ceilings. The church's organ is also a highlight, producing beautiful melodies that fill the space. The church is not only a place of worship but also a cultural landmark, attracting visitors from all over the world. The church's location in the heart of the city makes it a popular destination for tourists, who come to admire its beauty and learn about its history. The church's bell tower offers stunning views of the city, making it a must-see attraction for anyone visiting the area. The church is located in the village of Sønderby, which is situated on the island of Langeland in Denmark. The church was built in the 12th century and has been renovated several times over the years. It is a small, white church with a red-tiled roof and a bell tower. The church is surrounded by a cemetery and is a popular place for weddings and other special events. The image shows a section of a white, weathered stone structure with several arched openings. The openings vary in size and shape, with some appearing to be windows or doorways. The surface of the stone is rough and textured, indicating age and exposure to the elements. The ground around the structure appears to be made of small stones or gravel. The overall appearance suggests an ancient or historical building, possibly a church or a fortification. The image shows a section of a white building with arched windows and orange-tiled roof edges. The architecture suggests a historical or traditional style, possibly European. LIVSFÄRLIG LÄDNING The house is located in a quiet and peaceful area, surrounded by trees and greenery. The exterior of the house is painted in a light yellow color, with white trim around the windows and doors. The roof is covered in red tiles, adding a touch of warmth to the overall appearance. The house has a classic design, with a gabled roof and a chimney on top. There is a small garden in front of the house, with a few trees and bushes providing shade and privacy. A flagpole stands in the garden, displaying the Swedish flag. The house appears to be well-maintained and inviting, making it an ideal place for relaxation and enjoyment of nature. Canada Geese The Canada goose (Branta canadensis) is a large goose native to North America. It is one of the most common and widespread geese in the world, with a population estimated at over 4 million individuals. The Canada goose is a large bird, measuring up to 1.5 meters in length and weighing up to 10 kilograms. It has a distinctive black head and neck, with a white patch on the forehead. The body is grayish-brown, and the wings are dark brown. The Canada goose is a migratory bird, traveling long distances between its breeding grounds in the northern United States and Canada and its wintering grounds in the southern United States and Mexico. The Canada goose is a social bird, often seen in flocks or groups. It is a strong swimmer and a skilled flyer, capable of reaching speeds of up to 60 miles per hour. The Canada goose is a omnivore, feeding on a variety of plants, insects, and small animals. It is a popular target for hunters, and is also hunted for its meat and feathers. The Canada goose is a protected species in many parts of North America, and is an important part of the region's wildlife. Canada Goose Canada Goose A serene lakeside scene with a wooden dock extending into the water, where several boats are moored. In the background, there is a small wooden cabin surrounded by tall reeds and trees, suggesting a peaceful, rural setting. The sky is clear, indicating a calm day. A serene lakeside scene featuring a rustic wooden cabin with a dark roof, surrounded by lush greenery and tall reeds. In the foreground, several small boats are moored at a wooden dock, with one boat in particular being white and orange. The water is calm, reflecting the peaceful atmosphere of the setting. A stone bridge spans a small stream, surrounded by trees and greenery. A picturesque scene featuring a stone bridge spanning over a small stream, with lush greenery and blooming trees surrounding it. In the background, there is a charming red wooden house with a white-framed roof, adding to the idyllic setting. A wooden dock extends into a body of water, surrounded by reeds and grasses. The water flows under the bridge, creating a serene and picturesque scene. A picturesque rural scene featuring vibrant yellow flowers in a field, with red farmhouses nestled among trees under a partly cloudy sky. The red house is a classic example of Swedish architecture, with its distinctive red exterior and white trim. The surrounding landscape is lush and green, with a field of yellow flowers in the foreground. The sky is clear and blue, making for a picturesque scene. A red house nestled among trees and bushes. A rustic wooden gate stands open, inviting exploration into a lush green field. In the background, a vibrant red barn with a white window contrasts beautifully against the natural surroundings. The scene is framed by blooming trees and bushes, adding a touch of serenity and beauty to the rural landscape. Cowslip (Primula veris) is a perennial herbaceous plant that belongs to the family Primulaceae. It is native to Europe and parts of Asia, where it grows in meadows, woodlands, and hedgerows. The plant has a rosette of basal leaves and produces tall stems with clusters of yellow flowers in spring. Cowslip is often used in traditional medicine for its potential anti-inflammatory properties. Glechoma hederacea (Ground Ivy) and Cardamine pratensis (Lady’s Smock) are both common weeds found in grassy areas. Ground Ivy has small, purple flowers and heart-shaped leaves that can be used for tea or as a flavoring agent. Lady’s Smock has small, white flowers with yellow centers and is often found growing in meadows and pastures. Both plants are known for their ability to thrive in shaded areas and can be difficult to eradicate once established. The rock formation is a natural wonder, with its unique shape and size making it stand out in the landscape. The trees growing around it add to the beauty of the scene, creating a sense of harmony between nature and man-made structures. The stone archway at the edge of the lake, with its weathered surface and mossy patches, stands as a testament to the passage of time. The surrounding trees, their branches reaching out towards the sky, add a sense of tranquility to the scene. The stillness of the water reflects the peaceful atmosphere, creating a harmonious blend of nature's elements. The forest is a place where nature thrives, and moss-covered rocks are a testament to its resilience. The image shows a natural landscape with trees and rocks near a body of water. The trees appear to be in various stages of growth, with some having green foliage and others appearing bare or with sparse leaves. The ground is covered with moss and fallen leaves, indicating a forested area. The overall scene suggests a serene and natural environment. The forest is a place where nature thrives, providing a habitat for countless species of plants and animals. It is also a place where people can find peace and solitude, away from the hustle and bustle of urban life. The forest is a place of beauty and wonder, with its towering trees and lush greenery. It is a place of mystery and magic, with its hidden trails and secret glens. The forest is a place of history and culture, with its ancient ruins and sacred sites. It is a place of adventure and exploration, with its challenging hikes and thrilling experiences. The forest is a place of healing and rejuvenation, with its fresh air and natural remedies. It is a place of learning and discovery, with its diverse flora and fauna. The forest is a place of inspiration and creativity, with its endless possibilities and boundless imagination. It is a place of love and connection, with its shared experiences and mutual respect. The forest is a place of hope and renewal, with its enduring spirit and unyielding resilience. It is a place of joy and happiness, with its simple pleasures and profound joys. The forest is a place of wonder and awe, with its breathtaking views and stunning vistas. It is a place of wonder and awe, with its breathtaking views and stunning vistas. The island of Själö is located in the archipelago of Stockholm, Sweden. It is known for its beautiful natural scenery and is a popular destination for tourists and nature lovers alike. The island is home to a variety of wildlife, including birds, fish, and mammals, and is also a protected area, meaning that it is managed to preserve its natural beauty and biodiversity. Själö is accessible by ferry from the mainland, and there are several ferries that run between the island and the nearby town of Vaxholm. Once on the island, visitors can explore the many trails and paths that wind through the forested areas and along the coastline. There are also several beaches and coves where visitors can swim and sunbathe. In addition to its natural beauty, Själö is also known for its rich history. The island has been inhabited for thousands of years, and there are several archaeological sites that date back to the Viking era. Visitors can also explore the island's many castles and fortifications, which were built during the 17th and 18th centuries to protect the archipelago from foreign invaders. Overall, Själö is a beautiful and peaceful island that offers visitors a chance to escape the hustle and bustle of city life and connect with nature. Whether you're interested in hiking, swimming, or simply relaxing on the beach, Själö has something to offer for everyone. The image shows a serene coastal scene with a tree in the foreground, its branches reaching out over a body of water. The water is calm, with several large rocks partially submerged. In the background, there are more rocks and some trees, suggesting a natural, possibly remote location. The sky appears overcast, adding to the tranquil atmosphere of the scene. The image shows two types of flowers. The main part of the image features white flowers with yellow centers, likely saxifrage, growing in a grassy area. In the inset, there are two bright yellow flowers, possibly buttercups, also growing among greenery. Viola tricolor The three-leaved violet, also known as Johnny-jump-up or heartsease, is a small, low-growing perennial that is native to Europe and Asia but has become naturalized in North America. It is often found in moist, shaded areas such as woodland edges, meadows, and along streams. The flowers are typically purple with white petals and yellow centers, but they can also be white or blue. The leaves are deeply lobed and have a distinctive heart-shaped appearance. V. tricolor is a popular garden plant and is often used in rock gardens and as a ground cover. It is also sometimes used as a medicinal herb, with various parts of the plant being used for their potential health benefits. The building is a large, multi-story structure with a distinctive architectural style that combines elements of Gothic Revival and Art Nouveau. The facade features ornate details, including arched windows and decorative brickwork. A prominent clock tower rises above the main entrance, adding to the building's grandeur. The roof is covered in red tiles, and the upper sections of the building have green-tiled spires. The building appears to be well-maintained and serves as a significant landmark in the area. The image shows a picturesque scene with a mix of architectural styles. In the foreground, there is a tree with bare branches, suggesting it might be late autumn or early spring. Behind the tree, there is a tall, cylindrical building with a green roof and a cross on top, which could be a church or a tower. The surrounding buildings have red-tiled roofs and are painted in various colors, including yellow, white, and green. The sky is partly cloudy, adding to the serene atmosphere of the scene. 8 KONDITORI RESTAURANG Jansens XXXVIII 38 30 The image shows a row of colorful, traditional Swedish houses with red-tiled roofs and wooden facades. The houses are painted in various colors, including yellow, white, gray, and pink. There are several cars parked along the street, which appears to be made of cobblestones. The scene is set on a sunny day with a clear blue sky. SIMON EDSTRÖM AB EDSTRÖM SKEPPSMÄKLERI The image shows a section of a house with two windows, each framed in red and set into a white wall. The windows have white curtains and are adorned with potted plants. The roof is covered with orange tiles, and there is a street lamp on the right side of the image. The house has a light blue exterior with vertical siding. The Swedish government has been investing in affordable housing for decades, and the results are evident in the well-maintained and attractive neighborhoods like the one shown here. These homes are not only affordable but also designed to be energy-efficient, contributing to Sweden's goal of becoming carbon-neutral by 2045. 6 AAK SKÅRGÅRDEN K12 TATTOO PIERCING 54-171 68 www.blackmagictattoo.com The image shows a picturesque rural scene with two red wooden buildings, one larger and one smaller, both featuring traditional gabled roofs. The larger building has a stone foundation and a window on its side, while the smaller building has a small green spire on top. A dirt road leads up to these buildings, flanked by a white picket fence on the left. In the background, there is a dense forest of trees, some of which are bare and others with green foliage, suggesting a transition between seasons. The sky above is partly cloudy, indicating a bright day. A serene forest path leads to a tranquil lake, surrounded by tall trees and lush greenery. The sunlight filters through the branches, casting dappled shadows on the ground. The man is working on a fishing reel, carefully handling the components with precision. The setting appears to be a workshop or a home environment, with various tools and equipment visible in the background. The lighting is warm and focused, highlighting the intricate details of his work. The house is located in a picturesque setting, surrounded by trees and a stone wall. The red exterior and white trim give it a classic Scandinavian look. The image shows a red wooden barn with a steeply pitched roof and multiple doors. The barn is situated in a grassy area with trees in the background. Inset in the bottom left corner, there is a close-up view of one of the barn's doors, which appears to be made of wood and has metal hinges. The door is partially open, revealing a dark interior. The image shows a traditional red wooden barn with a thatched roof, surrounded by a red picket fence and a white gate. The barn has several windows and doors, some of which are open. The setting appears to be rural, with trees and greenery in the background. The image on the left shows a rustic stone wall with a wooden fence, surrounded by trees and greenery. The image on the right features a close-up of a tree trunk with a metal object attached to it, possibly a piece of farm equipment or a tool. The image shows a traditional Swedish red wooden house with a tiled roof. The house has white-framed windows and a white door, surrounded by a red picket fence. The setting appears to be in a rural area with trees and greenery in the background. A rooster stands in front of a red barn, while a house with a red roof is surrounded by trees and rocks. The image shows a serene natural landscape with a mix of greenery and rocks. The foreground features large, moss-covered boulders scattered across a grassy area. In the background, there are trees with lush green foliage, indicating that the photo was taken during spring or summer. The sky is clear and blue, suggesting a sunny day. The overall scene conveys a sense of tranquility and connection with nature. The plant in the image is Ajuga pyramidalis, commonly known as pyramid bugle or pyramid bugleweed. It is a perennial herb native to Europe and parts of Asia. The plant has a dense, upright growth habit with green, hairy leaves that form a rosette at the base. The flowers are small and tubular, typically white or pale blue, and grow in dense clusters at the top of the stem. Ajuga pyramidalis is often used in rock gardens and borders due to its attractive foliage and ability to thrive in shaded areas. Ajuga reptans This plant is also known as bugleweed, bugle, and ground ivy. It is a low-growing perennial that spreads by runners and can form dense mats. The leaves are oval-shaped and have a slightly rough texture. The flowers are small and purplish-blue, growing in clusters along the stems. Ajuga reptans is often used in ground cover and rock gardens due to its ability to thrive in shaded areas. It is also valued for its medicinal properties, including its use in traditional medicine systems. A pig is rolling in the dirt, enjoying its time outdoors. The school trip to the museum is a great opportunity for children to learn about history and culture in an engaging way. The house is located in a beautiful and quiet area, surrounded by nature. The stone walls and the wooden roof give it a rustic charm. The path leading to the house is lined with trees and rocks, adding to the peaceful atmosphere. 3 M I L A JR HBYI 7 74 The water mill is a traditional structure that has been in use for centuries, utilizing the power of flowing water to grind grain and other materials. These mills were once common throughout Europe and North America, playing a crucial role in the agricultural economy by providing a reliable source of energy for grinding and processing crops. Water mills typically consist of a large wheel or turbine that is turned by the force of falling water. This movement is then transferred to a series of gears and shafts, which in turn drive the grinding stones or other machinery. The design and efficiency of these mills varied depending on the local geography and available resources, but they all shared the same basic principle: harnessing the power of nature to perform labor-intensive tasks. Over time, as technology advanced and alternative sources of energy became more accessible, many water mills fell into disuse or were replaced with more modern facilities. However, some have been preserved as historical landmarks, showcasing the ingenuity and resourcefulness of past generations. Today, these mills serve as reminders of our industrial heritage and offer visitors a glimpse into the past, when human ingenuity was harnessed to meet the needs of society. The sawmill is a place where wood is cut into smaller pieces using a large machine called a saw. The sawmill is usually located near a forest or a river, where there is plenty of wood to work with. The sawmill has several machines that are used to cut the wood. The first machine is called a log splitter, which is used to split the logs into smaller pieces. The next machine is called a planer, which is used to smooth out the edges of the wood. The final machine is called a saw, which is used to cut the wood into the desired shape and size. The sawmill is a very noisy place, so workers wear ear protection to protect their hearing. The sawmill is also a very dirty place, so workers wear protective clothing to keep themselves clean. The sawmill is an important part of the lumber industry, and it plays a crucial role in the production of wood products. The sawmill is a place where wood is transformed from its natural state into something useful and valuable. The wood chipper is a machine that is used to process wood into chips. The chips can then be used for a variety of purposes, such as mulch, compost, or fuel. The wood chipper works by feeding wood into a chamber where it is crushed and shredded into small pieces. The chips are then discharged from the machine and can be collected and transported for further use. The wood chipper is an important tool in the forestry industry, as it allows for the efficient processing of large amounts of wood. It is also used in landscaping and gardening, where the chips can be used as a mulch to help retain moisture and suppress weeds. In addition, the chips can be used as a fuel source, either directly or after being processed into pellets. Overall, the wood chipper is a versatile and useful machine that has many applications in both the forestry and landscaping industries. The sawmill is a traditional way to process wood into lumber, and it has been used for centuries. The process involves cutting logs into planks using a large circular saw. The sawmill shown in the image is an example of a traditional sawmill, which uses water power to drive the saw. The saw is mounted on a wooden frame, and the log is fed into the saw by a conveyor belt. The saw cuts the log into planks, which are then stacked and dried before being sold. The sawmill is a valuable piece of history, and it is important to preserve these traditional methods of processing wood. SL 92 314 The mill is located in a beautiful setting, surrounded by nature and water. A serene river flows through a lush, green forest. The water is calm and clear, reflecting the surrounding trees and foliage. A fallen tree lies across the river, adding to the natural beauty of the scene. In the distance, a small boat floats on the water, suggesting a peaceful and tranquil setting. Polluted water with foam and reeds in the foreground. NATURTORV® MEDIUM NATURTORV® The collapse of the roof of the barn in 2019 (left) and the collapsed solar panels (right). Drought is a natural phenomenon that occurs when there is a prolonged period of below-average rainfall, leading to a shortage of water resources. It can have severe impacts on agriculture, ecosystems, and human communities. Droughts can be classified into different types based on their duration and severity: 1. Meteorological Drought: This type of drought is characterized by a lack of precipitation over a certain period. It is typically measured by comparing observed rainfall with historical averages. 2. Agricultural Drought: This occurs when there is not enough water available for agricultural purposes, despite normal or above-normal precipitation. It affects crops and livestock. 3. Hydrological Drought: This type of drought is related to the availability of surface and ground water. It can occur even when there is sufficient rainfall but the water is not stored in reservoirs or aquifers. 4. Socioeconomic Drought: This refers to the impact of drought on society, including economic losses, social disruption, and health issues. 5. Combination Drought: This is a combination of two or more types of drought, such as a combination of meteorological and hydrological droughts. Droughts can be managed through various strategies, including: - Water Conservation: Reducing water usage in homes, industries, and agriculture. - Water Storage: Building dams and reservoirs to store excess water during wet periods for use during dry periods. - Irrigation Systems: Using efficient irrigation techniques to minimize water loss. - Crop Diversification: Planting drought-resistant crops and adjusting planting schedules. - Early Warning Systems: Monitoring weather patterns and providing early warnings to help communities prepare. It's important to note that while droughts are natural events, human activities can exacerbate their effects. For example, deforestation can lead to reduced soil moisture retention, and over-extraction of groundwater can deplete aquifers, making them less resilient to drought conditions. Therefore, sustainable land management practices and responsible water use are crucial in mitigating the impacts of drought. The composting process is a natural way to recycle organic materials and create a valuable soil amendment. Composting involves the decomposition of organic matter by microorganisms, resulting in a nutrient-rich product that can be used to improve soil structure and fertility. The process typically takes place in a controlled environment, such as a compost pile or bin, where the temperature and moisture levels are monitored to ensure optimal conditions for microbial activity. Composting can be done on a small scale, such as in a backyard, or on a larger scale, such as at a municipal or industrial facility. The composting process can take anywhere from a few weeks to several months, depending on the size of the compost pile and the type of organic material being composted. Once the composting process is complete, the resulting product can be used to improve the health of gardens, lawns, and other outdoor spaces. In addition to improving soil quality, composting can also help reduce the amount of waste sent to landfills. By recycling organic materials through composting, we can reduce the amount of waste that ends up in landfills, which can help to conserve resources and protect the environment. Composting is an important part of a sustainable waste management strategy, and it can help to reduce the environmental impact of our daily activities. The abandoned mine in Kivijärvi, Finland. The project has been running for 10 years and has produced over 25,000 tons of compost. The compost is used to improve soil quality in agricultural fields, which helps to increase crop yields and reduce the need for chemical fertilizers. The project also provides training and education to local farmers on sustainable farming practices. In addition to the composting facility, the project has also established a community garden where local residents can grow their own vegetables and herbs. This initiative has helped to promote healthy eating habits and has also provided a space for community members to come together and learn from each other. Overall, the project has had a positive impact on the local community and has helped to create a more sustainable future for all. MÖRRUMSÅN A rustic wooden boathouse stands on stilts over a flowing river, surrounded by lush greenery and tall trees. The image shows a serene natural scene with a tree that has fallen into a body of water, possibly a river or a lake. The tree is covered in moss and has branches extending over the water. The surrounding area includes other trees and some greenery, suggesting a forested environment. The water appears calm, with gentle ripples on its surface. The overall atmosphere is peaceful and natural. A moss-covered tree branch lies across a rocky outcrop in a river, with a wooden building and trees in the background. The river flows through a forested area, with moss-covered rocks and trees. A bird perched on a wire, with another bird flying nearby. Sarracenia purpurea (Purple Pitcher Plant) in a bog in the Czech Republic. Sarracenia purpurea (Purple Pitcher Plant) in the wild, showing its distinctive pitcher-shaped leaves that serve as traps for insects. The image shows two butterflies with orange wings adorned with black spots, perched on purple flowers. The background is blurred, emphasizing the butterflies and flowers in the foreground. A butterfly with brown and orange wings is perched on a purple flower. The background is blurred, showing greenery. A serene pond surrounded by lush greenery, with rocks and lily pads floating on the surface. The damselflies are mating. Four-spotted chaser (Libellula quadrimaculata) A dragonfly perched on a twig, showcasing its intricate wings and body structure. Water lilies in a pond. A dragonfly perched on a lily pad in a pond. The image shows a plant with green leaves and purple flowers. The flowers have a distinctive shape, with a yellow center and a darker purple outer part. The plant appears to be growing in a natural setting, possibly a garden or a wild area. The background is blurred, which helps to focus attention on the plant itself. The forest is a place where nature thrives, providing a habitat for countless species of plants and animals. It is also a source of inspiration for many artists and writers, who find solace in its beauty and tranquility. The forest is a place of mystery and wonder, with its towering trees and dense undergrowth creating a sense of awe and wonder. It is a place of peace and quiet, where one can escape the hustle and bustle of everyday life and find a moment of stillness and reflection. The forest is a place of magic and enchantment, with its hidden paths and secret glens inviting one to explore and discover new wonders. It is a place of healing and renewal, where one can reconnect with nature and find a sense of balance and harmony. The forest is a place of beauty and wonder, a place that inspires and uplifts the human spirit. Warning: Moose Crossing Moose in the forest. A man holds a small deer in his arms, with trees in the background. Helianthemum nummularium Bison in the forest. Bison in the forest. Water lilies in a pond. A vibrant pink water lily blooms amidst a sea of green lily pads, its reflection shimmering on the surface of the water. Cirsium vulgare Common Thistle A serene lakeside scene with lush green trees and a calm body of water. A young girl with blonde hair stands in front of a tree, smiling at the camera. She is wearing a white tank top and plaid shorts. The background is filled with green foliage, suggesting an outdoor setting. The collared peccary is a species of wild pig native to Central and South America. It is characterized by its distinctive black and white striped collar, which gives it its name. These animals are omnivorous, feeding on a variety of plants and small animals. They are known for their social behavior, often living in groups called "herds." The collared peccary plays an important role in its ecosystem, helping to disperse seeds and control the population of smaller herbivores. Despite their adaptability, they face threats from habitat loss and hunting, making conservation efforts crucial for their survival. Barnacle Geese (Branta leucopsis) are a species of goose that breeds in Iceland, Greenland and Spitsbergen. They winter in Europe and Africa. They are named after their barnacle-like appearance, which was thought to be caused by barnacles attaching to them. However, they are not related to barnacles at all. Barnacle Geese are migratory birds, traveling long distances between their breeding grounds and wintering grounds. They are known for their distinctive black and white plumage, with a white head and neck contrasting against their black body. Barnacle Goose (Branta leucopsis) standing on a rock in a body of water. A peacock stands on grass near a log and a rock. A peacock's head and neck, showcasing its vibrant blue feathers and distinctive eye-like markings. A bird with a white head and black back is standing on grass. A deer stands in tall grass, partially obscured by a tree branch. Bison are large, herbivorous mammals native to North America. They are known for their massive size and distinctive hump on their shoulders. Bison have thick, shaggy coats that protect them from cold weather. They are social animals and live in herds, which can consist of hundreds of individuals. Bison are grazers and feed primarily on grasses, but they will also eat shrubs and small trees when available. They are important to many Native American cultures and are considered a symbol of strength and resilience. Deer grazing in a grassy field. 04 The stone circle at the site of the former village of Hovet, Norway. The stone circle is located in the middle of the forest and is surrounded by trees. The stone circle is made up of several large stones that are arranged in a circular pattern. The stones are covered in moss and lichen, indicating that they have been there for a long time. The stone circle is believed to be an ancient burial ground, and it is thought that the stones were used to mark the graves of the people who lived in the village of Hovet. The stone circle is a popular tourist attraction, and many people come to visit it to learn more about the history of the area. 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The Web of Life On February 26, 1855, the Dubuque Literary Institute met to hear Lucius H. Langworthy deliver his second lecture on the history of Dubuque. "Our prosperity seems to point to a glorious future," the pioneer declared. "Our progress has been steady, and the importance of our location is now settled beyond a question. . . . The fact, that eleven churches and a number of schools, besides literary and scientific societies, are sustained by our citizens, indicates we can already offer to immigrants the advantages of older cities, and that we have all the social and intellectual resources of the Atlantic States." Through "seminaries of learning" and "literary institutions," Langworthy concluded, Dubuque was destined to become the very "Athens of the West." The Dubuque pioneers might look back with pride at their progress since they first entered the Black Hawk Purchase in 1833. Religious, educational, social, and cultural attainments had kept pace with the economic and political development. These, together with the homespun amusements and workaday activity, form the web of pioneer life. Religion was a powerful force in frontier Du buque. The Reverend Aratus Kent preached the first Protestant sermon in Ezekiel Lockwood's log cabin on Locust Street during the summer of 1833. In the following summer the Reverend Barton Randle and his Methodist flock built a one-story log church measuring twenty by twenty-six feet and costing $255. Seven women and five men made up the membership of this, the first church in Iowa. Five preachers faithfully ministered to this congregation before a new and larger structure was erected in 1840. During this time the Methodist Church was used by various denominations, served as a courthouse and a schoolhouse, and housed the meeting to consider the incorporation of the town of Dubuque — in a word, functioned as a center of religion, education, and government. Meanwhile, Father Charles Felix Van Quick-enbourne conducted the first Roman Catholic service in the cabin of Mrs. Brophy during the summer of 1833. On August 15, 1835, the cornerstone of the first Catholic Church in Iowa was laid at Dubuque. Dedicated as Saint Raphael's Church by Father Samuel Mazzuchelli, the handsome stone edifice was destined to serve as the Cathedral for the Territory of Iowa when Bishop Mathias Loras arrived on April 19, 1839. There were many other faiths represented at the Dubuque lead mines. On May 11, 1836, the Dubuque Visitor declared that another "Minister of the Gospel is needed among us — one who can reason, preach, and sing; and enforce the fourth Commandment." As if in answer to this plea the cornerstone of the first Presbyterian Church was laid with appropriate ceremonies on July 18, 1836. A Baptist congregation was organized in 1840, the Episcopalians formed their first church in 1843, and the Christian Church was established in the following year. Before the decade closed beginnings had been made by the African Baptist Church, the Unitarian Church, the Congregational Church, and the Dubuque County Bible Society. The influence of the church was soon manifested. On September 30, 1837, a writer in the Iowa News expressed delight with "the order and decorum which prevails in every part of our community" after the town trustees adopted the ordinance relating to the observance of the Sabbath. Both Protestant and Catholic congregations were active in the temperance crusade. However, in addition to unbelievers there were some wayward brethren whose conduct was considered reprehensible. "I wish to notice a habit quite prevalent in this city," wrote one who signed his name "Christian" in the Miners' Express for February 23, 1848. "It is that of going to church for the purpose of taking a comfortable snooze during divine service. This miserable and sinful practice is quite fashionable and followed extensively by certain ladies and gentlemen, especially some who attend the Methodist and Congregational churches." The Dubuque pioneers lost no time in establishing schools. The first schoolhouse in the Black Hawk Purchase was completed at Dubuque in December of 1833. Bald-headed George Cubbage was selected as the first schoolmaster for the thirty-five pupils who attended. Subsequently, Barrett Whittemore and Mrs. Caroline Dexter taught school at Dubuque. In 1836 Mrs. Louisa King opened a school for young ladies. On January 15, 1838, the Legislative Assembly passed an act authorizing a seminary of learning at Dubuque for the "instruction of young persons of both sexes in science and literature." Thomas S. Wilson, Lucius H. Langworthy, P. A. Lorimier, Joseph T. Fales, Benjamin Rupert, and Patrick Quigley were listed as incorporators. The first classical school in Iowa was established at Dubuque in 1839 by Thomas H. Benton, Jr. More schools sprang up during the following decade. In the fall of 1841 the Miners' Express called attention to the English, classical, and mathematical school opened in the residence of Bishop Mathias Loras. A few months later C. F. Hardie started an "Evening School" in the basement of the Presbyterian Church. Professor Hardie, emphasizing particularly English, grammar, and arithmetic, charged four dollars tuition for a twelve-week term during which classes met four nights a week. Each pupil was required to "furnish his own light." In 1842 Miss Eberlee opened a school for the instruction of children of both sexes. Miss Eberlee taught English, French, and German as well as needle and fancy work. These were all private schools, for Dubuque had not used the authority to establish free public schools. In 1844 a newly created school board agreed to pay the costs of educating eligible children in the private schools, but as late as 1849 there were no public school buildings in the city. In those formative years the schools were not always of the best. On April 20, 1858, the Dubuque Daily Times recorded: SCHOOL AT WEST DUBUQUE The school at West Dubuque was obliged to be dismissed yesterday on account of the miserable condition of the House in which it has been kept. This house is the headquarters of an immense colony of vermin, which have multiplied to so great an extent as to fairly drive the Teacher and pupils out of the House. The school will be suspended for a few days until another house can be procured and arranged. The dissemination of knowledge, however, was not restricted to the schools. On December 27, 1837, a number of Dubuque citizens met at the home of James L. Langworthy and formed a "Literary Association" upon the lyceum principle. Timely topics were discussed, the lyceum affording an excellent opportunity for the development of individual forensic talent. Thus, on December 1, 1847, the Miners' Express announced a meeting "over Terry's Saloon" to discuss the question: "Resolved that the Wilmot Proviso is right and ought to be sustained by the American people." Numerous lecturers appeared before Dubuque audiences, temperance and education being two popular themes. In September of 1838, Alonzo P. Phelps spoke on "Popular Education" in the Methodist Church. On November 3, 1843, the Miners' Express expressed delight with Professor Bonneville's very "convincing" lecture on mesmerism. The editor witnessed such experiments as "paralyzing different limbs, shutting the eyes, closing the mouth, putting the subject in a magnetic state." It was said of Professor Bonneville that he could "stop a woman's tongue by merely shaking his finger at her." Skeptics were urged to attend. The large Irish population undoubtedly enjoyed the lecture by Mr. Mooney, the "distinguished and very popular Irish vocalist and lecturer" who appeared in December of 1847. Mr. Spencer gave exhibitions of "Animal Magnetism," while Dr. Reynolds lectured on "Astronomy" over Terry's saloon. On May 3, 1848, the Miners' Express urged citizens to attend the "novel exhibition" by Mrs. Hayden, who was hailed as the "American Sybil" and the "first and only female magician in the world." A welcome addition to the cultural life of Dubuque was supplied by Joseph T. Fales who conducted a singing school in the Methodist Church. on the evening of May 25, 1836. In November, 1838, Azor Richardson taught the science of sacred music in the Methodist Church. Mr. and Miss Scott advertised in 1843 that they would be pleased to instruct students on the "Piano Forte, and musical instruments generally." On December 1, 1847, the Miners' Express announced a concert by the Dubuque Philharmonic Society in the Congregational Church. The programme included anthems, solos, and choruses, together with the "Most popular Glees and Secular" melodies. "The members of the Society," the Miners' Express declared, "flatter themselves that their Concert will afford an unusually agreeable evening's entertainment." Bands and church choirs afforded a further outlet for the musically inclined. An index of the reading tastes of the Dubuque pioneers is revealed by the books William Lawther offered for sale in his store in 1842. In addition to the Encyclopaedia Americana, Walker's Dictionary, and Comstock's Mineralogy, he advertised Biographies of the Signers of the Declaration of Independence and Chitty's works on Pleadings and on Contracts. Goldsmith's Animated Nature, Lockhart's Life of Scott, Defoe's Robinson Crusoe, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, Pope's Essay on Man, Milton's Paradise Lost, Cobbett's Advice to Young Men, Butler's Hudibras, and Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry were other volumes on sale. Jane Porter's two classics, Thaddeus of Warsaw On September 5, 1838, the American Arena Company, owned and operated by Miller, Yale, and Howes, brought their "traveling world of wonders" to Dubuque. From that day on, scarcely a year went by but what several such companies advertised their forthcoming appearance, always with a great fanfare and extravagant praise, such as recorded above. and Scottish Chiefs, must have vied with the works of Shakespeare, Scott, and Byron for public favor. Among the school books listed were Smith’s Arithmetic, Murry’s Grammar, and a series of “Elementary Spellings Books and Eclectic Readers.” Surely the most fastidious reader could have found something to suit his taste on William Lawther’s well-stocked shelves. The pioneers found time for fun and entertainment. In 1838 the Iowa Thespians organized, and Joseph Jefferson appeared the following year with his professional actors. Steamboat excursions were popular; dog and animal shows, tight rope walkers, sleight-of-hand artists, and colorful circus performers helped to enliven frontier life. Probably most of the men and boys indulged in fishing and hunting. Skating and sleighriding were popular winter sports. One might suppose that in those good old “horse and buggy days” there would be no need for care with the means of transportation then in vogue. But this was not entirely true. A by no means uncommon event was recorded in the Dubuque Weekly Times of December 20, 1860: Sleigh Riding is pleasant enough when everything goes right, but occasionally an incident will transpire, which interferes materially with the enjoyment of such recreation. For instance, Prof. Baylies was riding Saturday afternoon in company with a couple of ladies. Coming from Locust to Main Street on Seventh his sleigh struck a stone, just as he was turning down Main, and tipped over, Baylies Commercial College Corner of Main and Third Streets, DUBUQUE, IOWA. DIRECTORS. HON. GEO. W. JONES, GEN. WARNER LEWIS, " WM. VANDEVER, JAMES M. REDMOND, " LINCOLN CLARK, ASA HORN, M. D., L. D. RANDALL, M. MOBLEY, EDWARD LANGWORTHY, J. K. GRAVES, H. A. WILSE, H. A. LITTLETON, GEO. L. TORBERT, A. BAYLIES. The Course of Instruction in this Institution is acknowledged on all hands to be the most extensive, thorough, practical and modern to be found, and every precaution is taken that for the acquisition of a business education, complete in all its particulars, it shall, as heretofore, have positively no equal. The student will receive the most thorough instruction in, and become fully posted as to, the manner of conducting on scientific and correct principles, the books pertaining to all kinds of business, from the most simple transaction to the most intricate and complicated business, including Commission, Compound and Joint Stock Companies, Steamboating, Banking, Railroading, etc., etc., realizing and perfecting the accomplished Accountant. Also instructions from competent Masters in Penmanship, Commercial Calculations and Correspondence, detecting counterfeit notes, and much other important information. Daily Lectures given before the College on the Science of Accounts, Business Customs, and, during the season regular stated Lectures on Commercial Law, Banking and Finance, Commercial Ethics, Political Economy, etc. For fuller and more complete information, see our new descriptive pamphlet circular, which will be furnished free to all applicants'. Sept. 25, '59. A. BAYLIES. Founded in Dubuque in 1858 by A. Baylies, the institution was incorporated in 1859 as Baylies Commercial College. As early as 1880 it claimed to be the "oldest school of the kind in Iowa." A cousin of the founder, C. Baylies, came to Dubuque in 1862 and took over the school following the death of Prof. A. Baylies in Boston on August 2, 1863. In 1964 Baylies Business College advertised with no little pride that it was "The Oldest Business School West of the Mississippi." spilling the trio quite unharmed upon the ground. The horses, however, which were a pair of colts belonging to Hannum, took the matter in high dudgeon, and finding themselves without a driver, dashed down the street at a furious rate, colliding with two other teams, which also started off at full speed. General confusion ensued. Hannum's horses became detached from the sleigh at Woodworth's corner, and then ran around the square to the barn where they belong. The other two establishments went down the street below Second and are still going for aught we know. At home or in church, in lyceum or at militia muster, at choir practice or fire drill, at the circus or less spectacular sideshows and carnivals, the Dubuque pioneers found both pleasure and profit prior to the Civil War.	21765bfc-e36c-4772-8f8c-3e304d9514a1	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://pubs.lib.uiowa.edu/palimpsest/article/21979/galley/130376/view/	2023-03-23T02:12:24+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296944606.5/warc/CC-MAIN-20230323003026-20230323033026-00540.warc.gz	556,039,064	3,194	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995763	eng_Latn	0.997646	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1161, 2568, 4003, 5399, 6811, 8194, 9610, 9954, 11440, 13531, 14321 ]	[ 2.3125 ]	1	0
HENRY PARK PRIMARY SCHOOL SECOND SEMESTRAL ASSESSMENT 2019 PRIMARY 4 SCIENCE SECTION A (56 MARKS) INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES 1. Do not turn over this page until you are told to do so. 2. Follow all instructions carefully. 3. Answer all questions. 4. Shade your answers on the Optical Answer Sheet (OAS) provided. Name: ____________________________ Class: Primary 4 ( ) Date: 22 October 2019 Total Time: 1 h 45 min \| Section \| Marks \| \|---------\|-------\| \| A \| / 56 \| \| B \| / 44 \| \| Total (A+B) \| / 100 \| Parent's Signature: ______________________ 1. The number of students in a class is 30. If each student has 5 books, how many books are there in total? 2. A car travels 60 miles in 2 hours. What is the speed of the car in miles per hour? 3. If a recipe calls for 2 cups of flour and you want to make half the recipe, how much flour do you need? 4. A rectangle has a length of 8 cm and a width of 5 cm. What is the area of the rectangle? 5. If a book costs $15 and you have $100, how many books can you buy? 1. The diagram shows the human digestive system. Which of the following is correct? \| Organ not involved in digestion of food \| Organ involved in absorption of food \| \|----------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------\| \| (1) A \| B \| \| (2) B \| A \| \| (3) C \| D \| \| (4) D \| C \| 2. Which one of the following is not a living thing? (1) (2) (3) (4) 3. Study the diagram below. Which one of the following statements about the parts A, B, C and D is not correct? (1) Part A needs sunlight to make food. (2) Part B is found in all plants. (3) Part C holds the plant upright to get sunlight. (4) Part D absorbs water and minerals from the soil. 4. Sam made the following observations on the life cycle of an animal. - There are four stages in the life cycle. - The young does not look like the adult. Which animal was Sam observing? (1) frog (2) beetle (3) chicken (4) cockroach 5. The arrows (→) in the diagram show the direction of movement of a substance in plants. roots → stem → leaves What is this substance? (1) air (2) soil (3) food (4) water 6. Which organ system is shown in the diagram? (1) skeletal system (2) muscular system (3) circulatory system (4) respiratory system 7. Study the diagram below. What could Q be? (1) bird (2) fish (3) fern (4) reptile 8. The diagram below shows fungi growing on a rotting log. How do the fungi benefit from growing on a rotting log? (1) Fungi get more sunlight. (2) Fungi feed on the rotting log. (3) Fungi obtain more air from the rotting log. (4) Fungi provide the log with nutrients. 9. The diagram below shows part of a plant. Which one of the following shows the correct function for part Y of the plant? (1) It produces fruits. (2) It holds the plant firmly into the ground. (3) It absorbs water and minerals. (4) It helps the plant to be upright. 10. The characteristics of three organisms, X, Y and Z, are given in the table below. \| Characteristic \| Organism \| \|---------------------------------\|----------\| \| \| X \| Y \| Z \| \| Needs light to make food \| Yes\| No \| No \| \| Depends on other organisms for food \| No \| Yes\| Yes \| \| Reproduces by spores \| Yes\| Yes\| No \| From the table above, which of the following could organisms X, Y and Z be? \| Bird \| Fern \| Mould \| \|------\|------\|-------\| \| (1) \| X \| Y \| Z \| \| (2) \| Y \| Z \| X \| \| (3) \| Z \| X \| Y \| \| (4) \| Z \| Y \| X \| 11. The set-up below shows light shining on a wooden ball. Which one of the following would likely be seen on the screen? (1) (2) (3) (4) 12. Which one of the following is the best conductor of heat? (1) A paper cup (2) A metal cup (3) A plastic cup (4) A wooden cup 13. In the diagram, what is the volume of liquid Y? (1) 50 ml (2) 52 ml (3) 54 ml (4) 68 ml 14. The diagram shows a magnet brought near a steel block. What will happen to the steel block? (1) It will move up. (2) It will not move. (3) It will move to the left. (4) It will move to the right. 15. Ronald places a metal spoon in a cup of hot tea. The spoon becomes hotter after a while. Which one of the following explains this? (1) The cup loses heat to the hot tea. (2) The hot tea gains heat from the spoon. (3) The spoon gains heat from the hot tea. (4) The spoon loses heat to the surrounding air. 16. Six items are classified into two groups, A and B, as shown below. \| Group A \| Group B \| \|-----------\|-------------\| \| magnet \| water \| \| pencil \| paint \| \| ice cube \| oxygen \| Which one of the following is a suitable heading for groups A and B? \| (1) \| Solid \| Liquid \| \|-----\|-------\|--------\| \| (2) \| Solid \| Gas \| \| (3) \| Has fixed shape \| Has no fixed shape \| \| (4) \| Has fixed volume \| Has no fixed volume \| 17. Richard fills a balloon with air. He then twists and squeezes it until it is shaped like an animal as shown below. Which property of air allows Richard to change the shape of the balloon? (1) Air has mass. (2) Air is a matter. (3) Air has no fixed volume. (4) Air does not occupy space. 18. Leonard measured the mass of a sealed packet of sweets using an electronic balance as shown below. He recorded the results as shown below. Mass of sealed packet of sweets = 25 g Mass of one sweet = 1 g He expected to find 25 sweets in the sealed packet. However, he found that there were only 22 sweets in the sealed packet. Which of the following is / are likely to be the reason(s) for not having 25 sweets in the packet? A The wrapper has mass. B Air inside the wrapper has volume. C The wrapper has a definite shape. (1) A only (2) A and B only (3) A and C only (4) B and C only 19. Mr. Wee wanted to put a steel ball through a steel ring. The steel ball is just too big to fit into the hole of the steel ring. How can Mr Wee put the ball through the ring? (1) Cool the ball and then place it through the ring. (2) Cool the ring and the ball to the same temperature and then push the ball through the ring. (3) Cool the ring and then push the ball through the ring. (4) Heat the ball and then push the ball through the ring. 20. Samy placed two empty containers, one made of metal and the other made of plastic, both at room temperature, on a table. He poured 500 ml of boiling water into both containers. The temperature of water in both containers were recorded every 5 minutes for some time. Which one of the following shows the correct graph for his results? (1) temperature (°C) (2) temperature (°C) (3) temperature (°C) (4) temperature (°C) 21. Four thumbtacks, 1, 2, 3 and 4, were attached to different parts of a copper rod with wax. A candle flame was used to heat up spot A on the copper rod as shown in the diagram above. The four thumbtacks dropped from the metal rod in the following order: 1, 4, 3 and 2. Which one of the following sets of measurement could be the distance of each thumbtack from spot A? \| Thumbtacks \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| \|------------\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| (1) \| 12 cm \| 8 cm \| 3 cm \| 18 cm \| \| (2) \| 3 cm \| 18 cm \| 12 cm \| 8 cm \| \| (3) \| 12 cm \| 18 cm \| 3 cm \| 8 cm \| \| (4) \| 3 cm \| 12 cm \| 18 cm \| 13 cm \| 22. Cloths of different temperatures are placed around the flask of each set-up. A glass tubing is inserted from the flask into a basin of water as shown below. The water in each basin is at the room temperature of 30°C. In which of the following set-ups will there be no bubbles observed in the basin of water? (1) S and U only (2) T and U only (3) T and S only (4) S, T and U 23. Sarah observed some objects in a jar and made the following observations about the jar and the objects. Sarah's observations: 1. There are four objects in the jar. 2. The colour of each object cannot be seen clearly. Based on her observations, Sarah made the following statements. Statements: A: The material of the jar does not allow any light to pass through it. B: The objects in the jar do not reflect any light into the eyes. C: The material of the jar allows most light to pass through it. D: The material of the jar allows some light to pass through it. Which statement is correct? (1) A (2) B (3) C (4) D 24. Some objects give off light and some reflect light. Which of the following classification is correct? \| \| Gives off light \| Reflects light \| \|---\|----------------\|---------------\| \| (1) \| moon \| book \| \| (2) \| coin \| star \| \| (3) \| lamp \| sun \| \| (4) \| candle flame \| moon \| 25. Jonathan set up four identical metal tanks in a room. Each tank contains the same amount of water. The water is at the same temperature as the room. Two of the tanks are wrapped with rubber. A hot metal block has been placed in each of the tanks, in the positions shown in the diagrams below. Based on the information given above, which one of the following shows correctly the set-ups for the different aims of the experiment? \| Aim of experiment \| \|--------------------------------------------------------\| \| To find out if the position of the metal block affects how quickly temperature of water in the tank increases. \| To find out if the tank wrapped with rubber keeps the water hot for a longer time. \| \| (1) A and B \| A and C \| \| (2) C and D \| A and B \| \| (3) A and D \| C and D \| \| (4) B and C \| B and D \| 26. John conducted an experiment as shown in the diagram below. For each material (A, B, C and D), John placed a container of 50 ml of water and measured distance, $d$, which is the distance between the highest and lowest points of the material. He recorded the results in the table below. \| Material \| $d$ (cm) \| \|----------\|---------\| \| A \| 10 \| \| B \| 5 \| \| C \| 19 \| \| D \| 14 \| The diagram below shows a food tray used in a fast food outlet. Which material is most suitable to make the food tray? (1) A (2) B (3) C (4) D 27. Keegan hung three strong bar magnets in two different set-ups, A and B, as shown below. A B Based on set-ups A and B, which of the following arrangements is possible? (1) (2) (3) (4) 28. Annette hung four magnets, A, B, C and D, above a tray of identical steel pins. Her observation is shown below. Arrange the strengths of the magnets from the strongest to the weakest based on her observations. \| strongest \| weakest \| \|-----------\|---------\| \| (1) A \| B \| C \| D \| \| (2) A \| C \| B \| D \| \| (3) D \| C \| B \| A \| \| (4) D \| B \| C \| A \| ( ) 1. The number of students in a class is 30. If each student has 5 books, how many books are there in total? 2. A car travels 60 miles in 2 hours. What is the speed of the car in miles per hour? 3. A recipe calls for 2 cups of flour to make 12 cookies. How much flour is needed to make 36 cookies? 4. A rectangle has a length of 8 cm and a width of 5 cm. What is the area of the rectangle? 5. A store sells apples at $1.50 per pound. If a customer buys 3 pounds of apples, how much will they pay? HENRY PARK PRIMARY SCHOOL SECOND SEMESTRAL ASSESSMENT 2019 PRIMARY 4 SCIENCE SECTION B (44 MARKS) INSTRUCTIONS TO CANDIDATES 1. Do not turn over this page until you are told to do so. 2. Follow all instructions carefully. 3. Answer all questions. Name: ____________________________ ( ) Class: Primary 4 ( ) Date: 2019 Total Time: 1 h 45 min Marks for Sections B: _______________ 29. The diagram shows the amount of digested food in the blood entering and leaving the small intestine a few hours after a meal. a) The amount of digested food in the blood leaving the small intestine is higher than the amount of digested food in the blood entering the small intestine. [1] Give a reason for this observation. ______________________________ _____________________________ ______________________________ _____________________________ The diagram shows the amount of undigested food entering and leaving the gullet a few minutes after chewing some food. b) The amount of undigested food entering and leaving the gullet remains the same. [2] Explain why. ______________________________ _____________________________ ______________________________ _____________________________ 30. Study the diagram below. a) The caterpillar needs ________________, food and water to stay alive. [1] b) The caterpillar eats leaves and becomes bigger after some time. This shows that it can _____________. [1] 31. The diagram below shows the young and adult of some organisms. Draw lines to match the young with the correct adult. [3] 32. Gina used 3 similar plants, E, F and G, for an experiment as shown in the diagram below. She removed some leaves from plant F and all the leaves from plant G. The three set-ups were placed near an open window. After 3 days, Gina measured the amount of water left in each set-up. The results are shown in the table below. \| Plant \| Number of leaves \| Amount of water in set-up (ml) \| \|-------\|------------------\|-------------------------------\| \| \| \| Start of experiment \| After three days \| \| E \| 6 \| 300 \| 210 \| \| F \| 3 \| 300 \| 245 \| \| G \| 0 \| 300 \| 293 \| a) How does the number of leaves affect the amount of water taken in by each plant? [1] b) State one other variable Gina must keep the same for each set-up to ensure the experiment is fair. [1] c) Predict the amount of water left in the set-up after three days if plant F had 5 leaves. [1] 33. The diagrams below represent the life cycles of a mosquito and a grasshopper. Life cycle of a mosquito Life cycle of a grasshopper a) Fill in the boxes above with the following words. (You may repeat some of the words) \| adult \| egg \| pupa \| larva \| nymph \| b) State one difference between the mosquito and the grasshopper in terms of where their eggs are laid. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ Mosquitoes are pests that spread diseases such as dengue fever. c) Explain how removing still water helps to prevent these mosquitoes from reproducing. ____________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________ 34. Desmond can see his school bag in the presence of light as shown in the diagram below. a) Using arrows, draw the path of light in the diagram above to show how Desmond is able to see his school bag. [1] Desmond had 4 shapes each made of a different material as shown below. In a dark room, he placed all the cut-outs in front of a torch, as shown in the diagram below. Question 34 continued Desmond switched on the torch and recorded his observation of the shadow formed on material Y as shown below. There was nothing seen on material Z. observation of the shadow formed on material Y b) Based on Desmond's observation, name the materials (W, X, Y and Z) that do not allow any light to pass through. __________________________________________ Desmond lighted a candle in a paper lantern in diagram 1. He raised the paper lantern as shown in diagram 2. Diagram 1 flame folded paper lantern metal wire candle Diagram 2 raised paper lantern metal wire c) When Desmond raised the paper lantern, the flame looked less bright. Explain why. __________________________________________ __________________________________________ 35. Ahmad fixed one end of a deflated balloon tightly to a straw using a rubber band. He taped the end of the balloon to the bottom of a basin which was filled with water. After he had marked the water level, he blew air into the straw in the diagram below. a) State one observation that Ahmad would make about the water level in the basin when air is blown into the straw. Explain your answer. b) Ahmad placed a balloon into a plastic bottle as shown below. i) He tried to fill the balloon with air using an air pump but could not do it. Explain why this is so. ii) Without removing the balloon from the mouth of the bottle, state one change that Ahmad could make to the bottle so that the balloon would be able to inflate when air was pumped into it. Give a reason for your answer. 36 a) State what is temperature. Two glass cups were found stuck to one another in Mrs Wong’s cupboard. She added some ice cubes to cup B as shown in the diagram below. b) After a while, she found it easier to remove the two cups from each other. Explain why. A railway track has gaps along its metal rails as shown in the diagram below. c) What would happen to the railway track on a very hot day if there were no gaps? Explain your answer. 37. Siti carried out an experiment as shown in the diagrams below. The experimental set-ups 1 and 2 show the same object casting the shadows on the screens. The distance between the light source and the screen is fixed. a) Explain the difference in the sizes of the shadows cast on both screens. [2] Siti carried out another experiment to find out the change in the length of shadows. In this experiment, the position of the object did not change. Siti measured the length of the shadows formed. b) Name the variable changed in the above experiment. [1] 38. Gopi has a tropical fish tank. Algae grow on the inner sides of his tank as shown in the diagram below. Algae are tiny green organisms that use sunlight to make their own food. Gopi wants to keep his fish tank clean of algae. He uses two magnets for this. He puts magnet B on the outside and magnet A on the inside as shown below. As Gopi moves magnet B, magnet A also moves in the same direction. a) Based on the information given, explain how this method helps to keep the tank clean of algae. b) Gopi’s fish tank was placed near an open window. His mother suggested that he moves the fish tank to a shady spot. Based on the information given, explain how moving the fish tank to a shady spot will prevent the growth of algae in the fish tank. 39. Mrs Lee put three ice cubes on a metal bowl. She placed the bowl in a room with a temperature of about 30°C. After a short while, the ice cubes started to melt as shown below. (a) Based on the information given, complete the table below. \| The ice cubes \| Source of heat \| \|---------------\|----------------\| \| gained heat \| Name the source of heat that made the ice cubes melt. \| \| lost heat \| \| Tick (✓) the correct box. Question 39 continued The diagram below shows the water heater system in Mrs Lee’s home. (b) Explain why a metal pipe is more suitable for the water heater than a plastic pipe. [1] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ The diagrams below show two similar metal pipes of different thickness. Pipe A (thinner metal pipe) Pipe B (thicker metal pipe) Mrs Lee wants to make improvements to the water heater system so that the water becomes hotter faster. (c) Explain why using metal pipe A will make the water hotter in a shorter time. [1] __________________________________________________________________________ __________________________________________________________________________ (d) Suggest another improvement she can make to the metal pipe in the water heater to obtain hotter water. [1] __________________________________________________________________________ 40. Malek used the set-up shown below to test the strength of four planks made of different materials, A, B, C and D. He placed identical bricks, one at a time, on each plank until the plank broke. His results are shown in the table below. \| Material of plank \| Maximum number of bricks placed on the plank before it broke \| \|------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------\| \| A \| 15 \| \| B \| 21 \| \| C \| 9 \| \| D \| 13 \| The diagram below shows a bookshelf. a) Based on the results given, which material (A, B, C or D) would be most suitable to make the bookshelf? Explain your answer. [2] Question 40 continued Alex placed two different blocks, M and N, into a beaker of water as shown below. b) Block M was found at position Y, while block N was found at position X. Fill in the blanks using the correct words in the box. \| floats \| sinks \| contracts \| expands \| \|--------\|-------\|-----------\|---------\| This shows that block M ________________ in water, and block N ________________ in water. 41. Tick (✓) if each of the following has a definite shape and / or a definite volume. \| Has definite shape \| Has definite volume \| \|--------------------\|---------------------\| \| a) milk \| \| \| b) ruler \| \| \| c) air \| \| Free Downloads SgTest Papers - Primary 6 - Primary 5 - Primary 4 - Primary 3 - Primary 2 - Primary 1 Top School Test Papers - Nanyang - Raffles - Rosyth - Tao Nan - CHIJ St Nicholas - Red Swastika Free Weekly Worksheet Subscription Model English Composition samples for Primary School 2018 & Earlier Worksheets One-Click Download of All 2019 P6 papers One-Click Download of All 2019 P5 papers One-Click Download of All 2019 P4 papers Click on the links to go to the pages \| Q1 \| 4 \| Q8 \| 2 \| Q15 \| 3 \| Q22 \| 1 \| \|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| Q2 \| 3 \| Q9 \| 4 \| Q16 \| 3 \| Q23 \| 4 \| \| Q3 \| 2 \| Q10 \| 3 \| Q17 \| 3 \| Q24 \| 4 \| \| Q4 \| 2 \| Q11 \| 3 \| Q18 \| 1 \| Q25 \| 4 \| \| Q5 \| 4 \| Q12 \| 2 \| Q19 \| 1 \| Q26 \| 2 \| \| Q6 \| 1 \| Q13 \| 2 \| Q20 \| 3 \| Q27 \| 2 \| \| Q7 \| 1 \| Q14 \| 3 \| Q21 \| 2 \| Q28 \| 4 \| 29a The digested food in the small intestine is absorbed into the blood b The gullet does not produce any digestive juices to breakdown the undigested food passing through 30 (a) air (b) grow 31 32a As the number of leaves increase, the plant takes in more water. 32 b Temperature of water \| Question \| Answer \| \|----------\|--------\| \| 32c \| 211ml \| \| 33a \| ![Diagram showing life cycle: egg, adult, larva, pupa] \| \| \| ![Diagram showing life cycle: egg, nymph, adult] \| \| 33b \| Mosquitoes lay their eggs in the water but grasshoppers lay their eggs on land. \| \| 33c \| Mosquitoes lay eggs in still water. By removing still water, mosquitoes cannot reproduce/breed. \| \| 34a \| ![Diagram showing light path from camera to person] \| \| 34b \| W and Y \| \| 34c \| The paper lantern blocks some light from passing through. \| \| 35a \| Water level will increase. Air blown into the balloon will occupy the space in the balloon. The inflated balloon will occupy more space in the water. \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\| \| 35b. \| There is already air taking up space in the bottle \| \| 35c. \| Make a hole in the plastic bottle so that air in the bottle escapes. \| \| 36a. \| Temperature is the unit of measurement of the amount of heat energy an object has. \| \| 36b. \| Cup B lost heat to the ice cubes and contracted. \| \| 36c. \| It will buckle as the metal rail gains heat from the Sun or surrounding and expands. \| \| 37a \| Object in set-up 1 is closer to the light source so the shadow cast is bigger. \| \| 37b \| The position or angle of the light source. \| \| 38a \| The magnets are attracted to each other as their unlike poles are facing each other. As magnet B moves, magnet A moves along in the same direction and at the same time scraping off the algae out of the tank. \| \| 38b. \| Algae cannot make food as it will not receive any sunlight. \| \| 39a. \| Ice cubes gain heat from the surrounding air or metal bowl. \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\| \| 39b. \| Metal pipe conducts heat from the hot air to the cold water faster. \| \| 39c. \| Pipe A is thinner so heat is conducted to the water faster. \| \| 39d. \| Make the metal pipe longer. \| \| 40a. \| Material B. It needed the most number of bricks to be placed on it before it broke. This shows that it is the strongest material. So it will not break easily when holding the weight of a large number of books. \| \| 40b. \| Floats, sinks \| \| 40c. \| (a) Tick (☐) definite volume only (b) Tick (☐) both (c) Tick (☐) neither \|	e80281b9-60a0-4455-bf95-f39e3214f376	CC-MAIN-2023-06	https://img1.wsimg.com/blobby/go/a41ebf2d-6990-494b-8e87-979cbee38633/downloads/P4_Science_SA2_2019_Henry_Park_Exam_Papers.pdf?ver=1600860263104	2023-01-27T12:37:37+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764494976.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20230127101040-20230127131040-00752.warc.gz	347,586,634	6,150	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.979326	eng_Latn	0.999445	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn...	true	rolmOCR	[ 572, 1040, 1615, 1691, 1986, 2400, 2535, 2622, 2894, 3164, 3809, 3953, 4178, 4694, 5149, 5443, 6037, 6489, 6917, 7554, 7939, 8575, 8928, 10126, 10711, 10904, 11350, 11851, 12233, 13032, 13377, 14392, 15142, 15519, 16283, 17072, 17519, 18078, ...	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How to Be a Good Reader Ask yourself these questions to help you understand what you read: \| Main Idea and Details \| What is the story mostly about? \| \| What tells me more about the main idea? \| \|----------------------\|----------------------------------------\| \| Sequence \| What happens first, next, and last? \| \| What are the steps to do something? \| \| Cause and Effect \| What happens? (the effect) \| \| Why did it happen? (the cause) \| \| Evaluate Evidence \| What claims is the author making? \| \| What evidence supports these claims? \| \| Compare and Contrast \| How are these people or things the same? \| \| How are these people or things different? \| \| Make Inferences \| What clues does the story give? \| \| What do I know already that will help? \| \| Prediction \| What clues does the story give? \| \| What do I know already that will help? \| \| What will happen next? \| \| Character and Setting\| Who or what is the story about? \| \| Where and when does the story take place? \| \| Theme \| What lesson does this story teach? \| \| How does the author feel about this topic? \| \| Author’s Purpose \| Does the story entertain, inform, try to persuade me, or teach me how to do something? \| \| Nonfiction Text Features \| What kind of text am I reading? \| \| What does it tell me? \| \| Visual Information \| Is there a picture, chart, or graph? \| \| What does it tell me? \| Ask your own questions “Will the little elephant make a friend?” “How many volcanoes are there in the world?” Asking and answering her own questions can boost your youngster’s comprehension as she reads or listens to a book. Suggest these strategies for each stage of the reading process. Before Encourage your child to think of questions before she even opens the book. Say there’s a girl with a bike on the front cover, and the back cover says she got a job to pay for the bike. Perhaps your youngster will wonder, “What kind of job did the girl get?” or “How much did her bike cost?” Looking for the answers will help her pay attention to details in the story. During Wondering about a book’s topic can keep your child focused on the text. Try this guessing game. Read a page, and think of a question. (“How big do sharks get?”) Say, “Guess what I wonder” and give hints (“I’m wondering something about size”). Once she guesses your question, it’s her turn to read while you figure out what she wonders (“Do sharks sleep?”). After Together, brainstorm questions to ask after finishing a book. For fiction, your youngster might list “What problem did the characters solve?” or “What would I do in this setting?” For nonfiction, she could suggest, “What new facts did I learn?” or “What did this book make me want to know?” This helps her better understand and remember the story or the information. Reading at the grocery store The supermarket is packed with words. Try these ideas to help your child learn them: - Give your youngster coupons for items you need, maybe spaghetti or napkins. When you reach the right aisle, his job is to match the word on the coupon to the product on the shelf. Have him hold the coupon up to the package and spell the word aloud. - Play “Which one?” At the cheese display, you could say, “Which one says cheddar?” In the spice section, you might ask, “Which one says paprika?” Together, sound out the words on different labels to find the right one. Celebrate Dr. Seuss Dr. Seuss’s creative characters and silly language made him one of the most popular children’s authors of all time. Celebrate his March 2nd birthday with these reading and writing activities. Make a “Seuss-eum.” Your child could practice writing about books by creating museum-like displays for Dr. Seuss favorites. Read a book, then let him set out play dough sculptures of characters, drawings of his favorite scenes, and props related to the story (green eggs, anyone?). Next, help him write an index-card plaque for each exhibit. (“Sam was the main character. He did not like green eggs!”) Be an actor. Acting out scenes from the books builds speaking skills. Write the titles of Dr. Seuss books on separate slips of paper, and mix them up in a bowl. Take turns drawing a slip and choosing a part of the book to act out. If you get There’s a Wocket in My Pocket, you might pretend to brush your teeth while saying “But that NOOTH GRUSH on my TOOTHBRUSH…” Everyone else tries to guess the book. Fun with Words Spot the opposite Playing with opposites is a fun way for your youngster to expand her vocabulary. Enjoy this game. Secretly pick an item you see, and give your child a clue using an opposite. For a lamp that is on, you could say, “I see something on a table that’s the opposite of off.” If she needs help, talk it out. “The opposite of off is on. Do you see something that is on?” Once she figures it out, she chooses an object and gives you a clue. For a Lego brick, she might say, “I see something on the rug that’s the opposite of big.” Idea: See how many opposites you can think of to describe one thing. If your puppy is small, calm, and sleeping, your youngster could say, “Our dog is big, excited, and awake.” Q&A Read-alouds for everyone Q I try to read aloud to each of my three daughters every day, but sometimes there isn’t enough of me to go around. Any suggestions? A Sure! On days when you don’t have enough time to read to each youngster separately, let everyone snuggle up while you read to them together. It’s okay if a book is too easy for one child—she could help you read it to the others. And if a book is too hard for a little one, that’s okay, too. She’ll get a leg up from being exposed to big words and more complex plots. If any of your girls has learned to read, she could read to the younger ones. They might create a reading “fort” using couch cushions and read during playtime or while you cook dinner, for instance. As they read or listen to books and talk about them, they will build reading skills. It’s a win for everyone! Parent to Parent A journal-writing tradition My grandson Keith saw me writing in my journal and asked what I was doing. I explained that my grandfather got me started writing in a journal when I was a little boy. Keith said he wanted to start a journal, too, so I gave him a notebook. He asked me what he should write about. I told him that I use my journal mostly to store memories, but he can do whatever he wants—even draw pictures. He decided to sketch the two of us writing together in our journals, and he had me help him write a sentence about his picture. Keith has stuck with his journal for a couple of weeks already. Now when he comes to my house, he can’t wait to share what he has written and drawn. Strong readers visualize story events, predict what might happen next, and draw conclusions based on what they’ve read. They also use their own experiences to understand stories. Try the following activities to build comprehension skills that can help your child become a better reader. DRAW A CONCLUSION In this guessing game, your youngster will use your hints to draw conclusions. Have her read a book such as An Egg Is Quiet by Dianna Hutts Aston. Then, secretly pick a character or an object (say, a sea turtle egg) from the book, and give your child a hint (“I’m thinking of one of the eggs”) and see if she can tell which one you chose by asking yes-or-no questions. Examples: “Does it have spots?” “Is it a bird egg?” She can use the pictures or words in the book to think of questions. When she figures out your secret, let her choose one for you to guess. MAKE AN INFERENCE Here’s a fun way to give your youngster practice figuring out something that isn’t said directly. It will help him when he needs to read “between the lines.” Tell him you’re pretending to be a book character who is talking on the phone. You might pick Nate from Nate the Great (Marjorie Weinman Sharmat). It’s his job to listen and then tell you what the other person could have been saying. For example, you could say, “Hi, Rosamond…Oh, no! Have you looked under the bed?…Try setting out a bowl of milk. If that doesn’t work, call me back.” Your child might infer that Rosamond’s cat is missing and she wants Nate to help her find it. Then, trade roles and let him “talk” on the phone while you infer what his conversation is about. PREDICT WHAT HAPPENS The goal of this game is to make predictions while reading. Have your youngster write, “Aha!” on a plastic bottle cap. Take turns reading from a book that she isn’t familiar with. When she thinks she knows what will happen next, she shouts “Aha!” and makes a prediction. If you’re reading Click, Clack, Moo: Cows That Type (Doreen Cronin), she might say, “Aha! I think Farmer Brown will be mad when he reads the note from the cows.” Next, she passes the cap to you, and it’s your turn to predict. After each pass, read to find out if the prediction was correct. Keep reading, predicting, and passing the bottle cap until the story ends. SHARE A CONNECTION When your child reads something that reminds him of his life, he can use his personal knowledge to understand the book better. Encourage him to make connections with this activity. Together, read a book. Then, each of you should draw pictures of something the book reminded you of. For example, if you read The Flyer Flew! (Lee Sullivan Hill), your youngster might draw himself flying in an airplane to his grandmother’s house. When you’re both finished, share your drawings and explain your connections to the book. First, read a book together. Afterward, let him tell the story in his own words by making his animals act out the characters’ roles. If you read Tawny Scrawny Lion (Kathryn Jackson), he could make a stuffed lion chase his other stuffed animals. CAN YOU IMAGINE? A good reader uses her imagination to picture characters and story events in her mind. Here are fun ways for your child to practice visualizing as she reads. USE YOUR SENSES Encourage your youngster to use all her senses with this activity. Read a storybook aloud, and ask her to describe what she sees, hears, smells, tastes, or feels. For example, if you read Fritz and the Beautiful Horses (Jan Brett), she might describe how she “sees” the horses’ shiny coats, “hears” the “clomp clomp” of their hooves, and “feels” the softness of Fritz’s mane. IMAGINE WITH ADJECTIVES Your child can use adjectives, or descriptive words, to help him visualize details. Together, find words in a story that describe people, places, or things. Say you’re reading The Very Best Pumpkin (Mark Kimball Moulton)—he might spot “juicy,” “crisp,” and “plump.” Have him choose one of the words to print at the top of a sheet of paper. He can fill the page with pictures cut from old magazines or catalogs that go with the word. For example, if he picks “juicy,” he might include photos of strawberries and peaches. DESIGN A COVER Read a story to your youngster without showing her the cover. Then, have her pretend to be the illustrator and draw a cover that captures the main idea of the story. For example, if you read The 100th Day of School (Angela Shelf Medearis), she might draw a classroom with a calendar on the wall and write “100” on one of the squares. Then, show her the real cover and have her compare it with her creation. PUT THE STORY IN SEQUENCE Strong reading comprehension skills can help your youngster put story events in a logical order. Have her practice by reading a book and then writing or drawing five events on separate index cards. For example, if she read Caps for Sale (Esphyr Slobodkina), her cards might include the peddler walking with the caps on his head, the peddler stopping to take a nap, and the peddler waking up to find that the monkeys had stolen his caps. Mix up the index cards, and have your child put them back in the right order. USE QUESTIONS Asking and answering questions while reading is a great way for your youngster to think carefully about the material. When you read a story together, stop at the end of each page or chapter, and have your child roll a die. Ask him a specific type of question based on the number he rolls. (1 = Who? 2 = What? 3 = Where? 4 = Why? 5 = When? 6 = How?) For example, if you read The Story of Benjamin Franklin (Patricia A. Pingry) and he rolls a 2, you might ask, “What did Franklin invent?” After the next page or chapter, you can roll the die and let him ask you a question. Take turns rolling and reading until you finish the book. RETELL A STORY Retelling a story can help your youngster decide which details matter most. Use stuffed animals to encourage him to practice retelling his favorite tales. From Scribbles to Stories The path from scribbling to writing is made up of exciting stepping-stones as your youngster learns to form letters, print words, compose sentences, and, eventually, write stories. Use the ideas in this guide to support your little writer every step of the way. Scribbles and letters Those scribbles underneath your child’s drawing look kind of like letters. What’s going on? Your youngster has noticed that the books you read to her have letters as well as pictures, and she wants to add them to her own drawings! These activities will encourage her earliest writing efforts. Story pictures When your child draws or paints a picture, ask her to tell you a story about it. Perhaps she drew a snake who wishes for wings so he can fly. Suggest that she write her story under her drawing or on another sheet of paper. She might just make a row of lines and circles or write a string of random letters—that’s the first step toward writing words! Or she may write letters for the sounds she hears like “sk” for snake and “ws” for wings. Sticker book Kids love stickers—why not use them to let yours practice writing letters? Help him create a “flap book” by folding a piece of paper in half horizontally and making several cuts from one long edge of the paper to the fold. Have your youngster put a different sticker on top of each flap. Then, he can write the first letter of the word underneath the flap (H for a heart sticker, T for a tiger). Encourage him to “read” his book to you. He might point to the tiger, lift the flap, and say, “T is for tiger.” This reinforces the idea that letters and pictures can go together to tell a story. Words As your child moves from recognizing letters to reading words, his interest in writing words will grow, too. Keep him writing with these tips. Word bank You’ve just returned from the aquarium, and your youngster is excited about all the sea creatures he saw. Use his enthusiasm to encourage him to write words. Together, make a “word bank” from your trip—a list of animals like shark, octopus, and crab. He can write the words as you spell them, or you could help him sound them out. Save the list so he can use it to write a story about his adventure! Idea: Create more word banks after different outings. A trip to the dentist might inspire a list that includes brush, checkup, and chair, for example. Fill-in-the-blank favorites Give your child a small notebook where she can write opinions of her favorite things. Have her pick a topic (say, strawberries), and write four or five fill-in-the-blank sentences for her. Example: “My favorite fruit is ___. I love them because they are ___. You can eat them with ____.” Together, read the sentences, and help her fill in the blanks (“strawberries,” “juicy,” “waffles”). She can draw a picture to go with each one. Then, start a new page, and let her choose another favorite topic to write about. Sentences When your youngster graduates to writing whole sentences, he takes a huge step in becoming an independent writer. Here are a few ways to help him make that leap. Action-packed directions This active idea lets your child work on capitalizing words and punctuating sentences. Write a sentence that includes an action for him to do. For example, write, “Josh crawls under the table,” and he would read it and crawl under the table. Next, have him write an action sentence for you. Remind him to start the sentence with a capital letter and add punctuation at the end. (“Dad is doing a funny dance.”) Your youngster can also practice writing questions, and act out the answers to what he asks. (“Can you wink your left eye?”) Construction zone Rebuilding mixed-up sentences teaches your child to put words in order so they make sense. Try this: Think of a sentence (“The brown fox ran around the tree”), and write each word on a separate index card. Then, mix up the cards. It’s your youngster’s job to put them back in sequence. Once she has the sentence, give her a card with a new detail (tall). Can she add it to make a longer sentence? (“The brown fox ran around the tall tree” or “The tall brown fox ran around the tree.”) Now, let her think of a sentence and write the words on cards for you to unscramble. Stories String a few sentences together, and pow! Your child has written a story. Consider these suggestions for inspiring your young author. Five-sentence tales Let your youngster use this strategy to plan and write stories with simple plots that flow logically. Ask him to write “Who,” “Wanted,” “But,” “So,” and “Then” down the side of a sheet of paper. He can add a sentence for each. 1. “Who”: Introduce the character. (“There once was a little boy named Billy.”) 2. “Wanted”: Tell what he wants. (“Billy wanted to buy a present for his mommy.”) 3. “But”: Present a problem. (“But he didn’t have any money.”) 4. “So”: Explain the solution. (“So he got a job walking dogs.”) 5. “Then”: Write a conclusion. (“Billy made enough money to buy his mommy a necklace.”) Have your child “publish” his story by copying each sentence on a separate sheet of paper, illustrating it, and stapling the pages together into his very own book. Live performances Suggest that your youngster put on a costume, get props, and act out a story while you take photos of the action. She might have siblings, friends, or toys fill in as costars. After you get the photos printed, she can glue them to cardboard in order. Then, have her write about each picture, telling what the characters are doing, thinking, or feeling. Tip: Ask questions to prompt her. You might say, “How did Sabrina feel when she was on the white horse?” and she could write, “Sabrina felt like a princess when she rode her white horse.” When her story is complete, display it for everyone to see. How Can I Work With My Child In READING? Read and Cover 1. Read a paragraph (or a page if there isn’t a lot of text). 2. Then cover what you just read with your hand. 3. Think about what you read. 4. Share what you remember. 5. Look and see how much you remembered. Sticky Note Reading Choose 2-4 sticky notes. As you read, jot down your thoughts about what you read. Say Something As you read, stop every once in a while (after every couple of paragraphs, every page, etc.) and “say something” using one of the following prompts. • Why…? • How…? • I can’t believe… • I wonder why… • I think… • I don’t understand… • I’m not sure… • I felt _____ when… • This made me think of… • I was surprised when… • It seems like… • I predict… Retelling Slider Instructions 1. Print and cut out the retelling slider template. Hole punch the circles at the top and bottom of the slider. 2. Thread a pony bead through the pipe cleaner. (The bead pictured is a pompom bead but pony beads work, too!) 3. Put the pipe cleaner through both hole-punched ends of the slider. Put tape on the back of the slider to hold the pipe cleaner in place. 4. Voila! Now, your students can move the bead up and down the slider as they retell the story and passage using the picture cues. Happy Reading! 😊 First Next Last First Next Last I Can Retell Characters Setting First, Next, Last, Red Light Stop and think. Combine what you know with what the author is saying. Yellow Light Slow down. Search for the answer in more than one place. Green Light Go ahead and find the answer in one spot. Tips for Reading Books at Home This is a list of questions that you can ask your child as they are reading a book to you. These are the same questions we use in school during our reading groups. ~From the Reading Specialists Before Reading 1. Look at the pictures throughout the whole book. As they look at each picture, ask “What do you see on this page?” or “What do you think is happening in this picture?” 2. After looking at all the pictures, ask What do you think this whole story is about? 3. What do you already know about ________________? (ask them what they know about the topic of the story) During Reading (talk about what is happening in the story as well as figuring out harder words) Always ask who, what, where, why, when, how questions 1. What is happening on this page? 2. When an event happens in the story, try to ask questions about it and just have a fun discussion with your child. To figure out a hard word when reading: 1. What is the first letter? What sound does the letter make? 2. What little word do you see in the larger word? (have them cover the word up with their fingers so they can only see the small word they are trying to read) 3. Tell them to stretch their sounds out and pull their finger across underneath the word. 4. Tell them to look at the picture clue. Can the picture help you figure out the word? After Reading 1. What was the story mostly about? 2. What happened in the story in the beginning? middle? end? 3. Who was the main character in the story? (Who was the story mostly about?) 4. Was the story fiction (about something not real)? OR nonfiction? (about something real) 5. Where did the story take place? 6. What was your favorite part about the story? Why? Read and Roll Key Ideas and Details What is the setting of the text? What clues does the author give you about the story when he describes the setting? How does the main character feel about the problem in the story? How do you know? Pick one character. How do they change throughout the story? Give examples to show your ideas. Compare and contrast two characters from the story. How do the actions of the main character affect the other characters in the text? Cite evidence from the text. Make a prediction about what will happen next. Use evidence from the text to support your prediction. What is the setting of the text? What clues does the author give you about the story when he describes the setting? How does the main character feel about the problem in the story? How do you know? Pick one character. How do they change throughout the story? Give examples to show your ideas. Compare and contrast two characters from the story. How do the actions of the main character affect the other characters in the text? Cite evidence from the text. Make a prediction about what will happen next. Use evidence from the text to support your prediction. Read and Roll Craft and Structure How do the author’s words help you develop images in your mind? What words do they use? What information can you learn from the illustrations? What do you notice about the author’s use of punctuation? What are the character’s strengths? What words or phrases show you this? Who is narrating the story? How do you know? Pick three vocabulary words from the text. Write their definitions. How do the author’s words help you develop images in your mind? What words do they use? What are the character’s strengths? What words or phrases show you this? What information can you learn from the illustrations? What do you notice about the author’s use of punctuation? Who is narrating the story? How do you know? Pick three vocabulary words from the text. Write their definitions. © Create-abilities Read and Roll Integration of Knowledge and Ideas What evidence from the text helps you find the author’s purpose? Did the author do research to write this piece? How do you know? Compare this piece with a similar text. What does each piece have in common? Compare this piece with a similar text. How is each piece different? How did the author support their claim/point of view? Compare this piece with a similar text. How are the two main characters similar? How are they different? What evidence from the text helps you find the author’s purpose? Compare this piece with a similar text. How is each piece different? Did the author do research to write this piece? How do you know? Compare this piece with a similar text. What does each piece have in common? How did the author support their claim/point of view? Compare this piece with a similar text. How are the two main characters similar? How are they different? Key Events In this activity, students recall the major events in a story, an important step in summarizing or retelling. Preparation Choose a book for students to read or have them choose appropriate books for their reading levels. 1. Have students write the book title on the line provided. 2. Draw attention to the transition words in the boxes (first, next, then, after that, finally). Guide students to understand that words like these signal time order. Show that the story action will move top to bottom on the left, then top to bottom on the right. 3. Have students recall the key events from the story and write them in the boxes. Have them use the transition word in each box to move sequentially through the story. Be sure students note the story problem in one of the boxes and note how it is solved in another. Optional For the Writing Extra! activity, have students write about and draw a key event in their lives. Encourage them to use sequence words to describe what took place. Story Parts Name your book’s characters and setting. Then write and draw three events from the story. Keep the events in order. Title: ____________________________ Characters Setting First Next Finally Writing Extra! List three or four events from your day in order. Story Parts All three of the main story components (characters, setting, and plot events) come together in this fun organizer. Preparation Choose a book for students to read or have them choose appropriate books for their reading levels. 1. Have students write the book title on the line provided. 2. Remind students that there are many parts to a story including characters, setting, problem, and solution. The plot is the series of events that happen in a story. 3. Have students identify the main character(s) from the story in the face shape. 4. Have students identify the setting in the house shape. 5. Have students choose three key events from the story. Instruct them to write and illustrate the events in order in the three event boxes provided. Point out the sequence words that appear on the boxes: first, next, finally. 6. Have children retell the story orally using the information on their handouts. Optional For extra practice retelling events in order, have students complete the Writing Extra! activity. Remind students to use sequencing words as they describe in order key events from their day. 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PUZZLES Materials needed: scrap white posterboard. MAKE YOUR OWN 1. Draw image. (on white posterboard) Draw BIG!! 2. Color the whole image. (crayons and markers work fine) Fill the whole paper!!! 3. Draw lines on back. (write initials) Y.B. Y.B. Y.B. y.B. y.B. y.B. 4. Cut out. (turn over and play) Crafts & Construction * Copyright © All Rights reserved "Mo" M.C.Gillis This may be copied for personal use & sharing. More downloads at expandingheart.com & awesomeartists.com. PUZZLES ~ MAKE YOUR OWN MORE CHALLENGING/ADVANCED TECHNIQUES. ★ You can make it more difficult by cutting puzzle into more pieces. (In this case, you might use just 1 initial, letter, number or symbol to indicate on back.) Pieces all belong to the same puzzle. ★ You can make puzzle more difficult by using more complex shapes. [This requires more advanced cutting skills] ★ You can change the shape of the border of the puzzle. [Making an outline/border of solid color on the image side of the puzzle before cutting will make it less confusing to put together.] ★ You can use colored posterboard and "color" your picture (image) by using only one color and making patterns. Materials: - Poster board Scraps (white or colored) - Markers/Pencil - Scissors Crafts & Construction * Copyright © All Rights reserved “Mo” M.C.Gillis This may be copied for personal use & sharing. More downloads at expandingheart.com & awesomeartists.com. HOW TO MAKE A SIMPLE ENVELOPE FOR A PUZZLE 1. Place puzzle pieces in center of paper. 2. Begin folding. 3. Tie with rubberband. Write your name on the outside. * Strong paper like poster board or cardstock works best for puzzle making. PUZZLES Materials needed: scrap white poster board. 1. Draw image on white (poster board) Draw BIG!! Fill the whole paper!!! 2. Color the whole image. (crayons and markers work fine) 3. Draw lines on back. (write initials) 4. Cut out. (turn over and play) * Use different initials, numbers, or symbols on the back of each new puzzle so if pieces get mixed up, they can be separated back into individual puzzles. Crafts & Construction ♥ Copyright © All Rights reserved ♥"Mo" M.C.Gillis This may be copied for personal use & sharing, not for commercial use. Contact artist, email@example.com, to give feedback or negotiate commercial & non-profit agreements. More downloads at www.expandingheart.com & www.awesomeartists.com. * Strong paper like poster board or cardstock works best for puzzle making. PUZZLES ~ MAKE YOUR OWN MORE CHALLENGING/ADVANCED TECHNIQUES. ★ You can make it more difficult by cutting puzzle into more pieces. (In this case, you might use just 1 initial, letter, number or symbol to indicate on back. Pieces all belong to the same puzzle.) ★ You can make puzzle more difficult by using more complex shapes. [This requires more advanced cutting skills.] ★ You can change the shape of the border of the puzzle. [Making an outline/border of solid color on the image side of the puzzle before cutting will make it less confusing to put together.] ★ You can use colored posterboard and "color" your picture(image) by using only one color and making patterns. Materials - Poster board scraps (white or colored) - Markers/Pencil - Scissors * Use different initials, numbers, or symbols on the back of each new puzzle so if pieces get mixed up, they can be separated back into individual puzzles. Crafts & Construction ♥ Copyright © All Rights reserved ♥"Mo" M.C.Gillis This may be copied for personal use & sharing, not for commercial use. Contact artist, firstname.lastname@example.org, to give feedback or negotiate commercial & non-profit agreements. More downloads at www.expandingheart.com & www.awesomeartists.com. HOW TO MAKE A SIMPLE ENVELOPE FOR A PUZZLE 1. Place puzzle pieces in center of paper. 2. Begin folding. 3. Tie with rubberband. * Lightweight paper like newsprint or regular printing paper work well for making envelopes. PUZZLES Materials needed: Scrap white poster board. 1. Draw image on white (poster board) Draw BIG!! Fill the whole paper!!! 2. Color the whole image (crayons and markers) work fine 3. Draw lines on back. (write initials) 4. Cut out. (turn over and play) More at www.awesomeartists.com PUZZLES - MAKE YOUR OWN BEGINNER MORE CHALLENGING/ADVANCED TECHNIQUES. - You can make it more difficult by cutting puzzle into more pieces. In this case, you might use just 1 initial, letter, number or symbol to indicate on back pieces all belong to the same puzzle. - You can make puzzle more difficult by using more complex shapes. [This requires more advanced cutting skills.] - You can change the shape of the border of the puzzle. [Making an outline/border of solid color on the image side of the puzzle before cutting will make it less confusing to put together.] - You can use colored posterboard and "color" your picture (image) by using only one color and making patterns. MATERIALS: - Poster board (Scrap or Colored) - Scissors/Pencil More at www.awesomeartists.com STAND-UP CHARACTERS 1. Draw BIG shapes. 2. Add Detail. 3. Trace lines with marker. (thin markers work best) 4. (optional) Erase pencil lines. 5. Color (Patterns add interest) 6. Cut out. DON'T CUT BOTTOM!!! 7. Cut slots. Slip together. MATERIALS: Poster board (Scrap or Colored), Pencil, Scissors, Colors. You can use scrap fiber/cloth yarn/ buttons, etc. to embellish. More at www.awesomeartists.com STAND-UP EXTRAS Create Scenery 1. Use a ruler to help you fold posterboard. 2. Fill the whole paper. Create Props Do Not cut bottoms. Bottoms must be flat for stability. 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Any errors that may exist in the foregoing pages must be attributed to the fact that no records were kept of many of the incidents mentioned, and to the conflict of opinions regarding the same. I submit them to the public in the hope that they may furnish material for the future and more able historian wherewith to weave a history worthy the perusal of our childrens' children. F. M. IRISH. Rose Hill, October, 1868. DAVENPORT, October 16th, 1868. To the Editor of the Annals of Iowa: Dear Sir—It is stated on page 182 of the July number of the Annals of Iowa, in an interesting article by Col. J. C. Parrott, that "the county of Lee was named for Lieut. Robert E. Lee (now General Lee)." I have met with this statement elsewhere, but must doubt its correctness. You probably saw, not long since, General Lee's denial of all knowledge of any connection between his name and the name of Lee county; but this is not decisive. Dr. (Isaac?) Galland, who resided in Lee county and vicinity at least from 1833, when I first met him, till his death, was agent for a New York capitalist of the name of Lee, in purchasing half-breed claims in Lee county. He told me, probably twenty years ago, that members of the legislature of Iowa had proposed to him to give his name to Lee county, but that he suggested Lee, the name of the gentleman whose agent he was, and that his suggestion was adopted. Truly yours, JULIUS A. REED. NOVEMBER STAR-SHOWER. The field now occupied by the science of Meteoric Astronomy is, perhaps, to the casual observer, a barren one. The appearance of a meteor is so sudden, it vanishes so soon, and everything that relates to its distance, its orbit and the quarter of the heavens from whence it comes, is so uncertain and apparently so varied for different cases, that it would seem a hopeless task to undertake to bring the phenomena within the pale of science. The voices that arose from the mixed multitude that retired from the building of Babel, were not more discordant to the ear than the paths and motions of these little meteors are to the eye. Yet, in this unpromising field, the labor of the scientific men of this century has met with a large reward. The full measure of the difficulty and perplexity that environs the subject, cannot here be explained. As a suitable introduction to the special subject of this article, we will mention a few of the inferences that have been drawn and the truths that have been ascertained chiefly by the observations of the men of the present century. We shall commence with the most elementary operations, viz: those relating to the number of meteors visible per hour, per day, and per annum. NUMBER OF SHOOTING STARS. It is evident, at the outset, that one person cannot be looking, at the same time, to all quarters of the heavens, and therefore could not count all the meteors visible at his station. Two could not do it. Mr. Herrick, of Connecticut, after several years' experience, has concluded that, in order that no visible meteor may pass unnoticed, the corps of observers should consist of nine persons, each with his attention directed to a specific quarter. Hereafter when we speak of the number of meteors visible, we wish to be understood as indicating the number that could be seen by nine persons properly posted. If we commence counting at 6 o'clock on a clear evening, in the absence of the moon, and continue to 6 o'clock in the morning, we shall find the whole number during the twelve hours to be on the average about 500, which would give 1,000 per day, or 365,000 per annum. This is the number visible at one station. As these little bodies must be near enough to pass through our atmosphere, only a small part of them can be seen from one station. Assuming that their average height at the middle of their visible paths is sixty miles, the total number that could be seen from all parts of the earth would be ten thousand times as many as could be seen from one station, which would give a daily average of ten million meteors entering our atmosphere, and large enough to be seen by the naked eye. The telescope has been used to aid in ascertaining the number of meteors. Using a magnifying power of not more than 60, we find not less than forty times as many meteors as could be seen without it. We will place these results in a tabular form: METEORS VISIBLE TO THE EYE. \| \| At one station. \| Over the whole earth. \| \|----------------------\|-----------------\|-----------------------\| \| Per day \| 1,000 \| 10,000,000 \| \| Per annum \| 365,000 \| 3,650,000,000 \| OR WITH A TELESCOPE, SIXTY POWER GLASS. \| \| 40,000 \| 400,000,000 \| \|----------------------\|-----------------\|-----------------------\| \| Per day \| \| \| \| Per annum \| 14,600,000 \| 146,000,000,000 \| When we come to examine hour by hour, and compare numbers, it will be seen that there is a gradual increase in the number of meteors from evening to morning. The ratio of this increase is such that there are three times as many seen from 5 to 6 o'clock in the morning, as from 6 to 7 o'clock in the evening. The inference from this is; either the meteors are moving in a direction opposite to that of the earth in its orbit, and hence for the most part enter our atmosphere on that side which is most advanced, (the position we occupy in the morning): or, that they are going in the same direction, but moving more slowly than the earth, and hence are overtaken and enter the atmosphere on the side we occupy in the morning. The first of these hypotheses is believed to be the correct one, because the velocity of the meteors seems to be greater than that of the earth. When the account is kept by the month, a comparison at the end of the year shows that there were far less during the months from January to July, than in those from July to January. The minimum being reached in May, the maximum in August. The earth is nearest the sun, or is in perihelion, about the first of January, and is farthest from the sun, or in aphelion, the first of July. The above comparison then might be stated thus: The earth encounters more meteors in coming from aphelion to perihelion, than in going from perihelion to aphelion. (This is the usual way of stating this fact). As to the numerical proportion of meteors during these two periods, there is not a perfect agreement. According to the estimate of M. Couvlier Gravier,* of Paris, the proportion is $1:2\frac{1}{2}$. According to Prof. Loomis,+ of Yale College, it is $1:1\frac{8}{10}$. According to the record kept by the Chinese and extending from A. D., 960 to 1275, a period of 315 years, the proportion is $1:2\frac{1}{5}$. These ratios, while not strictly harmonizing one with another in degree, are yet harmonious in kind, and unite in support of the above made statement. HEIGHT OF METEORS. When the same meteor has been seen at two or more stations, if its path has been carefully noted, a comparison of the observations will serve to show its height above the surface of the earth. Such comparison has often been made. In Silliman's Journal, Vol. 38, pp 136–141, there is a catalogue containing a record of the height of 342 meteors that have been observed since A. D. 1798. From this catalogue it appears that these little bodies, for the most part, become visible at a height of not less than forty miles, nor over one hundred, and that they vanish at an altitude of from thirty to sixty miles. That the ground of this statement may be seen, we append an analysis of so much of that table as relates to observations made since 1848, giving in adjacent columns the numbers appearing and disappearing at the different altitudes: \| HEIGHT \| APPEARING \| DISAPPEARING \| \|--------\|-----------\|--------------\| \| Over 100 miles \| 16 \| 1 \| \| From 90–100 miles \| 6 \| 1 \| \| " 80–90 " \| 11 \| 1 \| \| " 70–80 " \| 12 \| 7 \| \| " 60–70 " \| 21 \| 14 \| \| " 50–60 " \| 14 \| 20 \| \| " 40–50 " \| 24 \| 33 \| \| " 30–40 " \| 13 \| 24 \| \| " 20–30 " \| 4 \| 16 \| \| Total No. \| 121 \| 117 \| * Arago Popular Astronomy, Vol. II. † Loomis Meteorology, 1868. Of whatever materials then these meteors may be composed, whether solid or gaseous: and whether they come from the regions of space or originate in the outer boundaries of the atmosphere; it seems that, during their brief existence of a second or two, they make an approach of several miles toward the earth's surface, and either burn out or are dissipated before they come into the denser parts of our atmosphere. To these most elementary, but at the same time interesting truths elicited, we may add something in reference to the form and chemical composition of meteors. With reference to those that never reach the earth, we shall not undertake to speak. The vast proportion of those entering the atmosphere are either entirely dissipated in it, or, passing through it without striking the earth, go on their way. It does sometimes occur, however, that a meteor, of perhaps more than ordinary size or density, forces its way through our aerial envelope, and is brought to rest upon the surface of the earth. During the past 50 years, the fall of 115 such meteors has been recorded.* These falls occurred upon but a small portion of the earth's surface. As there is no reason for supposing that they descend more frequently upon thickly inhabited land than upon the uninhabited wastes of the earth, and upon the sea, if we make a calculation upon the number 115, and the district in which they fell, compared with the whole surface of the earth—we should have about 600 falls per annum. And if their weight is equal to that of those that fell in this country, during the period mentioned, the earth must be receiving an additional weight from this source, amounting to 18 tons annually. The formation of aerolites, as these meteors are generally called, is peculiar. They have no element in them that has not been found in terrestrial minerals; but these elements exist in the aerolite, in a manner never yet found in any native terrestrial compound. 1st. They always contain iron, not in the ore, but in its metallic state, (rarely found in nature), and this iron always Loomis Meteorology. contains some nickel with small portions of cobalt, copper, tin and chrome. Such a composition has never been found in any native compound. 2nd. They contain a certain compound of iron, nickel and phosphorus—called schreibersite; and this substance has never been found, except in aerolites. 3d. Meteoric iron possesses a highly crystalline structure, so that if its surface be carefully polished and treated with a solution of nitric acid, it will afterward be found to be covered with groups of regular triangles. These are called Widmannstatian figures, from the name of their discoverer. These figures are only found in aerolites, and in masses of iron of volcanic origin. 4th. The surface, particularly of these of a stony composition, is composed of a thin vitreous shell. Where this is not the case the surface is pitted, as if little scales had snapped off. Where the aerolite has burst into fragments just before reaching the earth the lines of fracture do not exhibit the vitreous shell, but upon placing the different pieces together again, those parts which constituted the original surface, have this shell. A case in point is that of the aerolite that fell in Linn county, Iowa, February 25, 1847. Fragments of this stone are now in the University Cabinet, and also in that of the State Historical Society. The entire mass would have weighed about seventy-five pounds. The outer shell is very thin and black, not vitreous. There is also in the Historical Society collections, a small fragment of the New Concord meteor, hereafter mentioned. This specimen shows the outer vitreous shell very plainly on one side. The size of these aerolites ranges all the way from a few grains up to several tons. Prof. Loomis gives a list of eleven meteoric masses weighing from 2,000 to 35,000 pounds. The readers of the Annals will remember the fall of several meteoric stones in Harrison county, Indiana, March 28, 1859, and at New Concord, Ohio, May 1, 1860. The total weight I will be obliged to any one who will give me authentic information concerning the fall of this aerolite. N. R. L. of the fragments of the meteor last mentioned, is about 700 pounds. When these aerolites arrive they are sometimes so hot that they cannot be handled for hours; and they generally come with such force as to penetrate some distance into the earth. Those falling at New Concord penetrated to the depth of from two to three feet. VELOCITY. The average velocity of the meteors is greater than that of the earth in its orbit; though the result of observations in any single instance could not generally be relied upon, yet the concurrent testimony afforded by many cases cannot be disregarded. Nor should it be forgotten that observers are almost certain to over-estimate the time during which a meteor is in sight, and hence give it too little velocity. The average velocity of those meteors which appear as large as the planet Jupiter, is thought to be about thirty miles per second. In view of the above suggestion about over-estimating the time of visibility, we would consider thirty miles to be rather under than over the truth. (The velocity of the earth is eighteen miles per second). The inference from this, or rather the necessary consequence of this velocity is, that they must be revolving in orbits much more eccentric than that of the earth, more eccentric indeed than that of any of the planets; the only bodies with which they can be compared in this respect, are the comets; and as the latter revolve, some in ellipses of moderate eccentricity, others in very long ellipses parabolas, or hyperbolas; so the velocities of different meteors vary, that some of them would seem to be moving in one and some on another of these curves, with the farther similarity that comets and meteors, each seem to move in orbits having any inclination whatever to the plane of the earth's path; while the planets all move very nearly in the same plane with the earth. We have given the preceding review of the state of meteoric astronomy, considered apart from the light thrown upon the subject by the so called "meteoric showers." Hoping that with this preface the few facts that we have to state, may be seen to better advantage. The development of the subject thus far has not shown any relation of the meteors one to another. They are seen as independent bodies, with nothing pointing to a common origin or path of motion, and nothing to indicate with certainty whether they ever return to us again. The question of their celestial origin even, would scarcely be settled in the minds of some, were it not for the evidence afforded by "star showers." The regular occurrence of these phenomena has set these questions at rest, and shown that there are systems of meteors: one system moving along one channel in space, intersecting the earth's path at some certain angle; while another system moves in another channel and at another angle with the path of the earth. In short, that order, not confusion, reigns in this department of nature's domains. NOVEMBER STAR SHOWER. In the realm of meteoric astronomy, the November "star shower" holds the most important place. It deserves this prominence for two reasons: the one founded upon the unequaled grandeur of its appearance, and the other arising from the important discoveries to which it has led. It will be our object in this article, to give a short account of the shower itself, and notice the great conclusions reached through its instrumentality. This shower is not a modern institution. We have authentic accounts of its existence that date back to the close of the ninth century. True, these accounts are somewhat meagre, and colored by the superstitions of those who wrote them; but they are reliable as to the main fact of which they treat, viz: the occurrence of a "shower." They are valuable to us for the further reason that they afford us aid in determining the interval by which these great displays are separated, and it is this consideration only that leads us to refer to them here. PERIOD OF THE NOVEMBER STAR SHOWER. To determine this we will rely mainly on the more recent observations. The star shower of 1867 occurred on the morning of November 14. That of 1833, on the morning of November 13; the interval is 34 years and 1 day. That of 1799 occurred on the morning of November 12; the interval here is again 34 years and 1 day. Taking this as the true period, there should have been a "shower" in 1765, another in 1731, and still another in 1697. No mention, however, has been made of any at either of these dates; but in 1698 there was. This interval then from 1698 to 1799, was only one year less than three times 34 years. Of the intervals that precede this, two are each twice 34 years, and one other is, (like the interval from 1698 to 1799), but one year less than three times 34. The total interval from A. D. 902, (said to be the most probable date of the first record), to A. D. 1799, is 897 years, which divided by 34 would give 26 as the number of intermediate periods, with a surplus of 15 years, or 27 periods with a deficiency of 21 years. As there is a deficiency, noticed above, of 1 year from 1698 to 1799, and a further deficiency of 6 years immediately preceeding 1698, or from 1602 to 1698, it would seem probable that 27 is the proper expression for the number of periods between 902 and 1799. It is also evident that owing to perturbations or some other unexplained cause, the uniformity of interval that has been observed during the 18th and 19th centuries, does not prevail through the 700 years that precede them. For the present time the period may be regarded as 34 years and 1 day. The two terms in this period should be kept separate—the years and the days. The reason for this division may be seen thus: the occurrence of the shower on the morning of November 13, in 1833, and on the morning of November 14, 1867, shows that the point in the earth's annual path where we encounter the meteors, has a forward motion amounting to about 48,000 miles per annum, or amounting in 34 years to 1 day's journey for the earth. The division of the period, as we propose, shows very little discrepancy in the days on which the shower should occur. In A. D. 1799, it was on November 12; in A. D. 934, it was October 15—a difference of 28 days for 26 intervals. The meaning of the other term, or the 34 years, is, that as the earth every year passes through that part of space where the shower occurs, it only finds it occupied by any large quantity of meteoric matter once in 34 years. An unusual number of meteors have been seen on the 13th and 14th of November for several years preceding 1867. In 1866 the meteoric display in Asia and Europe appears to have exceeded that of 1867, as seen in this country. It is probable that a meteoric shower of considerable magnitude may be seen this year over a region extending from the Sandwich Islands over to the interior of Asia, or perhaps farther west; and that everywhere we may expect to see a larger number of meteors on that night than we see on ordinary days of the year. Such was the experience of those who observed during the years preceding and following 1833. A meteoric shower was seen in Europe in 1832, and an unusual number on the 12th and 13th of November for several years before and after the date mentioned. EXISTENCE AND POSITION OF RADIANT. To the casual observer of a "star shower," the meteors appear to be flying at random. It was, however, noticed in 1833, by Prof. Olmsted, of New Haven, that if the paths of the meteors were traced back, they would intersect within a certain very small space in the constellation Leo. Conceiving, then, that they had all issued from this point and radiated thence toward every point of the compass, he called it the radiant point, or, as we term it for the sake of brevity, the radiant. We will insert here a report of the observations made upon the November star shower of 1867. The extract is copied from the American Journal of Science for March, 1868: At Iowa City (lat. 41° 40', lon. W. 14° 40'), by Pres. N. R. Leonard. A company of the students of the State University had been formed some three weeks previous to the 14th of November, for the purpose of watching for the meteor shower, and making observations upon it, if it made its appearance. The lookout was commenced on the morning of Saturday, Nov. 9, and continued each clear night till the evening of Nov. 13, four persons keeping watch at a time, or one for each cardinal point of the compass. With the exception of the mornings of Nov. 9, and Nov. 12, no more meteors were visible than may be seen on any ordinary night. On the evening of the 13th, the prospect for a clear sky was very poor. A sort of haze seemed to prevail and light clouds spread over the heavens; these dispersed slowly until toward midnight all had disappeared. The moon, then but little past its full, arose before the hour for commencing operations, and under its light all stars below the third degree paled away and became invisible. I noticed the Pleiades then just beyond a lunar-halo, but so feeble was their light, that only by looking steadily in the direction in which they were known to be, could they be perceived. I do not believe that a meteor of the average brightness of the Pleiades would have been visible. The company of observers was divided into three sections of twelve each, to watch respectively, from 10 o'clock to 12, from 12 to 2, and from 2 to 4 o'clock. The position chosen for an observatory, was an octagonal room in the cupola of the University. In each side of this room there is a window having an exterior column on either side, so that when the sash and shutters were removed, eight observers, stationed one at each of these windows, would command the entire circuit without any considerable overlapping of their fields of view. One person was stationed at each of these positions, and two others were placed in a reclining posture on platforms outside, to watch for any meteoric flights that might occur near the zenith. One man stood at a desk within to make a record of the observations, while the twelfth was to act as occasion might require. The paper for the recorder was ruled thus: \| Quarter of compass. \| Direction of motion. \| Conformity. \| Time visible. \| Arc of motion. \| Remarks. \| \|---------------------\|----------------------\|-------------\|---------------\|----------------\|----------\| The following is the record of the numbers counted, and of their conformity or non-conformity in direction to a line proceeding from the constellation Leo: \| Hour. \| Conformable. \| Unconformable. \| Total. \| \|-------------\|--------------\|----------------\|--------\| \| 10 to 11 \| 2 \| 5 \| 7 \| \| 11 to 12 \| 6 \| 7 \| 12 \| \| 12 to 1 \| 35 \| 16 \| 51 \| \| 1 to 2 \| 102 \| 17 \| 119 \| \| 2 to 4 \| Nearly all conformable, \| \| 5,000 \| During the last two hours the number actually counted was 4,748, but through mistake on the part of the person stationed at the west window, he only continued to call out to the recorder the direction, &c., of the brightest, without keeping in his own mind the total number of those seen. The division of the time between 2 and 4 o'clock was not noticed, so that the last two hours have to be given together. In regard to their conformability, as soon as Leo had attained an altitude sufficient to admit of careful observation, it was found that nearly all the meteors seemed either to issue forth from a point marked on our globe by the star 97 near the center of the sickle in Leo, or that, if their courses should be traced back, they would intersect at that point. For a few minutes, about 3h 15m A.M., we carefully noticed those appearing in this quarter of the heavens, and they seemed to indicate a radiant point at the star mentioned; at about $3\frac{1}{2}$ o'clock it seemed that the radiant was a line, or, at most, a very narrow ellipse, having its center at this star, and extending in the direction of the star zeta in the sickle. The exact number of conformable meteors for the last two hours cannot be given. Out of 1,638 counted by three observers having their attention directed to this subject, only 22 were noted as unconformable. At twenty minutes before 1 o'clock, it was found that one person could not record fast enough, and the unemployed man undertook the record for one half of the circuit. At quarter past two, both recorders were unable to keep a full record and from this time forward each observer counted to himself the number appearing in his quarter, and only called out the most remarkable for record. Some time before 3 o'clock a second observer took his place at the S.E., and soon after a second upon the east. The result of their counting will be seen in the quarter table. QUARTER TABLE.* \| Hour. \| N. \| N. E. \| E. \| S. E. \| S. \| S. W. \| W. \| N. W. \| Total \| \|-------\|------\|-------\|------\|-------\|------\|-------\|------\|-------\|-------\| \| 10–11 \| 0 \| 2 \| 3 \| 2 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 7 \| \| 11–12 \| 1 \| 1 \| 1 \| 3 \| 0 \| 5 \| 1 \| 0 \| 12 \| \| 12–1 \| 8 \| 15 \| 5 \| 5 \| 4 \| 10 \| 3 \| 6 \| 56 \| \| 1–2 \| 25 \| 35 \| 20 \| 16 \| 3 \| 6 \| 4 \| 6 \| 151 \| \| 2–3 \| \| \| \| 150 \| No count. \| \| \| \| \| \| 3–4 \| 693 \| 635 \| 721 \| 1100 \| 507 \| 336 \| 158 \| 448 \| 4748 \| \| Total \| 727 \| 688 \| 750 \| 1276 \| 514 \| 357 \| 166 \| 560 \| 4938 \| The maximum of the display as to numbers was from 3h 15m to about 3h 40m A.M. During this period, other parties of nine each were formed and counted the stars issuing from the constellation Leo, finding on the average about 40 per minute. After 3h 45m the diminution was rapid, as may be seen by this comparison; the number counted in five minutes being—from 3h 21m to 3h 26m, 222; from 3h 41m to 3h 46m, 135; from 3h 50m to 3h 55m, 106; from 3h 56m to 4h 01m, 72; and from 4h 03m to 4h 8m, 50. Those stationed on the southeast quarter, counted by hundreds from 3 to 4 o'clock, with the following result: Time of first 100 was 7 minutes; of the second, 5 minutes; the third, 6 minutes; fourth, 3 minutes; fifth, 3 minutes; sixth, 3 minutes; seventh, 2 minutes; eighth, 2 minutes; ninth, 2½ minutes; tenth, 4 minutes; eleventh, 10 minutes—closing the count at 3h 55m A.M. It will be found by adding these times that they lost 7½ minutes. Most of this loss occurred after the eighth hundred, at 3h 31, when they were unable to count reliably because of the great number that appeared, so that their maximum would be about 3 hours and 35 minutes by their time, which was 7½ minutes too fast. Of the 1,100, they considered that only 5 were unconformable. Color of the trains.—Record was kept of 155 of the most luminous trains, with this result: - Green, 49 Very Green, 9 Total, 58 - Red, 35 Very Red, 14 " 49 - White, 24 " 24 Train and meteor of different color, 24 As to the green there was some disagreement—some calling that blue which others pronounced green. In regard to the color, it is my impression that the proportions given by the above figures is not true, save for the brightest meteors—for of the hundreds that left trains behind them the greater number seemed to be of a green color—very many yellow at the middle and gradually changing to green at the margin—a color a little darker than the flame of the metal barium, and not far from the hue of copperas. On comparing this statement with the views of several observers, I find all agreeing thereto. There were several particular observations taken. The first to be mentioned is, that in some instances a separation took place between the meteor and its train, before the former disappeared. At 9 minutes to 3, a meteor started from the radiant and proceeded directly over the star Duble (the northernmost of the two pointers) followed by a broad train about 5 degrees long. The separation of the meteor and train took place just as the former crossed the star named. The train remained visible for the space of 4 minutes, drifting meanwhile to the S. E. shortening up as it went, without, however, growing much if any narrower, and disappeared after retreating about 7 degrees. The last glimpses that I had of it gave me the idea of a spiral form, but I could not be very positive about it. At 4 minutes to 3, another meteor left the radiant and proceeded to the star Zeta Draconis, leaving there a train, behaving just as the last described, retreating 2 degrees in 3 minutes. At 3 minutes after 3 another passed over Mizar, (the middle star in the handle of the dipper) leaving there a train that retreated $1\frac{1}{2}$ degrees in 2 minutes. At 8 minutes after 3, a very large meteor passed over to the head of Orion, leaving there a train 11 degrees long, and almost immediately afterward was seen to separate into several parts and disappear. The train floated a little to the east of south, a distance of 11 degrees, the middle moving more rapidly than the extremities, so that it took up the form of a crescent, with the horns pointing N.W. It should be noted that this train appeared near to the full moon, so that its period of visibility was thereby much shortened. From this train, before the separation, one observer thought he saw three small black streaks descending for a short distance, and curved backward toward the bottom. At 1 minute after 4, another meteor passed over to Sirius, leaving midway from Leo a train that exhibited the same movements as the last, giving the crescent shape before disappearance. A change of course in the path of a meteor was carefully noted in one instance. A little after $3\frac{1}{2}$ o'clock, a deep red meteor was seen passing very rapidly through Leo Minor toward the N. W., describing an arc of 15 degrees in $\frac{1}{2}$ of a second. About midway of its course it turned abruptly toward the west, at an angle of 15 or 20 degrees with its previous direction. Several bright meteors were seen to flash out, remain stationary, or nearly so, for an instant, and then disappear. As a rule, it may be stated that the nearer these were to the radiant point, the less was their motion. From a careful examination of the records made, there appears to be a difference in the length of the arc of flight, which has some connection with the quarter in which the meteor was seen. The following table exhibits the average length for the last two hours: LENGTH OF ARC BY QUARTERS. \| Hour \| N \| N.E.\| E \| S.E.\| S \| S.W.\| W \| N.W. \| \|------\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|------\| \| 2-3 \| 16° \| 13° \| 6° \| 14° \| 28° \| 20° \| 17° \| 15° \| \| 3-4 \| 18 \| 11 \| 12 \| 23 \| 15 \| 16 \| 20 \| " \| \| Average for night \| 17 \| 19 \| 10 \| 14 \| 20 \| 17 \| 19 \| 18 \| Found from 107 ob'sd arcs. The arcs described in the N.E., E. and S.E., are thus seen to be shorter than the average, but their time of visibility was a trifle greater than for other quarters. In noticing the rate of motion, a difference will be found with respect both to the hours and the points of the compass. Thus, by hours: 10-11...16° per sec. \| 12-1...19° per sec. \| 2-3...21° per sec. 11-12...15 " \| 1-2...28 " \| 3-4...19 " BY QUARTERS OF COMPASS. \| N \| N.E.\| E \| S.E.\| S \| S.W.\| W \| N.W. \| \|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|------\| \| 20° \| 18° \| 20° \| 17° \| 25° \| 20° \| 21° \| 20° \| Very few were timed during the last two hours in the first four of the above quarters. From the few, we shall derive a series of numbers much smaller than the above. In the last four, a considerable number were timed, and the resulting velocity arcs are greater, thus: \| N \| NE \| E \| S.E.\| S \| S.W.\| W \| N.W. \| \|-----\|------\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|------\| \| 12° \| 10° \| 17° \| 30° \| 22° \| 21° \| 23° \| I will conclude this article with a table showing the direction of the flights of the meteors, arranged according to the quarters whence they issued: Direction of flights commencing at 12 o'clock, 1 denoting 1st hour, 2 the 2d hour, &c. DIRECTION TABLE. \| Origin of Meteor. \| Direction of motion. \| Origin of Meteor. \| Direction of motion. \| \|-------------------\|----------------------\|-------------------\|----------------------\| \| N \| 1 1 1 3 1 \| N \| 1 3 \| \| \| 2 1 1 4 9 \| \| 2 1 \| \| \| 3 2 13 1 \| \| 3 15 \| \| \| 4 3 2 \| \| 4 27 \| \| N.E. \| 1 4 1 5 2 \| S \| 1 6 2 \| \| \| 2 9 6 2 6 \| \| 2 3 \| \| \| 3 3 2 1 \| \| 3 6 \| \| \| 4 1 \| \| 4 3 17 \| \| E. \| 1 1 2 3 1 \| S.W. \| 1 1 \| \| \| 2 1 6 2 1 \| \| 2 1 \| \| \| 3 9 5 1 1 \| \| 2 9 \| \| \| 4 2 9 3 3 \| \| 4 9 \| \| S.E. \| 1 2 2 1 \| W. \| 1 1 2 \| \| \| 2 1 4 3 2 \| \| 2 3 \| \| \| 3 1 5 12 \| \| 3 5 4 6 \| \| \| 4 1 1 1 \| \| 4 29 16 \| Totals for these columns: 22 35 14 21 18 96 118 55 But few were described as to direction during the last hour, at the first four stations. However, enough is presented to show three things: 1st. That the greatest uniformity as to direction is to be found in those quarters farthest removed from the radiant. 2d. If the breadth of this table be increased two-fold, and the sheet wrapped on a cylinder, it will readily be seen that the line of maximum direction runs around it from top to bottom, like the coil of a helix. 3d. The prevailing direction of motion is toward the west, or a little south of west. A careful record was made of the times of appearance, &c., of several hundred meteors, in the hope that kindred observations were being made in other places, and that a comparison of their observations with ours might enable us to ascertain the height and velocity of some of the meteors. In this, however, we were disappointed. The fruitless watchings of three or four years past had apparently discouraged our Hawkeye friends of neighboring towns, until they had made up their minds that star showers were too uncertain to warrant the loss of rest in looking out for them. Others in other places were more fortunate. Prof. Newcomb, of the U. S. Naval Academy at Washington, and Prof. Harkness, of Richmond, Va., by comparing their observations found that eleven meteors had been seen by both observers. Two of these were not seen in such a way as to enable them to make any computations in regard to them. The following is the result as to the remaining nine: \| No. \| Height at beginning. \| Height at ending. \| \|-----\|----------------------\|-------------------\| \| 1 \| 72 miles. \| 30 miles. \| \| 2 \| 108 " \| 55 " \| \| 3 \| 74 " \| 47 " \| \| 4 \| 82 " \| 38 " \| \| 5 \| 90 " \| 50 " \| \| 6 \| 104 " \| 41 " \| \| 7 \| 115 " \| 58 " \| \| 8 \| 79 " \| 41 " \| \| 9 \| 198 " \| 65 " \| \| Mean, \| 102 " \| 47 " \| Prof. Newcomb adds: "It appears from the observations, that the mean height of the meteors, at first appearance, was 102 miles, and at disappearance 47 miles. The motion being oblique, at an angle of 35° from the perpendicular, the actual mean length of the path of the meteors would appear to be 67 miles. But this length must be too great, since the meteors certainly went through their course in one second or less, probably in half a second. Their velocity being 44 miles per second, the mean length of path can hardly exceed 22 miles. This very great discrepancy is accounted for by the tendency of the eye to assign to a swiftly darting body, which suddenly appears and disappears, a range of motion much wider than its actual range, and especially to place its point of beginning too far back. Allowing for this, I conceive that, on the average, the brighter meteors first appeared at an average height of 75 miles, and were extinguished at an average height of 55 miles above the earth. I would also remark, that there is no positive evidence that any one meteor commenced at a greater height than 100 miles." From the report of the Royal Astronomical Society of England, on the November shower of 1865, (a small shower compared with those of 1866-7), we learn that 15 meteors were simultaneously observed by Prof. Adams, of Cambridge, and Mr. A. Herschel, at Hawkhurst. The following results were given for 5 out of the 15. \| No. \| Height at beginning \| Height at close \| \|-----\|---------------------\|-----------------\| \| 1. \| 75 miles \| 54 " \| \| 2. \| 72 " \| 55 " \| \| 3. \| 68 " \| 44 " \| \| 4. \| 89 " \| 57 " \| \| 5. \| 114 " \| 86 " \| The rest of the 15 not given in this manner, but it is stated that the average height of the middle point of their arcs was 83 miles. In November, 1863, observations were made at New Haven, Haverford College, Philadelphia, and the Naval Observatory at Washington, which resulted in computations for the altitude of 78 meteors, with the following average heights: At first appearance, 96.2 miles; at disappearance, 60.8* miles. From these observations we may conclude that the visible range of the November meteors lies at an altitude of from 40 to 100 miles, averaging 60-70 miles. From some computations that have been made in reference to the August shower, the range is thought to be from 50 to 85 miles, averaging about 60 miles, or a little lower than that of the November meteors. These regions are above the limits formerly assigned to the atmosphere. Do they indicate that we have been mistaken in regard to its extent? As bearing upon this point, notice the American Journal Science, September, 1865. observation made in regard to the trains which separated from the meteors and floated off in a direction out of the line of its original motion. Those noticed here, though some were seen in the north and others in the south, yet in all cases they floated toward the S. E. and hence must have been borne by a current of air or something else, toward that point of the compass. This floating away of a train has several times been noticed. The train itself seems to be only a cloud of vapor and finely comminuted particles of the meteor itself, expelled by the great heat arising from atmospheric resistance. Moreover, we have made mention of the great heat of aerolites, that have descended to the earth. That they do not come into our atmosphere in this condition, seems to be proved by the fact that in cases of the larger aerolites the heat is found to be only on the surface. The interior is intensely cold. They do not then approach the earth in a glowing condition, and hence become visible to us before entering the atmosphere; neither are they seen, as the moon and planets are, by the reflected light of the sun, for they are so near the earth that they must be in its shadow. They only show themselves after they have been heated to a glowing condition, by atmospheric resistance or some other resistance that answers the same purpose. There are several points in reference to the observations upon this shower, that ought to be particularly noted. 1st. The existence of a radiant point has been fully confirmed by the observations of the showers of 1866 and 1867. The position of this radiant in 1867, was near the center of the sickle in the constellation Leo. Its position in 1833, was thought to be near the star Gamma in the same constellation, showing a change of position in 34 years, amounting to about 3°. The existence of such a point shows that the meteors approach the earth from the same quarter of the heavens; that they exist in the form of a stream, or very much elongated cloud of meteoric matter. 2d. Since an unusual number of meteors have been visible on the night of the 13-14th of November, for several years before the shower of 1866–7, and since on the night of November 12–13; for several years both before and after the shower of 1833, an unusual number were seen—it follows, that this stream, this cosmical or meteoric cloud, must be of extreme length. If, as would seem to be the case, the duration from first to last of these unusual displays in November, before and after the year of the "great shower," is ten years, and the period from shower to shower is 34 years, we may calculate the orbit in which they move and the length of the cloud or stream. To assist the general reader in forming a conception of the subject as it now appears to those who have reasoned upon data similar to the above, we would advise the construction of the following diagram: Procure a card or drawing board 40 inches square, take a point at the center of this to represent the sun; around this center draw a circle, with a radius of 1 inch; this will represent the orbit of the earth; around the same center, with a radius of 5 inches, draw another circle to represent the orbit of Jupiter; also, another with a radius of $9\frac{1}{2}$ inches for Saturn and one with $19\frac{1}{4}$ inches radius to represent Uranus. Now take a ruler 21 inches long and lay it upon the diagram so that its edge shall pass through the center, and one end of the ruler extend beyond the center a distance of 98.100ths of an inch, you will then see that the other end lies a little beyond the orbit of Uranus; draw a line along the ruler from end to end; then taking up the ruler, place it across this line so as to bisect it at right angles, and draw a cross line 8 inches in length—4 inches on either side of the first line; upon these two lines as axes, describe an ellipse, and you will have before you a view of the probable orbit of the November meteors. Commencing on one side of this line not more than an inch inside of the orbit of Uranus, and proceeding toward the earth's orbit, you may, with a sharp pointed pencil, begin to make little dots along the arc of the ellipse and close by it on either side, making them comparatively few in number and far apart at first, but as you proceed along let them increase in number and proximity, until you have gone over nearly half the distance to the earth's orbit, then let them diminish about in the same way that they increased, and terminate the dotting when you reach the orbit of the earth; now imagine this ellipse to stand at an angle of $17^\circ 44\frac{1}{2}'$ with the plane of the paper. You will then have a representation of the cosmical or meteoric cloud itself as it is conceived to lie in space at the commencement of the November displays, or about 5 years before the "shower," say in 1862. One year after, or in 1863, this cloud has moved along toward the sun, the half nearest the sun has been very much lengthened and the earth crosses the cloud at some distance from the vertex. In about 5 years it crosses the central parts, which are certainly much more dense than the extremities, and we have a shower. In ten years from the commencement, the cloud has moved on so that the earth passes through what was at first the farther extremity of the cloud, and through an interval of 24 succeeding years it will meet but few if any more when it crosses this line than at other points of its orbit. I cannot conclude this article without making reference to a striking analogy between the orbit described above by the November meteors, and that pursued by a comet, discovered by Mr. Tempel, in December, 1865. If, upon the diagram already spoken of, you undertake to lay down the orbit of this comet you will find, 1st. That it crosses the path of the earth at the same place with the meteoric stream. 2d. That its perihelion point, (the inner extremity of the longer axis of its orbit,) is within $\frac{7}{100}$ of an inch of the perihelion point of the meteors, and its aphelion point out beyond Uranus, almost precisely the same as for the meteors. 3d. That while the meteoric stream is thought to intersect the earth's orbit at an angle of $17^\circ 44\frac{1}{2}'$; the comet intersects at an angle of $17^\circ 18\frac{1}{10}'$; and 4th. That the direction of both the comet and the meteors is contrary to that of the earth. These coincidences are too close and too many in number to justify the belief that they are accidental. Moreover, a similar correspondence has been found to exist between the August meteors and a comet called comet III, of 1862. The almost necessary conclusion is that Temple's comet is only a November meteor of unusual size, and that in general the distinction between comets and meteors exists only in respect to their magnitude. In the meteoric stream laid down on your diagram, place Tempel's comet then at a point a little forward of the center, and you will have figured before you the ultimate conclusions thus far reached in the investigation of the November star shower. EDITORIAL NOTES AND NOTICES. HISTORY OF JOHNSON COUNTY. Captain Irish concludes in this number the history of Johnson County. All in all it is an excellent history. Personally we can judge of the merit of that portion descriptive of the early settlement, only by its style and apparent fairness. Old settlers tell us that it is essentially correct. Of course there is much omitted in its narrative portions, which would have given to it additional interest for the general reader. Many amusing sketches of frontier life have been left out; many exciting scenes of the intensely earnest transactions of those days have not been described; many mirth-producing incidents which have been recounted a hundred times by the cabin fireside of the settler, are still unwritten. Entertaining as these would have been to such who came later, and are consequently unfamiliar with them, there are serious objections to their introduction. First. This class of history would have extended the work to a very great length, compelling its continuance through many future numbers of the Annals, or requiring more space than our crowded contributor's list now permits. Another and the paramount objection is, that with the greatest of care injustice is liable to be done. For there is scarcely a story of interest of those times that its point or zest does not consist in the fact that some person has been made the subject of a depreciative practical joke; the butt of ridicule; or his character compromised. These parties still live, or their friends are here, or if dead, their memories have become dear; covered and redeemed a thousand times, by the good which after circumstances developed in them, and which won them the after respect and love of their neighbors and fellow citizens. To transmit then these foibles or mistakes which made them the subjects of jest or criticism for the passing hour, to the future, for the simple sake of giving an enhanced entertaining quality to the work, would have been unjust. We have no authority for saying that such were the motives which induced the author to withhold the numerous anecdotes with which he is so successful in entertaining his hearers in social intercourse; yet we can readily understand Copyright of Annals of Iowa* is the property of State of Iowa, by & through the State Historical Society of Iowa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. 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With denominations issued in banknotes and coins, its value is supported by gold reserves, marking a shift towards a more secure monetary future. 4. Earthquake hits Italy’s Supervolcano Campi Flegrei Campi Flegrei, a supervolcano near Naples, Italy, experienced its strongest earthquake in decades (4.4 magnitude). This is part of a recent seismic increase and comes after warnings of a potential eruption. The supervolcano, larger than Vesuvius, last erupted in 1538 and poses a significant risk. 5. 4th International Conference on Small Island Developing States The Fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States (SIDS-4) will focus on ‘Charting the course toward resilient prosperity.’ Small Island Developing States (SIDS), consisting of 39 States and 18 Associate Members of UN regional commissions, face unique social, economic, and environmental vulnerabilities. Recognised as a special case at the 1992 UN Conference on Environment and Development, SIDS are highly dependent on tourism and remittances, with the ocean playing a crucial role in their natural resources. 6. 77th Cannes Film Festival Indian cinema had a historic year at the 77th Cannes Film Festival with notable achievements. Payal Kapadia’s ‘All We Imagine as Light’ won the Grand Prix award, making her the first Indian to do so in 30 years. Other Indian successes included Chidananda S Naik’s film winning La Cinef and Santosh Sivan receiving the Pierre Angénieux Tribute award. 7. Treaty on Traditional knowledge, protecting Indigenous People’s Rights In a landmark achievement, the Treaty on Intellectual Property, Genetic Resources, and Associated Traditional Knowledge was adopted at a Diplomatic Conference under World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO). The Treaty requires patent applicants to disclose the origin of genetic resources and associated traditional knowledge. This mandate aims to ensure transparency and recognition of Indigenous Peoples or local communities contributing to patented inventions. WIPO, established in 1967, is a specialised agency of the UN based in Geneva. 1. BFI joins World Boxing The Boxing Federation of India (BFI) has joined World Boxing, a new international boxing body, to safeguard boxing's Olympic future amidst the threat posed by the suspended International Boxing Association (IBA). Despite this move, BFI asserts its affiliation with IBA remains intact, allowing Indian boxers to potentially participate in IBA tournaments alongside World Boxing events. This strategic alignment aims to ensure boxing's inclusion in future Olympic Games, despite challenges posed by the IBA's suspension. 2. Ecclestone becomes the fastest woman to take 100 ODI wickets England spinner Sophie Ecclestone achieved a significant milestone by becoming the fastest woman to reach 100 wickets in One Day International (ODI) cricket. She achieved this milestone in 63 innings, surpassing the previous record held by Australian fast bowler Cathryn Fitzpatrick. Sophie claimed three wickets in England's victory over Pakistan, earning the Player of the Series award for her performance across three ODIs. 3. Greenland applies for membership to CONCACAF Greenland has applied for membership in the Confederation of North, Central America and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF), the football governing body for North, Central America, and the Caribbean. If approved, it would become the 42nd member. Greenland's Football Association sees this as a step towards competing at a higher level and aims to develop its soccer culture. 4. Leclerc wins the Monaco Grand Prix Charles Leclerc secured his first win at the Monaco Grand Prix after starting from pole position. Despite previous struggles in his home race, the Ferrari driver dominated from start to finish, even after a race restart challenged by Oscar Piastri. This victory marks a significant achievement for the 26-year-old Monegasque driver. 5. Kolkata Knight Riders won IPL 2024 Kolkata Knight Riders secured their third Indian Premier League title by defeating Sunrisers Hyderabad in the final. Despite Pat Cummins' efforts, the Sunrisers' batting collapse led to a paltry total. Mitchell Starc's stellar performance earned him the Player-of-the-Match award, redeeming himself after a challenging season. 6. Chinese Wang Zhi Yi wins Malaysia Masters final P. V. Sindhu lost to China's Wang Zhi Yi in the finals of the Malaysia Masters women’s singles. Although she started well, but was defeated with scores of 21-16, 5-21, 16-21 in a tough match that lasted over an hour. This loss means she still hasn't won a title in 2024. 7. Indian women’s Compound archery team strikes Gold Indian women’s archery team continued their dominance, winning their third consecutive gold medal at the Archery World Cup Stage 2. They defeated Turkey in the finals without dropping a set. Jyothi Surekha Vennam missed out on a second gold in the mixed team event, settling for silver with teammate Priyansh. 1. World Preeclampsia Day observed on May 22 World Preeclampsia Day, observed on May 22nd annually, raises awareness about this potentially life-threatening pregnancy complication. Preeclampsia, characterised by high blood pressure and organ damage, affects 5-8% of pregnancies globally, posing risks to both mothers and babies. Early detection and proper management are crucial for preventing serious complications and saving lives. 2. World Thyroid Day observed on May 25 World Thyroid Day, observed on May 25th, emphasises thyroid health’s importance. The 2024 theme is Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs), underscoring thyroid disorders’ global impact. Established in 2007 by the Thyroid Federation International, this day promotes awareness, early diagnosis, patient support, and research for conditions like hypothyroidism, hyperthyroidism, thyroid cancer, and goitre. Person in news 1. Naik Dhananjay Kumar Singh to be conferred with the Dag Hammarskjold Medal posthumously Naik Dhananjay Kumar Singh, who served in the UN Stabilisation Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo, will be honoured posthumously with the prestigious Dag Hammarskjold medal for his sacrifice. The Dag Hammarskjöld medal is the highest posthumous honour awarded to UN peacekeepers who lost their lives serving under the UN flag. Established in 1997, it is presented annually on International Peacekeepers' Day (May 30th). 2. Shrinivas Kulkarni awarded the Shaw Prize for Astronomy 2024 Indian-American astronomer Srinivas R. Kulkarni received the 2024 Shaw Prize in Astronomy for his groundbreaking work on millisecond pulsars, gamma-ray bursts, and transient astronomical phenomena. His leadership in the Palomar Transient Factory and Zwicky Transient Facility revolutionised time-domain astronomy, enhancing humanity's understanding of the dynamic universe. 3. Kabak Yano becomes first woman from Nyishi Tribe to scale Mt Everest Kabak Yano, a mountaineer and cricketer from Arunachal Pradesh, became the first woman from the Nyishi tribe to scale Mt. Everest. Overcoming financial hardships and personal loss, she reached the summit with a team of Nepali climbers. Yano's achievement highlights her resilience and aims to inspire women's empowerment in her state. Science and tech/Space/Defence 1. Exercise RED FLAG 24 An Indian Air Force contingent has arrived at Alaska’s Eielson Air Force Base for the multinational exercise Red Flag 24. Red Flag 24 is a rigorous two-week advanced aerial combat training exercise, uniting aircrew and equipment from various nations and services in a realistic and challenging environment. Held at Eielson Air Force Base, Alaska, it utilises the expansive Joint Pacific Alaska Range Complex to simulate combat scenarios since 1975. 2. RUDRAM-II successfully tested by DRDO The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) conducted a successful flight test of the RudraM-II air-to-surface missile using an IAF Su-30 MK-I aircraft. RudraM-II is an indigenously developed solid-propelled air-to-surface missile with a range of approximately 350 km. It is designed to neutralise enemy assets and features advanced technologies from various DRDO laboratories. The RudraM series are anti-radiation missiles (NGARMs) for destroying enemy radar and communication systems, enabling Indian Air Force strike aircraft to operate unhindered. 3. BHEL signs MoU with BARC for Hydrogen production Bharat Heavy Electricals Ltd. (BHEL) signed a Technology Transfer Agreement with the Bhabha Atomic Research Centre (BARC) for a 50 kW alkaline electrolyser system to produce hydrogen. This technology, developed by BARC, will be scaled and commercialised by BHEL for various industries, supporting India’s National Green Hydrogen Mission. BARC is India's foremost nuclear research institution, operating under the Department of Atomic Energy, with its headquarters in Trombay, Mumbai. 4. NASA’s Magellan Mission Scientists have found new evidence of recent volcanic activity on Venus, the second such discovery. Scientists observed new lava flows between 1990 and 1992, indicating active volcanoes. The findings imply ongoing volcanic activity comparable to Earth's. NASA’s Magellan mission, launched in 1989, aimed to map Venus using radar imaging. The spacecraft, which arrived in 1990, created the first global surface and gravity maps of Venus, revealing a young surface shaped by volcanic activity. 5. Indian Army collaborates with IOCL for green transport solutions The Indian Army has partnered with the Indian Oil Corporation Limited (IOCL) to introduce eco-friendly and sustainable transport solutions. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) was signed between the two entities, marking the beginning of a mutually beneficial partnership. The collaboration includes the deployment of hydrogen fuel cell buses, capable of carrying 37 passengers and achieving 250-300 km on a full tank. This initiative marks a significant step towards greener transportation in the armed forces. 6. Europe adopts first International Treaty on AI The Council of Europe has introduced the first international treaty dedicated to governing the ethical use of artificial intelligence (AI). This legally binding framework aims to ensure AI systems adhere to human rights, democracy, and the rule of law. The Council of Europe (CoE) is an intergovernmental organisation established in 1949, headquartered in Strasbourg, France. It’s the oldest such organisation in post-WWII Europe and addresses various issues like human rights and environmental protection. 7. Zero Debris Charter Twelve countries and the European Space Agency signed the Zero Debris Charter, committing to debris-neutral space activities by 2030. This global effort with over 100 potential signatories promotes sustainable space activities to prevent a catastrophic rise in debris and ensure future space exploration. 8. Nanopatterning using IR laser Researchers from IIT Guwahati and Columbia University developed a simple, innovative method for nanopatterning using a tabletop infrared laser, termed ‘optical driving’. Published in Science Advances, this technique, called ‘unzipping’, enables precise nanostructure fabrication crucial for advanced devices like light detectors and solar cells, promising widespread applications in various industries. 9. Electric Tiller launched by CSIR-CMERI CSIR-Central Mechanical Engineering Research Institute has launched an electric tiller in India to address the needs of small-scale farmers, prioritising cost-effectiveness and environmental sustainability. With reduced operational costs and zero emissions, it supports India's goal of achieving net-zero emissions and promotes eco-friendly farming practices, while enhancing user comfort and productivity. 10. Neanderthal bones harbour oldest known human virus A recent analysis of Neanderthal bones from 50,000 years ago revealed traces of three viruses also found in modern humans. These are the oldest human viruses ever discovered and suggest Neanderthals may have been susceptible to the same viruses we are today. Neanderthals were an extinct close relative of modern humans, living in Europe and parts of Asia. They disappeared about 40,000 years ago. Despite their stocky builds, they had large brains, made tools, controlled fire, and possibly buried their dead. 11. Earth size exoplanet Gliese 12b discovered Using NASA’s Transiting Exoplanet Survey Satellite (TESS) and other telescopes, astronomers have discovered Gliese 12b, the closest Earth-sized exoplanet, orbiting the red dwarf Gliese 12. Situated 40 light-years away, it's potentially habitable with an equilibrium temperature of 42°C. Its study may provide insights into atmospheric evolution and habitability pathways of exoplanets. ![Earth and Gliese 12b](image) 12. AstroSat observations Indian astrophysicists, using AstroSat, discovered unusual variations in high-energy X-rays in the black hole binary system Swift J1727.8-1613. This finding could help us learn more about black hole properties and accretion dynamics. AstroSat, India's first dedicated multi-wavelength space observatory, studies celestial sources in X-ray, optical, and UV bands. It aims to understand high-energy processes in binary star systems, estimate neutron star magnetic fields, and conduct deep-field UV surveys. --- Health/Agriculture/Environment 1. KAZA Summit 2024 Delegates at the KAZA Summit 2024 called for withdrawal from the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora (CITES), citing the convention's refusal to allow ivory trade. They argue that revenue from wildlife products could fund conservation efforts. The Kavango-Zambezi Trans-Frontier Conservation Area (KAZA-TFCA) was established through an MoU in 2006 and a Treaty in 2011. It spans five southern African nations, housing over two-thirds of Africa's elephant population and features three World Heritage sites. 2. Diadromous Fish A recent study reveals that 62% of Marine Protected Areas intended to safeguard rare diadromous fish are situated outside their core habitats, raising concerns about the effectiveness of current conservation efforts. Diadromous fish are species that migrate between saltwater and freshwater environments. These fish face threats from various anthropogenic pressures like habitat destruction and climate change. 3. Woman mauled to death by tiger in Tadoba tiger reserve A 32-year-old woman lost her life to a tiger attack while gathering firewood in the buffer zone of Tadoba-Andhari Tiger Reserve. Tadoba-Andhari, located in Maharashtra's Chandrapur district, is the State's largest and oldest tiger reserve. It comprises both Tadoba National Park and Andhari Wildlife Sanctuary. Named after the god Tadoba and the Andhari River, it houses diverse flora and fauna, including tigers, leopards and over 280 bird species. 4. Global Trade Disruptions causing rise in temperatures The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) reports that global trade disruptions, particularly the Red Sea shipping crisis, are leading to increased greenhouse gas emissions due to ships taking longer routes and spending more days at sea. With vessels diverted around the Cape of Good Hope due to attacks and climate-induced droughts, emissions have surged. Urgent measures are needed for inclusive, sustainable, and resilient global production networks. 5. Microcephaly A recent study revealed that the gene SASS6 (Spindle Assembly Abnormal Protein 6) and its variants are crucial in the developmental process causing Microcephaly. Microcephaly is a rare neurological condition characterised by a smaller head size in infants, often due to abnormal brain development during pregnancy or after birth. It can be caused by various factors, including infections, exposure to toxins, genetic abnormalities, and malnutrition. Currently, there is no cure for microcephaly. 6. Eurasian Whimbrel spotted in Chhattisgarh A GPS-tagged Eurasian whimbrel - a long-distance migratory bird, named Marlene, was sighted in Chhattisgarh, India, marking the first such occurrence in the country. The Eurasian whimbrel (Numenius phaeopus) is a large wading bird found on five continents. Breeding in Siberia and Alaska, it migrates to winter in southern USA, Central America, South America, Africa, and South Asia. It prefers coastal habitats and is known for its distinct head pattern and high-pitched call. IUCN Conservation Status: Least Concern. 7. Amazon Forest facing recurrent droughts A new study reveals that over a third of the Amazon rainforest is struggling to recover from recurrent droughts. This slowing recovery, likely caused by climate change, is weakening the rainforest's resilience and increasing the risk of a tipping event. The Amazon rainforest is the world's largest rainforest. Characterised by high rainfall and temperatures, they are vital ecosystems globally. Brazil holds the largest portion of the forest, accounting for 60%. 8. Himalayan Serow spotted in Nameri National Park For the first time, a Himalayan serow, a rare species typically found in the Himalayan foothills, was spotted in Nameri National Park and Tiger Reserve in Assam during a camera trapping exercise. The Himalayan serow, resembling a blend of goat, donkey, cow, and pig, is primarily found in Asia, particularly the Himalayan region. Herbivorous, it dwells at altitudes of 2,000 to 4,000 metres. Listed as Vulnerable by IUCN and under Appendix I of CITES, it's also protected under India's Wildlife Protection Act, 1972. 9. Kendu leaf as Minor forest produce Around 4,000 tribal farmers in Odisha's Koraput are unable to sell their kendu leaves, a minor forest product, due to a lack of approval from the forest department. Minor Forest Produce, as defined by the Forest Rights Act (FRA) of 2006, includes non-timber forest products of plant origin. Kendu Leaf or Tendu Leaf, is a vital product in Odisha, used for making bidis. It is often referred to as the “green gold of Odisha”, which is the third-largest producer of kendu leaves. 10. Mosquito species Anopheles Stephensi spreading in Africa The spread of the Asian mosquito species Anopheles stephensi in Africa presents a significant threat to malaria control efforts. Anopheles stephensi is a malaria-transmitting mosquito native to South Asia. Unlike African malaria vectors, it adapts well to urban environments, breeding in diverse water sources and biting both indoors and outdoors. This adaptability, combined with insecticide resistance, makes it a formidable threat to malaria control, especially in Africa's growing urban populations. 11. NGT orders curbing of illegal sand mining in Sharavathi River The National Green Tribunal (NGT) has ordered the Karnataka government to stop illegal sand mining in the Sharavathi River coastal zone. The Sharavathi River in western Karnataka flows westward, originating in the Western Ghats and reaching the Arabian Sea at Honavar. Spanning 128 km, it features the 253 m Jog Falls, one of India's highest waterfalls. Covering 2,985 sq km, its major tributaries include Nandihole and Haridravathi. It generates 40% of Karnataka's hydropower. 12. CSE welcomes BRSR initiative of SEBI The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) has praised the Security and Exchange Board of India’s (SEBI) Business Responsibility and Sustainability Reporting (BRSR) initiative. The BRSR initiative is a mandatory framework introduced by SEBI in 2021. It requires India's top 1000 listed companies to disclose their performance on environmental, social, and governance (ESG) aspects. The initiative aims to enhance transparency and provide valuable data to enable informed decision-making by investors and policymakers. 13. New Algal Species Oedocladium Sahyadricum discovered A new type of algae, Oedocladium sahyadricum, was discovered in the Western Ghats mountains of Kerala, India. This unique algae differs from others because it has both male and female parts and grows on land. It thrives in wet soil during the rainy season and changes colour from velvety green to yellowish-green as it matures. This algae could be useful for medicine, farming, and making a natural pigment called astaxanthin, which is good for health. 14. Kerala Government’s decision to replant Eucalyptus Trees sparks protests The Kerala government’s decision to permit Kerala Forest Development Corporation (KFDC) to plant eucalyptus for financial reasons, sparked protests from environmentalists that it harmed ecosystems and conflicted with the State's eco-restoration policy. Eucalyptus cultivation faces criticism for its high water consumption, transforming rainforests into barren lands and pushing wildlife into human areas. Responding to these issues, Kerala banned non-native eucalyptus and acacia planting and mandated their replacement with native species. 15. New Plant species Stellaria Mcclintockiae discovered in Kerala Researchers discovered a new plant species, Stellaria mcclintockiae, in the Nelliyampathy hills, Kerala. Named after geneticist Barbara McClintock, this species is part of the Stellaria media group and is the first of its kind found in southern India. Unique in its characteristics, its medicinal properties are yet to be studied. 16. GAIL inaugurated 10MW Green Hydrogen Plant under NHM Gas Authority of India Limited (GAIL) inaugurated its first 10 MW Green Hydrogen Plant in Vijaipur, Madhya Pradesh, producing 4.3 tonnes per day (TPD) of 99.99% pure hydrogen. Initially used with natural gas at GAIL’s plant, the hydrogen will later be supplied to retail customers. GAIL is also developing 20 MW solar power plants to support this green hydrogen production. 17. Microplastic Pollution in Ashtamudi Lake A recent study by the University of Kerala’s Department of Aquatic Biology and Fisheries revealed significant microplastic pollution in Ashtamudi Lake, a Ramsar wetland in Kerala. Ashtamudi Lake, nicknamed the ‘gateway to Kerala’s backwaters’ is a vast brackish lake. Renowned for its eight channels and lush surroundings, the lake is an important part of Kerala’s waterway system. Microplastics pose a threat to aquatic ecosystems and organisms, originating from various sources including fragmented plastic debris and product usage. 18. Elephant Census at Sathyamangalam Tiger Reserve The Tamil Nadu Forest Department began a three-day elephant census at Sathyamangalam Tiger Reserve, involving around 300 forest officials. This synchronised Elephant Population Estimation covers 5 tiger reserves, 26 forest divisions and 697 blocks statewide. This is the second synchronised elephant census in India this year, aiming to estimate the elephant population in Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala. The 2023 census found 2,961 elephants in Tamil Nadu. 19. Fish oil supplements harmful for the Heart Fish oil supplements, rich in omega-3 fatty acids, have been linked to heart health benefits. However, a recent BMJ Medicine study suggests they may increase the risk of atrial fibrillation and stroke in healthy individuals, though they help manage disease progression in those with existing heart conditions. A doctor should be consulted before taking high-dose fish oil supplements. 20. Ferroptosis occurs in severe Covid 19 patient lungs Researchers at Columbia University have discovered that ferroptosis, a form of cell death, is the main culprit behind lung damage in severe COVID-19 cases. Ferroptosis represents a distinct mode of cell demise where specific cells perish due to the breakdown of their outer lipid layers. This finding could lead to improved treatments for the disease by targeting ferroptosis with therapeutic drug candidates. Ferroptosis was first identified at Columbia in 2012 by Professor Brent Stockwell. 21. Cyclone Remal in Bay of Bengal Cyclone Remal is expected to hit the West Bengal and Odisha coasts. A cyclone is a large-scale system of air with very low pressure at its centre. It is characterised by inward spiralling winds, rotating counterclockwise in the Northern Hemisphere and clockwise in the Southern Hemisphere. Tropical cyclones form over warm ocean waters, move from east to west, and are classified by wind speed. Landfall is when the cyclone's centre moves over the coast, typically bringing strong winds and heavy rain. 22. Enhanced Noses of Male Proboscis monkey Proboscis monkeys, native to Borneo’s rainforests, have evolved large noses in males to attract mates. These arboreal primates live in mangroves and swamps, mainly eating leaves. They are strong swimmers with webbed digits, forming harem groups. Deforestation threatens their habitat, leading to their endangered status on the IUCN Red List. Miscellaneous 1. Cost Inflation Index for 2024-25 The Income Tax department has announced the Cost Inflation Index (CII) for the current fiscal year, starting April 2024, essential for computing long-term capital gains from asset sales. CII set at 363 for FY 2024-25, adjusts for inflation to determine real asset appreciation, impacting taxpayers' tax rebates and liabilities. 2. Pre-pack Insolvency Resolution Process (PPIRP) The Pre-packaged Insolvency Resolution Process (PPIRP), introduced in August 2021 to address the financial distress of MSMEs during the COVID-19 pandemic, successfully settled operational creditors’ claims in five cases. 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CONTENTS: Frontispiece: Maryan Langiewicz, a Polish Revolutionist of 1863. Austrian State Policy. Rudolf Kommer ........................................... 321 United States: Crusader. Roland Hugins ............................................ 336 Sympathy for Poland in German Poetry. Maximilian J. Rudwin ............. 342 The Poles and their Gothic Descent (With illustrations). Paul Carus .... 355 The Polish Language. Leonard Bloomfield ....................................... 372 A Woman of Poland. Maximilianus Germanicus ................................. 375 Our Illustrations .................................................................................. 383 The Open Court Publishing Company CHICAGO Per copy, 10 cents (sixpence). Yearly, $1.00 (in the U.P.U., 5s. 6d.). The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): Software that manages databases and provides an interface for users to interact with them. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that only authorized parties can understand it. 6. Hashing: A process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters. 7. Interface: A way for two systems to communicate with each other. 8. Network: A collection of computers and devices connected together. 9. Operating System (OS): A software program that controls the hardware and software resources of a computer. 10. Programming Language: A set of instructions that a computer can understand and execute. 11. Query: A request for information from a database. 12. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction. 13. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do. 14. System: A collection of related components that work together to achieve a common goal. 15. User: An individual who uses a computer or other electronic device. 16. Virtualization: The creation of virtual versions of physical resources such as servers, storage, and networks. 17. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser. 18. Wireless Network: A network that uses radio waves to transmit data between devices. 19. XML: eXtensible Markup Language, a markup language used to structure and organize data. 20. YAML: Yet Another Markup Language, a markup language used to structure and organize data. CONTENTS: Frontispiece: Maryan Langiewicz, a Polish Revolutionist of 1863. Austrian State Policy. Rudolf Kommer ........................................... 321 United States: Crusader. Roland Hugins ........................................... 336 Sympathy for Poland in German Poetry. Maximilian J. Rudwin ............ 342 The Poles and their Gothic Descent (With illustrations). Paul Carus .... 355 The Polish Language. Leonard Bloomfield ....................................... 372 A Woman of Poland. Maximilianus Germanicus ................................. 375 Our Illustrations .................................................................................. 383 The Open Court Publishing Company CHICAGO Per copy, 10 cents (sixpence). Yearly, $1.00 (in the U.P.U., 5s. 6d.). Entered as Second-Class Matter Oct. 10, 1890, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill., under Act of March 3, 1879 Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1916 JUSTICE IN WAR TIME By The Hon. Bertrand Russell Cloth, $1.00, paper, 50c Pp. 250 PRESS NOTES "Mr. Russell approaches his subject not as a pacifist, not as a militarist, not as pro-Ally or pro-German, but as a thinker, as a member of that hierarchy of pure intelligence which in time determines the issue of all matters of human passion and controversy....one cannot resist the conviction that the final verdict will be as indicated in this great volume."—Dr. Frank Crane. "This book is of genuine value to thoughtful readers."—The Editor, Publisher and Journalist. "The author's views are marked by sanity and impartiality."—The Milwaukee Sentinel. "By far the sanest, most practical and unprejudiced book which has been written about the war is that by the broad-minded, far-seeing Bertrand Russell....too much cannot be said in praise of this book...its value is inestimable.... Mr. Russell is one of those remarkable men who arise almost periodically to become a savior to their people, pointing out the way of salvation....his mind is rare, clear and logical and his heart is full of sympathy and love."—Detroit Times. "Mr. Russell is a strong writer, and Justice in War Time will make a strong appeal to many Americans....he aims to present the facts accurately and with a sense of fair play."—Detroit Saturday Night. The Open Court Publishing Company 122 SOUTH MICHIGAN AVENUE CHICAGO MARYAN LANGIEWICZ, A POLISH REVOLUTIONIST OF 1863. Frontispiece to The Open Court. AUSTRIAN STATE POLICY. BY RUDOLF KOMMER. THE FOURTH OF AUGUST 1914. At the beginning of the war there ensued, to talk the language of Nietzsche, such a wholesale revaluation of fixed values, such a recasting and remodelling of opinions, sentiments and ideas previously entertained, that the fourth of August may justly be called a day of discoveries. On that date that world-wide process of enlightenment set in which endeavored to prove to astonished humanity that most of their cherished notions on the relative worth of nations had been arrived at in a state of unprecedented delusion and aberration. In the course of a single afternoon old Russian revolutionaries joined their English friends in the conviction that Russia was in reality the embodiment of a noble and humane democracy, while English Balkan politicians proceeded equally swiftly to the canonization of Servia, now rechristened Serbia. It is unnecessary to point out that these and other discoveries carried with them the consignation of Germany and Austria-Hungary to the lowest depths of human worthlessness. English, French, Russian and American representatives of art and science proved in detail and conclusively that Germany had never created or achieved anything worth mentioning in literature or the natural sciences, in philosophy or technique, or even in music. It all amounted to this, that for at least forty years Germany had successfully carried out one of the most gigantic swindles known in history, leading all nations by the nose, until the ever memorable fourth of August opened their eyes. 1 A lecture delivered before the German Club of Los Angeles and translated by Kuno Meyer. The German edition of the lecture under the title Der österreichische Staatsgedanke may be obtained from the German Club of Los Angeles, 538 Bradbury Building (price 10 cents). The purport of these remarks is merely to point out the necessity of carefully dating every utterance on European conditions. Before the fourth of August, or after—these are the datings giving to every thought, every opinion, every word a different significance and an opposite tendency. For that reason alone I wish to state emphatically that the views which I am going to set forth all originated in the time before the war. For me the fourth of August was not a day of discoveries. What I think of Austria I have expressed on innumerable occasions during the last ten years, and am now prepared to repeat. The war has played havoc with my sentiments; it has left my political convictions wholly unaltered. THE MUCH-BELOVED AUSTRIANS. During the last decades Austria-Hungary has been treated in public and popular opinion with half-ironical pity and sympathy. This curious attitude was perhaps never shown so clearly as during the first months of the war in London, where we "alien enemies" of Austrian extraction were almost fêted. God knows, it is no exaggeration to say that at that time we were more popular even than the Belgians, and that after the fall of Lemberg we almost began to suffer under this popularity. Of course all this affection was only meant for our supposed weakness, and I regret to have to add that it diminished in an alarming manner during the spring offensive of 1915, and must now, after the fall of Bucharest, have reached zero. The imminent dissolution of the Austrian empire has long been a common topic of conversation. People talked about the natural collapse of an unnatural political fabric, and, still under the influence of the shibboleths of 1848, prophesied the victory of the centrifugal forces of the suppressed nationalities over the brutal centralizing tendencies of a reactionary bureaucracy and dynasty. Foreign politicians and historians loved to flourish the medieval notion that Austria was nothing but the appanage of the Hapsburg dynasty, an empire thrown and held together not by political and historical necessity, but by dynastic marriages. Every one knows the old saying: "Let others wage war! thou, fortunate Austria, marry!" This originally Latin sentence, dating from the time of Emperor Maximilian, the last knight, shows that even at the end of the Middle Ages Austria was taken somewhat ironically. But the inference that the Austrian crown-lands were held together for centuries merely by their character as the dowry of royal and imperial archdukes and duchesses is a false and absurd conclusion, a cheap reversal of historical events. For Austria, Hungary and Bohemia did not unite because their dynasties intermarried, but the very opposite was the case: these dynastic marriages came about because there existed the necessary tendencies of union between the three countries. Since the conclusion of the Triple Alliance the desire to discredit Austria-Hungary as a great political power has constantly been on the increase. Here I must remind you that at least four-fifths of popular opinion in the modern world are dependent on the English press, the English cables and the all-powerful English news agencies. Now so long as we Austrians were wholly harmless land-rats we were treated with that naive mixture of good nature, contempt and amiable condescension which the ruler of the waves doles out to all nations that have nothing to say on sea. But with the construction of the first dreadnought the old fairy-tale of the disruption of Austria was revived. Once again the chaotic jumble of nationalities was decried, which was not worthy of seeing the light of the twentieth century; jokes were cracked at the antiquated monarchy in the diseased heart of Europe; and again and again finis Austriae was announced to all quarters of the world. That such ignorant and at bottom childish arguments were largely taken seriously is due to psychological reasons. AUSTRIAN SELF-DEPRECIATION. The Austrian, from whatever mixture he draws his origin, is wholly lacking in pathos. National self-irony reigns in no country so universally as in Austria. Whenever a foreigner discusses Austrian problems with an Austrian, he will infallibly hear more or less ingenious witticisms at the expense of Austria. That this self-depreciation is no sign of weakness, but merely the expression of a peculiar national temper is shown among other things by the fact that it was quite common even in times of great magnificence and power. When it pleased the playful Hapsburger, Frederick III, to invent the vocalic conundrum A. E. I. O. U., standing for Austriae est imperare orbi universo, or ‘all earth is our underling,’ the mocking Viennese turned it into Austria erit in orbe ultima, or ‘Austria shall be the least on earth.’ Even the heroic wars against Napoleon were unable to change this lack of pathos, and the folk-songs centering around the noble figures of Andreas Hofer and Archduke Charles, like the older ones on Prince Eugene, all contain something kindly, homely and slightly humorous. A more modern phenomenon of the same kind is the reversal of the sentence of “boundless possibilities.” America was first called a country of boundless possibilities, and an American will always pronounce these words with justified pride. But when the Austrian applies them to his own country he takes them in another sense. Whenever the government commits some blunder the ironical phrase of the country of improbabilities or boundless possibilities is heard. That this kind of jocular self-criticism is not calculated to impress the foreigner favorably goes without saying. Add to this the infinite complexity of the inner political conditions, which makes the understanding of the Austrian problem so difficult and explains the almost complete ignorance abroad about anything relating to Austria. I was therefore not in the least surprised when a highly educated American, who was familiar enough with all the details of the love affairs of Crown prince Rudolf and the catastrophe of Mayerlingk, asked me whether “Austrian” was to be numbered among the Slavonic or what my friend George Moore calls the “Romantic” languages. INK-POTS, BILLINGSGATE AND MARK TWAIN. Travelers from this country, like your grand Mark Twain, used to notice only certain grotesque and ephemeral phenomena on the Austrian surface, and passed on. Mark Twain’s descriptions of the stormy sessions of the Austrian parliament are no doubt exact observations, but without the least understanding for the historical revolutions which accompanied them. To the artist Mark Twain every ink-pot hurled by a Czech delegate at the head of a German one denoted no more than the grotesque inkspots which it caused; every furious invective had only a literary interest for him; and the speeches lasting forty hours, which were then held, were to him but so many record-breaking performances. It remained altogether hidden from him that these outbursts of temper, often exceeding all bounds, signified the forced retreat of the ruling German nation before the aggressive demands of the younger nationalities. And yet an American ought to have been able to understand and appreciate these turbulent scenes. For they marked nothing less than the modern, democratic, constitutional and pacific settlement of deep-reaching conflicts between closely allied nations. The turbulent history of the Austrian parliament is an idyl of civilization compared with the bloody horrors enacted at the same time in the Balkans where similar national conflicts were settled in a somewhat more antiquated manner. You will perhaps understand me better when I ask you whether ten or twenty years of stormy parliamentary scenes in Washington would not have been preferable to four years of civil war. If during the fifties of the last century your statesmen had succeeded in allaying the growing passionate conflict between the North and South in a parliamentary way, if they had replaced the old-fashioned "militaristic" form of civil war by the civilized, peaceful and democratic form of parliamentary warfare, do you not think that wildly excited scenes in Congress and the Senate would have been inevitable? And thus, what people regarded as an evident weakness of Austria, as the unmistakable signs of decay, as the tragic symbol of political impotence, was in reality, paradoxical as it may sound, the revelation of an inward strength and soundness and the manifestation of a vigorous life. Every detension is more complicated than a primitive explosion, and it is the result of the highest art of diplomacy when latent civil wars are fought out in words. The invectives heard in the Vienna parliament were so to speak safety valves for relieving the warlike tension then reigning in Bohemia. THE MALCONTENT EMIGRANT. Lastly I must point out another source of error, the Austrian emigrant. It is but natural that people who leave their native country for their good cannot have an unbiased opinion on a condition of things which has proved unable to retain them. Every Austrian you meet in the wide world, while showing a deep and touching love for his old home, has in general some special grievance, as he is not inclined in a matter of fact way to make overpopulation, economical conditions, and the like, responsible for his exile. So he simply rails against the "government," adding as a rule some spiteful remarks meant to mask his homesickness. But he who desires to get a real insight into the national witches' caldron of Austria must first get rid of all such prejudices and superficialities. He must drop once for all romantic notions of Austria as the feudal heirloom of the dynasty and such-like lumber dating from the period of rococco. One simply can not see modern Austria while the imagination is shut up in a historical lumber-room. To designate contemporary Austria as a feudal state owned by the Hapsburg dynasty is an anachronism similar to branding the United States of America as a slave-owning state. PROPHECIES OF DISRUPTION. English politicians have often goodnaturedly patted me on the back—in the time before our first dreadnought—, have raved of the incomparable scenery of Austria, of her excellent pastry and coffee, of her exquisite waltzes, not without asking mournfully whether this melodious medley would not fall to pieces after the death of Francis Joseph. I have always answered this sympathetic question by saying that as a loyal Austrian I found it impossible to believe in the death of the emperor. As all foreigners are to the English either "crazy foreigners" or "dirty foreigners," my answer put me into the former category, and the Austrian problem was settled. At the beginning of the war this theory of disruption was of course pounced upon by the whole anti-German press with a kind of satanic glee, and not one of the many journalists who are occupied in settling the rearrangement of Europe has yet grown tired of announcing again and again that the final disruption of Austria is by general desire fixed to take place next week. The Serbians, Croatians and Slovenes of Austria are supposed to wait with outstretched arms for the Serbians; the Poles, Ruthenes, Czechs and Slovaks tremble with impatient longing for the Russians; the Rumanians want to be joined to Rumania, the Italians to Italy, the Austrian Germans to Germany; and of the empire of Charles the Fifth, on which the sun never set, nothing will soon be left save the Capuchin tomb of the Hapsburgers, the cheque-book of the Rothschilds, and the eternal rhythm of some imperishable songs. After more than two years of a cruel war against terrible odds there is no trace of any irredentist movement, and the revolutions predicted in Hungary and Bohemia, on the coast and in Bosnia, have taken place in South Africa, India and Ireland. Much might be said about the war and about the exertion and achievements of Austria, achievements which have slowly found an entrance into the political mind of England where the "Austrian resistance" is now reluctantly admitted. But if you merely glance at the map of central Europe and consider calmly and without prejudice the strategic position of Austria-Hungary as compared with the numerical and economic superiority of her many adversaries you will not cease to wonder at the strength and energy displayed. He who wishes to rate the military achievements of any European nation at their true value, must in the first place not commit the mistake of comparing them with those of Germany, for the Germans in this war form a heroic group by themselves. But if, for example, we compare Austria-Hungary with France, we shall soon recognize that the Austrian organism has proved itself far superior to the French. And in saying so I do not forget the German help which Austria has enjoyed, though as regards actual assistance of troops, it was naturally strictly limited. No one will maintain that Germany has been able to place one, two, or three millions in the field for Austria, as England has done for her allies. THE BETTER ALLY. But you must not misunderstand me and imagine that we Austrians have any desire to belittle the German assistance. We know and feel deeply what we owe to Germany, and nothing perhaps illustrates this heartfelt recognition better than that often quoted story of the dispute between a German and an Austrian officer on the relative merits of the two armies. After much discussion to and fro the Austrian is said to have given in with a smile and the following genuinely Austrian words: "Well, yes, it is true, you have a better organization, but we have the better ally." This story from the trenches not only illustrates the intimate and friendly relation of the two nations toward each other; it also furnishes us with a trenchant analysis of the Austrian temper and psychology. Still one must not commit the great error of rating Austria-Hungary by the Austrian smile or gesture. The time in which we live speaks the language of arms, and the success of the Austrian arms should suffice to draw attention to the immense cohesive power which must exist within the empire. This state-preserving power flows naturally from the conception of the Austrian state, as it lives to-day in Austrian statesmen of all nationalities, in the people itself, and in the dynasty—in short in Austrian consciousness. HOME RULE IN AUSTRIA. The idea underlying the Austrian state is national autonomy, i.e., unlimited self-government of the various nationalities, or to use an Anglo-Saxon expression, home rule. The political process leading to national autonomy is an infinitely complex and varied adjustment (Ausgleich) between the historical rights and privileges of the ruling nations and the national, political and economical demands and aspirations of the rising nationalities. The political life of Austria of yesterday, to-day and to-morrow consists just in this harmonizing process between the historical powers and the new national postulates; the adjustment (Ausgleich) between the Austria of Joseph II and the demands for autonomy of the Austria of Francis Joseph; the adjustment between the Germans and Czechs in the Sudetes, between Serbo-Croats and Italians in the coastland, between Germans and Italians in the Tyrol, between Germans and Slovenes in Carniola, Carinthia and Styria, between Poles and Ruthenes in Galicia, and between Rumanians, Germans and Ruthenes in Bukovina. As you have grown up in the political ideas of Anglo-Saxondom, I venture once more to substitute the phrase more familiar to you: National autonomy for all nations in Austria means home rule all round. But while home rule applies merely to geographical units, national autonomy goes much further in working both for freedom and democracy, and takes account not only of geographical units, but also of national divisions within these units. Thus for several decades the kingdom of Galicia had home rule, but no national autonomy, for the Ruthenes were being opposed by the ruling nation, the Poles. For about the last twenty years the process of adjustment between Poles and Ruthenes is in operation; the Poles have been obliged to surrender in fierce but merely parliamentary battles privilege after privilege, the Ruthenes have effected one national demand after another. Long before the war the Ruthenian language was recognized as an official language of the country by the side of Polish, i.e., it became the language of schools, law courts, churches and administration generally wherever Ruthenes are to be found in Austria. In the same way the political power in the Galician diet has been shifted in favor of the Ruthenes, their economic organization starting from cooperative rural banks has developed on a national basis, and thus national autonomy in Galicia is no longer a Utopian program but a growing reality. It is only natural that this process of adjustment seemed to move far too swiftly for the ruling Poles on the one hand, and far too slowly for the oppressed Ruthenes on the other. No man surrenders privileges suddenly and willingly, nor is a rising pariah possessed of patience and psychological insight. The consequence was that both Poles and Ruthenes vented their displeasure against the Austrian government which with infinite patience endeavored to stand above the parties and especially above the nations in order to bridge over their historical contrasts. He only can be a judge, or rather a mediator, who has nothing in common with either party. So the Austrian government is neither Polish nor Ruthenian, neither German nor Czech, neither Italian nor Serbo-Croatian; standing above the nationalities it is Austrian. The seeming displeasure caused by the levelling process, which was too rapid for one, too slow for the other, was nothing but opposition from ill-humor. As soon as the fabric of the empire was threatened by danger from abroad, the strength and soundness of the political instincts of all nationalities showed themselves, and although the Austrian interior is not yet completely furnished and equipped, the outer shell is compact and strong and has weathered the storm successfully. THE REAL FRANCIS JOSEPH. The development of Austrian policy during the last fifty years is indissolubly bound up with the person of Emperor Francis Joseph. There hardly ever was a great man further removed from his contemporaries than this most peculiar Hapsburger. To the whole world outside of Austria his real nature was veiled by the tragic fate of his family. The bloody end of his nearest relatives, the no less tragic fate of other Hapsburgers, and the no less painful extravagances of a number of others were known to everybody. People were familiar with all the court scandal of Vienna, Schoenbrunn and Ischl, and imagined they were doing justice to this unique personality by talking sentimentally of the old man on the throne who was spared nothing. Before I attempt a necessarily meager sketch of the astounding proportions of the personality of Francis Joseph I should like to explain why a serious appreciation of this most interesting political contemporary has so rarely been tried. In Austria itself it has become a tradition to begin the discussion of the historical role of a monarch, of his intellectual physiognomy and political profile, only after his death. Not as if it were forbidden to do so during his lifetime. What I am going to say now I might at any time have uttered at home in Austria; but I should not have done it. For we like to leave the emperor in the twilight of a remote veneration attaching itself rather to dynastic associations than to personal details; and when I say that the emperor to us is more of a symbol than an individual, I must confess that this distinction cannot count on a ready understanding in America. Such things cannot be explained: they are the result of tradition, constitution, temper, atmosphere and climate, if you like, and should be treated with tolerance. HANDSHAKES AND FOOT WASHING. When an American tells me with some pride of the handshakes which the president of this republic exchanges with electors and visitors, I can only reply that our emperor, the head of one of the oldest dynasties of Europe, on a certain day each year washes the feet of twelve beggars. Both are symbolic actions and cannot be arbitrarily transplanted, as every symbol does not thrive in every climate. Shake your president by the hand as much as you like, or as much as he can stand, and let us curve our backs as much as we like, or as much as our vertebrae can stand. These otherwise inexcusable remarks are merely meant to explain that Francis Joseph has not had his full share of appreciation because he is so far removed from public criticism. The intellectual structure of your president is known so well, because he is the center of daily discussion. The last president criticises the present one without hesitation, and the last but one does the same with both. All these and other possibilities of criticism exist as little in Austria as they do in England, and we have to take infinitely greater pains if we are to attempt a truthful, unsentimental and objective analysis of our sovereign. Consider that it was the same Francis Joseph, who in 1848 as a young prince and emperor of eighteen years stifled a revolution, which was wholly unintelligible to him, in blood; who sixty years later introduced universal secret and direct suffrage with the unbending will of a biblical patriarch against the wishes of the ruling bourgeois parties. Consider further that the same monarch who during the first years of his rule sees in every tame liberal a traitor to the state, after a few decades puts his trust in socialism, and not only favors a moderate state socialism after the German pattern, but expects from social democracy a cooling down of the nationalistic fever. The same man who relentlessly subdues the Hungarian insurrection, the outbreaks in Lombardy and the Polish revolution, becomes in course of time the protector of the national renascence, appoints a rebel who had been sentenced to death and hanged in effigy his minister, and becomes the faithful ally of the Hohenzollerns, who had destroyed the century old hegemony of the Hapsburg dynasty within the German empire. One must be blind not to see that this unique sovereign has seen more of political life than any other human being of our own time, and has digested and assimilated all the intellectual and political evolutions of the nineteenth century. The great wave of nationalism which overran Europe in that century has given a new direction to his whole mind and views, and the subsequent socialistic spring-tide found him fully prepared and sympathetic. "Monarchic socialism" is the curious designation which has been applied to Germany and Austria, not by fantastic Germans and Austrians, but by coolly reasoning American scholars, who have devoted years of diligent study to this paradoxical marvel of our age. "Monarchic socialism" practised by a Hapsburger born in 1830, grown up under Metternich, having received his baptism of fire at Santa Lucia in the fight against national liberty, having suffered the bitter humiliation of the flight of the court of Vienna before the revolution of 1848, and who as a grown man was wont to see in democracy and socialism veritable emissaries from hell. The progress of this mind through all the political phases of the last century is assuredly one of the most astounding events of that period. For it is easy to be a democrat when one has been born an American, it is somewhat more difficult for a scion of the oldest dynasty in Europe. FRANCIS JOSEPH THE CHIVALROUS. It has often been pronounced one of the most inspired episodes in the life of Bismarck when after the battle of Sadowa he prevailed upon his king to deal so leniently with a wholly defeated Austria. It has rightly been extolled as a magnanimous action of the first order, as the outcome of an almost superhuman vision; and the national merit of having reconciled Austria has naturally been claimed for Bismarck. But to bring about a reconciliation two people are necessary. Psychologically, it was a far greater achievement for Francis Joseph to accept the result of the campaign of 1866 and to resist every temptation to take revenge. Certain historians have called him the chivalrous. If for no other reason he would deserve this epithet for having acknowledged himself unreservedly beaten after an unfortunate trial of arms. This noble resignation was by no means weakness; for even for the weakest among the great powers of Europe it is always possible to indulge in the desire for revenge by concluding alliances and by attempts at isolating and encircling the enemy. Indeed the banal psychology of Napoleon III counted on such a desire in Francis Joseph; but the latter did not repeat the all too human mistake of Maria Theresa. Unlike the Bourbons, the Hapsburgers forget what should be forgotten, and learn what has to be learned. It is owing to this frank submission to the verdict of history that Austria enjoyed half a century of peace. It is the tragic guilt of France that, unlike Austria, she has tried to reverse the defeat of 1870, that she has not acknowledged the issue of her duel with Prussia, that she has shut her eyes to the trend of European history. If Austria had acted like France, the last fifty years in central Europe would not have taken such a peaceful course, the democratic development of Austria within a monarchical setting would not have been possible, and we Austrians might now have the doubtful pleasure of fighting against Hindenburg instead of by his side. THE AUSTRIAN LEITMOTIF. It would seem that it was the monumental victory of the national idea in Germany and Italy which converted the antinationalistic Hapsburger. For the year 1867 saw the satisfactory settlement (Ausgleich) with Hungary and thus the final conversion of an absolute monarchism into a constitutional dualism. This arrangement between Austria and Hungary gave the latter complete autonomy, the two parts of the empire sharing nothing between them but the dynasty, the army, and their foreign policy, while the share of either part in the common expenditure of the empire is settled every ten years. You see from this that the word Ausgleich has become a permanently recurring Leitmotif in the Austrian song of destiny. Since 1867 the inner political life of the two groups of lands has been guided by wholly different ideas. Under the guidance of Francis Joseph Austria has pursued the ideal of national autonomy, while Hungary remained faithful to the old phantom of a uniform national state, trying to magyarize the Slovaks in the north, the Rumanians and Germans in Transylvania, and the Croatians and Slavonians in Croatia. It was natural that the King of Hungary should have endeavored to counteract these tendencies, and for years he has been working to bring about universal suffrage in Hungary, so that the suppressed nationalities might have breathing space. This struggle for democratizing the Hungarian parliament, a struggle which the monarch has to carry on against an aristocracy insisting on their privileges and against a bourgeois oligarchy, must seem a mystery to Americans, who are wont to see in emperors and kings tyrants opposed to parliamentarism. But it is really time that the American conception of European kings, which seems to date from the war of Independence, should be modernized a little. The naive notion that an end of the present war could only be expected from a wholesale republicanizing of Europe would not then have spread like an epidemic. The dualism of Austria-Hungary produced in the brain of the murdered archduke and heir to the throne the grand idea of an Austro-Hungarian-South-Slavonic trinity. The South-Slavonic group would have embraced Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Dalmatia, and possibly also Carniola and parts of Carinthia. If this creative thought had ever taken shape, only Hungary would have suffered a diminutio capitis, as it would have been relieved of Croatia and Slavonia. If then in such a stupid and wholly aimless murder any logical meaning could ever be discovered it ought to have been committed by a Hungarian and not by a Serbian. ADJUSTMENT AND THE NATIONAL ROSTER. Immediately after the creation of an autonomous Hungary national evolution began in Austria itself. The rapidity of this process was naturally different with each single nationality, who are thus nearer or further, as the case may be, from the ideal of complete national autonomy. In Bohemia the emancipation of the Czechs, who forty years ago were almost completely denationalized, has proceeded so rapidly and victoriously that the German minority, which formerly exercised an unlimited political and economical rule, has for a considerable time been threatened in its national existence. A division of the country in two for administrative purposes will restore the balance. These shiftings of ascendancy and the violation of minorities resulting from them have produced in the younger generation the idea of a national roster, that is to say, a complete separation of nationalities in the electoral lists. The German electors are entered in German, the Czech in Czech lists. Thereupon each group elects a certain number of delegates according to its numerical strength, so that the electoral struggle is confined to members of the same nationality. In that way even the smallest national minority would be represented, the application of the crude principle of majority would be eliminated at least in the elections, the friction between the various nationalities would be essentially lessened, and the real struggle confined to parliament. The realization of this valuable political idea has for some time been on the program of the leading intellects of all parties and nationalities, and will no doubt be carried out after the war. The ultimate difficulties in the solution of the conflict between Germans and Italians, and between Poles and Ruthenes, are to be found in the strife for the location of the universities to be founded. Here both national and local sentiments come into play, which time will assuage. A full and harmonious balancing of three national groups has been successful in the small duchy of Bukovina, where Rumanians, Ruthenes and Germans live peacefully side by side on equal terms. Their three languages are the official languages of the country in schools, law courts and administration. Naturally every other national group in this petty crownland, which on account of its seven or eight nationalities is called a miniature Austria, has the full right to the use of its language. But the judges and officials of the country are not obliged to transact business in any but the three languages mentioned above. I will spare you statistics. Lord Beaconsfield has said that there are three kinds of lies: simple lies, damned lies, and statistics. This saying has at least a threefold application in the case of Austrian statistics. For Bohemia, e.g., we have the statistics of the government, of the Czech, and of the German parties, and so on for every crown land. THE SOCIALIZATION OF THE NATIONAL PARLIAMENT Universal suffrage introduced in 1907 was intended among other things as a cooling application to the national fever heat. The socialists became the relatively strongest party of the first absolutely democratic parliament, but were unable to lay at once the nationalistic ghosts. But the process of healing will undoubtedly go on rapidly, since sooner or later the class feeling will oust a hyper-national sensitiveness, in order finally to make room for a sentiment embracing the whole state. However, the morbid irritability of the single nationalities of Austria must first be allayed. For according to Bernard Shaw a healthy nation is just as little conscious of its nationality as a healthy man of his bones. But without speculating what the future may bring, one might have justly and emphatically said long before the war that Austria is the one state of Europe, perhaps the one state containing so many nationalities in the world, which does not, like Switzerland, sacrifice the individuality of its separate nations to the rigid ideal of unconditional uniformity. There is no enforced Austrian state language, there are merely territorial languages, belonging to the Romance, Slavonic or Germanic groups. This complex synthesis of ancient and new, conservative and radical elements is the only free and flexible form in which numerous isolated fragments of different nations can lead an individual and thriving existence. And this constitution, this idea, which is Austria, will sooner or later have to be taken over by the other great empire of multiplex nationalities, Russia, and finally also by the third Babylonian chaos, the Balkan. THE AUSTRIAN MIGRATION OF NATIONS. Since the beginning of the war the dissolution of Austria has been so often and so lovingly figured on colored maps, more particularly of course in England, that even unbiased observers have begun to ask themselves whether a neat division of Austrian nationalities would not be a desirable solution of the problem. Quite apart from a chronic economic paralysis which would accompany such a breaking-up of the monarchy, apart also from the political problems which the erection of about a dozen of new kingdoms would carry with it, the independence of such a number of small states even for ten years is quite inconceivable. Does anybody seriously believe that the tendencies of expansion on the part of Russia have been sterilized by her alliance with puritanical England? And even if the great powers of the second Holy Alliance should be inclined, after Germany's descent to hell, to lead the life of angels, saints or territorial hermits, will the newly founded petty states of Hungary, Czechland, Slavonia etc. be able and willing to do so? Will they not tear and rend each other as the Balkan nations have been wont to do? And finally, is it possible to separate them from one another? Is there even one single nation in Austria which could constitute a geographical and political unit? Are they not all dovetailed like different geological deposits in the strata of a mountain? And even if by neglecting the small minorities a more or less neat separation were possible, how long would the new frontiers remain national frontiers? In over-peopled Europe an incessant migration of nations takes place, a constant diffusion and interpenetration, which makes any separation illusory from the outset. At the end of antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages the Germanic longing for Italy influenced all that happened in Europe. To-day the opposite tendency is noticeable. While Italy is now invaded only by German tourists, the Italians themselves move steadily northward. In Transylvania the oppressed Rumanians are constantly gaining new territory, in Bukovina the Ruthenes are spreading, and in Moravia, Silesia and Lower Austria the Czechs are ousting their former lords and masters, the Germans, peaceably but effectively. Vienna, German Vienna, the German imperial city on the German Danube, contains to-day some hundred thousands of Czechs and will perhaps in a generation be a bilingual city. A German heart bleeds at this thought, but that can alter nothing in a historical process. These migrations have economic and biological causes and are fated and irresistible. One cannot shut up the nationalities of Austria, or of the Balkan, or of Russia, within Chinese walls; and Bismarck's well-known saying cannot be beaten: If Austria did not exist, she would have to be invented. A. E. I. O. U. In conclusion I should like to add a few words on the foreign policy of Austria and her attempts in the direction of social reformation. The colonial policy of Austria is her Balkan policy; other colonies are not even dreamed of in Austria. It is merely an economic colonization, since the Balkan states are the natural market for Austrian productions. Austria is unconscious of any desire of political expansion. It is this Balkan policy which has produced the antagonism of Russia; for its most vital demand is the deliverance of the Balkans from Russian imperialism. As regards the problems of social reform, Austria like the rest of Europe owes an enormous debt of gratitude to Germany. Austria was the first European nation which in 1887 followed the epoch-making example of Germany by introducing governmental labor insurance. The nationalization of railroads, the taking over by municipalities of electric car lines, the telephone, gas and electricity, stock-yards, of the importation of meat etc., are some of the items of that German and Austrian political socialism, which, as already said, has been called monarchical socialism by American admirers. If finally I am to sum up the fundamental components of Austrian policy, this may best be done by repeating the three main items of the inner political, the foreign and the socialistic program: national autonomy, a Balkan policy on an economic basis, and a well-tempered state socialism. UNITED STATES: CRUSADER. BY ROLAND HUGINS. "Let us be very clear, and make very clear to all the world what our motives and objects are." —President Wilson, April 3, 1917. AMERICA strikes. For three perturbed years she has stood outside Armageddon, watching, irresolute. Now she swings her vast resources of men and materials into action. She smashes a blow at Germany, the foe of democracy, of law, of small nations. She makes battle for the rights of humanity. America is fighting without passion, without hatred. She fights to build the future, not to avenge the past. For herself she demands no indemnities, no territories, no compensation. Her hands are clean. She gives herself freely. She has nothing at stake but honor, nothing to gain but the peace of the world. At the beginning a number of radical pacifists called this a	f7b957db-36be-4023-bae7-657776b3ff95	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3171&context=ocj	2023-03-29T01:09:07+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296948900.50/warc/CC-MAIN-20230328232645-20230329022645-00256.warc.gz	487,972,510	9,593	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.924785	eng_Latn	0.998344	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 795, 2770, 3729, 5132, 5217, 7068, 9636, 12212, 14791, 17195, 19885, 22344, 25108, 27531, 30193, 32757, 35286, 37885, 40404, 43013, 45242 ]	[ 2.796875, 1.0234375 ]	2	0
THE FIRST BOOK OF STONES The author’s thanks to Percy E. Raymond, Professor of Paleontology, Emeritus, Harvard University, and to editor Mary Elting. The artist’s thanks to David Jensen, Head of the Department of Minerals, Ward’s Museum, Rochester, N. Y. and Richard Hughes of the Rochester Museum of Arts and Sciences, for all their advice and help. This edition published 2019 By Living Book Press 147 Durren Rd, Jilliby, 2259 ISBN: 978-1-925729-86-3 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any other form or means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the copyright owner and the publisher or as provided by Australian law. THE FIRST BOOK OF STONES By M. B. CORMACK Director, Roger Williams Park Museum, Providence, Rhode Island Pictures by M. K. SCOTT LIVING BOOK PRESS YOU WANT TO BE A COLLECTOR Perhaps you don’t know one stone from another—very few people do. But perhaps you have collected some stones already, because they were pretty or odd-looking. You’d like to know what they are, where they came from, and what they are made of. This book answers your questions. When you make a real stone collection, you have to be a detective. You have to hunt for clues that will answer the questions: What is it? What is it made of? How was it made? You can’t always tell, just by looking at a stone, what it is. But you can make tests that will give you clues. YOUR DETECTIVE KIT Every stone detective needs these things to work with: A knife or a steel file for scratching the stones A piece of glass to make scratches on—get a piece with smooth edges so that you won’t cut your fingers. A magnifying glass for examining the stones closely An ordinary copper penny A piece of white tile—the kind that is used on bathroom walls or the kind that is put under hot dishes on the table A small bottle of plain fizzy soda water—(or ginger ale or any soda pop will do) You will also need these tools: A hammer for breaking your rocks open. Very often the outside of a rock has been stained or colored from lying around in the earth. You can tell what it’s like inside only by breaking it open. Many hammers are not strong enough to break stones, so collectors try to use a special hammer that has a flat end for breaking stones and a sharp one like a chisel for splitting them. A chisel for chipping small pieces of stone from bigger ones. This should be a rock chisel and not a wood chisel from your tool chest. Wood chisels will be spoiled if you use them on stones. YOUR FIRST TEST Now you are ready to make your first test. Look over your stones and see if you have one that has a dull shine and is almost pure milky white. It may be a large, polished-looking pebble from a beach or from the edge of a stream. Or it may come from a graveled road or even from a graveled parking lot in town. Break the stone with your hammer -- you will have to hit it quite hard. See if it is all milky white inside. Hold a piece of it up to the light. Can you see through the thin edges? Then perhaps your stone is milky quartz. Next, take the penny, the knife and the piece of glass from your testing kit. Rub a rough edge of the stone over the penny. The stone should scratch the penny. Try to scratch the stone with the knife. Quartz is very hard, and steel can’t scratch it. Now take the piece of glass and rub the stone across it. Press down about as hard as you do when you are rubbing out marks with an eraser. Does the stone scratch the glass? If it does, you almost certainly have quartz. The only stones harder than quartz are valuable stones and gems—diamonds, rubies, emeralds and some others—and you probably won’t find any of these lying about in the road to pick up. Quartz is called a stone, but it has another name, too. It is a mineral. Later on you’ll find out more about minerals. Quartz is not always milky white. It comes in almost every color. This is because little bits of other minerals are mixed in with it. The minerals that color quartz act like dyes. No matter how you dye cloth, it is still cloth. So, quartz of any color is still the mineral, quartz. Usually you find quartz in rough chunks called massive quartz, but quite often you can find quartz crystals. They often occur in little pockets in other rocks. Quartz crystals have six smooth flat sides. They come to a neat point on top. Once in a while you may even find a double-ender! The sides always meet at the same angle, no matter what size the crystal is. Some quartz crystals are very tiny and there are giant ones almost as large as you are. On page 31 you will find out what makes crystals and why all quartz doesn’t come in crystal form. Each special kind and color of quartz has its own special name. You will be surprised to find how many common stones are varieties of quartz. There is agate—real agate, not the imitation kind you find in toy marbles. There is amethyst, which often comes in beautiful large crystals. Its usual color is deep purple but around the iron mines of Lake Superior it is often a deep blood red. There is flint. Indians used it to make their arrowheads. There are opals and onyx and carnelian and jasper—all used in jewelry. But no matter what its color, each of these specimens is quartz, and each one is hard enough to scratch glass. YOUR COLLECTION IS STARTED Now you have tracked down your first stone. Next you should number and label it. A good collector does this the moment he finds out what it is. On the label he writes the number, the name of the stone, and the place where it was found. Cut out a small square of adhesive tape. On it in dark ink write the number 1, and stick the adhesive on the stone. Then make a neat paper or cardboard label with the information you have about your specimen: 1 Milky Quartz Pebble Pirates Hill Conn. Set the stone on the label, place it on a shelf or in a box, and your collection is begun. On page 77 you will find the best ways to keep your collection so that you can work with it and show it to your friends. You will find ideas for making the work easy and lots of fun. YOUR SECOND TEST Suppose you break a piece of white glossy rock that seems very hard. It will scratch a penny. A knife won’t scratch it. But, when you rub it over the piece of glass in your kit, the stone will not scratch the glass! You thought you had a piece of quartz, but the test proves you haven’t. Quartz will always scratch glass easily. Now try bearing down a lot harder as you rub the stone on the glass. Press about as hard as you do when you try to cut a very tough piece of beefsteak with a dull knife. Now can you make a little scratch? If you can, you probably have a stone called feldspar. Its name means “field stone.” Feldspar will also scratch the flat blade of your knife. It won’t be long before you can tell feldspar from a chunk of quartz just at a glance. They do not shine in the same way. Feldspar shines like a polished china plate. Quartz shines more like glass. Meantime you can make another test. Take a hammer and strike a spare piece of feldspar. It breaks clean in two directions and almost clean in a third. It breaks into little slanting bricks, like matchboxes that have been blown a little bit askew by the wind. The angles at the corners aren’t quite right angles. The sides of the bricks lean. But quartz never breaks clean in any direction. Take a hammer and try it. The breaks are jagged and rough, with no good, flat surfaces. When a stone breaks clean, with one or more flat surfaces, we say it has cleavage. Feldspar breaks easily. Feldspar may be pink or white or even bright green. Beautiful green feldspar called Amazon stone comes from Pikes Peak, Colorado. White and pink feldspar are common almost everywhere. The colors are caused by bits of other minerals that have dyed the feldspar. Make a label and you have the second specimen for your collection: 2 Feldspar Bedford N.Y.	a25499ea-2a37-4f99-bc90-a4dbeda00126	CC-MAIN-2024-10	https://www.livingbookpress.com/samples/9781925729863-sample.pdf	2024-02-23T04:00:15+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-10/segments/1707947474360.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20240223021632-20240223051632-00435.warc.gz	907,312,840	1,839	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.980209	eng_Latn	0.999286	[ "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 24, 766, 917, 1687, 2623, 3428, 4689, 5421, 6215, 7113, 8057 ]	[ 2.6875 ]	1	0
An Augmented Flute for Beginners Florian Heller UHasselt - iUL - imec 3590 Diepenbeek, Belgium email@example.com Irene Meiying Cheung Ruiz ESPOL Guayaquil, Ecuador firstname.lastname@example.org Jan Borchers RWTH Aachen University 52056 Aachen, Germany email@example.com ABSTRACT Learning to play the transverse flute is not an easy task, at least not for everyone. Since the flute does not have a reed to resonate, the player must provide a steady, focused stream of air that will cause the flute to resonate and thereby produce sound. In order to achieve this, the player has to be aware of the embouchure position to generate an adequate air jet. For a beginner, this can be a difficult task due to the lack of visual cues or indicators of the air jet and lip position. This paper attempts to address this problem by presenting an augmented flute that makes the parameters of the embouchure visible and measurable. The augmented flute shows information about the area covered by the lower lip, estimation of lip hole shape based on image analysis, and shows the air jet direction. Additionally, the augmented flute provides directional and continuous feedback in real time, based on data acquired from experienced flutists. In a small experiment with five novices, most participants could produce a sound with only minimal instructions. Author Keywords Flute, Learning, Augmented Instruments. ACM Classification H.5.2 [Information Interfaces and Presentation] User Interfaces — Training, help, and documentation, H.5.5 [Information Interfaces and Presentation] Sound and Music Computing 1. INTRODUCTION Learning to play an instrument is typically difficult, but while for some, producing the sound is as easy as hitting a key and, therefore, the student can quickly focus on playing songs, for many novices requires much effort to even produce the sound. The transverse flute requires a steady, focused stream of air to produce sound, and “is the easiest instrument to play badly” [4]. The simplest sound of the flute is already influenced by a series of parameters: the angles at which the flute is held, the angle at which the air is blown into and over the embouchure, the width of the air jet, and the air jet speed. Some of these factors can be self-observed while playing in front of a mirror, but mostly, corrections require an experienced teacher. As a teacher is not always present during practice, this can easily lead to frustration. In this paper, we present an augmented flute headjoint (Figure 1) that, using various sensors, localizes the problem in generating the proper sound and gives feedback on how to solve the issue. The goal is to support novice users during unsupervised practice by helping them to produce a sound. We iteratively designed our augmented flute following recommendations from experienced flutists and successfully tested it with novices which were able to produce a sound after a short time. 2. MOTIVATION & RELATED WORK The transverse flute is composed of three parts: headjoint, body, and footjoint. The headjoint contains the lip plate where the embouchure is placed (Figure 2). The body as well as the footjoint contain the mechanism to cover the key holes to produce a particular tone. To achieve a proper embouchure, the player has to relax the muscles of the mouth, and then draw the lips towards the corner of the mouth. The lip hole is then created by letting the air go through the lips. The shape of the lip hole has to have a longitudinal form; a round shape should be avoided [2]. While the exact placement of the lips on the lip plate is subject to the player’s anatomy, as general guideline “the mouthpiece must be placed against the edge of the lower lip where the red part of the latter begins” [1]. Fletcher analyzed the different technical parameters of the embouchure and their influence on sound [6]. According to his measurements, the air jet angle is within a range of $25^\circ$-$40^\circ$ down from the horizontal [5]. These guidelines were used as references during the development of our prototype. Most of the research on augmented flutes was aimed at increasing its expressivity by adding sensors whose readings are used as input for additional effects. Ystad and Vahder proposed a virtually real flute [13], and suggested that synthesizing the physical aspects and produces the sound of an acoustic flute. They used sensors to feed a synthesis model. The cork of the headjoint was replaced with a microphone to measure the air pressure inside the flute. Magnetic sensors were added to the keypads of the flute to detect the finger position. Additional filters simulating the wave propagation could be applied to add effects to the output sound. The Hyper-Flute [7, 8] added sensors to the flute without compromising the original acoustic of the instrument and technique. Thus, the placements of the sensors were strategically located, e.g., pressure sensors were located on points where the player was most held. The goal is to gather data (from the sensors) in real time and map them to control sound signal parameters. Another augmented flute was proposed by Da Silva et al. [3]. They measured the airflow velocity at two points (left and right) on the mouthpiece using two stagnation tubes from a pitot tube. The aim of this study was to be able to control a flanger effect by sweeping the frequency up and down. There are some related projects that use augmentation to assist learning especially for the transverse flute. Siwak et al. [11] noticed the limited use of technology for flute pedagogy and as feedback tool for musicians. One of the few projects is the tool proposed by Jiménez et al. [6]. Although they did not address however, the use of technology to assist learning is important to mention. The sensor data collected on the recorder was sent to an application that provided feedback accordingly to assist the student. The feedback addressed air pressure and fingering. The application also combined theory and practice. A tool like the Blocki Pneumo Pro\textsuperscript{1} is a simple helper that allows self-controlled learning, however, it does not produce any sound, which forces the student to switch between the two headjoints. ![Figure 2: The components of a flute headjoint.](image) ### 3. THE AUGMENTED FLUTE To figure out what typical beginners’ mistakes are when they learn to play the flute, we analyzed six tutorial videos available on YouTube. We observed what kind of errors the students make, and how the teachers correct these: a wrong placement of the lower lip on the headjoint, a wrong angle of the air jet, an insufficient amount of air, matching the lip hole with the embouchure hole, and the shape of the lip hole. In most of the cases, the teacher intervened by manually adjusting the posture which is, obviously, only possible if the teacher is physically present, and thus not an option if the student is practicing at home. We equipped our flute headjoint with sensors to detect these errors and provide step-by-step instructions through software. #### 3.1 Lip Placement To sense the placement of the lower lip on the lip plate, we added three copper stripes as depicted in Figure 3. The stripes are connected to the microcontroller and used as capacitive sensors. They are isolated from the headjoint by a thin sheet of paper and covered with a layer of paint, to avoid direct body contact. ![Figure 3: Three stripes of copper foil on the lip plate make the capacitive sensor for the lip placement. They are isolated from the headjoint by a thin layer of paper and covered with blue paint to avoid direct body contact.](image) #### 3.2 Air Jet Angle To measure the air jet angle, we use two flow sensors for differential measurement. One sensor is placed inside the bore to measure the amount of air that is blown into the headjoint, while the other sensor is placed on a beam attached to the headjoint (Figure 1). To determine the position of the external flow sensor, we used stripes of thin plastic foil to locate the angle of maximum differential pressure. Moving the lip plate will affect both the inner and outer, and only minimal changes in sound could be detected. However, the sound quality can be neglected as our flute is designed for absolute beginners. #### 3.3 Lip Hole Shape The lip hole shape determines the width of the air jet. If it is too wide, the air will hit the sides of the embouchure hole and produce a windy sound [9]. Wilcocks indicated that a wide aperture of the lip hole causes an unfocused air jet [12]. Therefore, the amount of windy noise in a tone is highly related to the lip hole shape. We decided to acquire the lip hole shape indirectly by measuring the amount of noise in the resulting sound. The use of a camera would be an alternative, however, this requires additional integration of a camera into the headjoint and challenging image processing. As the tone produced by a flute can been considered pure due to the short harmonic development [5], we used a simple subtractive approach to measure the amount of noise, and thereby, the width of the lip hole. We determined the fundamental frequency of the tone, and fed it into the PitchDemo\textsuperscript{2} patch in PureData to eliminate the harmonic development from the original signal in the frequency domain. The amplitude of the residual signal was then used as a metric for the lip hole shape. \textsuperscript{1}http://www.blockiflute.com \textsuperscript{2}http://williambrent.conflations.com/pages/research.html 4. SOFTWARE Our software interface basically consists of step-by-step instructions to play the flute’s headjoint down tone. We do not consider the remaining tones of the flute, as the effects of closing holes to play different tones can be practiced on your own. At first launch, the user is guided through the different steps of placing her lips on the lip plate, blowing air in the correct direction and with the correct jet width, and finally, fine tuning the frequency by turning the headjoint. Successfully achieving one of the steps unlocks the following one. All elements are live visualizations of the sensor data, which means that if one of the parameters drifts out of the specified thresholds it is colored red (Figure 4). Once it is back within the optimal range, it turns green again. 5. IMPLEMENTATION All sensors were connected to an Arduino Micro\textsuperscript{3} board which communicated the data to a host computer for further processing (Figure 5). For the differential air flow measurement, we used two IST FS1 gas flow sensors, and the capacitive measurements were performed using Paul Badger’s \textit{Capacitive Sensing Library}. Audio was recorded using a small diaphragm condenser microphone connected to an M-Audio Fast Track audio input interface. The audio processing for the lip hole shape detection was implemented in PureData using the \textit{pitchEnv} and \textit{signumEnv} patches. The microphone was at 1 meter distance from the participant. Finally, the user interface and data analysis was implemented using Processing. To determine whether the air jet angle and the lip hole shape are correct, we used decision trees that check the different parameters against a number of thresholds. For the lip coverage, we used simple minimum-maximum thresholds. The threshold values for all parameters are based on an evaluation with expert flutists, which we will describe in the next section. All sessions were performed in a regular office room (around 46dB) and after office hours to decrease environmental noise. 6. EVALUATION We iterated over the prototype several times based on the results of smaller evaluations. Expert Panel: After having tested and calibrated the system based on our own expertise, we presented the system to four experienced flutists who had 12 to 20 years of experience playing the instrument. The main purpose of this evaluation was to calibrate the sensor thresholds to work with a multitude of players and to determine the optimal sensor values. After the calibration phase, we asked the experts for comments and feedback. Three mentioned that they could notice the capacitive sensors and that they had to get used to the new headjoint by switching to a different flute regularly than usual to adapt to them, thus can be considered a minor issue. One mentioned that he thinks the sound quality was affected by the additional sensors, but was not entirely certain about it. Once the prototype turns into a real product, the sensors can probably be integrated in a way that sound quality remains good. We asked the panel to answer some questions on a five point Likert scale with 1 being the best. Half of the participants believed that this application could be useful for beginners, with the others being undecided (Mdn = 2.5, SD = 0.96). All could easily determine which of the parameters they had to change in order to get a proper sound (Mdn = 2, SD = 0). The experts generally felt supported by the augmented flute (Mdn=3.5, SD=0.71), but they could easily find out how to achieve a better result (Mdn=2, SD = 1.26). The low rating for the question about the perceived support was probably due to the fact that the thresholds were not yet optimal for some of the players and therefore, the software gave inappropriate recommendations. However, this was solved in the following iteration, based on the values we recorded with the expert panel. After integrating the feedback of the expert panel, we ran a small pilot study with four novice users who had never played the flute before. This revealed a lack of guidance and explanations in the interface that remained unnoticed during the tests with the flutists, mostly because they already knew how to solve the issue at hand. These problems were fixed before the final evaluation with novice users. Novice Users: We recruited 5 novices, 2 male, 3 female to perform the test. None reported to have played the flute before but other musical instruments: recorder, piano and guitar. All participants received a brief introduction on how to produce a sound on the headjoint, and three of the participants were asked to try making a sound on a regular headjoint with no sensors. We did this to estimate whether a simple explanation is sufficient to generate a proper sound, \textsuperscript{3}\url{http://www.arduino.cc/en/Main/ArduinoBoardMicro} but none of the three users was successful. All participants then followed the instructions of our augmented flute system and only one was not able to produce a sound at all, which was caused by the fact that the system could not sense (lips rolled over the teeth). Participants could easily detect which parameter to change to get a better result (Mdn = 1, SD = 0.4), felt supported by the augmented flute (Mdn = 2, SD=0.5), and could easily find out how to get a better result (Mdn = 1, SD = 0.5). Expert Review: To see whether our software gives proper recommendations, we sent the five video recordings of the novice users’ sessions to an experienced flutist and flute teacher, with 18 years of practice playing the instrument and 5 years of experience as an instructor. Overall, our software only achieved partial agreement with the corrections our expert would have given. The differences in recommendations happened because the sensors the participants handle could not be sensed by their unaided flute, e.g., lips rolled over the teeth, high tension in the lips), nevertheless, the effects of these errors could be sensed. Factors like lip tension cannot be measured with our non-intrusive approach. As we do not see our tool as a replacement for the flute teacher, but as an additional help for the students, we believe that things like lip tension, rolling the lips over the teeth, etc. would be covered during the first lesson. ### 7. SUMMARY & FUTURE WORK In this paper, we presented an augmented transverse flute headjoint that supports novice users during unsupervised practice by indicating which of the many parameters that influence the generation of sound is out of range and how to correct the error in order to produce a proper sound. Based on literature, we determined the four most important steps to play a sound on the flute and provide sensing mechanisms to control these. We calibrated our sensors and thresholds by recording the playing of experienced flutists. In an experiment with five novice users, a brief introduction and the augmented flute were sufficient for most of them to produce a sound. The intended user-case of our system is the unsupervised practice time after the first lessons, when a teacher is not available and self-observation is not helpful due to the large number of factors influencing the result, which are partially not directly visible. The goal is to minimize frustration while practicing between the first lessons. In future iterations, the sensors should be tightly integrated into a beginner’s flute. Models made from ABS such as Yamaha’s YRF-21 do not require the insulation layer for the capacitive sensing, and the copper stripes could become an integral part of the material, minimizing their effect on the player’s comfort. Furthermore, the integration of the sensors also reduces the impact on sound. Adding an inertial measurement unit (IMU) to the set of sensors would allow to correct errors in posture and handling of the entire flute. ### 8. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We would like to thank the participants of our study, and the professional flutists for their time, feedback, and recommendations. This work was funded in part by the German B-IT Foundation. ### 9. REFERENCES [1] J.-H. Altis. Method for the Boehm Flute. Carl Fischer, 1897. [2] A. Brooke. The modern method for Boehm flute. 1912. [3] A. R. da Silva, M. M. Wanderley, and G. Scavone. On the use of flute air jet as a musical control variable. In NIME ’05, pages 105–108, 2005. [4] L. De Lorenzo. My Complete Story of the Flute: The Instrument, the Performer, the Music. Instrument, the Performer, the Music Series. Texas Tech University Press, 1992. [5] N. H. Fletcher. Some acoustical principles of flute technique. The Instrumentalist, 28(7):57–61, 1974. [6] N. H. Fletcher. Acoustical correlates of flute performance technique. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America, 57(1):233–237, 1975. [7] C. Palacio-Quintin. The hyper-flute. In NIME ’03, pages 206–207, 2003. [8] C. Palacio-Quintin. Eight years of practice on the hyper-flute: Technological and musical perspectives. In Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on New Interfaces for Musical Expression, 2008. [9] E. Putnik. The Art of Flute Playing. The Art of Series. Sunny-Birchard Company, 1973. [10] K. J. G. Romero, D. A. R. Lopez, L. A. Luengas, and J. C. Guevara. Virtual flute: Electronic device that uses virtual reality to teach how to play a flute. In IEEE EDUCON 2010 Conference, pages 211–216, April 2010. [11] D. Siwiak, A. Kapur, and D. A. Carnegie. Music technology’s influence on flute pedagogy: A survey of their intersection. In ICMC ’14: Proceedings of the 2014 International Computer Music Conference, 2014. [12] G. Wilcocks. Improving Tone Production on the Flute with Regards to Embouchure, Lip Flexibility, Vibrato and Tone Colour, as Seen from a Classical Music Perspective. 2006. [13] S. Ystad and T. Voinier. A virtually real flute. 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The History of Education in Windsor, Connecticut Ervin Sylvester Farrington Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the Education Commons Recommended Citation Farrington, Ervin Sylvester, "The History of Education in Windsor, Connecticut" (1939). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 3745. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/3745 This Open-Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact firstname.lastname@example.org. THE HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN WINDSOR, CONNECTICUT BY ERVIN SYLVESTER FARRINGTON THESIS UNIVERSITY OF MAINE M.S., 1938 UNIVERSITY OF MAINE LIBRARY ORONO, MAINE The History of Education in Windsor, Connecticut A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Science (in Education) By Ervin Sylvester Farrington B. S. in Science, University of New Hampshire, 1932 Orono June 1938 # Table of Contents ## Chapter I Colonial Windsor, 1614-1773 \| Section \| Page \| \|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------\| \| A. Discovery and Settlement \| 1 \| \| B. Expansion \| 8 \| \| C. Government \| 11 \| \| D. Religion \| 13 \| \| E. Patent of the Town of Windsor \| 14 \| \| F. Educational Background of First Settlers \| 18 \| \| G. Apprenticeship Education \| 19 \| \| H. Approval of Higher Education \| 19 \| \| I. Code of Colonial Laws \| 20 \| \| a. Children \| 20 \| \| b. Schools \| 22 \| \| J. First Record of Schools, First Schoolmaster, and First Schoolhouse \| 24 \| \| K. Legacy of John Fitch \| 25 \| \| L. General Court Order of 1690 \| 26 \| \| M. General Court Order of 1708 \| 28 \| \| N. Parish Schools \| 29 \| \| O. Summary \| 32 \| ## Chapter II Parish Control of Schools, 1773-1862 \| Section \| Page \| \|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------\| \| A. School Districts \| 33 \| \| B. First School Society \| 33 \| \| 1. The Academy \| 35 \| \| 2. District No. 1 \| 38 \| \| 3. District No. 3 \| 38 \| 4. Re-Numbering of School Districts 39 a. District No. 1 39 b. District No. 2 43 c. District No. 3 43 d. District No. 4 44 e. District No. 5 45 f. District No. 6 45 g. District No. 7 46 h. District No. 9 46 C. Summary 47 III Private and Town Control of Schools, 1862-1914 50-68 A. Private Schools 50 1. Hayden Hall and Campbell School for Girls 50 2. Loomis Institute 51 B. Town Schools 51 1. Windsor High School 52 2. Poquonock High School 57 3. Elementary Education 58 C. Summary 68 IV Town and Private Control of Schools (Continued) 1914-1938 A Period of Rapid Growth and Development 69-98 A. Windsor High School 69 B. District No. 1 78 C. District No. 3 81 \| Section \| Page \| \|----------------------------------------------\|------\| \| D. District No. 4 \| 84 \| \| E. District No.11 \| 86 \| \| F. Methods of Instruction \| 86 \| \| G. School Supervision and Superintendent \| \| \| Emeritus \| 90 \| \| H. Loomis Institute \| 92 \| \| I. The Warham School \| 96 \| \| J. Summary \| 97 \| \| V Summary of Thesis \| 99-102\| \| References \| 103-111\| \| Bibliography \| 112-114\| Preface The purpose of this study is to show three hundred years of educational progress in Windsor, Connecticut, from 1614, when the earliest records are found, through the colonial period, the period of parish control of schools and the period of town and private control of schools. This thesis is based almost entirely on original records and documents. All show intimate glimpses of one of the most interesting and most historic communities in all New England. We have come a long way in three hundred years, from the simplicity of early pioneer life when science had hardly awakened, to an age where constant changes in social environment, industrial development and the whole scheme of living, have necessitated a new type of education. The simple program of the three R's has been expanded to include history, geography, grammar, civics, physical education, music, art, citizenship, sewing, cooking, and manual training, and participation in all the social and community activities that characterize our modern life. May all who read this thesis have a greater admiration for those who struggled in the past and become more eager to carry on the work of our forefathers. Acknowledgments The author wishes to acknowledge his indebtedness to the library staffs of the University of Maine, and the Connecticut State Library for their many courtesies in making it possible to secure desired material; to Mr. Daniel Howard, Superintendent Emeritus, of the Windsor schools for access to old colonial records and for his assistance in locating source materials stored in the town vault; to Town Clerk, Mr. Leslie Hayes, for the many courtesies extended to the author in allowing the old records of the town to be read and studied. He is also appreciative of the advice and suggestions given by Dean O. S. Lutes of the School of Education, University of Maine. Especially is he grateful to Dr. Ava H. Chadbourne of the School of Education, under whose direction this study has been done, for her kindly criticisms and helpful suggestions. To his wife, Florence Bunker Farrington, he is beholden for the encouragement which has enabled him to continue and complete this thesis. Chapter 1 Colonial Windsor, 1614-1773 Discovery and Settlement In the year 1614 Adriean Block, a Dutch sea captain, one of the little band that had begun the settlement of New York, discovered the Connecticut River, which he named the Fresh River. He sailed up this river as far as Windsor, where he saw an Indian village at a point which he recorded as in 41 degrees and 48 minutes north latitude. (1) This discovery by the Dutch was destined to lead to rivalry between the English and the Dutch. In the year 1631 a war was being carried on between the River Indians, who lived in the Connecticut valley, and the Pequot Indians who lived in the Thames valley. The Pequots were much stronger than the River Indians and Pekoath, the Pequot sachem, had driven Nattawanut and other river sachems from their homes. (2) It looked as if all the River Indians would soon be driven away or destroyed. In their distress the Indians living in the section of the valley now named Windsor looked to the white men for protection. They had heard of the settlement that had been made at Plymouth, Massachusetts, in 1620 and of several other settlements that had been made at and around Boston. They decided to send Wahginnacut, (3) one of their sachems, to visit these settlements. When the Indians arrived at Boston they told their story to Governor Winthrop, (4) telling him of the advantages of living in their section. Governor Winthrop listened to their story but promised nothing. They next visited Governor Winslow at Plymouth and repeated their story. Their reception at Plymouth was more favorable than their reception at Boston. Governor Winslow was interested and soon made a journey to the home of his Indian visitors. (5) He found that all they had told him about fertility of the soil and the abundance of game was true. The next year another expedition was sent from Plymouth to continue the exploration of the Connecticut Valley before the final decision could be made. Officially Massachusetts would have nothing to do with the proposal made to her in July, 1633, by Winslow and Bradford, (6) who suggested to the Massachusetts Bay Colony that the two groups should try their fortune in this land of abundance. The Bay Colony refused but it is now known that they planned to go alone. Early in 1633 the Plymouth people began their preparations for the new settlement. They decided to erect a trading house first for the purpose of carrying on trade with the Indians. They cut trees from which they hewed out the necessary timber and boards; these materials were placed on a "large new bark" (7) and were ready to start. Governor Winslow appointed Lieutenant William Holmes commander of the vessel. They sailed to the mouth of the Connecticut and up the river until they reached the place where the city of Hartford stands today. The Dutch, having heard that the English were coming to make a settlement, had built a fort at Hartford in order to get ahead of them and prevent the settlement from being made. When the vessel was opposite the fort the Dutch Commander called out, "Strike your colors or we will fire upon you." (8) Holmes replied, "I have the commission of the Governor of Plymouth to go up the river and I shall go." He sailed on past the Dutch fort and they dared not fire. Holmes continued on up the river for about six miles above the fort, where he and his men landed and erected their trading house which they surrounded with a palisade.(9) The trading house erected by William Holmes stood near the junction of the Connecticut River and the Farmington River. This site is now marked by a rock on which can be read, "This rock marks the First English Settlement in Connecticut by members from the Plymouth Colony 1633, DEDICATED BY THE ABIGAIL WOLCOTT ELLSWORTH CHAPTER OF THE D.A.R. JUNE 1898." The Plymouth settlers purchased land from the Indians (10) on both sides of the river between the Farmington or Tunxis River and what is now known as Hayden. During the next two years they had little opportunity to extend their settlement or for fur trade with the Indians.(11) The Dutch in the meantime had extended their fur business miles up the river. The dreaded disease of small-pox broke out among the Indians living near the trading house and nearly all the tribe perished before the end of the summer.(12) In the spring of 1635 a new chapter of Windsor's history began. A letter written by Jonathan Brewster in July shows that for some time explorers and settlers from Massachusetts Bay had been coming to Matianuck, as Windsor was then called, "almost dayly". (13) These people were given food and shelter, provided with guides and canoes and assisted in viewing the lands and selecting a suitable place for a settlement. (14) They even seized part of the territory which the Plymouth people had purchased from the Indians. These newcomers, who had come from Dorchester, determined to hold this land until they could decide whether or not they wished to settle there. At about this time a third band of pioneers, under the leadership of Mr. Francis Stiles, (15) came to establish a settlement by virtue of a patent or deed from the Earl of Warwick. They found the great meadow to their liking, but when they found the men from Plymouth already established, and the men from Dorchester convinced that the north side of the Farmington suited their liking, they promptly told both parties that they were trespassers. and that they, the Lords and Gentlemen, had come to take possession and settle there. (16) The controversy that followed was finally settled by dividing the land north of the Farmington. The people from Dorchester took the south part near the river and the Stiles party settled farther north (17) in the vicinity of the present D. A. R. headquarters. Both parties were soon busy preparing dug-outs in which they were to spend the winter. The Dorchester party comprised by far the larger number and exercised the greatest influence in laying out the town of Windsor. It was this group that explored the country side and engaged in controversy with the "Plymouth settlers" and the "Lords and Gentlemen" of the Stiles party. Let us therefore turn back to the year 1630. Civil and religious liberty could not be had in England. It might be found in America, others had come here for that reason. This was the spur that drove thousands across the ocean. Among those who took the hazardous journey in the year 1630 was a band of Puritans from Devonshire and adjoining counties in Southern England. The Puritans set sail from Plymouth on the 20th of March, 1630. Their organization as an independent society is best told from the records of Mr. Roger Clap,(18) one of their party. He says: "I give you a hint toward the beginning, that I came out of Plymouth in Devon, the 20th of March, and arrived at Nantasket the 30th of May, 1630. Now this is further to inform you that there came many Godly families in that ship. We were of passengers many in number (besides seamen) of good rank. Two of our magistrates came with us, Viz: Mr. Rossiter and Mr. Ludlow. These Godly people resolved to leave together; and therefore as they had made choice of those two Reverend Servants of God. Mr. John Warham and Mr. John Maverick to be their ministers, so they kept a solemn Day of Fasting in New Hospital in Plymouth in England, spending it in preaching and praying; where that worthy man of God, Mr. John White of Dorchester in Dorset, was present and preached unto us the word of God, in the fore part of the day, and in the latter part of the day, as the people did solemnly make choice of an call those Godly ministers to be their officers, so also the Revd. Mr. Warham and Mr. Maverick did accept thereof and expressed the same. So they came, by the good Hand of the Lord, through the deep comfortable; having preaching and expounding of the word of God every day for ten weeks together by our ministers." The members of this society established themselves at Massachusetts Bay and named their settlement Dorchester.(19) Here they remained five years. The settlers of Massachusetts were dominated by the clergymen and officials of aristocratic tendencies. Such principles were repugnant to the Dorchester settlers, and, in the summer of 1635, the first group had reached the trading house of the Plymouth settlers. In the spring of 1635 most of the Dorchester people and their pastor, John Warham, were settled near the Farmington river, in the vicinity of the present Palisado Green, and along the great meadow. For at least the first two years these settlers had no suitable meeting house in which to hold religious services, and it was not until 1639 that they began the construction of their first real meeting house.(20) It stood in the center of their palisaded enclosure about where the present memorial to the Dorchester Pioneers was erected in 1930. References in the early church records indicate that the church was a rough wooden structure about seventy feet long and thirty feet wide, covered with clapboards, and had glass window panes and a thatched roof. About the same time that the meeting house was started, a "Corn Mill" was built and presented to the pastor, the Rev. John Warham. This mill still stands, although it has undergone many reconstructions and changes and now shows little resemblance to the original corn mill. In 1649 (21) the town voted to give "Pastor Warham" two acres of land to go with the mill. This site has a marker at the corner of Poquonock Avenue and East Street. Expansion On May 15, 1637, the Dorchester settlement, which had now received the name of Windsor, purchased the title to fifteen-sixteenths of all the land that the Plymouth people had purchased on the west side of the Connecticut River extending from Hartford north as far as Hayden and west seven miles into the wilderness. In addition, the Plymouth people deeded to Windsor all the lands that they had purchased on the east side of the Connecticut. This record is to be found in Vol. 1, Windsor Land Records, Page 227 (22) and reads as follows: (original spelling and punctuation) "An agreement made Between Mr. Thomas Prince, for, and on behalf of New Plimouth in America, and the inhabitants of Windsor on the River of Connecticut in the said America the 15th. day of May, 1637- -: on Consideration of 37f-10s-0 to be paid about three months hence, the said Mr. Prince doth sell unto the inhabittance of Windsor, all that Land meadow and upland, from a marked tree a quarter of a mile above the Styles: North to the great swamp next the bounds of Hartford South for breadth, and in Length into the Country toward Paguanack So far as Lequasson and Nattawanet Who Sachems hath or had (as properties) all of which hath been purchased of the Sd Lequasson and Nattawanet, for a valuable Consideration the particulers whereof do appear, in a note now produced by the said Mr. Prince, always Excepted and Reserved, to the house of the said New Plimouth, 43 acres of meadow and 3 quarters and in upland on the other Side of the Swamp, neer their meadow, 40 acres, viz, 40 rods in bredth and in length 160 rods into the Country, for the present, and afterwards as other Lotts are laid out, they are to have their proportion with their bounds aforesd there is Like wise Excepted: 70 rods in bredth towards the bounds of the Sd. Hartford in an Indifferant place to be agreed upon, and to go in Length to the End of the bounds, aforesd, In witness whereof the parties abovesd have Set their hands and seals, the day and year above written. This Bargain as it is above Exprest, and was written, and assigned I can Certainly Testifie does not menaion or Speak to Every Perticuler, of the bargain as it was Issued with Mr. Prince, before it was put in writing." Following this record is the accompanying note; ---this should have been the frame of it. Dorchester men that came from the Massachusetts Bay up here in Connecticut to settle in the place now called Windsor, Plimouth men Challenged propriety here, by a purchas of the Land from the Indians, whereupon in the Latter end of the 35 year Some of our Principle men meeting with some of Plimouth men in Dorchester, Labored to Drive a Bargain with them to buy out them which they challenged by purchas, and Came to Termes, and then May 37 as is above Exprest, then our Company being Generally together Mr. Prince being here come, in the behalf of Plimouth men, that were partners in their purchas, Issued the bargain with us, we were to pay them 37f-10-0 for their whole purchas, which Mr. Prince, presented to us in writing, only they reserved the 16th part for themselves and their 16th part in meadow, Land came by measuring of ye meadows to 43 acres 3 quarters, which was bounded out to Mr. Prince he being present, by myself appointed by our Company in Plimouth meadow so called by that account, their 16th part in upland they took up neer the bounds of Hartford, 70 rod in breadth by ye River and so to Continue to the End of the bounds, they were also to have one acre to build on, upon the Hill, against their meadow:—Also Mr. Prince Said he had purchased the Land of the East Side of the River that Lyes between Scantick and Nemarick, and, that we should have in Lew of 40 rod in breadth of upland, behind the Swamp, to be forty acres, and afterward to have their proportion within their bounds, according to a forty acre man, in the Commons: this I witness, Mathew Grant" Government In March 1636, the General Court of Massachusetts set up a commission of eight members: (23) Ludlow, Pynchon, Steel, Swaine, Smith, Phelps, Westward and Ward, with Ludlow at their head, to govern the river settlement for the space of one year. They were given full power to make decrees and inflict punishment if needed, or to make war if necessary. They had the power to convene the said inhabitants by way of court, to proceed in executing their power of authority. This court we find to be quite different from that of Massachusetts, theirs being "only church members." The government of Massachusetts was aristocratic, while that of Connecticut could well be considered democratic. This may be the reason why these men early wished to leave Massachusetts. In the founding of Connecticut religious freedom was not involved. In matters of creed and discipline the Connecticut churches conformed to the practice already established in Massachusetts. In October, 1635, the Rev. Thomas Shepard arrived from England to be Hooker's successor at Newtown, Massachusetts. Thus the way was prepared for Hooker and the members of his church to leave for Connecticut, and on May 31, 1636, this company of thirty-five men with wives, children and servants started on their pilgrimage toward Connecticut. Hooker and Ludlow were ever close friends and were leading men of the new settlement of Connecticut. Mr. C. M. Andrews calls Hooker "The moses and Aaron of the new wandering of the Israelites and Ludlow, trained in law, a man of a somewhat masterful disposition and possessed of a desire for leadership." (24) Thomas Hooker, pastor of the church at Hartford, a most influential teacher and leader, and Roger Ludlow of Windsor, a versatile lawyer, were men who gave their best thought to the development of a proper form of government for the future state of Connecticut. On May 29, 1638, (25) Roger Ludlow wrote a letter from Windsor to the "governor and brethren" of the Massachusetts Bay in which he stated that plans were being prepared for a new and better form of government in Connecticut. It seems that Ludlow intended to create a local government for Connecticut which would enable all the towns to unite or work together. The following is the letter written by Ludlow: "At a recent general assembly of the plantations of the Connecticut river consideration was given to matters that might concern the general good of these parts. The settlers realized that in case of need they would have few friends to aid them and no likelihood of any aid from foreign parts. Therefore it is the part of wisdom to improve our opportunities and to combine and unite ourselves to work and live peaceably and lovingly together so that if there be cause we may join heart and hand to maintain the common cause and to defend our privileges and freedom against all opposers and we doubt not your wisdom will easily conceive that the way to continue our love to each other and to live in peace is to adopt some rules, articles, and agreements by which we may be regulated and to which we may have recourse as the foundation upon which our peace and love may be established." "R. Ludlowe, in the name of the whole" It would seem from this letter that many minds must have been at work laying the foundations of a new government. Religion The First Church of Windsor has the distinction of being the oldest Congregational Church in America. It was organized in Plymouth, England on March 20, 1630, just before its members sailed for Massachusetts on the good ship "Mary and John". In the years 1635 and 1636 a majority of the members came with their pastor, John Warham, and settled near the present Palisado Green in Windsor. Thus the church is older than the town. The first meeting house was built in 1639. Its site is marked with a monument erected in 1930 by the "Connecticut Branch of the Sons and Daughters of the Pilgrims." The history of the church is very closely interwoven with the history of the town and its educational progress during the first two hundred years. On October 1, 1724, Poquonock was incorporated as a separate parish and three years later the new society had erected a meeting house. The first regular pastor was the Rev. John Woodbridge, who came to take charge of the church in 1727, and remained until 1736. For many years after 1736 this church was without a regular pastor and preaching was probably done by visiting clergymen. Mr. Foster was ordained on May 12, 1771. His father, the Rev. Isaac Foster of Stafford, preached the ordination sermon. Patent of the Town of Windsor, (26) "Whereas the General Court of Connecticut have formerly granted the properties of ye towne of Windsor all these lands both upland and meadow, within those abutments upon Hartford bounds by ye great river where ye fence of there meadow stood and to run as ye said fence runs till it meets with a red oak tree marked for ye bounds standing with ye neck of fence in Thos. Butler's land and from ye tree it runs a westerly line till it meets with brick hill swamp and then runs due north half a mile till it comes heer to ye head of ye brick swamp and from thence westerly till it meets with Farmington bounds and abutts west on Farmington and Symsbury bounds and north in ye commons and it extendeth from Hartford bounds on ye South, North to a tree marked neere ye great river two miles above a brooke known by ye name of Kettle brooke. On ye east side of Connecticut river abutts on a great elm on ye South side of Podunk River and runs Easterly three miles and then South half a mile and from ye half mile end it runs East five miles and abutts on ye Commons on ye East from sayd Hartford bounds. Ye whole breadth till it extendeth two miles above forenamed Kattle brooke both on ye East and West side of Connectivut river ye said lands having been by purchase or otherwise lawfully obtained by the Indian native proprietors. And whereas the proprietors the fore said Inhabitants of Windsor, in the colony of Connecticut have made application to the Governor and company of ye sayd Colony of Connecticut assembled in Court May 25, 1685, that they may have a patent for ye confirmation of ye aforesaid land soe purchased and granted to them as aforesaid and which they have stood siezed and quietly possessed of for many years late past without interruption. Now for a more full confirmation of ye aforesaid tract of land as it is butted and bounded aforesaid unto ye present proprietors of ye township of Windsor, in their possession and enjoyment of ye premises know ye yet ye Governor and Company assembled in General Court according unto ye Commission granted to them by his Majastie in this charter have given granted by by these presents do give, grant, ratifie and confirm unto Capt. Benjamin Newberry, Capt. Daniel Clarke, Lut. Thomas Allyn, Henry Wolcott, Mr. Thomas Bissell, Sr. Mr. George Griswold, and Mr. John Moore and ye rest of ye present proprietors of ye township of Windsor their heirs, successors and assigns forever ye fore said parcell of land as it is butted and bounded together with all ye woods, meadows, pastures, ponds, waters, riverets, lands, fishing, hunting, fowling, mines, mineralls, quarries and pretoise stone upon or within ye tract of land and all other proffits and commodities thereon belonging, or in anywise appertayning and doe alsoe grant unto ye aforesaid and ye rest of ye proprietors inhabitants of Windsor their heirs and successors and assigns forever ye aforesaid tract of land shall be horever hereafter deemed, reputed and be an entire township of itself. To have and to hold ye tract of land and premises with all singular their appurtenances, together with ye premises with all singular their appurtenances, together with ye privilege and immunities and franchise herein given and granted into ye and others ye present proprietors, Inhabitants of Windsor, their heirs successors and assigns forever and to ye only proper use and behoofe of ye and other proprietors, Inhabitants of Windsor, their heirs successors and assigns according to ye tenor of East Greenwich in Kent in free and common soccage and not in capitee nor by Knights service they make improvements of ye same as they are capable according to ye custome of ye country, yielding rendering and paying therefore to our Sovereign Lord ye King his heirs successors and assigns his dues according to Charter. In witness whereof we have caused ye seal of ye Colony to be hereunto affixed this 28 day of Sovereign Lord James ye Second of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, King and defender of the faith. Robert Treat Governor John Allyn Secretary" Educational Background of First Settlers The lack of Windsor records prior to 1650 leaves us quite in the dark concerning the history of its schools during the first twenty years. Nothing is more indicative of the sterling character and aims of the first settlers of Connecticut than their appreciation of the importance and claims of popular education. Most of the emigration of this early period was of an intelligent class. Most of them could read, and, as the Windsor records testify, could write. Their leaders were men of learning and men of vision. They assumed all the responsibilities that go with independence and self-government. They made their own laws, they elected their magistrates and officials, they prescribed the duties and responsibilities of all whom they entrusted with authority and held them strictly accountable for the proper exercise of every power bestowed upon them. And the leaders of the colony, the Hookers, and Warhams, the Ludlows and Wolcotts, were men of refined and cultivated tastes who had received in the free schools and even the Universities of England the best education which that day afforded. (27) Apprenticeship Education The earliest form of education in Windsor is that of apprenticeship education. This usually meant that a boy was bound out to a master until he was twenty-one years of age, girls until they were eighteen. According to the early laws the master was bound to teach the boy or girl some worthy trade or profession whereby he or she could become a respectable citizen, capable of earning his or her own way in the world. In the first "Colonial Corte", assembled March 28, 1636, we find the record of the first mention of any teaching of any description whatsoever; (28) "It is ordered that Mr. Francis Stiles shall teach George Chapple, Thomas Cooper and Thomas Barber his servants in the trade of a Carpenter according to his promise for their services of their terme, four days a week to saw and slitt their own work, that they are to frame themselves with their own hands, the time to begin for the performance of this order shall be 14 days without faile." Approval of Higher Education The second reference to education is found when in 1644, eleven years after the first arrival of the settlers, the General Court of the Colony of Connecticut approved a plan for the encouragement of higher education at Harvard College. The following is an order passed by the General Court of Connecticut: (29) "General Court October 25th 1644. The proposition concerning the maintenance of scholars at Cambridge is confirmed, and it is ordered that 2 men shall be appointed in every town, who shall demand of every family what every family will give. Persons to demand what will be given; William Judson, & Henry Clarke." In 1646, the General Court of Connecticut recommended to the several towns to "seasonable attend to the collection for the College and to send it thither in convenient time."(30) Code of Laws The first real interest in general education in Connecticut was brought about in May, 1650, when a Code of Laws was made. This important task was performed by Roger Ludlow of Windsor. It contained under the titles "Children" and "Schools", the following important enactments. (31) Children "Forasmuch as the good education of children is of singular behoof and benefit to any commonwealth; and whereas many parents and masters are too indulgent and negligent of their duty in that kind. It is therefore ordered by this Court and the authority thereof, that the selectmen of every town in the several precincts and quarters where they dwell, shall have vigilant eye over their brethren and neighbors, to see, first, that none of them shall suffer so much barbarism in their families, as not to endeavor to teach by themselves or others, their children and apprentices so much learning, as may enable them perfectly to read the English tongue, and knowledge of the capital laws, upon penalty of 20 s for each neglect therein; also, that all masters of families, do, once a week, at least catechize their children and servants, in the grounds and principles of religion, and if any be unable to do so much, that then, at the least, they procure such children or apprentices to learn some short orthodox catechism, without book, that they may be able to answer to the questions that shall be propounded to them out of such catechism by their parents, or masters, or any of the selectmen, when they shall call them to a trial of what they have learned in this kind; and further, that all parents and masters do breed and bring up their children and apprentices in some honest, lawful calling, labor, or employment either in husbandry or some other trade profitable for themselves and commonwealth, if they will not nor can not train them up in learning, to fit them for higher employments; and if any of the selectmen after admonition by them given to such masters of families, shall find them still neglectful of their duty, in the particulars aforementioned, whereby children and servants become rude, stubborn and unruly, the said selectmen, with the help of two magistrates, shall take such children, or apprentices from them, and place them with some masters, --boys till they come to twenty one, and girls to eighteen years of age complete which will more strictly look unto and force them to submit to government, according to the rules of this order, if by fair means and former instructions they will not be drawn into it." Schools "It being one chief project of that Old Deluder Satan, to keep men from knowledge of the scriptures, as in former times, keeping them in an unknown tongue, so in these latter days, by persuading them from the use of tongues, so that at least, the true sense and meaning of the origin might be clouded with false glosses of saint seeming deceivers; and that learning may not be buried in the grave of our forefathers, in Church and Commonwealth, the Lord assisting our endeavors. It is therefore ordered by this Court and authority thereof, that every township within this jurisdiction, after the Lord hath increased them to the number of 50 families shall then forthwith appoint one within their town, to teach all such children, as shall resort to him, to write and read, whose wages shall be paid, either by the parents or masters of such children, or by the inhabitants in general, by way of supply, as the major part of those who order the prudentials of the town shall appoint; provided, that those who send be not oppressed by paying more than they can have them taught for in other towns. And it is further ordered, that where any town shall increase to the number of 100 families or householders, they shall set up a grammar school, the masters thereof being able to instruct youths, so far as they may be fitted for the University, and if any town neglect the performance hereof, above one year, then every such town shall pay a fine of five pounds to the next such school, till they shall perform this order." First Record of Schools, First Schoolmaster and First Schoolhouse The first record as to the existence of a school in Windsor is on the town records as follows: (32) "February 1656-7, Voted, that Mr. Branker shall have five pounds paid to him out of the next town rate toward his maintenance of a school." Mr. Branker, the first schoolmaster, occasionally delivered the "weekly lecture" (33) before the church. In the town records of February, 1660-1, occurs an item of four pounds 10 to a Mr. Cornish for schooling. In 1672, the town of Windsor had so increased in population as to be liable under the statute requiring the establishment of a grammar school. (34) For we find that on April 2nd the town was fined five pounds,"for not maintaining a grammar school, said fine to be paid to Hartford grammar school." The first schoolhouse was erected in 1667. (35) We do not know the location of this building but in 1574 another schoolhouse was ready for occupancy. At the annual town meeting held on November 19, 1674,(36) the town consulted about the proposed school to be kept by Mr. Cornish. Mr. Cornish was engaged to teach five months south and seven months north of the Rivulet (Farmington River). Thus we see that there were two schoolhouses at this date, but it is impossible to say which was built in 1667 and which in 1674, and the exact location of either of them is not known. Before the two houses were erected, private homes, usually the homes of the teachers, seem to have been used to conduct small classes. Legacy of John Fitch The year 1675 marks an interesting event in the history of Windsor's schools. It was the time of King Philip's war. John Fitch, one of Windsor's leading citizens, enrolled in the army of the Colony to protect their homes from the Indians. Before leaving he made his will, leaving all his property for a school in Windsor. (37) "These may testify, that I, John Fitch of Windsor, being called to go forth and not know that I may return, do desire to commit myself to God, &c. "As for the small estate God hath given me, I dispose as followeth; first, that my just debts be paid out of it, the rest, both lands and goods, I give for the promoting of a school here in Windsor, to be disposed of in the best way as the County Corte and Selectmen of this town shall see meet, for the end aforesaid. "In testimony to the abovesaid, I hereto set my hand this 30th day of August, 1675. John Fitch" His small estate became the foundation of the Union School Fund which was later increased by generous gifts from the estates of Joseph Stiles and Benoni Bissel. The income from this fund today helps support the high school of Windsor, which was named in honor of John Fitch. The inventory which accompanies his will states his property at 40 pounds 1 shilling, and debts at 11 pounds 15 shillings. In 1679 (38) Captain Clarke kept school for a year, six months on each side of the rivulet, receiving forty pounds for his services combined with attending to other town business. Ten years later there were two schoolmasters, (39) Mr. Cornish and Mr. John Loomis, the former receiving thirty and the latter fifty shillings. General Court Order of 1690 In 1690 the following enactment was made by the General Court of the Colony of Connecticut: (40) "This Court observing that notwithstanding the former orders made for the education of children and servants, there are many persons unable to read the English tongue, and thereby unable to read the Holy word of God, and the good laws of this Colony, and it is hereby ordained, that all parents and masters shall cause their children and servants as they are capable to read distinctly the English tongue, and that the grand-jury men in each town do once in the year, at least, visit each family they suspect to neglect this order, and satisfy themselves that all children under age, and servants in such suspected families, can read well the English tongue, or in good procedure to Learn the same or not, and if they find any such children or servants not taught as their years are capable of they shall return the names of the parents or masters of the said children, to the next Court, when the said parents or masters are to be fined 20 shillings for each child or servant whose teachings is thus neglected, according to this order, after the order of 1690, unless it appears to the satisfaction of the Court that the neglect is not voluntary or necessitated by the incapacity of the parents or masters, or their neighbors to cause them to be taught as aforesaid, or the incapacity of the said children or servants to learn." The next year the town of Windsor voted to spend twenty shillings a year for a school. (41) In the town records of April 1698 we find the following contract: (42) "Agreed with Mr. Samuel Wolcott to keep a reading and writing, and cyphering and grammar school for one full year, to begin on the twelfth day of this month. To take none but such as are entered in spelling. His salary is to be thirty-five pounds in country pay or two-thirds of so much money. The school is to be kept at the several places agreed on by the townmen." General Court Order of 1708 In 1708 (43) the General Court enacted that the "constables should deliver the forty shillings upon the one thousand pounds of the list to the committee for the schools in each town, or in defect of such officers to the selectmen of the town or to their order." This is the first mention of a school committee found in the Colonial Records. In 1710 (44) the selectmen of the town of Windsor petitioned the General Court of Connecticut for the money arising by law upon the list of estates in their town, notwithstanding their neglect of keeping a school as required by law. This money was granted them and the treasurer was directed to pay them accordingly. In 1711 (45) it was ordered by the town of Windsor that there shall be a "constant school" kept in the town. Parish Schools In 1712, it was ordered that "all the parishes which are already made, or shall hereafter be made by this Assembly, shall have to the bringing up of their children, and the maintenance of a school in some fixed place within the bounds of their parish, the forty shillings in every thousand arising on the list of estates within their parish shall be paid to them." (46) This is the first of church authority in school matters. The churches still remained subordinate to the town. After this date the history of Windsor's schools is found in the Ecclesiastical records of the First Society in Windsor. In 1714 (47) by order of the General Court of the Colony of Connecticut, the selectmen and the "Civil Authority" were required to visit the schools particularly once in each quarter of the school year, and to make a report in case they discovered any disorders or "Misapplication of publick money." In 1717 (48) the General Assembly passed an act ordering and empowering the parishes to lay a tax for the support of their schools. The rate of the tax was forty shillings on each one thousand pounds in the parish grand list. This tax was at times lowered but was never raised above the forty shillings on the one thousand pounds. The first schoolmistress named on the church records was Sarah Stiles in 1717. (49) The next year it was voted that the "schools shall be kept by women (in) the summer until October." On December 1719 (50) Mr. Ebenezer Fitch was released from the charge of the Windsor school. In December 1722 (51) thirty pounds was raised by the society parish for the maintenance of their schooling, and the town voted that the money be divided according to the list of estates on each side of the "Rivulet." Upon consideration of a petition of the inhabitants of Poquonock in Windsor, the General Court granted them permission to form a parish society by themselves. This was an important factor in the forming of the town, for a little later we find them joining with the First Parish Society to form the First School Society in Windsor. In 1731 (52) John Allyn was schoolmaster for ten weeks. In 1735 (53) Mrs. Deborah Moore, Widow Eggleston, Eunice Marshall and Grace Rowell, were schoolmistresses in Windsor. Because of the difficulty in raising money for the support of the schools we find that in 1742, (54) it was voted that there be but one school kept on the south side of the Rivulet during the winter." Voted, that said school shall be kept at the schoolhouse near Col Allyn's till the last of March, and then to have a women's school set up." In 1743 (55) it was voted that school lands be leased for 999 years. Also that the inhabitants of Pine Meadows (now Windsor Locks) be allowed to use their portion of school money. In 1759 (56) the First Society Parish voted to have but one school and master, to be kept half the year toward the south end, and half the year toward the north end of the First Society Parish. In 1760 (57) a school was established in Jeremy's lane. In 1762 (58) a school was established at Moses Barber's house. A school was established at Mill Hill, for four months, also a school was established at the lower end of the Poquonock society. In 1768 (59) it was decided to "drop either of the schools, if they have not fifteen scholars or more in a general way." In 1773 (60) The First Society was divided into three school districts, "The North District was to take in John Roberts and all Cook's Hill. The South District was to extend from the south end of the society up to Joseph Loomis's. The Middle District included the remainder of the society." Summary The pioneers who laid the foundation of Windsor were no ordinary adventurers. They came to establish a new home, with a new church, a new society and a new government. Under such circumstances it became of prime importance with them to establish a sound and effective system of popular education. The lack of authentic records covering the first twenty years following the settlement of Windsor prevents saying much about the earliest schools. In 1650 the first codification of Colonial laws was made. The practice of binding out children of the poor was in general authorized and sanctioned as early as 1650. In 1672 Windsor neglected its preparatory school for one year and was fined five pounds. The first schoolmaster was John Branker. Sixty years later the school committee authorized the employment of women teachers. In 1772 the legislature prescribed parish management of all public schools of the state. The law of 1712 ordered that the church parishes should have charge of the schools and that a special tax should be levied for their support. In 1714 the selectmen were required to visit the schools and make a report in case they discovered any disorders or misapplication of public money. Chapter 11 Parish Control of Schools, 1773-1862 No data appear on the school records between 1773 and 1784. This is probably caused by the condition of the country which was brought on by the Revolutionary war. Every family in the town had been called upon to furnish money and supplies to carry on the war and it is little wonder that education in the town of Windsor suffered because of it. School Districts In 1784 (37) the three districts into which the first parish society had been divided were as follows: "North District, all north of Widow Mary Roberts and her house, and Cook's Hill as far as Amos Filley, Theophilus Cook, and Dudley Drake's. South District, from Jerijah Loomis's all South to Hartford line and Pipestave Swamp. The middle of the society to form the Middle District." First School Society In 1796 (38) at a meeting of the inhabitants of the First Parish Society in Windsor, at the meeting house of the society regularly assembled on the 31st day of October, 1796, it was voted that they form themselves into a school society. They voted to raise one cent on the dollar for schooling on the tax list of 1796. They also voted to name Daniel Ela, Phineas Picket, Philip Holsey and Abel Barber as a school committee for the districts in which they "severally dwell." This is the first mention of a school committee, or of a group of people taking upon themselves the responsibility of carrying on the educational activities of an entire parish or society. The year 1797 was notable in the educational history of Windsor for the union (39) which took place between the first and fourth ecclesiastical societies, which henceforth became the First School Society in Windsor and formed the town of Windsor as it is today. One of the main features of the union compact between the two societies was the erection of an Academy south of the little river, on Broad Street. At a meeting of the First School Society on the 10th day of October, 1797, in Windsor, it was voted to establish the school districts as they now stand. (40) "1st. Beginning at Suffield Line and to extend so far south through Pine Meadows to a Brook next north of Gaylord Denslow dwelling house; thus far for the North District; 2nd. from said brook that is first north of Gaylord Denslow dwelling house southerly to a brook near Mr. Jacob Osborne's dwelling house, including David and Hesse Thrall; this is the bounds for the North Middle District. 3rd. Bounds for the third district from the north or the Suffield Line, Beginning at the brook or Ridge near Mr. Jacob Osborne's home lot including Messers Elakim and Samuel Mather." The school committee today make use of the district system for bookkeeping purposes and in keeping records of fuel, school At this meeting it was voted that the treasurer "shall provide a Decent Book to keep the records of the Society". The Academy At the regular meeting of the First School Society it was voted, (41) that the Union School be set up on the first of June, 1799, and continue until the interest for one year be expended. This building cared for all the pupils of the district and must have been a two story building at least twenty-four feet square. It was further voted, "that scholars shall be admitted in the school after they are twelve years old until they are eighteen." It was also voted to add the interest of the public money to the principal stock in order to set up the "Union School." Money for the building and equipment was raised from public subscription. In 1801 (42) it was voted that there be a man school and a woman school during the winter, "but that either school should not be kept longer than so as to leave twelve dollars of the public money to be expended in a woman school during the summer." In 1802 (43) it was voted that the committee be empowered to exclude any scholar that shall not carry his share of wood for use of the Union School. It was also voted that the number to fill the school "shall not exceed forty." also "voted, that if any scholar should do anything to the school house, they shall make it good, or be excluded from the school, after a reasonable time has been allowed for the damage to be made good." At the annual meeting of the First School Society in October, 1803,(44) it was voted that the number to fill the school should not exceed forty. It was also voted that any member of the First School Society Parish could be admitted to the school, and if the school should become more than full, the committee was empowered to rule out the youngest scholars. In 1805 (45) it was voted that the committee be authorized to admit scholars from abroad provided that the school is not filled with scholars belonging to the First School Society, "their paying such Tuishan as the Committee shall think proper." On September 28, 1807,(46) the following rates of tuition were voted: "for the teaching of Latin Language or the Greek Language or Mathematics Four Dollars per quarter, for Geography, English Grammar, Belles Letters and Vulgar Arithmetic Three Dollars per quarter, and Writing only Two Dollars per quarter." From 1807 to 1822 the regular routine of the Academy was carried on without any apparent change. In 1822 (47) it was voted that the society would allow the use of the Academy for all religious denominations provided they did not interfere with the school hours, nor with each other. In 1834 (48) Mr. Henry Drake was appointed wood inspector for the school, and all pupils were required to furnish one and one-half feet of 18 inch hardwood "for use of the school fire." It was also voted to spend not exceeding thirty-five dollars in the winter school. Before 1839 a difference of opinion had arisen as to the wisdom of continuing the school. On February 2nd of that year the society voted to petition the legislature for the right to divide the funds among the several districts in the First School Society Parish.(49) This action started a dissension that lasted for fourteen years. Two hearings were held before the Legislature and was once carried to the Supreme Court. The battle to retain the Academy and preserve the fund was won under the able leadership of Jasper Morgan and James Loomis. On June 11, 1853, a meeting was held in the Academy schoolroom and it was voted to procure a site to which the Academy building could be removed or on which a new building could be built.(50) The task of securing funds was a difficult one. Local subscriptions amounted to $1874.50. A lot just east of the old Academy was purchased and the new Academy was erected in 1854. In 1855 subscribers contributed more to the equipment of the upstairs hall so that it might be available for lyceum meetings.(51) District No. 1 In March, 1805,(52) at the request of the representatives of the south district, the First School Society appointed Capt. Aaron Cook, Daniel Alcott, and Ashbel Spencer to determine where the south district schoolhouse should be built. The site selected was on the east side of the main highway opposite Pipestave Swamp Road (now called Wolcott Avenue). It is interesting to note how at different times the several districts of the town made "radical changes" in the method of heating their schoolhouses. Many of the schoolhouses from the time they were first built up to 1819 and 1820 were heated by means of a fireplace in one end of the building. In 1818 (53) the first district voted that they "will have a stove in the first district schoolhouse." At this same meeting it was also voted that the teacher be boarded around in the district in proportion to the scholars, also that no scholar "shall be admitted or taught until their proportion of wood is brought and inspected by the master." District No. 3 In 1799 the third district voted that the district schoolhouse should be built the ensuing year, and that it be joined on to the society schoolhouse proposed to be built, and that it have room sufficient to accommodate two schools, one for the larger and one for the smaller scholars. (54) On December 20, 1799, (55) the third district voted that for the present season there be a man and a woman school kept in the third district schoolhouse and both of said schools be kept on equal time." "For each scholar attending either of said schools there shall be furnished two foot of two feet wood, cut at two feet in length, corded up and the quantity to be determined by the schoolmaster, and that those who choose to furnish money instead of wood, may do so, by paying the schoolmaster one shilling and nine pence, for each scholar." Re-Numbering of School Districts The number of schoolhouses continued to develop as the population increased, and in 1822 at a meeting of the First School Society it was again voted to number the school districts: (56) "the South District shall be No.1; next North on Stony Hill, No.2; Broad Street, No.3; the district where the Baptist Meeting house stands shall be No. 4; South District north of Great Bridge, No. 5; next North, No. 6; Pine Meadows, No. 7." District No. 1 The business of carrying on the schools was carried out by the committee men of each school district. They elected their own officers, laid their own rate of tax, and hired their own teachers. To show how thorough they were in their work, the following contract is given in its entirety: (57) "This contract made between William King of Hartford, in the county of Hartford and State of Connecticut on the one part and Samuel Mills, William Marsh and Griswold C. Morgan as committee on the part of School District No. 1 in the first society in Windsor on the other part wittenesseth. "That I the said King on the first; do agree to perform a certain piece or job of work upon the schoolhouse in the district aforesaid to be described as follows; viz, "To lay a new floor of good yellow pine boards planed and closely fitted, upon firm and substantial sleepers with two cross timbers,-- All timbers under the floor to be either chestnut or white oak. A partition shall be built extending through the same from East to West south of the chimney to consist of two inch planks, lathed and plastered on the outside. "A bulkhead, or partition shall be built between the chimney and North wall, with a plain door made and hung on the same. A door shall be opened where the closet or cupboard now is; the door shall be new and consist of four panels and hung in a good and substantial manner. "The benches or writing desks shall be new and be made in the form and dimensions they now are; to consist of good two inch planks, top boards, etc. All the above, I now bind myself fully and faithfully to perform to the satisfaction of the aforesaid committee on or before the 1st. day of November next; in an for the consideration of the sum of Forty Two dollars to be paid on or before the 1st. day of December A. D. 1835. William King and we the aforesaid do agree and bind ourselves in behalf of the District No. 1 to pay unto the said William King the sum of Forty Two dollars together with all the boards, timbers, etc., there may be remaining when the said King shall on his part have performed the conditions of the above named contract. Samuel Mills William Marsh Griswold C. Morgan Windsor Feb. 28, 1835" In 1837 (58) increased interest was taken in the attendance of pupils, and the instructor was requested to enumerate the scholars daily. In October, 1840, (59) at a meeting held in the schoolhouse it was voted that the committee procure a box stove two and one-half feet in length for the schoolhouse, and also voted that a man be employed to teach the school for the term of two months to commence as soon as a master could be hired. In 1843 (60) it was voted that the committee be directed to hire the teacher boarded at one place provided that "he can get board at one dollar and twenty five cents per week." In 1844 (61) it was voted, that the committee be authorized to employ Miss Cushing of East Hartford to teach school the "ensuing summer for the term of fourteen weeks to commence on the first day of May, and to pay her one dollar and seventy-five cents per week, provided satisfactory recommendations of her being qualified for teaching can be procured." In 1855 (62) it was voted to appoint a building committee to build a schoolhouse, the schoolhouse to be built of brick two stories high, to be finished with modern seats and desks in the lower story at an expense to the first district of not more than one thousand dollars. It was also voted that the committee should have the power to fit up the upper room from voluntary subscription for a place of public meeting either religious, moral or political to be at all times under the control of the district committee and in case the scholars of the district should be numerous enough to make two schools necessary, then to be used for a school. This building is still in use in district No. 1, the lower floor being used for grade one while the upper floor houses the second grade. In 1857 (63) we find a new interest in the schools, and a desire to have them more modern and up to date, for at the meeting held in the schoolhouse on September 15, 1857, officers were elected to procure "a set of school apparatus and a school library." District No. 2 At a meeting held April 17, 1840, (64) it was voted to commence the school on Monday after the election and to continue to the first of November and to be supported by a tax on the scholars, "in proportion to the time of attendance after the public money is expended." There seems to have been trouble in procuring wood for the school fire, for on October 23, 1840, (65) it was voted to raise thirty cents per scholar for wood for the ensuing year. In 1850 (66) the old schoolhouse was sold at public auction to Henry Capen for $68.62. A new schoolhouse was erected on the site of the old building and additional land purchased for a playground. This site was on the east side of the road opposite the present schoolhouse. District No. 3 In 1853 (67) the third district purchased a building lot from Horace Bower on the north side of Poquonock Avenue a short distance from the site of the Old Academy. Here they erected a wooden building, which served as a schoolhouse until 1893. District No.4 The fourth district had a school before accurate records had begun to be kept. Hence very little of importance is known prior to 1847, when a notice was issued to the voters of that district to meet in the schoolhouse on December 23 following, for the purpose of making arrangements to sell the schoolhouse and for exchanging or purchasing land for the erection of another thereon, at, or near its present location. (68) One year later the schoolhouse had been completed at a total expense of $575.82. The schoolhouse was a typical one room brick building, including the usual small entrance hall with two coat rooms and stood near East Street and Poquonock Avenue. The following order (69) for a man teacher and the receipted bill for a woman teacher show the character of the schools kept. "Windsor, March 15, 1845 Please pay to Cicero Roberts the sum of $72.00, it being his due for four months' services as teacher in said district at $18.00 per month. Yours &c. J. P. Ellsworth District Committee Man". Windsor, March 15, 1845. "Mr. William Shelton Dr. to Rhoda B. Phelps for teaching school in District No. 4 --12 weeks at three dollars per week. $36.00 Rhoda B. Phelps" The following bill gives us a story of a pupil who pursued advanced subjects in the Academy at Windsor Center. (70) "Mr. William Shelton-- To Windsor Union School, Dr. For Twenty Three weeks tuition at 9 d --------$2.88 Windsor, July 12, 1842. Received payment John L. Spencer" District No. 5 The original schoolhouse built in 1707 was a two story building and stood on Palisado Green until 1827, when it was moved to a site farther north and placed on the spot now marked by the Grant Memorial. Here it stood until early in the school year 1870-71 when it was burned. The old schoolhouse lot was sold at auction and a new site selected. As the district could not agree upon the location of the new site, the school visitors of Windsor Locks were called upon to settle the argument. A lot on the west side of the main road but a short distance north of the old lot was finally selected, on which a new schoolhouse was built in 1871. (71) District No. 6 In 1841 (72) a new schoolhouse was needed and a one room brick building was erected according to the plan which was drawn under the supervision of Hon. Henry Barnard, then Secretary of the State Board of Commissioners for Connecticut Common Schools. This building was regarded as a model schoolhouse in Connecticut. District No. 7 The records of the seventh district show that Mr. Hezekiah Griswold deeded one quarter of an acre of land to the south school district on April 28, 1806. (73) On April 23, 1878, (74) Hudson N. Griswold deeded to the seventh district the school lot as it now exists. This school still stands, though no longer in use. No records of the construction of this schoolhouse could be found. District No. 9 In August 20, 1839, (75) the North Middle District (later the ninth district) Second School Society voted to raise five hundred dollars by tax to build a schoolhouse. October 30, 1840, (76) at a meeting held in the schoolhouse it was voted that the building committee procure a box stove two and one-half feet in length for the schoolhouse. It was also voted "that Amos Hathaway and Samuel Hollister together with such teacher as may be employed are to select suitable text books for the school." On April 27, 1841, (77) Miss Gould was hired as the teacher at a salary of one dollar and fifty cents a week. and board. It was further voted that "the schoolhouse may be occupied for one year commencing April 1, 1841, as a place of Public Worship by the Congregational Order by the payment of Twenty Five dollars provided that no appointment shall be made to interfere with the regular school hours." In 1847 (78) Miss Ellen H. Lewis was hired to teach the school for seven shillings a week and board during the summer months. In the winter her salary was increased to two dollars a week and board. She was to board at Marcus Lindsley's for eight shillings per week, "provided we can not get her boarded less." April 19, 1862,(79) the district voted to spend seven hundred dollars to build an addition to the schoolhouse. On April 4, 1863,(80) at a regular meeting of the inhabitants of the ninth district it was voted to have five and one-half days of school each week, or five days one week and six days the next week. Summary In 1795 the town was required to organize a school society which would have the entire management of the schools and the school money. Three years later(1798) the school society was given the power to appoint a number of persons to act as school visitors. For forty years this system was in operation without change. The First Society consisted of nine school districts, although the records for the eighth district were not found and are not recorded in this thesis. The First School Society received money from the state school fund and raised a small tax for the support of schools. The First School Society treasurer distributed this money to the school district treasurers who used it for teachers' salaries and school expenses and paid it out upon orders from the district committees. The districts taxed themselves to build and maintain schoolhouses and to supply them with fuel. The First School Society also maintained an Academy known as the Union School which was supported partly by the income of the Union School Fund and partly by taxation based on the grand list of the society. As a rule a man's school (a school taught by a man) was taught for three months in the winter and a woman's school (a school taught by a woman) for about the same length of time in the summer. In 1838 an investigation of the schools of the state was made because it was felt that many towns were neglecting their duty and were not properly caring for their schools. In consequence of this investigation a State Board of Commissioners of Common Schools was created and the school visitors were obliged to make an annual report to these commissioners, otherwise the School Societies would forfeit their share of the State Fund. A law passed in 1854 made it necessary for each school society to raise a tax of one cent on each dollar of the grand list for the support of the schools. This rate was at times higher in the town of Windsor, but never lower. Chapter III Private and Town Control of Schools, 1862-1914 Private Schools In colonial days the records show that the well-to-do among the citizens of that period often engaged private teachers who taught pupils in their homes, but no record has been found of definitely established private schools earlier than the middle of the nineteenth century. Hayden Hall and Campbell School for Girls Hayden Hall,(1) a Young Ladies' Institute, was a private enterprise, established by the Hon. H. Sidney Hayden in 1867. There were two buildings, one on Broad Street for the boarding pupils and teachers, and another on Maple Avenue containing the schoolrooms and the Seminary Hall. At the opening of this institution Miss Julia S. Williams was Principal, and Miss Elizabeth Francis assistant, with an efficient corps of teachers. The average attendance at this school was about sixty girls. The school was successful and became widely known as a boarding school and finishing school for young women. This continued in operation until 1902. In 1902 (2) the Young Ladies' Institute was taken over by Marion Blake Campbell and Alfred Hills Campbell, who organized and established a new school known as the Campbell School for Girls. This school functioned until about 1919. The school boarding house is now known as the Campbell Apartments. The schoolhouse, which faced on Maple Avenue, is now used as the Odd Fellows Hall. Loomis Institute In 1874 (3) James C. Loomis, Hezekiah B. Loomis, Osbert B. Loomis, H. Sidney Hayden and his wife, and John Mason Loomis resolved to leave their combined estates for the instruction of persons of the age of twelve years and upwards, the institution to be located on the original homestead of Joseph Loomis, on the island (an island only in times of high water.) The homestead is situated on elevated ground on the west bank of the Connecticut River and commands an uncommonly fine view of the river and valley. The site, after the death of Joseph Loomis, passed into the hands of his lineal descendants, and it was the aim of the corporators to do what they could to endow this institution; in which purpose they looked to the Loomis family for co-operation, that the institution might become a lasting monument to the memory of Joseph Loomis. The act granting the charter was approved July 8, 1874. To support the institution established by this charter, the brothers and sister united in an agreement to endow it with their entire fortunes and made their wills with this object in view. The actual building of this institution did not take place until after the death of the last survivor of this group, the account of which will be given in the next chapter. Town Schools Education in the early colonial period supported mainly by the parents now became supported mainly by the public. Its most important functions, then carried on in the home, now became transferred to the school. In the high school a variety of subjects, many of them unknown to the early settlers, form the basis of our preparation for college and lay the foundation for success in our trades and professions. Windsor High School The difficulty of obtaining money for the support of the Academy seems to have been the main reason for the movement that was set on foot to transform the Union Academy into a high school. This movement began at a town meeting.(4) At the annual meeting of the town in 1881 it was again discussed, and it was the feeling of the town that they should support higher education, although no appropriation was made to carry out the suggestion.(5) In 1882 (6) the question of the high school was again brought before the town meeting. After discussion it was voted to establish a high school for the following year as an experiment, the school to be carried on in the Academy building. Seven hundred and fifty dollars was voted at this time to meet all the expenses of the high school. This first school had about thirty-five scholars. In 1883 (7) at the annual town meeting the Board of School Visitors reported that the high school had been a success, and it was voted to try it out for another year, to see if it was really going to work out. The town meeting elected a committee of five to carry on the business of the high school for the ensuing year. In 1884 (8) the town meeting failed to elect a committee for the high school; so the board of school visitors appointed the following committee: Mr. E. S. Clapp, R. W. Tuttle, George Waterhouse, William Bidwell and William Harvey. For the support of the high school it was voted to spend $775. In 1886 (9) The First School Society repaired the Union School for the high school at an expense of $167 to the society. At the annual town meeting it was voted to spend $325 for the support of the high school. In June 1887, the first graduation was held. There were two graduates, Annie G. Albee and Josie E. Rhaum. The program follows: (10) - Prayer Rev. G. C. Wilson - Duet Through Valley, Through Forest - Recitation The Little Black Eyed Rebel Dora F. Gladwell - Vocal Duet Cheerfulness The Misses Zulie Caldwell and Myrtle Moffatt - Recitation Brier Rose Emma D. Wilson - Song Graduating Ode Essay Annie G. Albee Solo N. Belle Dickson Essay With Valedictory Josie E. Rhaum Solo Zulie M. Caldwell Presentation of Diplomas Rev. R. H. Tuttle Song "Good Night" Increased interest in the school was evident and many parents had visited the school during the year. Interest was shown in the securing of a good teacher, however, the parents were somewhat disturbed because of the rotation in office, and were disposed to want a higher class teacher. In 1888 (11) at the close of the school year all teaching certificates were revoked in order to invoke a better and more careful system of examinations. State examinations were held and a list of qualified teachers posted from which committees could choose teachers. The state law read, "Any town may direct the school visitors to employ teachers for all the public schools in town." It was suggested in the town meeting that all the school committees entrust the selection of teachers to the Board of School Visitors. Admission to the high school was regarded as an honor, and the pupils were required to take strict examinations for entrance. There were fourteen pupils in the entering class at the opening of school in the fall of 1888. In 1889 (12) Hon. C. E. Hine, State Superintendent of Schools, spoke at a teachers' convention in Hartford, giving a lengthy lecture on numbers. Many of the teachers attended this convention, and as a result some new textbooks were secured. In 1890 (13) the enumerating law was changed from January to October. The high school now required an assistant, and Miss Annie G. Albee was hired to assist in the teaching. In 1891 (14) the town voted to abolish the district system and to place the school affairs in the hands of a committee of six. There were four high school graduates in June, all girls. In 1897 (15) a very radical change was made in the heating of the high school building. A steam boiler was installed in the basement of the school and was found to be very satisfactory. Vocal music was added to the course of study and was greatly appreciated by the pupils. Funds were raised in the school and a microscope was added to the high school science class work. In 1899 (16) the town elected a committee on the examination of teachers to pass on their qualifications, and in 1900 the Board of School Visitors required each teacher to make a report showing the percent of attendance of all pupils enrolled. (17) Seven graduated from the high school in June. In 1906 (18) free textbooks were supplied to all the pupils of the school. The ninth grade of the Third District School had been incorporated in the high school as a preparatory department. This seemed advisable for the reason that the work was entirely in charge of the high school teachers. The total registration of the high school for the year was eighty-three scholars. In 1906 (19) the high school committee of five leased the rooms of the upper floor of the third school district for high school rooms, for a term of five years. In 1908 (20) report cards were introduced into the school, and uniform examinations aided materially in unifying the work of the school. Fire drills were instituted in the school in accordance with the state requirements. Courses in bookkeeping and higher arithmetic were added to the high school studies and proved to be very popular with the pupils. In 1909 (21) the Palmer System of writing was introduced into the school system. In 1911 (22) the new Superintendent of Schools, Mr. Daniel Howard formulated a definite course of study in all branches, and arranged for a choice of studies so as to enable pupils to pursue to some extent the line of work most likely to be useful in later life. It was found necessary to build a room as a laboratory for those desiring to study chemistry. There were fourteen pupils in the June graduating class. In 1912 (23) in line with the progressive high schools throughout the country general science was added to the high school curriculum. This was approved by the state board of education. The idea involved was that there was no valid reason for pursuing any study simply for the sake of mental gymnastics and discipline. The purpose was to prepare pupils for the future life. Through entertainments and lectures given in the school money was raised to buy projection lanterns to give illustrated lectures in the class rooms. In 1913 (24) at the annual town meeting held on October 17, 1913 it was voted that the school committee be empowered to add the required commercial subjects to the high school course of study. Poquonock High School In 1891 (25) at a special town meeting on October 11, it was voted to establish a high school at Poquonock, and to use a room in the grammar school for the high school. The Poquonock high school had a brief career. It opened in the fall of 1891 with Roscoe A. Hutchinson as principal. He remained in charge of the school until July, 1893, when he was transferred to the high school at Windsor Center. Mr. Hutchinson's place was taken in September, 1893, by Edgar M. Johnson (26) of East Providence, R. I., a graduate of Brown University. In 1894 (27) the first class was graduated. There were six graduates: Annie H. Clark, Addie M. Huntington, James Ramsey, Clara Roberts, James H. Wilson and Fred Snow. Mr. Johnson remained until the summer of 1895, when the high school was closed. The introduction of electric cars had provided convenient and cheap transportation and it was thought advisable to close the high school at Poquonock. Elementary Education In 1879 (28) the school visitors reported that there were no marked changes in the schools. The teaching staff at this time consisted of "5 males" and "10 females", with a total enrollment of 447 pupils. In 1883 (29) at the annual town meeting a very heated discussion arose as to the advisability of allowing book agents to enter the schools, taking up the teachers' time and arousing agitation for new books. The following resolution was presented and passed: "Voted, that no Board of School Visitors or School Committee shall change textbooks in the public schools." In 1884 (30) the school visitors reported that nearly all of the schools had been supplied with school libraries, "but that they remain unused while most of the pupils read trashy books." The schools now had an enrollment of 661 pupils. The town voted to raise $4425 for the support of the common schools. In 1887 (31) there seemed to be an increasing interest in the schools. The chief aim of the school as quoted by the school visitors was "the building up of Character. Our schools are judged by what our pupils learn, both good and bad, Good discipline in the schoolroom, is itself an education." In 1888 (32) the school committee recommended that the several districts entrust the election of teachers to the Board of Visitors. This was due partly because at the close of school in June, 1887, all the certificates of teachers were revoked in order to invoke a better and more careful system of examinations of teachers. State examinations were held and a list of teachers posted from which committees could choose teachers. In 1892 (33) the third district voted to build a new schoolhouse. The first school society had voted to sell their building and to lease a room in the new building to be erected in the third district. The purpose of this was to bring together under one roof the four departments of the center district, which at this time occupied three buildings. The first kindergarten was established in the third district of Windsor for children from three to six years of age. Miss Alice Morgan was selected as their instructor, with an enrollment of twenty-six pupils. At the annual town meeting in 1891, (34) the Board of School Visitors was given for the first time the power to hire all the teachers. The town also voted to abolish all district systems and to place school affairs in the hands of a committee of six. Prior to this vote it had required the services of thirty-six officials, not including the teachers, to carry on the school business. In 1893 (35) the school committee required all schools to post rules of conduct in its rooms. All teachers were required to teach from books, and in any personal instruction to be able to quote references. From the report of the school committee it seemed that the members were much displeased with some of the teachers of the town, for in their report it stated that "leading questions should be avoided. The memory needs cultivation. The printed page leaves impressions on the mind. In some of the schools the teacher does more reciting than the pupils." To eliminate some of the fears of consolidation, the school committee prepared and circulated lists of the required textbooks of the town schools. The textbooks listed at this time were as follows: "Wantworth Grammar School Arithmetic New Franklin Reader Hyde-Lessons in English Montgomery-American History" In 1894 (36) several cases of smallpox had caused considerable loss of time in several schools. It was resolved by the school visitors that all public school children should be vaccinated, and that vaccination certificates dated not earlier than 1888 be required of all pupils. The new building for the third district and the high school had at this time been completed at a total cost of $16,000 and was known at the Roger Ludlow School. This was a two story building, The high school had its rooms on the second floor, while the lower elementary grades used the rooms on the first floor. At a joint meeting of the board of selectmen and the school visitors held on June 6, 1893, it was voted to adopt the provisions of chapter seventeen, acts of 1889, which provided that the joint board of education and the selectmen in each town "shall have power to appropriate money for the purchase of books and apparatus to be used in public schools of each town." The books and apparatus bought were to be and remain the property of the town, and under the care and control of the school committee.(37) In 1896 (38) the kindergarten school in the third district had grown to such an extent as to require an assistant, whose services were secured for five dollars a week. There were at this time sixteen teachers employed in the town of Windsor. At the annual town meeting much discussion was given as to the value of music in the schools, and by vote three hundred dollars was raised for vocal music from December, 1895, to continue to the close of the school year. The town had increased in population and there were now nineteen teachers employed. In 1897 (39) the teachers were requested to give more individual guidance to pupils to awaken their interests. The vocal music that had been tried out the year previous was considered a success. A very radical change took place in the method of heating the third district school building, in that a steam boiler was installed in the school basement which proved very successful. In 1898 (40) at the annual town meeting a discussion was held as to the value of teaching history. The argument held forth by the school committee was "that the paramount lesson that History teaches, is that education is a conquerable force only when it is directed to develop in the individual, power to think." In 1900 (41) the board of school visitors required each teacher to present a list showing the percent of attendance of all pupils. In 1903 (42) the services of Mr. R. A. Clark of Meriden were secured to teach music; he was to give thirty minutes to each classroom in instruction and practice, assign work for the teacher to carry out, and visit each school weekly. In 1904 (43) a special town meeting was held for the purpose of considering the engagement of a Superintendent of Schools. Mr. George R. Maude was directed to confer with Mr. George R. Staples of West Hartford; it having been decided to set up a joint supervisory district. The following is the contract made with Mr. William H. Hall of West Hartford: "That Mr. Hall shall supervise both towns, hire all teachers, classify all scholars, provide for supplies, and provide a course of study, repairs and improvements. He shall give 3/5 of his time to West Hartford and 2/5 of his time in Windsor, Salary to be $1800 per year." In 1905 (44) Mr. Hall made a full set of rules and regulations for the government of the schools, a revised schedule of uniform sessions and revised the list of textbooks, with the idea of developing the taste for good reading. At the annual town meeting held October 8, 1905, (45) in accordance with the requirements of the laws of the state, a vote was taken by ballot on the question of free textbooks and supplies for the use of the schools at the expense of the town. The action taken at this meeting was without previous public discussion of the subject. It was neither recommended nor anticipated by the board of school visitors or the superintendent of schools. (46) The amount expended for textbooks was $871.95 and for supplies, including printing etc., $186.64. At the close of the school year the superintendent visited the school rooms for the express purpose of examining all the textbooks in the hands of the scholars, which had been furnished by the town, and he was glad to report that with only a few exceptions he found the books in excellent condition. The number of pupils in Windsor including the high school, was 810 with a staff of twenty-six teachers. The teachers' salaries for the year totaled $8,740. The town now had a total of ten school districts,(47) each having its own school committee. There were also a high school committee of five members, a committee on teachers, and a committee on textbooks. The previous action taken at the town meeting for the provision of free textbooks had caused considerable agitation among the town's people, for the notice of the annual meeting to be held in October, 1906, contained several articles relative to education as follows: (48) "To reinvest the several school districts of the town with the powers heretofore taken from said districts by vote of the town, including the power to employ teachers by the respective committees of said districts." "To discontinue the employment of a school superintendent. "To discontinue purchasing free textbooks by the town." The action taken at the annual town meeting (49) in October, 1906, did not seem to warrant the introduction of new plans or methods. The purchase of free textbooks was discontinued for the ensuing year. Mr. Hall, superintendent of schools resigned his position at the completion of his three year contract in June, 1907. Mr. Kratzer, principal of the high school, was appointed superintendent for the fall term of 1907, in addition to his duties at the high school. During the school year the ward system of reading in the primary grades was introduced and a rule requiring the salute to the national flag, as a regular Monday morning exercise was instituted. An attempt was made to institute a plan for the distribution of school readers, by which sets of readers old and new were to be passed from school to school, from time to time, thus giving to the different schools the benefit and stimulus of fresh reading, when one set of books had been read through. This report was the last to be presented in regard to the management of the schools under the joint supervision plan with West Hartford. In 1908 (50) the ward system of reading was fully adopted by the board of school visitors, and with the introduction of report cards and uniform examinations the work of the various districts was more uniform. Fire drills were instituted in all the schools in accordance with the state law. In 1909 (51) a definite set of rules and regulations for the teaching of arithmetic was set up. As an illustration, the third grade was expected to complete the mastery of the multiplication tables to twelve times twelve. To make sure that this was done the supervisor made frequent calls and tried out the pupils to prove their efficiency. The Palmer system of handwriting was introduced in the fall term. In 1912 (52) Mr. Daniel Howard was elected Superintendent of Schools in a joint contract with the town of Windsor Locks. He formulated a definite course of study in all branches of study in the Windsor schools. He found a great need of textbooks and requested the town to appropriate him the sum of $1,000 for use in purchasing new books. Mr. Howard was successful in his request, and also in gaining transportation for pupils living over one and one half miles from school. (53) A one horse drawn vehicle was used to transport the pupils. In 1913 (54) it was found that the town had grown to such an extent that there was great need of a new building in the third district, and at the town meeting held on March 4, 1913, the following was voted: "Voted, that the selectmen be authorized to borrow a sum not to exceed $20,000 for current expenses and to give town notes therefor, for a new school addition. "Voted, that the selectmen and town school committee acting as a joint building committee, be and are hereby authorized to enlarge the school building in District No. 3 by the addition of four schoolrooms, with halls and basement, the same to be approximately of the same size and same general style of architecture as rooms already built, at a cost for building, furnishing and equipping said rooms, including plumbing, heating and furniture not to exceed $20,000. It is interesting to note that at this same meeting a discussion was presented in the form of a resolution that at the end of the expiration of the contract made with the superintendent of schools, they desired the school committee to employ a competent citizen of Windsor to be superintendent of its schools exclusively instead of being joined with the Town of Windsor Locks. This resolution was voted upon and lost. Summary Hayden Hall, A Young Ladies Institute, was built in 1867. This school was successful and became widely known. In 1902 the Young Ladies Institute was reorganized and became known as the Campbell School for Girls. In 1874 a Loomis family willed their estates for the instruction of persons of the age of twelve years and upwards, the institution to be located on the homestead of Joseph Loomis. The act granting the charter was approved July 8, 1874. In 1882 the town voted to establish a free high school. The high school was held in the academy building until 1893, when the Roger Ludlow schoolhouse was erected. In 1891 the town voted to abolish the district system and to place school affairs in the hands of a committee of six. In 1891 it was voted to establish a high school at Poquonock. The Poquonock high school had but a brief career. It opened in the fall of 1891 and closed in June 1895. In 1904 Mr. William Hall was engaged as the first Superintendent of Schools. Mr. Hall made a full set of rules and regulations for the government of the schools and revised the lists of textbooks. At the completion of his three year contract, Mr. Hall left Windsor to devote his full time to the schools of West Hartford. In the early colonial days life was simple and the education corresponded to the needs of the times. Reading, writing, and arithmetic were about all that claimed the attention of the schoolrooms. Three hundred years have brought into existence a new society living a new life in a new world. Most of the arts and sciences that have been recognized as desirable subjects for study in our schools have won their place because of their industrial and commercial value. Bookkeeping, typewriting, and the commercial subjects mean bread and butter to thousands upon thousands. Windsor High School In the high school a variety of subjects, many of them unknown to the early settlers, now forms the basis of our college preparatory work and introduces the youth to a knowledge of world affairs, and the problems of actual life and leisure. The subjects carried on in the early high school were those of the Latin Grammar school and the Academy. In 1897 science was added to the curriculum of the high school and a microscope added to its equipment. In 1908 bookkeeping and higher arithmetic, and in 1911 chemistry were added to the course of study. In 1914 (1) the school committee decided to add the commercial course to the high school curriculum because of the increased demand for office help in the near by towns. The registration in the high school for the school year 1914-15 was seventy four, a decrease of five from the number registered during the preceding year. The decrease was due to the opening of Loomis Institute.(2) "It was expected that several pupils would enter Loomis in the fall going directly from the Town Grammar Schools, and it is not expected that the high school will show much of any increase in the present enrollment." The town was rapidly increasing in population, the enrollment going from 878 school pupils to 1,109 in a space of three years.(3) In order to give the older boys in the high school an opportunity to become acquainted with the leading industries a committee of citizens was formed to accompany the boys on their visits which were arranged to take place in the afternoon following a regular school session.(4) These visits were found to be well worth the time and effort given over to these excursions. In 1917 (5) it was voted that the town school committee be authorized and directed to employ a teacher to give instruction in vocal and instrumental music in the public schools of Windsor. This is the first time that a regular music instructor had been carried throughout the year. This teacher is still in service in Windsor. Due to the increased cost of living in 1917 the teachers of Windsor petitioned the town for an increase in salaries. This increase was later voted at a special town meeting.(6) There was an increased interest in the development of the curriculum and Spanish was added to the course of study.(7) In 1918 campaigns for the sale of War Saving Stamps were held in the high school to teach the lessons of economy. There were now sixty pupils enrolled in the high school. (8) In the fall of 1918, (9) it became compulsory for all new teachers to become members of the State Teachers Pension Act. Seventeen of the Windsor teachers joined. In 1919 (10) there was a decided shortage of teachers, and the school suffered much from congestion. The enrollment had increased to seventy-six pupils. Domestic science,(11) having been tried out in the upper grammar grades, was now offered to the freshmen and sophomore classes in the high school. A cafeteria was installed in connection with the domestic science classes and lunches were served to the pupils at noon at a nominal cost. At a special town meeting held May 6, 1920,(12) after much discussion about conditions in the high school the following motion was made and carried: "That the question of building of the proposed High School building and the Building Committee's request for an appropriation not to exceed $235,000 be referred to the Finance Board, with the request that they give consideration to the borrowing capacity of the town in relation to the appropriation and report to an adjourned meeting to be held within 30 days." At the special town meeting held on May 27, 1920, (13) it was voted that the building committee be authorized and empowered to erect a high school building on the lot purchased by the town of Windsor on Bloomfield Avenue for school purposes, the building to be erected according to plans and specifications approved by the Town School Committee and Building Committee. The building committee was to have power to make such contracts as it deemed advisable or necessary for the proper conduct of the work of erecting a high school building. To carry out this vote a sum of $140,000 was appropriated and the town selectmen authorized to borrow the amount. There were now one hundred and seven regularly enrolled in the high school, which had by this time provided four courses of study: (14) Home Economics, College Preparatory, Academic and Commercial. At a special town meeting held on February 8, 1921, (15) it was voted that the town vote authorizing the town to borrow the sum of $140,000 as per vote in the adjourned town meeting on May 7, 1920, for the purpose of building a new high school building be rescinded. It seems that the towns listed valuation was not great enough to make the loan as appropriated, for at this same meeting the following resolution was passed. "That this meeting favors and approves a joint meeting of the School Building Committee and the Town Board of Finance to be held within 10 days for the purpose of devising ways and means for creating a special fund to be used for school purposes, or to draw up a petition to the state Legislature asking for special legislation to enable Windsor to borrow in excess of the present statutory limit, or to recommend procedures in case it shall seem to them best." At a special town meeting held March 4, 1921, (16) the question concerning the building of a new high school was again brought before the meeting and discussed at some length. A member of the board of finance explained to the meeting the town's financial condition. A member of the high school building committee explained the school needs and told the meeting that as a result of their work, plans and specifications for a new building had been secured which had the approval of the Town School Committee and that they could furnish the town with a suitable building for the sum of $150,000. This sum was to cover the cost of the building, furniture, and equipment, and if given power and authority to start building operations at once probably would have the building completed and ready for occupancy in September 1921, in time for the fall term. The Superintendent of Schools explained to the meeting the plan of the building which had been adopted and said such a building would take care of the town's requirements in Windsor Center for several years and at the same time help relieve the situation in Wilson. Upon recommendation of the board of finance the following vote passed: (17) "Voted; That the sum of One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Dollars be and is hereby appropriated for the purpose of building a new High School building on Bloomfield Avenue lot, said amount to include the cost of building and equipment and furniture. Thirty Five Thousand of said amount to be provided for from current taxes and the balance of One Hundred Fifteen Thousand Dollars to be provided for by the issuing of bonds of the town." "Voted; That the High School Building Committee consist of J. E. Ransom, Fred Morgan, James McCann, and George Crosby, Jr., Thomas Kearney and Frank Mills, be and they are hereby authorized to construct a new high school building on the Bloomfield Avenue lot in accordance with the plans and specifications approved by the School Committee, and said building equipment and furniture to cost not more than One Hundred and Fifty Thousand Dollars. "Voted; That the High School Building Committee let the contract or contracts for such building to reliable contractors only, and that they take from such contractors a sufficient bond or bonds, to properly protect the interests of the town, and further that all bills and payments on contracts in connection with said high school building shall be approved by the High School Building Committee before an order for the same is drawn by the Board of Selectmen. "Voted; That the sum of $35,000 of the amount appropriated for the new high school building be paid for from current taxes." The new high school was named in honor of John Fitch the founder of the school fund. In 1922 (18) the new high school was under operation, with an additional course of study, that of manual training. The course of domestic science was taken over by the State Board of Education under the Smith Hughes Act,(19) and the entire salary of the teacher was paid for by the Federal Government. The high school now had an enrollment of one hundred ninety-six pupils, with a graduating class of thirty pupils. In 1924 (20) arrangements were made for the services of a school nurse. Much of this work had previously been done by the Junior Red Cross. In 1926 (21) a woman director of physical training was added to the high school staff. In 1927 (22) the work of the physical education department was taken over by a man, and the new sport of soccer was initiated at the high school. In 1928,(23) just six years after the completion of the high school, we find it again filled to capacity. At the annual town meeting in October, 1928 (24) a committee of three citizens was appointed to act with the town school committee, thus creating a joint committee of six, to investigate the schoolroom conditions and to make a special report to a special town meeting to be called by the selectmen at the request of the joint committee. The three citizens were selected from the central and southern sections of the town where the congestion was most apparent. The committee reported at a later meeting (25) that steps be taken at once to provide four additional rooms for the high school which was at the time taxed beyond its capacity by the pupils enrolled and in attendance. At this meeting a building committee of six persons was created and authorized to secure plans and specifications for an addition of at least four rooms for the high school. From the superintendent's report for the school year 1930, there were 275 pupils enrolled in the high school. (26) Under the head of new business, (27) at a town meeting held in February 1929 an appropriation was made for a four room addition to the John Fitch High School. This addition was put up at an approximate cost of $60,000. In 1932 (28) the high school had grown to such proportions that it was necessary to run on the two session plan. The high school now had an enrollment of 369 pupils. In 1933 (29) there were 458 pupils in the high school. At a special town meeting held November 22, 1933 it was voted, "that the construction and equipment of an eight room addition to the present high school building of the town of Windsor at a total cost of not more than $40,000 is hereby authorized and approved, provided a grant shall be obtained from the Federal Emergency Administration of Public Works in an amount equal to thirty percent of the cost of the labor and materials involved in the construction of such a project, but in all respects in respects in accordance with the provisions of the National Recovery Act passed in Congress June 16, 1933, and the sum of $40,000 inclusive of such a grant is hereby appropriated for said purpose, provided such grant is hereby obtained from the United States, through the Federal Administration of Public Works." In 1935 (30) under the direction of the new superintendent of schools, Earl S. Russell, steps were taken to broaden the curriculum of the high school. In 1936 (31) after careful examination of the high school heating system by engineers, the high school building was insulated with rock wool, and the main part of the building remodeled to make a modern and up-to-date library in the school. In 1937 (32) an experiment was carried out in allowing the more advanced pupils of the eighth grades of the town to take the freshmen English at the high school. This experiment proved successful, and is being carried out during the school year 1937-38. District No. 1 In the annual report to the town of Windsor by the school committee in 1924, (33) the school committee recommended to the town that they purchase the land adjoining the school in district No. 1 as the district was rapidly growing and that the present school was overcrowded. At the town meeting on March 4, 1916,(34) it was voted that a sum not to exceed $16,000 be appropriated for the erection of a two story brick schoolhouse in district No.1. It was further voted (35) that a committee consisting of the Board of Selectmen and the town School Committee be appointed to purchase land and to contract for and to supervise the construction of the new elementary school building proposed to be built. At the town meeting on December 28, 1916, an additional appropriation was made to be used for the completion of the work on the building of schools authorized to be built. At a special town meeting held on July 19, 1918,(36) it was voted that the town school committee be authorized to complete the unfinished rooms of the new building in district No. 1 and appropriated a sum of money not to exceed $1700. This meeting also authorized the selectmen to purchase land adjoining the school lot in district No.1 at a cost not to exceed $4,000. In the annual report of the chairman of the school committee in 1921, (37) it was reported that the district was growing rapidly and that the present school was decidedly overcrowded. This condition was again reported to the town in the year of 1923. (38) At the town meeting held October 6, 1924,(39) a resolution was presented, that the town elect a special committee of three persons who were to act with the town school committee as a joint committee to investigate schoolroom conditions in the town of Windsor, and that this committee was to make a report with recommendations at a future town meeting to be called by the selectmen upon request of the chairman of the joint committee. The resolution was amended to read "that five persons be elected to act as a special committee." The resolution was amended, voted upon and passed. At a town meeting on November 21, 1924, it was voted (40) that a committee of three members together with the town school committee be created, to be known as a building committee. It was also voted that the school building committee be authorized to secure options on land to be used for school purposes at Wilson, The Highlands, and at Windsor Center and to report at a future town meeting. Upon the call for a meeting by the chairman of the school building committee the following report was given: (41) "Cost of Building at Wilson No. 1 $78,000 Lot at Highlands 2,500 Lot at Windsor Center and building 65,000" It was voted that the report of the building committee be accepted and adopted as relating to the proposed building in District No. 1. At a special town meeting on April 6, 1925, (42) a resolution was presented in accordance with the recommendations of the board of finance that the sum of $160,000 be appropriated for the purpose of erecting and equipping a new school building in school districts No. 1 and 3, the amount to include the purchase of the site, the moving of a portable building in the first district, building approaches and sewers in the third district, all to be in accordance with the plans submitted by the school committee. It was also voted that local contractors and local help be given preference in the construction of these school buildings. A vote of thanks was extended to Mr. Walter Hastings for the lively interest he had taken in the school question and in getting out such a large vote. With the completion of the eight room building in district No. 1 in 1925, we find a decided conglomeration of buildings on the one school lot; the school lot having been extended from the original site to the present lot of approximately 500 feet square. This lot now had the original two room brick building, built in 1856; a two story, four room building built in 1916; a two story, eight room building built in 1925. In addition to these there remained a one room portable building which was set up while the new building was being built, but which due to the growth of the district, was not taken down and was continued in service until March 7, 1928. At this time, due to a decrease in population, it was possible to close this building and tear it down. District No. 3 At a special town meeting on June 5, 1913, (43) the report of the building committee in charge of the erection of a school building in district No. 3 was given. The committee reported that the building could not be built for the sum originally appropriated, namely $20,000. It was then voted to adjourn the meeting to July 29. At this meeting it was voted that the sum of $1,000, the unexpended balance from buying land, be added to the building fund, and an additional $2,500 was voted for the erection of an addition to the school building in accordance with the call of the meeting. It is very interesting to note that by vote of the town the town clerk was ordered to express to the Trustees of the Methodist Church the hearty thanks of the town of Windsor for their generous offer in allowing the use of the church building temporarily for school purposes. At the town meeting of March 4, 1912, (44) it was voted that the selectmen and town school committee, acting as a joint building committee be authorized to enlarge the school building in district No. 3, by an addition of four schoolrooms, with halls and basement the same, to be approximately the same size and same general style of architecture as the rooms already built, at a cost of building, furnishing and equipping, including plumbing, heating and furniture not to exceed $20,000; the selectmen were authorized to borrow the money, and the joint committee was allowed to give the contract or contracts to the lowest bidder, who could give and prove to the committee his ability to carry out his contract. In the superintendent's report to the town in 1920, (45) he stated that the congestion was so great in the south and center districts that it was necessary for some pupils to come to school in the morning while others came in the afternoon. The completion of the new high school in 1922 relieved the congestion greatly in the third district for but a short while, for at the town meeting held on October 6, 1924, (46) a special committee of five persons was elected whose duty it was to investigate schoolroom conditions in the town of Windsor and to make a report with recommendations at a future town meeting. At the town meeting held in November 1924, (47) it was voted that a committee of three persons, together with the town school committee, be created, to be known as a building committee. A sum of $5,000 was appropriated for the use of the building committee to procure plans and specifications for fourteen additional schoolrooms. It was also voted that the school building committee be authorized to secure options on land at Wilson, The Highlands, and Windsor Center, and to make a report at a future town meeting. At a special town meeting at the call of the school building committee the following was reported: (48) "Cost of Building at Wilson $78,000 Cost of Lot at the Highlands 2,500 Cost of School at Windsor Center 65,000 Upon recommendation of the school building committee the sum of $72,000 was appropriated for the building of a school on the high school lot. This school contains six classrooms and a domestic science room in the basement. It is a very poorly constructed building situated directly behind the present high school building, a position which spoils the beauty of the high school. District No.4 At a town meeting held on October 6, 1924,(49) it was voted to elect a special committee of five persons to act with the town school committee as a joint committee to investigate schoolroom conditions in the town, and to make a report at a future town meeting to be called by the selectmen upon request of the chairman of this special committee. It was also voted to appropriate a sum of $5,000 for the use of this committee in procuring plans and specifications if needed. The committee was further authorized to secure options on land to be used for school purposes at the Highlands. At a meeting held on March 30, 1925, (50) the members presented the meeting with an option on a piece of land in the Highland district. This meeting voted that the selectmen be authorized to purchase for school purposes the lot as recommended by the building committee, and to remove from the Roger Wolcott school lot the two room portable school building and erect it on the land to be purchased at the Highlands section of the town. This lot was very small. At the town meeting in October (51) it was voted to appoint three citizens to act with the town school committee, thus creating a joint committee of six to investigate schoolroom conditions and to make a report at a later meeting. At a town meeting held in November the joint committee recommended (52) that steps be taken at once to acquire land adjoining the present school site in the Highlands section and that it should contain an approximate area of at least 90,000 square feet or 120,000 square feet if an eight room building were to be built. This meeting voted, (53) that $5,000 be appropriated for plans and specifications for the erection of an eight room building to be erected on the Highlands school site. The next town meeting held in February 1929 made an appropriation of $142,000 to build and equip an eight room building at the Highlands and a four room addition at the high school. The committee of six, consisting of three members of the school board and three citizens of the town, had a total of $147,000, $5,000 having been appropriated for plans and specifications. The total cost of the school at the Highlands was $80,000, while the addition at the high school cost $60,000 (52) District No. 11 Before the year 1916 there had been little need of a school at the Griffin Tobacco Plantation. A small number of children living near this district had been cared for by a school just over the line in Bloomfield. About 1915 a number of new homes for the accommodations of workmen on the tobacco plantations were built in Windsor, and in the spring of 1915 (53) Mr. Fred B. Griffin offered to give land for a schoolhouse. This offer was accepted and a one room schoolhouse was erected in time for use in the fall of 1916. This building became overcrowded and in 1919 a portable one room school building was set up beside it for the use of the lower grades. (54) In 1933 the town began transportation of the upper grades to the John M. Niles school in Poquonock. The building that was built in 1916 is now used for the lower grades, with a school enrollment of twelve pupils. This building originally cost the town $1,547.18. Methods of Instruction In 1893 (55) the textbooks listed for use by the board of school visitors were as follows: Wentworth Grammar School Arithmetic Hyde' - Lessons in English New Franklin Readers Montgomery - American History" All elementary pupils during this period were required to purchase their own books, which caused a great variety of books in the schools, many of them unfit for use, having been handed down and passed on from one to another. In 1907 we find that the town had appropriated money for free textbooks, though many opposed the idea. With the use of free textbooks came the Ward system of teaching reading. This was a step forward in the efficiency of teaching the younger pupils to read, in that the older pupils assisted the teacher in getting the younger pupils to learn the letters and syllables. In 1909 the Ward system of reading was fully adopted for reading in all the schools of the town, as was the Palmer system of teaching handwriting. In 1917 (56) a full time music supervisor was added to the staff for the purpose of supervising the music in the elementary grades and to teach the music in the high school. In 1922 (57) the school committee directed the superintendent of schools to investigate the Dalton and Alternate school systems as conducted in Massachusetts and New Jersey with the view of discovering what part of these systems, if any, could be adopted with benefit to the Windsor system. The superintendent spent considerable time in investigating these several systems, and in the fall of 1924 he introduced the Cooperative School System, thereby increasing individual instruction and saving on recitation work. (58) The Windsor Plan was supposed to maintain the conventional organization by grades and maintain the program of study and schedules of recitation which had prevailed under the standard conventional school administration. It made use of the Dalton system of graphs to record the progress of the individual student and had a scheme of lesson assignments, supervised study and individual instruction for all pupils whose normal capacity for work required them to advance more slowly or more rapidly than the pace called for by the standard schedule. In this way, the economy and interest of mass instruction were preserved while the needs of all who required special instruction were supplied. The greatest surprise in connection with the introduction of this plan was the small number who failed to make their grade. This system also called for the departmental work by subjects in all grades from the fourth to the eighth. In connection with this plan in 1928 Intelligence Tests were used as the basis for classification of grades. At the regular town meeting October 17, 1913, (59) it was voted that the town school committee be authorized to establish and maintain one or more evening schools in such places and for such length of time and for teaching of such subjects and branches as it saw fit. To carry on the work of the evening schools, $250 was appropriated. The first evening school was set up in the south district of the town with an average attendance of forty adults for twenty-four weeks. The work of the evening school continued with the same apparent interest and attendance until 1916, when the attendance began to fall off due to the overtime work in the industrial places and factories. In 1917 (60) two evening schools were run by the town, two evenings a week for the entire school year. These schools were continued until 1929, when because of lack of interest they were discontinued. These schools were made up of Danes, Germans, Swedes, Poles, French, Russians, Austrians and Hungarians. At a special meeting of the school committee in Nov. 1929 (61) the following rule regarding sick leave was adopted: "A teacher who is absent from school on account of illness shall pay the salary of the substitute engaged unless the necessary absence continues for more than two days. If the absence continues beyond a period of two days the school department shall pay the salary of the substitute teacher for the third day and for subsequent days until a total of ten days has been paid for by the school department, after which the regular teacher shall be responsible for the substitute's salary. In case the number of days paid for by the school department during the school year does not exceed ten days." School Supervision and Superintendent Emeritus Prior to 1904 the only supervision of the public schools, was the periodical inspection by the school visitors, and the issuing by them of rules, regulations and orders for the government of their schools. On August 4, 1904, (62) at a special town meeting held for the purpose of engaging a superintendent of schools, a vote was passed giving the approval of the town. As a result the school board at once took steps to form a joint supervision district with West Hartford. Mr. William H. Hall became the first superintendent of the Windsor schools. Mr. Hall made a full set of rules and regulations for the government of the schools, revised the schedule of sessions and revised the textbook list. At the end of the three year period, for which Mr. Hall had contracted, the supervision district was dissolved and John W. Kratzer, principal of the high school, was appointed superintendent in the fall term of 1907, in addition to his duties at the high school. This plan of supervision was continued until 1910 when the towns of Windsor and Windsor Locks united in a supervision district for a period of three years with Mr. Daniel Howard of Windsor Locks as superintendent, giving three days each week to the Windsor schools, and two days each week to the schools of Windsor Locks. At the end of the three years the contract was renewed for another three year period. By 1916 the increase in Windsor's population and the increasing need of constant supervision of its schools caused Windsor to desire the full time services of its superintendent of schools. Mr. Howard came to Windsor to live in the fall of 1916 and gave his full time to the supervision of the town schools until July 1, 1934, when he retired as active superintendent as was made Superintendent Emeritus by the unanimous vote of the board of education. Dr. Earl S. Russell of New Haven, an experienced teacher and superintendent, was elected to the office of superintendent of schools and entered upon his duties in the summer of 1934. At a special meeting of the school board, (63) held at the home of Chairman Ulric Mather, after the adjournment of the regular meeting, the following motion was passed: "Whereas, Daniel Howard, having been engaged in the services of Education for two score years and having completed twenty-four years as Superintendent of the Public Schools of Windsor, has signified his desire of being relieved of the duties and responsibilities of active service and "Whereas, Under his efficient administration and management, which has been characterized by untiring devotion and energy and by his sympathetic understanding of the problems of teachers and pupils alike, the public school system of Windsor, has expanded and progressed to its present high standard. "Therefore, Be it resolved that, in acknowledgement of his meritorious services to the community, he be elected Superintendent Emeritus of the Public Schools of Windsor without any specific duties or responsibilities, and "Be It Further Resolved, That a copy of this resolution be presented to him as a token of the appreciation and esteem which exists for him in the hearts of his fellow townspeople, with the hope that he may long enjoy the full measure of satisfaction which comes from a useful career devoted to the advancement and education of younger people. Signed, Board of Education Ulric B. Mather Henry A. Grimm Harmon T. Barber" Loomis Institute Upon the death of John Mason Loomis, the last survivor of the group, and his wife, Mary H. Loomis, an endowment of nearly two million dollars, became available for use of the trustees, who at once began active preparations for the building and opening of a school on the ancestral estate near the original home of Joseph Loomis, which is still standing and occupied by Miss Jennie Loomis. (64) An experienced and successful educator was sought for the position of Headmaster. Nathaniel Horton Batchelder, a man who had received both the bachelor's and master's degree from Harvard was chosen. Entering upon his duties in 1912, he worked with the trustees and their architect in planning the buildings and formulating the courses of study and was ready to open the school in September 1914. At first the small number of girls applying for admission were taught on the Island in the same building that served the boys department. Later, the girls were housed for a few years in a building owned by the Institute on Poquonock Avenue. In 1926 the Institute having acquired the historic Sill place and Chaffee houses and other property facing the Palisado Green, the girls department was named Chaffee School in honor of Abigail Sherwood Chaffee, mother of the founders of the Institute, and moved into new quarters in the newly acquired property. Today, while the two schools have separate quarters and, for the most part, separate faculties, Mrs. Jeanette T. Cloud acts as resident director at Chaffee, under the direction of Mr. Batchelder as Headmaster of both the Loomis School for Boys and the Chaffee School for Girls. By provisions of the charter and the wills, the matter of admission to both schools, preference is given first to members of the Loomis family; secondly, to residents of the Town of Windsor; thirdly, to residents of the State of Connecticut; and lastly to others regardless of state or nation. Those in attendance at Chaffee and the local boys of the Loomis School come as day students. Others are provided for in the fine dormitories on the campus. Tuition is free to students residing in the town of Windsor. The present enrollment of the Loomis Institute and Chaffee Schools is about 390 pupils.(64) The following is the typical college course given at Loomis Institute: " FRESHMAN YEAR English 1..................................................4 Latin 1....................................................6 Ancient History ...........................................4 or French 1................................................5 Algebra 1..................................................5 One of the following electives..........................3 Art, General Science, Mechanical Drawing, Music Appreciation, Woodworking, Business Technique A 22 or 23 SOPHOMORE YEAR English II ........................................... 4 Latin II ............................................ 6 French I or II ..................................... 5 Algebra II .......................................... 5 One of the following .............................. Art, Biology I (Introductory Course), German I, United States History I, Mechanical Draw- ing II, Music Appreciation, History of Science, Public Speaking, Woodworking, Business Technique A. 23 JUNIOR YEAR Four of the following, including English and Mathematics: English III ......................................... 5 Latin III ........................................... 5 French II or III .................................... 5 German I ............................................ 5 Geometry ............................................ 5 History (European or United States) ............... 5 Physics or Chemistry or Biology .................... 5 Science I (Physics and Chemistry) .................. 5 Biology II (following Biology I) ................... 4 One elective from the list below ................... 3 22 or 23 SENIOR YEAR Four of the following: English IV ........................................... 5 History (European or United States) ............ 5 Latin IV ........................................... 5 French III or IV .................................. 5 German II ......................................... 5 Solid Geometry and Trigonometry .................. 6 Advanced Algebra and Trigonometry ............... 5 or 6 Physics or Chemistry or Biology .................. 5 Science II (following Science I) , , , , , , , , 5 Biology II (following Biology I) ................ 4 One elective from the list below .................. 3 22, 23, or 24 SENIOR AND JUNIOR ELECTIVES Art, Biology I, History of Science, Advanced Algebra, Trigonometry, Solid Geometry, United States History I, United States History II (fol- lowing United States History I), Public Speaking, Music Appreciation, Woodworking, Typewriting, Business Technique A." The Warham School In September, 1928, Mrs. Adelaide H. Hoyt opened a private school for children in the primary and elementary grades, at her home on Warham Street. She named her school the Warham School. Later she extended her school to include all grades below the high school. After Mrs. Hoyt's death in November, 1933, the school was carried on at the same location until June, 1934. In the following September the school was taken over by Mrs. Katherine Hibbard and removed to the former home of William H. Harvey at the corner of Windsor Avenue and Hill Crest Road. At the end of the school year a new management was announced with Miss Florence E. Sellers at the head. Today this school has an enrollment of sixty pupils. Summary In 1914 the school committee decided to add the commercial course to the high school curriculum. In 1917 it was voted that the town school committee be authorized and directed to employ a teacher to give instruction in vocal and instrumental music in the Public schools of Windsor. In the fall of 1918, it became compulsory for all new teachers to become members of the State Teachers Pension Act. The John Fitch High School was begun in 1921 and finished in 1922. The first annex was built in 1929. A second annex containing eight rooms was built in 1934. Mr. Daniel Howard came to Windsor to live in the fall of 1916 and gave his full time to supervision of the town schools until July 1, 1934, when he retired as active superintendent and was made Superintendent Emeritus. Dr. Earle S. Russell of New Haven was elected to the office of Superintendent of Schools and entered upon his duties in the summer of 1934. In 1916, in the first district, a four-room building was erected in front of the two-room building. In 1925 an eight-room building was erected to take care of the increased enrollment. In 1925 the Roger Ludlow School, in district three, had become so crowded that it was necessary to erect a six-room building on the high school lot. In September, 1928, a private school for children in the primary and elementary grades was organized by Mrs. Adelaide H. Hoyt at her home on Warham Street. The Loomis Institute under the guidance of Mr. Nathaniel Horton Batchelder was opened for its first classes in the fall of 1914. Before the year 1916 no one had suggested the need of a school at the Griffin Plantation. In the spring of 1916 Mr. Fred B. Griffin offered to give land for school purposes on condition that the town should erect a schoolhouse. The offer was accepted and a one-room schoolhouse was erected in time for use in the fall of 1916. This building was so overcrowded that in 1919 a portable one-room building was set up beside it for the accommodation of the lower grades. The period covered in this chapter is one of rapid growth and development. Chapter V Summary of Thesis The pioneers who laid the foundation of Windsor were no ordinary adventurers. They did not come in search of gold or military glory. They came to establish a new home and a new government. They assumed all the responsibilities that go with independence and self control. Their leaders were men of vision and men of learning. Most of the leaders of this new state had been educated in the schools and universities of England. The lack of authentic records covering the first twenty years following the settlement of Windsor prevents saying much about the earliest schools. In 1644 the General Court of the Colony of Connecticut approved a plan for the encouragement of higher education at Harvard College. In 1650 the first codification of Colonial laws was made. This important task was performed by Roger Ludlow of Windsor. In the chapter on children we have learned that the "Selectmen shall have vigilant eye over their brethren and neighbors, to see, first, that none of them shall suffer so much barbarism in their families, as not to endeavor to teach by themselves or others, their children and apprentices so much learning as may enable them perfectly to read the English tongue, and knowledge of the capital laws," also "that all masters do once a week, at least catechise their children and servants, in the grounds and principles of religion." The code of 1650 further ordered that every town having as many as one hundred families should establish a grammar school that would prepare pupils for admission to the university and any town that did not comply with this order would be fined five pounds annually to be paid to the nearest grammar school in another town. In 1672 Windsor was fined five pounds for not maintaining a grammar school. This fine was paid to Hartford. The first schoolhouse was built in 1667. The site of this school is not known. In 1675 John Fitch enrolled in the army to protect the town from the Indians. Before leaving home he made out his will leaving all his property for a school in Windsor. His estate became the foundation of the Union School Fund, which was later increased by generous gifts. The law of 1712 ordered that the church parishes should have charge of the schools and that a special tax should be levied for their support. In 1794 the right to lay taxes for the purposes of building schoolhouses was given to the districts into which the parishes had been divided about the time of the Revolutionary War. In 1795 the town was required to organize school societies which should have the management of the schools and the school money. This was the origin of the First School Society. These societies received money from the state school fund and raised a small tax for the support of schools. The First School Society maintained an academy known as the Union School which was supported partly by the income of the Union School Fund and partly by taxation based on the grand list of the Society. In 1838 an investigation of the schools of the state was made because it was felt that many of the towns were neglecting their duty in maintaining schools of high standards. As a result of this investigation of schools a State Board of Commissioners of Common Schools was created. The Union School, which since its earliest days had been managed by a board of trustees, was continued under the same form of management until 1882 when the Academy was transformed into a town high school under the control of a committee of five members. This academy continued to serve the town until 1893, when the Roger Ludlow schoolhouse was built; the high school moved in and remained there until the erection of John Fitch High School in 1922. Education, at first supported mainly by the parents, is now supported mainly by the public. The taxpayer of today who contributes to the public treasury is simply paying his share of the expense of maintaining a suitable society in which to live. The first settlers here established a new order, and its benefits and blessings have become the marvel of the ages. With the changes introduced by the new order have come constant changes in social environment. Our education must continue to change in order to meet the changing conditions. We have come a long way in three hundred years. We would not go backward if we could but we can find satisfaction in the knowledge that we have kept alive the spirit of our forefathers. It is the author's hope that these pages will combine and blend to give the reader an accurate picture of the town of Windsor and its contribution to education. References Chapter 1 (1) Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 97 (2) Scudder, American Commonwealths Page 16 (3) Winthrop's Journal, Volume 1 Page 61 (4) Ibid, Page 61 (5) Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation Page 370 (6) Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History Volume II Page 69 (7) Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation Volume II Page 373 (8) Ibid, Page 373 (9) Ibid, Page 373 (10) Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History Volume II Page 74 (11) Ibid, Page 74 (12) Bradford, History of the Plymouth Plantation Volume II Page 388 (13) Ibid, Page 404 (14) Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History Volume II Page 72 (15) Ibid, Page 73 (16) Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 738 (17) Bradford, History of Plymouth Plantation Volume II Page 406 (18) Roger Clap's Memoirs Page 94 \| \| Reference \| \|---\|------------------------------------------------\| \| 19\| Winthrop's Journal, Volume 1 Page 163 \| \| 20\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 402 \| \| 21\| Ibid, Page 402 \| \| 22\| Windsor Land Records, Volume 1 Page 227 \| \| 23\| Andrews, The Colonial Period of American History Volume II Page 80 \| \| 24\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor Volume 1 Page 403 \| \| 25\| Ibid, Page 403 \| \| 26\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 231 \| \| 27\| Ibid, Page 397 \| \| 28\| Colonial Records of Connecticut, Volume 1 Page 8 \| \| 29\| Ibid, Page 112 \| \| 30\| Ibid, Page 139 \| \| 31\| Ibid, Page 520 \| \| 32\| Ibid, Page 554 \| \| 33\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 398 \| \| 34\| Ibid, Page 398 \| \| 35\| Ibid, Page 398 \| \| 36\| Ibid, Page 398 \| \| 37\| Ibid, Page 398 \| \| 38\| Probate Records, Volume II Page 397 \| \| 39\| Trumbull, The Memorial History of Hartford County Volume II Page 516 \| \| 40\| Ibid, Page 516 \| \| 41\| Colonial Records of Connecticut, Volume IV Page 375 \| \| 41\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 402 \| \| \| Reference \| \|---\|------------------------------------------------\| \| 43\| Ibid, Page 402 \| \| 44\| Colonial Records of Connecticut, Volume IV Page 375 \| \| 45\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 398 \| \| 46\| Connecticut Colonial Records, Volume V Page 222 \| \| 47\| Ibid, Page 353 \| \| 48\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 403 \| \| 49\| Colonial Records of Connecticut, Volume VI Page 33 \| \| 50\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 403 \| \| 51\| Ibid, Page 403 \| \| 52\| Ibid, Page 403 \| \| 53\| Colonial Records of Connecticut, Volume VI Page 439 \| \| 54\| Trumbull, The Memorial History of Hartford County Volume II Page 517 \| \| 55\| Ibid, Page 517 \| \| 56\| Ibid, Page 517 \| \| 57\| Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 404 \| \| 58\| Ibid, Page 404 \| \| 59\| Ibid, Page 404 \| \| 60\| Ibid, Page 404 \| \| 61\| Ibid, Page 404 \| \| 62\| Ibid, Page 404 \| \| \| Chapter 11 \| \| 63\| Records of First School Society, Volume 1 Page 6 \| \| 38\| Ibid, Page 43 \| \| 39\| Ibid, Page 43 \| \| 40\| Ibid, Page 44 \| \| 41\| Ibid, Page 46 \| \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 42 \| Ibid, Page 49 \| \| 43 \| Ibid, Page 50 \| \| 44 \| Ibid, Page 51 \| \| 45 \| Ibid, Page 52 \| \| 46 \| Ibid, Page 63 \| \| 47 \| Ibid, Page 68 \| \| 48 \| Ibid, Page 70 \| \| 49 \| Records of First School Society, Volume 1 Page 5 \| \| 50 \| Ibid, Page 92 \| \| 51 \| Ibid, Page 105 \| \| 52 \| Ibid, Page 106 \| \| 53 \| Ibid, Page 110 \| \| 54 \| Records of District No. 3, Volume 1 Page 34 \| \| 55 \| Ibid, Pages 7-11 \| \| 56 \| Records of First School Society, Volume 1 Page 115 \| \| 57 \| Records of District No. 1, Volume 1 Page 5 \| \| 58 \| Ibid, Page 14 \| \| 59 \| Ibid, Page 19 \| \| 60 \| Ibid, Page 25 \| \| 61 \| Ibid, Page 28 \| \| 62 \| Ibid, Page 39 \| \| 63 \| Ibid, Page 57 \| \| 64 \| Records of District No. 2, Volume 1 Page 4 \| \| 65 \| Ibid, Page 12 \| \| 66 \| Ibid, Page 30 \| \| 67 \| Records of District No. 3, Volume 1 Page 144 \| (68) Records of District No 4, Volume 1 Page 53 (69) Ibid, Page 62 (70) Ibid, Page 68 (71) Records of District No. 5, Volume 1 Page 60 (72) Records of District No. 6, Volume 1 Page 45 (73) Records of District No. 7, Volume 1 Page 46 (74) Ibid, Page 94 (75) Records of District No. 9, Volume 1 Page 2 (76) Ibid, Page 4 (77) Ibid, Page 6 (78) Ibid, Page 22 (79) Ibid, Page 34 (80) Ibid, Page 46 Chapter III (1) Stiles, Ancient Windsor, Volume 1 Page 406 (2) Ibid, Page 406 (3) Ibid, Page 406 (4) Annual Report, Town of Windsor 1877, Page 7 (5) Ibid, 1881, Page 12 (6) Ibid, 1882, Page 8 (7) Ibid, 1883, Page 10 (8) Town Records, 1885-1915, Page 18 (9) Annual Report, Town of Windsor, 1886 Page 4 (10) Ibid, 1887, Page 20 (11) Ibid, 1888, Page 21 (12) Ibid, 1889, Page 24 (13) Ibid, 1890, Page 23 \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 14 \| Ibid, 1892, Page 32 \| \| 15 \| Ibid, 1897, Page 30 \| \| 16 \| Ibid, 1899, Page 38 \| \| 17 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 28 \| \| 18 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 31 \| \| 19 \| Records of High School Committee, Volume 1 Page 17 \| \| 20 \| Annual Report, Town of Windsor, 1907 Page 27 \| \| 21 \| Ibid, 1909, Page 8 \| \| 22 \| Ibid, 1911, Page 40 \| \| 23 \| Ibid, 1912, Page 40 \| \| 24 \| Ibid, 1914, Page 33 \| \| 25 \| Ibid, 1891, Page 23 \| \| 26 \| Records of High School Committee, Volume 1 Page 35 \| \| 27 \| Ibid, Page 31 \| \| 28 \| Annual Report, Town of Windsor, 1879 Page 11 \| \| 29 \| Ibid, 1883, Page 9 \| \| 30 \| Ibid, 1884, Page 10 \| \| 31 \| Ibid, 1887, Page 4 \| \| 32 \| Ibid, 1888, Page 21 \| \| 33 \| Ibid, 1892, Page 25 \| \| 34 \| Ibid, 1892, Page 26 \| \| 35 \| Ibid, 1893, Page 26 \| \| 36 \| Ibid, 1894, Page 30 \| \| 37 \| Ibid, 1894, Page 34 \| \| 38 \| Ibid, 1896, Page 31 \| \| 39 \| Ibid, 1897, Page 37 \| \| 40 \| Ibid, 1898, Page 41 \| \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 41 \| Ibid, 1900, Page 38 \| \| 42 \| Ibid, 1903, Page 28 \| \| 43 \| Ibid, 1904, Pages 44-46 \| \| 44 \| Ibid, 1905, Page 52 \| \| 45 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 42 \| \| 46 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 43 \| \| 47 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 45 \| \| 48 \| Ibid, 1906, Page 45 \| \| 49 \| Ibid, 1907, Page 38 \| \| 50 \| Ibid, 1908, Page 47 \| \| 51 \| Ibid, 1909, Page 18 \| \| 52 \| Ibid, 1911, Page 57 \| \| 53 \| Ibid, 1912, Page 40 \| \| 54 \| Ibid, 1913, Page 58 \| Chapter IV \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 1 \| Annual Report, Town of Windsor 1914 Page 28 \| \| 2 \| Ibid, 1915, Page 47 \| \| 3 \| Ibid, 1915, Page 51 \| \| 4 \| Ibid, 1915, Page 52 \| \| 5 \| Ibid, 1917, Page 53 \| \| 6 \| Ibid, 1917, Page 53 \| \| 7 \| Ibid, 1917, Page 54 \| \| 8 \| Ibid, 1918, Page 34 \| \| 9 \| Ibid, 1918, Page 35 \| \| 10 \| Ibid, 1919, Page 31 \| \| 11 \| Ibid, 1919, Page 34 \| \| 12 \| Ibid, 1920, Page 18 \| \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 13 \| Ibid, 1920, Page 12 \| \| 14 \| Ibid, 1920, Page 35 \| \| 15 \| Ibid, 1921, Page 45 \| \| 16 \| Ibid, 1921, Page 47 \| \| 17 \| Ibid, 1921, Page 48 \| \| 18 \| Ibid, 1922, Page 55 \| \| 19 \| Ibid, 1923, Page 52 \| \| 20 \| Ibid, 1923, Page 54 \| \| 21 \| Ibid, 1926, Page 52 \| \| 22 \| Ibid, 1927, Page 93 \| \| 23 \| Ibid, 1928, Page 75 \| \| 24 \| Ibid, 1929, Page 33 \| \| 25 \| Ibid, 1929, Page 35 \| \| 26 \| Ibid, 1930, Page 60 \| \| 27 \| Ibid, 1931, Page 43 \| \| 28 \| Ibid, 1932, Page 45 \| \| 29 \| Ibid, 1933, Page 60 \| \| 30 \| Ibid, 1935, Page 32 \| \| 31 \| Ibid, 1936, Page 36 \| \| 32 \| Ibid, 1937, Page 35 \| \| 33 \| Ibid, 1913, Page 51 \| \| 34 \| Ibid, 1916, Page 57 \| \| 35 \| Ibid, 1916, Page 58 \| \| 36 \| Ibid, 1918, Page 29 \| \| 37 \| Ibid, 1921, Page 57 \| \| 38 \| Ibid, 1923, Page 52 \| \| 39 \| Ibid, 1924, Page 53 \| \| \| Reference \| \|---\|-----------\| \| 40 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 56 \| \| 41 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 67 \| \| 42 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 68 \| \| 43 \| Ibid, 1913, Page 47 \| \| 44 \| Ibid, 1914, Page 40 \| \| 45 \| Ibid, 1920, Page 12 \| \| 46 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 64 \| \| 47 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 66 \| \| 48 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 67 \| \| 49 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 54 \| \| 50 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 67 \| \| 51 \| Ibid, 1929, Page 33 \| \| 52 \| Ibid, 1929, Page 35 \| \| 53 \| Ibid, 1929, Page 35 \| \| 54 \| Ibid, 1916, Page 32 \| \| 55 \| Ibid, 1893, Page 26 \| \| 56 \| Ibid, 1917, Page 51 \| \| 57 \| Ibid, 1924, Page 48 \| \| 58 \| Ibid, 1925, Page 75 \| \| 59 \| Ibid, 1914, Page 18 \| \| 60 \| Ibid, 1917, Page 53 \| \| 61 \| Ibid, 1924, Page 36 \| \| 62 \| Ibid, 1934, Page 42 \| \| 63 \| Ibid, 1904, Page 44 \| \| 4 \| Ibid, 1908, Page 15 \| \| Author \| Title \| Publisher/Source \| \|---------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------\| \| Andrews, C. M. \| The Colonial Period of American History Volume II \| Yale University Press, 1934 \| \| Barnard, Henry \| History of Common Schools in Connecticut \| American Journal of Education, 1858 \| \| \| Ezekiel Cheever \| American Journal of Education, Volume 1 \| \| \| The School Fund of Connecticut \| American Journal of Education, Volume VI \| \| Bradford, William \| History of Plymouth Plantation \| Wright & Patten Printing Co. Boston 1900 \| \| Case, R. D. \| The Platoon School in America \| Stanford University Press, 1931 \| \| Clap, Roger \| Roger Clap's Memoirs \| Published by Dorchester Antiquarian and Historical Society \| \| Cubberley, E. P. \| Public Education in the United States \| Houghton Mifflin Co. 1934 \| \| Dewey, John \| School and Society \| University of Chicago Press 1899 \| \| Fowler, Henry \| Educational Services of Emma Willard \| Published, in American Journal of Education Volume VI \| \| Hylan, J. C. \| The History of Secondary Education in York and Oxford Counties in Maine \| University of Maine Studies, Second Series, No. 29, University Press, Orono 1933 \| \| Kendall, James \| Winthrop's Journal \| Chas. Scribners Sons, New York, 1908 \| \| Knight, E. W. \| Education in the United States \| Ginn & Co. Boston 1929 \| \| \| The Influence of Reconstruction on Education in the South \| Teachers College Contributions to Education No. 60, New York 1913 \| \| Osgood, Edward L. \| The Memorial History of Hartford County \| E. L. Osgood Publisher, Boston 1886 \| \| Author \| Title \| Publisher \| \|-----------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| Scudder, H. E. \| American Commonwealths \| Houghton Mifflin, 1895 \| \| State Archives \| War-Volume VI \| Original Records \| \| Steiner, B. C. \| Life of Henry Barnard \| U. S. Bureau of Education, Bulletin No.8, 1919 \| \| Stiles, Henry R.\| Ancient Windsor- Volume I \| Lockward & Brainard Co., Hartford, Conn. 1891 \| \| Wella, Guy F. \| The First School Survey \| Educational Review, Volume 50 (Sept. 1915) \| Colonial Records of Connecticut \| Volume \| Title \| Publisher \| \|--------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1636-1665 \| Brown & Parsons, Hartford, Conn. 1850 \| \| 2 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1665-1677 \| F. A. Brown Co., Hartford, Conn. 1852 \| \| 3 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1678-1689 \| Case & Lockward Co., Hartford, Conn. 1859 \| \| 4 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1689-1706 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1868 \| \| 5 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1706-1716 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1870 \| \| 6 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1717-1725 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1872 \| \| 7 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1726-1735 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1873 \| \| 8 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1735-1743 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1874 \| \| 9 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1744-1750 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1877 \| \| 10 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1751-1757 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1877 \| \| 11 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1757-1762 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1880 \| \| Volume \| Title \| Publisher \| \|--------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| 12 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1767-1772 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1881 \| \| 13 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1772-1775 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1885 \| \| 14 \| Colonial Records of Connecticut, 1775-1776 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1887 \| \| \| Records of the State of Connecticut \| \| \| 1 \| Records of the State of Connecticut, 1776-1778 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1894 \| \| 2 \| Records of the State of Connecticut, 1778-1780 \| Case, Lockward & Brainard, Hartford, Conn. 1895 \| \| \| Records of- \| \| \| \| First School Society, District Records \| \| \| \| High School Committee \| \| \| \| District No.1 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.2 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.3 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.4 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.5 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.6 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.7 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| District No.9 \| Volume 1 \| \| \| First School Society Volume 1 \| \| \| \| First School Society Volume 11 \| \| \| \| Records of the High School Committee Volume 1 \| \| \| \| Town Reports \| \| \| \| Annual Reports, Town of Windsor-1877 to 1937 \| \| \| \| Ecclesiastical Records. 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606.1 Official Guide Book of C43TAg the World's Fair 1934 1934 cop. 4 The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: An organized collection of data stored in a computer system. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software application that provides services for creating, maintaining, and managing databases. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access. 6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data to a fixed-size value using a hash function. 7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other. 8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions. 9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures that govern communication between different systems or components. 10. Query: A request for information from a database. 11. Security: The measures taken to protect data and systems from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction. 12. Software: A collection of instructions and data that can be executed by a computer to perform specific tasks. 13. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to achieve a common goal. 14. User Interface (UI): The part of a software system that interacts with users, allowing them to input data and receive output. 15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that can run on top of another operating system. These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used in various fields such as software development, database management, security, and networking. OFFICIAL GUIDE BOOK WORLD'S FAIR 1934 PRICE 25¢ You are cordially invited to visit the General Motors Building with its new Hall of Progress! . . . Beautiful displays, all new, form the setting for scientific demonstrations of absorbing interest; for entertaining, instructive exhibits, and . . . by popular demand! . . . the daily and nightly operation of that great assembly line where you see automobiles actually built. Here are a thousand unforgettable things to see—all, of course, free! Chevrolet, Pontiac, Oldsmobile, Buick, La Salle, Cadillac, Bodies by Fisher, GMC Trucks, Yellow Coaches, General Cabs, AC Spark Plugs, Hyatt Roller Bearings, Guide Lamps, Delco, Delco-Remy, New Departure, Winton Engine, Moraine and Inland Products, Frigidaire Refrigerators, Coolers and Air Conditioners, Delco Household Appliances. Also exhibits by General Motors Acceptance Corp. (GMAC), General Exchange Insurance Corporation and General Motors Export Company. UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN ILL. HIST. SURVEY Visit the Firestone Factory and Exhibition Building 23rd St. Entrance SURELY it is a tribute to outstanding quality and service to again be selected to represent the Rubber Industry with a Factory and Exhibition Building and a Scientific Rubber Exhibit. The Firestone Factory and Exhibition Building and the Scientific Rubber Exhibit in the Hall of Science include many instructive and interesting features. See Firestone Tires made from liquid rubber to the finished product—See the spectacular Singing Color Fountain—the only one of its kind in the world. Listen to the Voice of Firestone Every Monday Night Over N. B. C. WEAF Network One by A Firestone See Firestone AIR BALLOON TIRES MADE at the World's Fair MILLING GUM-DIPPING CALENDERING PLY CUTTING TIRE BUILDING MICA TREATING FORMING VULCANIZING UNITS AIRBAG REMOVAL INSPECTION WRAPPING OFFICIAL GUIDE BOOK OF THE WORLD'S FAIR OF 1934 1934 A CENTURY OF PROGRESS CHICAGO PUBLISHED BY A CENTURY OF PROGRESS INTERNATIONAL EXPOSITION CHICAGO PHOTOGRAPHS BY KAUFMANN & FABRY CO. OFFICIAL PHOTOGRAPHERS Copyright 1934 by The Cuneo Press, Inc. Printed in U. S. A. [2] FOREWORD AND WELCOME This is the official guide book to A Century of Progress International Exposition in 1934, the World's Fair at Chicago. It contains the fullest and most accurate information possible for the purpose of directing our visitors how to find everything in the Exposition and how to make use of the Exposition's facilities for their comfort and convenience. In preparing this official guide book we have had in mind, first: the making of a guide that would be most useful to the visitor at the Exposition, and second: a record and summary that would be most useful to the visitor afterward, as a souvenir and as an aid to classifying his recollections of what he has seen at the Fair. Many important additions have been made to the Exposition this year. With these the scientific background has been retained, with numerous improvements in operation. Every possible improvement which a year's experience could suggest for the comfort and enjoyment of our visitors has been put into effect. The Exposition is before you and we bid you welcome. Rufus C. Dawes President. U. S. GOVERNMENT BUILDING AT NIGHT CHICAGO PRINCIPAL STREETS AND BOULEVARDS COPYRIGHT BY RANO MC NALLY & COMPANY CHICAGO, ILL. MADE IN U. S. A. NORTH LAKE MICHIGAN THE WORLD'S FAIR HOW TO GET TO THE EXPOSITION FROM CHICAGO There are twelve entrances to the Exposition, including three pier landings. The land entrances are: North Entrance (12th Street), 14th, 16th, 18th, 23rd, 27th, 31st, 35th Streets, and South (Farm) Entrance. By automobile or taxi you may drive to any of the land entrances through Grant Park or by the South Shore Drive. Privately operated parking space is available adjacent to the entrances, or within a short distance, except at the North and 14th Street entrances. A large public parking area (small charge) is at Monroe Street in Grant Park within ten minutes bus ride of the North Entrance. - Chicago Motor Bus system (free transfers) reaches all entrances. - Street cars (free transfers) direct to 14th, 18th and 23rd Street entrances and close to 31st and 35th Street entrances. - South Side Elevated Railroad (free transfers from other elevated lines) crosses street car lines (no transfers to street cars) at Roosevelt Road (12th Street), Cermak Road (22nd Street) where you may take street cars direct to grounds. You may leave the Elevated at 31st or 35th Street and take street cars to within a short walk of gates. - Illinois Central Railroad runs beside the Exposition grounds with local stations at 12th, 18th, 23rd, 31st, and 35th Streets. All but the 12th Street station are close to the gates. The Illinois Central tracks run north through Grant Park with stations at Randolph and Van Buren Streets, offering an additional convenient way to reach the Exposition from the north. - Motor Boats and Speed Boats, on adjustable schedules according to traffic and weather on lake, from Chicago River (Merchandise Mart and Michigan Avenue Bridge) and Navy Pier to Exposition landings. Lake side hotels and clubs run boats to the Exposition. - Steamers from Michigan Avenue Bridge and Navy Pier to Island Pier (23rd Street) at Exposition. - Private Yachts may discharge passengers at Island Pier or 31st Street Pier (General Motors Bldg.). - Airplanes—Amphibian planes on regular schedule from Municipal Airport to airport at Exposition (31st Street). Police of Chicago, elevated railroad, street-car and bus conductors and officials received general praise last summer for their courtesy and promptness in giving directions to World’s Fair visitors. Time may be saved by looking at the map and going to the Exposition entrance nearest to the exhibits that you wish to see first, but if that entrance is not the most convenient for you to reach you will find that the Exposition’s own bus service inside the grounds will take you in a few minutes to any part of the Fair. # GENERAL INDEX Indicates restaurant, or restaurant in connection with. †Indicates admission charge. \| Page \| \|------\| \| A \| \| A Century of Progress Fountain \| 61 \| \| Administration Building \| 19 \| \| Adobe House Restaurant \| 118 \| \| Airport—Pal-Waukee \| 144 \| \| Alpine Garden \| 115 \| \| American Legion Headquarters \| 131 \| \| American Radiator and Standard Sanitary Mfg. Corporation \| 58 \| \| Arizona \| 83 \| \| Armour Exhibit \| 90 \| \| Army, Navy and Marine Corps Area \| 90 \| \| †Art Exhibition \| 159 \| \| Astronomy Exhibits \| 65 \| \| Avenue of Flags \| 19 \| \| B \| \| †Balloons—sight-seeing \| 156 \| \| Beach Midway \| 70 \| \| Belgian Village \| 114 \| \| †Bendix Lama Temple \| 24 \| \| Biology Exhibits \| 40 \| \| Black Forest Village \| 123 \| \| Brewery Exhibits Building \| 65 \| \| Brookhill Dairy \| 156 \| \| †Byrd’s Ship \| 60 \| \| C \| \| California \| 83 \| \| Cafe de Alex \| 144 \| \| Canadian Club Cafe \| 91 \| \| Casino \| 109 \| \| Chapel Car, St. Paul \| 24 \| \| Chemistry Exhibits \| 36 \| \| Chicago, City of \| 89 \| \| Chinese Pavilion \| 26 \| \| †Children’s Playground \| 104 \| \| Christian Science Monitor Building \| 53 \| \| Chrysler Building \| 143 \| \| †Colonial Village \| 118 \| \| Court of Honor \| 19 \| \| Court of States \| 82 \| \| Crane Co. Station \| 134 \| \| Czechoslovakian Pavilion \| 22 \| \| Exhibit \| Page \| \|----------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Dairy Barn, Brookhill Farm \| 156 \| \| DeSable Cabin \| 125 \| \| Drug Store, Walgreen \| 61 \| \| Dutch Village \| 73 \| \| Education \| 91 \| \| Egg Laying, International, Contest \| 156 \| \| Electrical Building \| 95 \| \| Enchanted Island \| 104 \| \| English Village \| 120 \| \| Farm Group \| 154 \| \| Firestone Building \| 60 \| \| Florida \| 84 \| \| Foods and Agriculture Building \| 66 \| \| Ford Exhibit \| 137 \| \| Fort Dearborn \| 122 \| \| French Concession \| 88 \| \| Gas Industry Hall \| 133 \| \| General Cigar Co \| 111 \| \| General Exhibits Group \| 47 \| \| General Motors Building \| 140 \| \| Geology Exhibits \| 30 \| \| Georgia \| 84 \| \| Girls' and Boys' Camps—see Social Agencies \| 89 \| \| Gladiola Gardens \| 24 \| \| Good Housekeeping Garden \| 53 \| \| Goodyear Exhibit and Field \| 156 \| \| Greek Concession \| 89 \| \| Haeger Pottery Exhibit \| 132 \| \| Hall of Religion \| 53 \| \| Hall of Science \| 26 \| \| Hall of Social Science \| 91 \| \| Havoline Thermometer \| 59 \| \| Hawaiian Village \| 113 \| \| Hollywood \| 109 \| \| Home and Industrial Arts Group \| 127 \| \| Home Planning Hall \| 133 \| \| Horticultural Building \| 107 \| \| Hospital \| 12 \| \| Houses—Modern \| 127 \| \| Hub, H. C. Lytton Sons \| 61 \| \| Hungarian Pavilion \| 116 \| \| Location \| Page \| \|--------------------------------\|------\| \| Illinois \| 85 \| \| Illinois Agricultural Building\| 70 \| \| Illinois Host Building \| 21 \| \| International Harvester Building \| 66 \| \| Irish Village \| 121 \| \| Italian Pavilion \| 22 \| \| Italian Village \| 115 \| \| Japanese Concession \| 26 \| \| Johns-Manville Building \| 134 \| \| Keck’s House \| 104 \| \| Kohler Building \| 135 \| \| Lagoon Theater \| 20 \| \| Lincoln Group \| 124 \| \| Lost and Found and Lost Persons \| 11 \| \| Mathematics Exhibits \| 32 \| \| Maya Temple \| 138 \| \| Mayflower Doughnut Restaurant \| 61 \| \| Medical Exhibits \| 41 \| \| Mexican Village \| 108 \| \| Midget Village \| 119 \| \| Midway Beach Cafe \| 74 \| \| Miller High Life Restaurant \| 70 \| \| Miniature Rooms \| 103 \| \| Mississippi Valley Committee \| 85 \| \| Missouri \| 85 \| \| New Mexico \| 85 \| \| Oasis \| 113 \| \| Ohio \| 86 \| \| Oil Exhibits \| 31, 48 \| \| Old Heidelberg Inn \| 114 \| \| Oregon \| 86 \| \| Outdoor Motor Transport Exhibits \| 154 \| \| Owens-Illinois Glass-Block Building \| 131 \| \| Pantheon de la Guerre \| 116 \| \| Physics Exhibits \| 34 \| \| Planetarium, Adler \| 65 \| \| Pottery Exhibit, Haeger \| 132 \| \| Poultry Show \| 156 \| \| Puerto Rico \| 87 \| \| Exhibits \| Page \| \|-----------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Radio Exhibits \| 34, 98 \| \| Schlitz Gardens Restaurant \| 90 \| \| Science Theater \| 46 \| \| Sears-Roebuck Building \| 19 \| \| Sinclair Prehistoric Exhibit \| 58 \| \| †Sky-Ride \| 24, 90 \| \| Social Agencies \| 89 \| \| Sociology Exhibits \| 91 \| \| South Dakota \| 87 \| \| †Spanish Village \| 117 \| \| Standard Oil Show \| 144 \| \| States Building \| 82 \| \| †Streets of Paris \| 112 \| \| †Streets of Shanghai \| 73 \| \| Swedish Pavilion \| 22 \| \| Swift Bridge and Swift Open Air Theater \| 109 \| \| †Swiss Village \| 47 \| \| †Television Theaters \| 103, 144 \| \| Tennessee \| 87 \| \| Terrazzo Promenade \| 66 \| \| Thompson's Restaurants \| 21 \| \| Time and Fortune Building \| 53 \| \| Transportation in the Grounds \| 11 \| \| Travel and Transport Building \| 145 \| \| Travelers Aid \| 112 \| \| †Tunisian Village \| 116 \| \| U.S. Government Building \| 74 \| \| Victor Vienna Garden Cafe \| 132 \| \| Virgin Islands \| 88 \| \| Walker, Hiram, Exhibit \| 91 \| \| Washington \| 87 \| \| Welsh Rotisserie \| 19 \| \| Western Union Hall \| 95 \| \| West Virginia \| 88 \| \| Whiting Corp. and Nash Motors Bldg \| 154 \| \| Wilson Company Exhibit \| 67 \| \| Wilson 6-Horse Team \| 155 \| \| †Wings of a Century, Pageant of Transportation\| 153 \| \| Wonder Bakery \| 63 \| Alphabetical list of exhibitors and concessionaires, showing location of exhibits, begins on page 170. TRANSPORTATION AND SERVICES within the Exposition grounds As soon as you enter the Exposition every effort will be made to offer courtesies and services to make your visit agreeable. TRAINED EXPOSITION GUIDES in uniform are everywhere in the grounds and buildings. They will direct you to wherever you wish to go and if necessary will transfer you to other guides to see that you get to your destination. INFORMATION BOOTHS are at the entrances of the main Exposition buildings and at other convenient locations. Trained attendants will supply information about the Exposition, about points of interest in Chicago and about hotel and lodging accommodations. Copies of the Official Guide Book, price 25c, and of the View Book may be obtained at the Information Booths. Telegrams may be sent from any Information Booth. Information, covering hotels in all parts of Chicago, also will be given at the booth of the North Shore Hotel Association at the North Entrance. CHECKING BOOTHS. At North Entrance (12th Street), 18th Street and 23rd Street entrances. Garments, umbrellas, hand baggage or parcels may be left. Fee 10c for twelve hours or fraction. COMFORT STATIONS, free to visitors, will be found near the entrances and in all principal buildings and other convenient locations throughout the Exposition. High-grade, sanitary toilet accommodations with all conveniences for both men and women are maintained. For those who desire it a smaller number of pay accommodations are provided. LOST AND FOUND. Articles found should be taken to the nearest Information Booth from which they will be sent to the Lost and Found offices in the General Exhibits Group. Losers may inquire at any Information Booth. Finder will be given a receipt for the found article at the Information Booth at which he turns it in. The Exposition will turn the article over to the receipt-holder if not called for by the owner. LOST CHILDREN, or older persons lost, will be taken with every kindness and care to the building of the Travelers’ Aid Society in the 23rd Street Plaza. Inquiry may be made for the lost persons at any Information Booth, which will immediately telephone to the Society Building. The excellent service of the Travelers’ Aid Society is known throughout the United States and is without charge. CHILDREN MAY BE LEFT AT ENCHANTED ISLAND PLAYGROUND. Parents or elders in charge of children between 3 and 12 years old may check them at Enchanted Island after 10 a.m. Before checking, the children are inspected by official doctors to ensure safety of all. The children are cared for in playground and adjoining playroom by attendants who are experienced graduates in recreation work and of kindergarten colleges. Fee for checking and registration, 25c. Standard diet lunches provided for 25c and up additional. Children aged 3 to 12 may be left without checking and registration for a fee of 10c. Medical inspection and privileges same as for registered children. EMERGENCY HOSPITAL is in the Hall of Science. Ambulances and medical staff on duty day and night. Emergency treatment is free. Protracted cases will be transferred, when safe to do so, to a nearby city hospital or to that of the patient’s choice. TRANSPORTATION WITHIN THE EXPOSITION GROUNDS BUSES. Principal transportation is by Exposition motor buses. Fare, 10c. Children under 12 years old, 5c. ROLLER CHAIRS, single or double, pushed by experienced guide, throughout the grounds and the Exposition buildings. Tours may be arranged. Minimum charge, regular service, 50c per person for 30 minutes. After first 30 minutes the rate is 25c per person for each additional 15 minutes. Special taxi service, 20c per person for 10 minutes. JINRIKISHAS, one passenger, pulled by experienced guide throughout the grounds and Exposition buildings. Minimum charge, 60c for 30 minutes. After first 30 minutes the rate is 30c for each additional 15 minutes. MOTOR LAUNCHES, on the lagoons: Round trip sightseeing trips around both lagoons, fare 25c—children under 12 years, 15c. MOTOR LAUNCHES, shuttle service between landings, fare 10c per passenger. ITALIAN GONDOLAS: Rates—50c per hour per passenger. Bus Tours of the Exposition: NON-STOP TOURS: In charge of special guides, leave North Entrance (12th Street) in Exposition buses from opening hour until noon, for round trip of the Exposition grounds. Fare, 50c. Children under 12, 25c. GRAY LINE PERSONALLY CONDUCTED TOURS. Groups of not more than 15 visitors leave North Entrance (12th Street) from opening hour to 8 p.m. conducted by official guide-lecturer. Stops at principal buildings. Time of tour 3 hours. Fee, $1. Individuals and private groups may engage Gray Line official tour lecturers for fees scaled from $1 per hour for one person to $4 per hour for 10 persons. TAXI STANDS—convenient to 12th, 16th, 18th, 23rd streets and South entrances. WHEREVER you are in the Exposition you will be in easy reach of any kind of eating place that you wish to patronize. Throughout the grounds, placed for the convenience of visitors, you will find attractive spots to lunch or dine, in large variety and suited to every taste and budget. You may choose a restaurant where you may enjoy yourself in luxurious surroundings while a celebrated orchestra plays for you. You may sip your chosen drink while watching the artists of an elaborately staged floor show. You may take your tea on a terrace or balcony overlooking gardens and the lagoons or lake. You may dance. You may enjoy your rest while you dine or lunch in a sidewalk cafe, watching the crowds drift past. You may try the unusual foods and exotic flavors of strange foreign restaurants in picturesque surroundings of far away countries or you may sample the special dishes famous in different parts of our own country. Dainty, popular-priced meals served in attractive modern restaurants may be your choice. If you are in a hurry you may snatch a sandwich or make a good meal at one of the numerous stand up counters. Lunching or dining at the Exposition is a rare enjoyment. The gay and attractive surroundings, the multitude of interesting sights, the bright skies and refreshing lake breezes give added zest to appetite. In the guide to the Exposition grounds which follows you will find all the different places to eat or drink marked with a and information given about them for your convenience. THE HALL OF SCIENCE AND NORTHERLY ISLAND AT NIGHT HOW TO SEE THE EXPOSITION YOU have come here to see in epitome the great drama of man’s struggle to lift himself in his weakness to the stars. The spectacle is enormous, for it includes all the manifestations of man’s restless energies—the patient laborious researches of the cloistered scientist, exploration, adventure, war, the vast works of industry, the slow climb from the naked cave man to his descendant of today, the outbreak of the play spirit in luxury, in works of art, in music and in the insatiable curiosity for seeing new and strange things, for thrills, sensations and excitements. All the world has been drawn upon to contribute to the spectacle. The knowledge of a lifetime of study, the labor of years in preparing demonstrations that will be plain to all, are spread before you. The treasures of science and art that you will see are priceless. No amount of money or the travel of a lifetime could give you the opportunity of seeing all these things brought together, except at an International Exposition. This book is prepared to give you plain directions for finding everything. With new buildings, new color plan, new illumination effects, the addition of more than a dozen picturesque ancient and foreign villages, great unique water spectacles built out over the lagoons, a new Midway on the Island beach on the lake shore, additions to the scientific and industrial exhibits, the World’s Fair of 1934 will seem a different place to those who saw it in its first year. PLAN OF THE EXPOSITION The simplest way of understanding the Exposition as a whole is by an understanding of its fundamental plan. The basic purpose of the Exposition is to illustrate the dependence of modern development on scientific research. This is the century of scientific advancement. Enlargement of opportunity for man’s energies and for better living is due to the efforts of scientific men throughout the world. Therefore, as background for the Exposition as a whole, there has been located in a great central building a complete non-commercial display of the basic sciences at work, to show in actual demonstrations in animated exhibits the new powers of mankind and how they are applied to our uses. In the industrial exhibits the result of this basic plan is seen throughout the Exposition in an effort on the part of exhibitors to demonstrate processes in their exhibits, to show methods rather than products and to illustrate with apparatus in action how science is used. Purpose of the exhibits is to show how things are done, rather than what is done. Agriculture in its own great building and collateral areas shows the scientific growing of foods and the new methods of distribution. Tremendous changes that electricity has brought to human living are illustrated in the Electrical Building. Transportation is dramatized in the historical exhibits and in the parade of airplanes, stream-lined trains and automobiles in the Travel and Transport Building. The essential service of the railroads to civilization is shown. In great special buildings motor manufacturers show cars being made, historical exhibits and all the parts and materials of the modern car. "Wings of a Century," the pageant drama of transportation, uses the greatest collection of historic trains and vehicles ever assembled. Story of the Government In the U. S. Government Building, at the head of the quadrangle of the Court of States, is told in a fascinating show the multiplicity of services the government performs for its citizens—crime detection, health, scientific research, exploration, the expanding services of the Department of Labor, the great peace-time works of the army engineers, the services of the navy and marine corps. Foreign countries have exhibits in government and private buildings. Accompanying the immense spectacle of material achievement is seen the progress of man himself from his animal beginnings to his present status. You see primitive aborigines living and working as they did centuries ago. In the Social Science exhibits you see the struggle of man through the ages and his struggle today to adjust himself to his environment and his new powers. Collateral with this is the fascinating group of complete modern homes, showing the new methods of economical building for health and efficiency and the new arts of furnishing, decoration and labor saving equipment. Care of children, their happiness and educational play is demonstrated in Enchanted Island. The Foreign Villages Nowhere on earth has ever been assembled such a collection of picturesque villages from strange foreign lands and from long ago as you will see at the Exposition. There are the Spanish Village with its ancient castles, the winter Black Forest Village from Germany, the Old English Village of the time of Dr. Samuel Johnson, the American Colonial Village, the Irish Village, the Swiss Village at the foot of the Alps, the Italian Village with its leaning tower, the Tunisian Village, the Saharan "Oasis," the famous Belgian Village, a new Streets of Paris, the quaint Midget Village, the "Streets of Shanghai," the Dutch Village and the Mexican Village. Northerly Island's lake shore beach is the location of the new Midway with its perpetual carnival. The blare of strange music, the mysteries and fantastic amusements of the Midway are here. High above the lagoons is the aerial cable track, 210 feet overhead, between the 628-foot observation towers of the Sky Ride, highest man-made structures west of the Atlantic coast. The continuous program of events throughout the Fair includes athletic sports by land and water in which famous individual stars and teams will compete for championships. Free musical entertainment appealing to every taste will be a continuous feature of the Exposition, with gala operatic performances, concerts by famous orchestras and bands and appearances of celebrated musical stars, dancers and artists of the stage and radio. The Art Exhibition A short distance from the Exposition in Grant Park is the Art Institute of Chicago, where, for safety in its vast range of permanent galleries, will be housed the World’s Fair art exposition of 1934, the greatest comprehensive show of modern painting, prints and sculpture ever gathered in this country. A multitude of new works and priceless loans of old and modern masters are in the epochal exhibition. How to Use the Guide Book This brief introductory explanation will give you an understanding of the underlying plan of the Exposition. As you see the sequence of purpose that connects everything, then, wherever you start, you will be in key with the great show and can follow up the idea. To serve all visitors most effectively this official guide book is arranged geographically. It takes you into the Exposition from the North Entrance and covers the grounds step by step, listing and explaining the buildings, attractions and exhibits as you would come to them in their order, going from north to south. It would have been possible to classify the buildings and exhibits under various headings—as Science—Agriculture—Manufacturing, etc.—but that would have involved a confusion of crossing and retracing our course. If you wish to follow out a certain line of thought or study along a special series of exhibits—such as the oil industry, chemistry, automobile manufacture, sociology, or along almost any other line of progress and knowledge—a look at the Index beginning on page 6 will enable you to check off the locations of the various exhibits on your subject and will show you exactly how to get to everything and route yourself systematically from the start. The list of exhibitors in the back of the book, beginning on page 170, will tell you the locations of their separate displays. This list of exhibitors, combined with the general Index, will give you the location of every feature in the Exposition. NORTH ENTRANCE TO 23rd STREET CONCOURSE NORTH LAGOON 1—Shedd Aquarium 2—Welsh Rotisserie 3—North Entrance 4—Field Museum 5—Exposition Bus Terminal 6—Court of Honor 7—Sears Roebuck Bldg. 8—Thompson's Restaurant 9—Avenue of Flags 10—Sears Roebuck Bungalow 11—Lagoon Theater 12—Illinois Host Bldg. 13—Soldier Field 14—Swedish Pavilion 15—Thompson's Restaurant 16—Italian Pavilion 17—Czechoslovakian Pavilion 18—West Sky Ride Tower 19—St. Paul Chapel Car 20—16th Street Entrance 21—Japanese Concession 22—Bendix Lama Temple 23—Hall of Science 24—Chinese Pavilion 25—Swiss Village 26—18th Street Entrance 27—Time and Fortune Bldg. 28—General Exhibits Bldg. 29—Christian Science Monitor Bldg. 30—Good Housekeeping Garden 31—Hall of Religion 32—American Radiator & Standard Sanitary Mfg. Corporation Bldg. 33—Sinclair Prehistoric Exhibit 34—Byrd's Ship 35—Aquatic Show 36—Crown Food Rest. 37—Havoline Thermometer 38—Mayflower Doughnut Restaurant 39—The Hub, H. C. Lytton Sons 40—Walgreen Company 41—Firestone Building 42—23rd Street Entrance ENTERING THE EXPOSITION AT THE NORTH ENTRANCE Indicates Restaurant. †Indicates Admission Charge. YOU have come through the gates and are in the circular plaza inside the North Entrance at 12th street. Uniformed Exposition guides are on duty here to direct you. Checking booth and free comfort station are in the pavilion around the plaza. Beyond the central flag staffs you will find a roller-chair and jinrickisha stand. WELSH ROTISSERIE, lunch counter and restaurant, is at the east side of the circle. From here starts the Northerly Island bus service across Planetarium Bridge, but we will go straight south, into the Fair. NORTH ENTRANCE BUS TERMINAL is at your right. The Exposition bus transportation system, also the Non-Stop Bus Tours and the Grey Line Personally Conducted Tours start from here. COURT OF HONOR is next. Dignitaries and processions make formal entries here past the reviewing stand. 14TH STREET ENTRANCE: At the west end of the Court of Honor. ADMINISTRATION BUILDING faces the Court of Honor. This is the Exposition office building, containing no exhibits and is not open to the public. THE AVENUE OF FLAGS is before us. The long rows of giant leaning flag staffs, with their modernistic supports, arch above the main highway of the Exposition. SEARS-ROEBUCK BUILDING, at your right, welcomes you with many conveniences, including: bureau of information, registration, telephone and telegraph offices, indoor lounge and spacious roof terraces with easy chairs overlooking the lagoon. The strikingly modern building, designed by Nimmons, Carr and Wright, is in key with the architectural scheme of the Exposition. It is windowless and is refreshed by air-circulating equipment equal to that of 1,800 ordinary six-room houses. A talking moving picture with an educational and entertainment show, the mysterious talking radio robot, animated map of the United States, demonstrations of laboratory inspections, a series of historical dioramas and a home wood-working shop are features of the extensive exhibits. In the garden adjoining the building is a bungalow, completely furnished, decorated and equipped by Sears-Roebuck. Cafeteria restaurant is on the main floor. LAGOON THEATER, at the left, adjoining the Avenue of Flags, is one of the new lagoon features. There are 8,000 free seats in the water-side auditorium. Orchestra and operatic stage is built out over the water. Here daily free entertainment will be given and many celebrated stars will be seen and heard. Program of events is displayed at the entrance. Thompson restaurants are at each end of the semicircle. Lincoln Exhibits ILLINOIS HOST BUILDING houses one of the most comprehensive Lincoln exhibits ever gathered. The Lincoln rooms include an exact reproduction of the parlor of his Springfield, Ill., home. Seventy-two original documents, and photostatic reproductions of many others, are in the collection, which includes intimate personal letters, Lincoln’s partnership agreements in his own handwriting and important state papers. Relics include an axe handle carved with his own name, “A. Lincoln, New Salem, 1834,” and the “betrothal stone,” a flat rock inscribed “Abraham Lincoln and Ann Rutledge were betrothed here July 4, 1833.” The George Frederick Wright portrait and the long-lost portrait by Thomas Buchanan Read are in the exhibit. Rotunda of the Illinois Building is decorated with World War battle flags. A lecture theatre, lounge and rest room are in the building. Illinois products and industries are shown in a series of dioramas. The architect is Charles Herrick Hammond. SWEDISH PAVILION. The building, erected by the government of Sweden, is occupied this year by an extensive exhibit prepared by the Swedish Arts and Crafts Association. The importance, stressed by Swedish manufacturers, of intimate collaboration between artists and workmen, is shown in exhibits of glassware, ceramics, silversmithing, pewter, furniture and textiles. Articles of everyday use, but of exquisite design and workmanship, are shown in an elaborate and dignified display. The work of prominent Swedish artists in making designs for practical reproduction in manufactures shows the progress in decorative and technical qualities that are sought for in distinctive Swedish products. CZECHOSLOVAKIAN PAVILION. This young country, about the size of the State of Illinois, but with 15,000,000 population, has highly developed industries which are important in the world market. The Skoda Works are one of the world’s largest armament plants, making also machinery and locomotives. In the pavilion you may see an exhibit by the Czechoslovak Manufacturers’ Association of fine Bohemian glass and china ware, damask linens, embroideries, costume jewelry, gloves, shoes, musical instruments, hops and malt. Exhibits appealing to tourists show the attractions of the celebrated health resorts—Karlsbad, Marienbad and Piestany, with the background of Carpathian mountain scenery and the picturesque native costumes of the region. Czechoslovakian restaurant, table d’hote and a la carte. Indoor and outdoor tables. Also lunch counter. Orchestra. Floor show and dancing by guests, 8 p. m. to midnight. ITALIAN PAVILION with its impressive entrance under a gleaming giant airplane wing houses extensive exhibits illustrating the progress of Italy. Two large extensions have been built on either side of the pavilion to increase exhibit space in the Exposition of 1934. On the lawns around the entrances are modern bronze Italian sculptures. Around the main rotunda of the pavilion is one of the largest and most dramatic mural paintings in the Exposition. It depicts the government’s control of all transportation facilities by land, water and air. Reclamation of 11,000 square miles of agricultural land by which Italy’s wheat production has been increased more than 50 per cent is shown. A frieze of translucent photomurals shows the historic and scenic beauties of Italy. Products of Italy and its colonies are seen in the bazaar annexes. Italian restaurant, indoor and outdoor tables. Table d’hote and a la carte service. Orchestra and dancing by guests. Italian Wine Pavilion: Displays the wines of each province in Italy. Light lunches and wines. †Venetian Glass Factory. A circular building north of the Italian THE SKY RIDE [23] Pavilion houses a complete Venetian glass factory. Ten Italian artist-craftsmen are at work blowing molten glass and fabricating the glass art products for which Venice is famous. The exhibit includes a museum of mediaeval and modern glass. GLADIOLA GARDENS, with a display of beautiful and rare gladioli growing outdoors in a landscaped setting beside the lagoon. THE SKY RIDE †SKY RIDE mainland tower is near the south end of the Avenue of Flags. The spectacular steel web towers of the Sky Ride, rising 628 feet in the air, are the highest man-made structures west of the Atlantic coast. At their tops are observation platforms from which is obtained a matchless view of the Exposition spread out below you like a brilliantly colored map, with the lake on one side and on the other the miles of buildings of Chicago. At night the scene is an incredible spectacle of colored light and movement. Aerial cable track of the Sky Ride crosses the lagoons at the 210-foot level for a trip between the towers, which are 1,850 feet apart. In the boat-shaped observation cars the ride is a thrilling novelty, enjoyed in perfect safety. To make possible this tremendous attraction five great companies joined forces. These were: Great Lakes Dredge and Dock Company, Mississippi Valley Structural Steel Company, Inland Steel Company, the Otis Elevator Company and John A. Roebling's Sons Company. The Sky Ride is one of the outstanding engineering works of the century. The network of steel cables connecting them is one of the world's longest suspension bridges, equal in length to the Ambassador Bridge at Detroit connecting the United States and Canada. During the 1933 Exposition 2,616,389 persons went up the towers and crossed in the observation cars. CHAPEL CAR, St. Paul, of the American Missions of the Roman Catholic Church, is near the 16th street entrance as the exhibit of The Extension Society. The St. Paul was dedicated by Cardinal Gibbons March 14, 1915, at New Orleans. Since then it has traveled thousands of miles, chiefly in the south and southwest, visiting lumber camps, construction gangs and isolated communities. 16TH STREET, Japanese Entrance. THE LAMA TEMPLE †BENDIX LAMA TEMPLE. This resplendent shrine, known as the Golden Pavilion of Jehol, is an exact reproduction of the original temple built for the Manchu emperors of China in 1767. It is filled with a treasure of statuary, carvings, jewels, bronzes and rich embroiThe celebrated explorer, Dr. Sven Hedin, was sent to the Orient by Vincent Bendix, Exposition trustee, to find and bring back a typical Lama Temple. His quest was ended when he found this brilliant relic of the Manchu dynasty. It was crumbling to ruin, but a staff of Chinese artist-craftsmen was set to work to duplicate each piece of the structure. No nails were used. More than 28,000 different parts were carved and numbered and shipped to Chicago. As the scarlet and gold temple stands in the Exposition, it is 70 feet square and 60 feet high at the center. Its double-decked roof of copper shingles is covered with $25,000 worth of 23-karat gold leaf. On the exterior, 28 columns in red lacquer support the lower deck. Twenty-eight other columns, 30 feet high, form part of the wall. Inside, twelve 37-foot columns support the gilded ceiling and the upper deck. Carved grilles in red, blue, yellow and gold, enclose the windows. The cornice beams are gilded and carved with images of dragons, cats and dogs. Treasures of Taoism* The temple is arranged and equipped for the Lama worship. Its treasures include a huge bronze incense burner dating back to the Ming dynasty—1368 to 1644—a large antique wooden statue of the “smiling Buddha,” bronze prayer wheels, the throne and screen of the Ta Lama, or high priest, and his ceremonial robes, the great bronze temple bell, prayer rugs, a drum made of two human skulls joined together, prayer tables with scrolls of the Lama scriptures and ceremonial weapons for banishing demons. Besides these ritual objects the temple contains a great treasure of pagodas, carvings and offerings of jewels in jade and carved work. Chinese interpreters explain the worship ceremony and the meanings of the details. CHINESE PAVILION. The Jade Pagoda, one of the finest known examples of this art, peculiar to China, is the central feature of the exhibits. The pagoda, fifty-one inches tall, is the product of more than sixteen years' labor and is valued at $500,000. Even the bells hanging from the curved roofs of the separate stories, and the chains which support them are carved from solid jade. A number of other large jade pieces, including flower baskets and lamps carved to eggshell thinness, surround the Jade Pagoda. The teakwood Gate of Honor before the pavilion and Chinese Garden is an example of the most elaborate workmanship put by the Chinese on these ceremonial arches. †Chinese Theatre, with performances by troupe of native artists. Chinese restaurant, featuring native dishes, dance music and floor show by Chinese entertainers. JAPANESE Concession. THE HALL OF SCIENCE HALL OF SCIENCE. This building and its exhibits are the heart of A Century of Progress. Before you enter it will be well to look at the Hall of Science as a building. Many miles of spectacles and exhibits are before you, but here not only the scientific plan but the art and architecture of the Exposition are brought to a focus. The architecture of the World's Fair is one of the first expressions of the new era of progress that strikes the visitor. Examine the Hall of Science and you will be prepared to understand the modern thought in architecture which indicates the trend of what may be the great public buildings and public squares of the future. Consider that where you are standing deep water was rolling only a few years ago. You are on man-made land—a creation of engineering science. The whole Exposition is a demonstration of man's advancing control over the forces of nature. The architectural commission of the Exposition decided at the beginning that it would not be in keeping for this great expression of a century of progress to hark back to antique times and house itself in the traditional manner in buildings copied from ancient Greek temples and the Roman Forum. An Example of the Architecture of the Exposition Architects for years have been emancipating themselves from the time-worn shackles of tradition. There have been scattered examples of buildings making use of new materials and of the new knowledge and powers of lighting and ventilation as well as the new studies of convenience in plan, according to the use that was to be made of the building. Here, at the World's Fair, for the first time the architects have had the opportunity on a great scale and in many different buildings of suggesting what the architecture of the future may be. You will see, further on in the Exposition, the new ideas applied to family dwellings. We are considering, now, the great exhibit buildings. You will note that windowless construction is a characteristic of them. This is practical. By the use of artificial lighting the exhibitor avoids the variability of daylight and has constant control over THE HALL OF SCIENCE the volume and intensity of light. Constant, controlled circulation of fresh air is easily provided for. There is no waste space nor dark areas. Shut-in effect is avoided by terraces on which you may walk outdoors from any floor. Beauty of the new architecture is peculiar to itself. It does not seek to veil itself in the aroma of ancient history. It is a dynamic, stimulating expression of the living age. Its great planes and surfaces give opportunity for striking, impressive, daring or tender color effects—a new field for the color sense of the artist-decorator. Illumination Night surpasses the day in the beauties of this new color decoration. The possibilities of night color decoration have given this great opportunity of floods of changing colored light over these buildings. Science has given the artist-decorators these new mediums of color expression. Enter now the Hall of Science. This superb example of the new architecture is the design of Paul Philippe Cret, of Philadelphia. The building is in the form of a gigantic letter U, with its arms extending eastward to the shore of the lagoon and enclosing a court of three acres. At the southwest corner is the square Carillon tower from which the chimes sound every quarter hour. You are entering by the north ramp ascent. Before you is a semi-circle of tall pylons, chief ornament of which is the heroic statue, in high relief, by John Storrs, of man combatting the serpent of ignorance. Entrance by the ramp takes you direct to the main (upper) floor, which is the best place to begin. The theme of the Exposition is the dependence of industrial advancement upon the pure sciences. In the Hall of Science the fundamental facts of the basic sciences are shown to you as far as possible in life processes and in demonstrations in action. These exhibits are non-commercial. They show you the facts upon which knowledge is based. They show you the powers arising from knowledge of these facts of nature. They show you where we are today in science, and give you the vision of the expanding knowledge and power that the future holds for us. The exhibits are made understandable to visitors without scientific training. They are the key to the understanding of A Century of Progress. Plan of the Science Exhibits To make these fascinating displays systematic so that the place of each science would be more readily understandable, they are divided into six sections: Mathematics, Geology, Biology, Chemistry, Physics and Medicine. Complete story of the scientific exhibits is told in the Handbook of the Basic Science Exhibits, obtainable at the entrances to the Great Hall, or at information booths. Entering the Hall of Science by the main north entrance up the ramp from the Avenue of Flags you are in the North Wing of the building and in the Mathematics Section. To see all the exhibits in their order you might turn to your left here and walk out to the end of the North Wing and start back. Italian Scientific Exhibit* At the end of this wing you will find, as an introduction to the basic science show, the scientific exhibit of the Italian government. Here you will see the beginnings of scientific city planning and construction by the builders of ancient Rome. A model of the port and adjoining buildings of Rome of the Caesars is accompanied by scale reproductions of antique Roman aqueducts and military roads. A scale model of the pleasure galley of Caligula, recently uncovered by the draining of Lake Nemi, is shown. Nearby is the oldest known model of a ball thrust bearing, the parts of which were recovered with the galley. Its bronze ball rollers are supposed to have supported the turning pedestal of a statue on the galley's prow. A complete model reproduction of a Venetian galley of the 17th century is shown with models of modern Italian merchant and war vessels. The exhibit includes models of Alpine tunnels and of pioneer electric installations in Italy. A pioneer Italian automobile of 1899 is shown in comparison with modern Isotta-Fraschini engines. Danish Exhibit Next in this wing is the scientific exhibit of the Danish government. Three historic astronomical observatories in Denmark—those of Stjerneborg, Tycho Brahe’s observatory, and the observatory of Ole Romer at Uranionborg, are shown in scale models. A wood carving of Ole Romer shows the astronomer at his home telescope with the apparatus he devised to keep the instrument trained on the star he was studying. Murals of Danish city and country scenery surround the exhibit, which includes modern astronomical equipment and scientific apparatus. The telegraphone, invented by Waldemar Paulsen, is a recording phonograph which can be connected with a telephone to reply to a call in the absence of the subscriber and to take a message. The Danish and Italian exhibits will be removed after the Fair to be permanent exhibits in the Museum of Science and Industry in Chicago. GEOLOGY Leaving this section, we start now to begin the tour of the basic sciences. We are in the Geology Section, in which the story of the origin and growth of our planet is told. Here you will see moving reproductions of volcanoes in action, spouting geysers, upheaval of mountain ranges, creation of canyons by cataracts, glacier action, oil drills in operation, gold and coal mines, underground torrents and moving sand dunes. Mountain ranges are shown being thrown up by pressure apparatus operating on layers of materials simulating the strata of the earth's crust. Large models of sections of the crust show typical deep strata formations and the surface formations which indicate to geologists the structure beneath. Composition of the earth to the globe's center is shown by illuminated sections and working models revealing the modern scientific knowledge that the core of the earth is metal. A lecture accompanies the exhibit. Rare fluorescent minerals, which recently have become available, have been added to the exhibit of these substances in the Geology Section. The additions have been gathered during the past winter as a result of a costly and extensive research. Visitors may test model seismographs—instruments for recording earthquake shocks—and see how geologists use them to get records of miniature earthquakes produced by dynamite. The seismograph record tells the nature of the underground formation. A great exhibit of oil drilling operations, actually going on—reduced in scale—shows the greatest present application of scientific prospecting and also the conditions under the earth more than a mile below the surface. We see different kinds of drilling by percussion and rotary drills, pipe casings set and wells "coming in." One of the most complete sets of working models and illuminated action dioramas ever made is used in the oil drilling exhibits. The National Parks A spouting geyser in action and an operating model of the crater of Kilauea are in the exhibit of the National Parks, which includes lighted dioramas of caves, glaciers and canyons in the Parks. Exhibits of large scale mining operations include a model of a giant gold dredge scooping up the bottom of a jungle river. Niagara Falls, roaring over its rocky parapet, is shown in an operating reproduction of the cataract which shows the appearance of the crest of the falls at different periods as the water has cut its way back since the discovery of America. The deep underground network of rivers and streams is illustrated by a working reproduction of the drainage system from Wisconsin, 250 miles north of Chicago, under the city and into Lake Michigan. The effect of past glacial eras in fertilizing soil is shown by comparisons of glaciated and unglaciated areas. Glacial history of the Great Lakes region, exhibited by light effects in a diorama, shows how the outlet has been through various rivers before the St. Lawrence. MATHEMATICS From Geology we pass into the next section—this is where we entered the building. We are now in the section of Mathematics, "Queen of the Sciences." Here is undertaken what never has been attempted before in a popular exhibit—to illustrate and explain the concepts of abstract mathematics by moving object lessons. In a new set of Dr. Saul Pollock's celebrated mathematical models we see forms of cubes, cones and ellipses change into other forms and get a visual grip of their relations to each other. Practical applications in everyday life are used as illustrations. Einstein's theory of relativity is explained by a series of exhibits understandable by the layman. The Fourth Dimension is another subject rendered intelligible by object lessons. Cross Section of a Coal Mine The perpetual motion fallacy is shown by six models of famous historical attempts at perpetual motion machines. The machines are made to operate by hidden contrivances to show how this has been done a number of times for purposes of fraud. How impossibilities may be apparently proved true is shown when before your eyes it is proved that two equals one and that two unequal lines are equal. A new paradox is offered each week. You may operate Galton’s Quincunx, an apparatus that looks like a slot machine game. A mass of small steel balls roll down through intercepting pegs and form various outlines known as “probability curves.” Airplane Tests On the balcony a “wind tunnel” shows on various airplane models the application of the theory of aerodynamics. Stepping on a round platform mounted on ball bearings, you may experiment with the theory of the conservation of rotational momentum. Holding out a dumbbell in each hand as the platform is started slowly revolving, you may speed it up by lowering the dumbbells and slow it down again by raising the dumbbells, repeating the process as often as you like, changing the speed without any additional force being applied, but simply by changing the angle of the weights. Service of mathematics in the development of radio is shown by historical exhibits of Marconi’s original apparatus. The Stratosphere Flight The stratosphere flight—with which the Exposition was associated last year—by Lieut. Commander T. G. W. Settle, U. S. N., and Major Chester L. Fordney, U. S. M. C., is the subject of a special exhibit, the purpose of which is to show the usefulness to practical science of the observations made in the record flight. The instruments used and the records made on the flight are shown and explained. How mathematical principles are used in gun-fire, in navigation by the position of the stars and in communication is shown here by a United States Navy exhibit. A gyroscopic compass in action has "repeaters" in different parts of the floor showing at all times the direction indicated by the main compass. From the main Mathematics Section we pass, now, to: PHYSICS In the Physics Section a series of exhibits show the generation and control of power. The exhibits are divided in six groups: gases, sound, electricity, radio, light and penetrating invisible rays. Operating apparatus shows how the expansion of gases produces the effects of refrigeration. A working model with magnified molecules represented by steel balls shows how the internal pressure in an automobile tire is due to incessant bombardment of the walls by the molecules which have the speed of rifle bullets. We see an operating steam engine with glass cylinders, showing the working of the expanding steam. A drop of water four inches in diameter illustrates why drops are globular and shows why their shape in falling suggests the principles of "stream line" design. What sound is and how sound waves travel are shown by operating exhibits. We see a large tuning fork vibrating slowly with a wide stroke. Amplification of the sound is shown by four tubes of different length. We see the image of the vibrating flames within the tubes reflected by a rotating mirror. That sound is vibration and that the variety of sound is produced by vibrations of different length is shown by a magnified image of the sound-creating edge of a movie film. As the jagged line passes we see that the broken light, which itself is a form of vibration, is changed into sound by the vibration being transmitted to the diaphragm of a loud speaker and we see the light translated into words and music. Fundamental principles of the electric dynamo, transformer and motor are shown by simplified moving exhibits. The valve tube, heart of the radio set, is analyzed and explained in detail by exhibits showing the action of the filament, grid and plate. Light Rays Refraction, or bending of rays of light by means of lenses is shown, and we see how the lens forms an image, magnified or reduced. We see illustrated that light is a vibration. A magnified exhibit shows that the wave length of the vibration is about twenty millionths of an inch. Different colors have different wave lengths. Method of analyzing blended colors into separate wave lengths identifying the different colors is shown. The electron and the proton, building stones of all atoms, were discovered by physicists. These most minute of all known divisions of matter are invisible but at speeds of 100 to 100,000 miles a second they are called cathode, canal, alpha or beta rays and produce effects which can be seen. Luminous effects of cathode and canal rays are shown in vacuum tubes, also tracks of alpha rays from radium. Exhibits show the penetrating effects of X-rays, which are produced by cathode rays striking other substances. THE GREAT HALL From the Physics Section we now walk into the Great Hall of the building. The treatment of this huge modern interior again calls on us to give a moment's thought to the decorative methods of the new architecture. The hall is 240 feet long, 60 feet wide and with a ceiling 57 feet high. The geometrical decoration of the wall spaces illustrates the modern idea of having the ornament in keeping with the function of the interior. Above the north doorway at the balcony level is one of the three large mural decorations by John Norton. What could be more modern and original in conception than the treatment of a "graph" of scientific information as a mural decoration. "The Frequencies of Electromagnetic Waves in Kilocycles per Second" is the title. At the far end of the hall in a similar bay above the south entrance you will see a companion decoration, treated in the same manner, "Dimensions of Natural Objects in Miles." Framing the center door to the terrace and towering toward the lofty roof is another graphic decoration in scarlet and gold, "The Tree of Knowledge." Emblazoned on the walls of the great hall as part of the decorative scheme are quotations which epitomize the thought of fourteen great minds on the development of the basic sciences. Besides these quotations are nine axiomatic definitions. The Clock of the Ages At your left, as you enter the great hall from this end, you look back a moment at the history of this planet as it is visualized in a remarkable demonstration—"The Clock of the Ages." This is a ten-foot dial representing the advancing geologic periods by compressing two billion years into one revolution of the clock hands in four minutes. Mammals, the dominating life of the present, do not appear until almost the end of the revolution, and man is on the stage only a few seconds. In the center of this end of the hall you see the gondola in which Dr. Auguste Piccard made the first ascent of 54,000 feet into the stratosphere. The Periodic Table of the Elements is in the center of the floor at the south end. In this illuminated pedestal, surmounted by a globe which shows their distribution, we see the ninety-three known elements that compose the world of matter. We can see their atomic relation to each other, and this gives the clew to their separation and recombination into different substances, the principles of which we may now watch demonstrated as in the active operations of the chemical laboratory. CHEMISTRY We are now in the Chemistry Section where we shall see demonstrated the science of the transformation of matter. A simple chemical change by separation is shown by metallic mercury being produced from mercuric oxide—a red powder—by heating in a quartz retort over an electric heater. Silvery mercury drips from the retort tube into a glass jar while the oxygen blows away, presence of the oxygen being shown by a smoldering wick bursting into flame as the oxygen strikes it. An extensive series of actual chemical operations of this type is shown, illustrating transformations by separation and by combination. Explanations by placards and by voice make each reaction easily understandable. A ribbon of iron burns like paper because of a jet of oxygen. A stream of liquid fire is caused by a jet of phosphorus forced through a small orifice and instantly combining with the air. We see potassium dripped into water and bursting into flame. A number of other illustrations show how the atoms of different elements rush to combine with each other. The exhibits show how chemical changes are always accompanied by energy changes—heat or light being liberated or absorbed. Furnaces at 3400° C. A battery of electrical furnaces—the principle of which is the same whether they are laboratory bench size or fifty-ton size—shows the use of intense heat, up to 3,400° Centigrade, to induce chemical combinations. Melting lime and coke together to produce calcium carbide is demonstrated. You may safely put your hand inside an induction furnace in which a rod of iron will blaze and drip like melting wax—but your ring or wrist watch would melt off instantly. Extreme cold produced by the expansion of a gas is illustrated by a series of demonstrations with liquid air. The principle is shown by air being admitted to a partial vacuum in a flask. A rainbow in myriads of minute water drops shows the chill of the expanding air. Liquid air is produced by air being compressed at 3,000 pounds to the square inch. Suddenly released, it chills to a pale bluish liquid about the consistency of water and at a temperature of 317 degrees below zero. The demonstrator dips a stick into mercury and then into a flask of liquid air. The mercury instantly freezes hard as steel, and he will drive nails with it. He will plunge a rod of hot iron into the liquid air and the iron will blaze up on account of the concentrated oxygen. A burning stick of carbon plunged into liquid air burns incandescently. When the flask of liquid air is set on a cake of ice the liquid air boils fiercely on account of the comparative heat of the ice. An elaborate working diorama of a model sulphur mine shows the mill and surface operations, the sulphur deposit 500 feet below the surface and the method of melting the sulphur and bringing it up. Colloid Chemistry Exhibits of colloid chemistry show the methods of purification of water and air and of separation of gold from the ore. A colloid is a substance suspended in another substance, the suspended substance being so finely divided that it is invisible, will not settle and cannot be removed by filtration. Contaminated water is shown purified by a solution of alum which forms a jelly-like substance and sinks, carrying the colloidal impurities with it. Smoky air is shown cleared by passing it between electrically charged plates. The colloidal particles become electrically charged, cling to the plates and the air blows out pure. Gold ore is shown pulverized, mixed with water and oil and churned into foam. The base material sinks while the gold remains colloidally suspended in the froth which is skimmed off. A giant talking and gesturing robot, ten feet tall, with a transparent digestive tract, is the dramatic feature of the exhibit of physiological chemistry. In a theatre at the end of the hall, the robot gives a lecture on the chemistry of food and shows food passing through his own stomach and intestines, and being digested. Before we enter the Biology Section, we see at this end of the Great Hall a remarkable moving model showing how trees grow. In this moving exhibit we see a section of a basswood twig, magnified to seven and one-half feet in diameter, representing a branch three years old. The twig adds a year of growth in seventy-five seconds, becoming nine feet in diameter by the accretion of new material. We now enter the Biology Section, occupying the South Wing of the main floor of the Hall of Science. At the entrance of the section is one of the most unusual and interesting scientific exhibits. It is the Microvivarium, developed by Dr. Georg Rommert. Actual drops of water are the stage of this exhibition. High power microscopes look through the drops and project on screens the scenes greatly enlarged, so that you may see the ferocious, weird, incredible microscopic living creatures, swimming, eating, making love and fighting in their infinitesimal world. The Biology Section takes up the story of how life takes form—from the primitive cell to its highest evolution in man. Magnified cells and moving models demonstrate the principles of growth in animals and plants. Development of the human being from the cell is told in a series of embryological exhibits. Cages of healthy guinea pigs illustrate variations through heredity. From Fish to Man Evolution of the human face—from fish to man—is shown by a series of models in the Paleontology exhibit. Evolution of the horse and other mammals and of the invertebrates also is shown by complete models and comparative exhibits. A life size model of a man shows the circulation of the blood by means of a magnified heart pumping, the valves working and the red blood flowing out through the arterial system while blue blood is returned by the veins. The different characteristics that produce high or deep voices are shown by moving models of the chest and throat. The lungs move, the ribs expand and the larynx vibrates. How plants grow is shown by a moving exhibit of the marriage of plant cells in a magnified dahlia stalk. A pollen grain from another plant drops into the flower, moves down to the ovule and in four stages the united cells produce a living seed containing a miniature plant. That food elements are produced in plants only in daylight is shown by a moving exhibit of the cell structure of a corn stalk. Circulation through the cells of oxygen, carbon-dioxide and water vapor is shown. At night the plant gains size but food elements are formed only under sunlight by the natural complete influence of all the sun’s rays. MEDICINE We now descend to the ground floor of the Hall of Science, to the section of Medicine. The display of the Medical Sciences visualizes the tremendous advance in the past century in the knowledge of the causes, detection, prevention and cure of human and animal diseases. Scientific medical institutions of England, France, Germany and Italy have cooperated with the American associations. Large additions made to the Medical Section for the Exposition of 1934 include: The Henry Ford Hospital of Detroit, Mich., shows oxygen therapy in the treatment of pneumonia, and the tannic acid treatment of burns for diminution of pain and more plastic healing. Methods of medical evidence in crime detection are shown by the medico-legal exhibit of the Institute of Medicine of Chicago. Water, heat and rest therapy are shown by the U. S. Government exhibit from Hot Springs, Ark., National Park. The Chicago Roentgen Society has an exhibit of the X-ray, including a skiagraph of the entire human body as revealed by the X-ray. Prevention of the transmission of disease from animals to man and the use of veterinary science in food inspection is shown by the American Veterinary Medical Association. Drills in resuscitation from asphyxiation are shown by the Chicago Rapid Transit Company medical department. Progress in knowledge of human reproduction through the internal secretions and sex hormones are shown in an exhibit by Yale University and St. Louis University. Visitors may use the Teletactor, an instrument for the education of the deaf by vibrations which change frequency and amplitude corresponding to sounds produced by speech. The Transparent Man In the Medical Section are a number of the most remarkable exhibits ever prepared by scientists. Outstandingly spectacular is the Transparent Man. This life-size figure is one of only two in the world. It is from the Deutsches Hygiene Museum in Germany and is an example of the patient labor of German science. The figure has a skin of transparent cellon. All the organs of the body are in place and are illuminated in turn, showing their size and position. You walk around the figure and look through it as if you were possessed of X-ray eyes. The transparent man is a handsome figure in the classic attitude of a suppliant like the statue of the young Antinous. The gradual lighting up of its interior is a spectacle of singular dramatic power as it reveals the organism that is inside every human body. Elsewhere moving models of parts of the body may be operated by the visitor showing the action of joints, operation of the breathing apparatus, circulation of the blood, the larynx in different states and horizontal sections of the body, are shown in a life-size model in eight parts. The Embryos A most fascinating exhibit is that of the various stages of the human embryo, shown by the Loyola Medical School of Chicago. This exhibit attracted so much attention last year that it has been given greatly increased space. The display includes an exhibit of actual cross sections of human bodies. The works of Louis Pasteur, pioneer of bacteriology, and of Robert Koch, who discovered the tubercle bacillus, are shown in commemorative exhibits. An extensive exhibit of work in bacteriology, and tropical diseases of man and animals is that of the great Wellcome Research Institution of London. The institution shows models of the floating laboratory presented to the Sudan government on the Nile and of the mobile laboratory given the British War Office during the World War. Progress of hospitals in the past century in America is shown by the American College of Surgeons. The American Medical Association uses dioramas, mechanical displays and transparencies to show the evolution of medical care. The American Pharmaceutical Association illustrates the evolution of medicine dispensing from an old-time pharmacy to actual demonstrations of modern prescription compounding, assays and chemical tests. History of blood transfusion is shown by the use of actual instruments in the exhibit of the Cleveland Clinic Foundation. Physiological relations of the thyroid, pituitary, suprarenal and sex glands are shown by specimens, models and charts. The development of abdominal surgery and work on the treatment of pernicious anaemia are among other subjects of exhibits of the Simpson Memorial Institute for Medical Research of the University of Michigan. Motion pictures, wax models, transparent photographs and charts are used by the Mayo Foundation to illustrate work on goiter, diseases of the digestive tract and of the nervous system. A large electric thermometer enables visitors to take the temperature of their hands and a tremometer enables them to test their nerve steadiness. Work for Crippled Children Rehabilitation of the crippled child is the subject of the University of Chicago exhibit. Motion pictures show results of work on acute infantile paralysis. Models and photographs illustrate the possibilities of work on the spine. Bright’s disease is illustrated by specimens of organs and the relations between kidney disease and acute infections are shown by Marquette University and Milwaukee County Hospital. The American Urological Association presents an exhibit on diseases of the urinary tract. Questions and answers on maternal hygiene are shown by the Chicago Medical, Dental and Allied Service Women’s Association. The fight against tuberculosis is portrayed by the Chicago Municipal Tuberculosis Sanitarium and the Chicago Tuberculosis Institute. Care of the teeth and the progress of dental science are shown by the Chicago Centennial Dental Congress. Motion pictures, operating models, specimens, charts and transparencies are used to show methods of treatment and the relation of the teeth to the general health. Relation of focal infections to systemic diseases is the subject of the exhibit of the University of Illinois and the Illinois Department of Public Health. The University of Wisconsin presents the history of the pioneer work on gastric digestion, result of the observation 100 years ago of Alexis St. Martin, whose digestive operations were visible as a result of a gunshot wound. Northwestern University exhibits a collection of rare old prints of early medical subjects and a library of rare medical works. SCIENTIFIC COMMERCIAL EXHIBITS We have seen, now, a virtually complete survey of the progress of medical science. On this—the ground floor of the Hall of Science—you may look next at an extensive series of collateral exhibits by scientific manufacturers. You see in a copper-lined welding pit the operations of welding and cutting steel with the oxy-acetylene blow torch. In a tank of hydrochloric acid a steel wire is shown being eaten away while an alloy wire is unaffected. A special steel lathe tool, heated red hot, is shown in a moving exhibit, cutting down a steel casting hour after hour without losing hardness. Irradiation of milk to increase its vitamin D content is shown on a revolving stage. Exhibits show uses of sun ray lamps and uses of acetylene gas for farm and home power and illumination. A model apartment sitting room, bathroom and kitchen illustrates wall panels, tiled floors, doors, ceilings, and windows made of an unbreakable, glass-like by-product of natural gas, unaffected by heat or cold. The space of the exhibit is air-cooled by apparatus shown in operation. Another manufacturing exhibit is a large working model of a plant making phosphoric acid products. Molten material pours from the blast furnace and the other departments of the extensive plant are in operation. The exhibit includes illustrations of uses of the products in cooking, fireproofing and building. The story of a century's progress in eyesight protection and correction is told in an optical exhibit. A section of the display is devoted to protection of workers' eyes against industrial hazards. Operation of grinding lenses for optical and scientific uses are demonstrated in another exhibit. Advancement in amateur and professional photography is shown by exhibits of cameras, lenses for use under all kinds of light conditions, prints and motion picture equipment. Ancient and Modern Drug Stores Contrast between the ancient mediaeval apothecary shop and the modern pharmacy is shown. There are a number of exhibits of drugs and chemical products, including foods for infants and special invalid foods. Advancing use of milk products is subject of a special exhibit. A remarkable enlarged reproduction in colored sculpture relief of the celebrated painting, "The Doctor," by Luke Fildes, R. A., is shown by one exhibitor. Rare precious metals, palladium, rhodium and others, methods of electroplating, uses of gold for dental and other purposes, are shown. Sun lamps are displayed in a darkened booth to show their fluorescent effects. Uses of other special ray lamps for individual and group treatment are shown. Microphone apparatus for the aid of the deaf is shown and demonstrated. There is an exhibit of surgical instruments, and one of mattresses. Embroidered silk shoes, of the kind worn by Queen Elizabeth, brocade knee boots, African sandals, Polynesian and Chinese shoes are among the curiosities of footwear shown in an exhibit of scientific shoes and foot ailment correctives. Methods of floor, furniture and automobile polishing are exhibited. There is also an exhibit of fire prevention equipment. OUTDOOR SCIENCE THEATRE IN THE COURT OF THE HALL OF SCIENCE From the great open court between the wings of the Hall of Science, 10,000 persons at a time may witness the performance of seeming miracles on the stage of the Science Theatre. The stage is at the open end of the court with its back toward the lagoon. The different "acts" show invisible rays and other mysterious powers in action, performing apparently impossible feats of magic. Wireless telephony will repeat from the stage conversations and interviews from airplanes and from distant parts of the world. The science theatre acts are planned on an educational basis and the principles involved are explained. ARCTURUS BEACON As the season advanced last year it was sometimes difficult even for the huge observatory telescopes to pick up the rays of the star Arcturus in its position in the brilliant part of the evening skies in time for the star’s rays to be used to turn on the lights of the Exposition. This year the rays of Arcturus will light the Exposition Beacon in the court of the Hall of Science every evening at twilight. The Beacon is a great torch flaming from the top of an ornamental pillar. A powerful reflecting telescope on the terrace of the Hall of Science picks up the ray, which has been traveling 40 light years from Arcturus, and this ray, amplified, lights the Beacon. Restaurants in the Hall of Science: Triangle Restaurant in North Wing. Also grill. Century Grill in North Wing. Also lunch counter. Drug Store in North Wing. Lunch counter and table service. †SWISS VILLAGE. A typical Swiss mountain village, nestling at the foot of the Alps, populated with native Swiss at their work, sports and amusements. The buildings are reproductions of characteristic parts of the older portion of Berne, capital of Switzerland. Plaster casts of exteriors are used to give exactness to the houses and chalets. St. Bernard dogs, Alpine guides, watch makers, Swiss lace makers and cheese makers are seen. A group of yodelers and Swiss maidens give entertainment in the village square with native songs and folk dances. Background of the village is an Alpine scene of rugged peaks and valleys. Swiss restaurant, a la carte, indoor and outdoor tables. Also grill. Floor show and dancing by guests. 18TH STREET BRIDGE ENTRANCE, over Illinois Central tracks and from Columbus Drive. Pay parking space. Taxi stand. Exposition bus stop. GENERAL EXHIBITS GROUP GENERAL EXHIBITS BUILDING. This great building, 985 feet long, was designed by Harvey Wiley Corbett. The floor space of the two stories is more than five acres. In each of its four pavilions you will find striking mural paintings of the modern school. The General Exhibits Building was planned to tell the story of many and varied industries. New ideas of arrangement and use of striking modern furniture are seen in twelve different sleeping rooms, completely equipped and ready for use, as planned by twelve modern interior decorators. Demonstration is given of the operation of machinery which fashions 24,000 steel mattress springs in an hour. Up-to-date factory floor layouts are used in a demonstration of the use of lift-trucks and portable elevators. Oil Exhibits Automobile engines, with part of the cylinder walls and housings cut away to show the moving parts, are a central feature of a demonstration of the oil industry. Reproduction of a giant vacuum oil still is shown. In this exhibit you may seat yourself in an airplane pilot’s seat or in a racing automobile driver’s seat while a moving picture flows before your eyes as if you were driving the machine. “Mechanical Wonderland” is a series of more than 200 working models showing how the combinations of wheels, eccentrics, gears and levers are developed into complex automatic movements. Heavy engineering equipment, electrical machinery, pumps, valves, and light and heavy scales are in an exhibit of machinery for big jobs. Air conditioning equipment for homes, offices and industrial uses are the subject of an exhibit, which includes oil-burning installations for heating. In this section of the building we find exhibits of coal transportation, power belting, plumbing equipment, motor lubrication, modern gas, oil, water and gasoline meters. Progress of the canning industry is shown in many types of containers. There is an exhibit of sewing machines. Modern bars for home and cafe service are in an exhibit which includes home and club billiard tables. [ 49 ] Gutenberg’s Print Shop In the world’s first print shop, that of Johannes Gutenberg, of Mainz, Germany, in 1438, you see a reconstruction of Gutenberg’s own press. You may see in use, casting type, some of his original molds. You will see fine hand printing jobs of pages done on the antique equipment and with Gutenberg’s type. The first printed book page, that of the so-called 42-line Bible, is in the exhibit. Printers, in mediaeval costume, work in the shop and pull proofs on the ancient hand press. In the exhibit is a facsimile of the original Gutenberg Bibles and reproductions, made by copying Gutenberg’s type, of the “Calendar of the Turks,” the first printed circular, done by Gutenberg’s shop in 1453. Associated with the Gutenberg print shop you see an exhibit of fine presswork and book binding of the present day. In an exhibit of rare books bound by hand you will find “Die Niebelunge,” a masterpiece of the artistry and workmanship of this craft. With it is a display of beautiful products of fine book making. Artist book binders are seen at work, binding and decorating books, hand-tooling French, Levant and Morocco leather. Encyclopedias, text books, magazines, French and European publications, and sets of books for children, are among exhibits of publishers. Paper nails that can be driven into hard wood supply a nail that is a non-conductor of electricity. Household uses of paper are demonstrated in the House of Paper, in a kitchen which is a model of conveniences. Photographs by distinguished amateurs and professionals are seen in a Salon exhibition with an historical display of early cameras. Modern rug weaving is demonstrated on a huge jacquard loom, 9 by 12 feet, at work on a modern Oriental rug. Porcelain enamel products and their various uses are shown in a cooperative exhibit of the industry. Business Machines How the enormous routine of book-keeping, correspondence and office systems is carried on by modern business is shown by business machines. You see machines that tabulate, sort and file. They can automatically sort out any group of cards from a file of hundreds of thousands in a few minutes. Books and records are kept by machinery. Intricate tasks that would require thousands of eyes and fingers are rattled off at dizzy speed. Cash registers of different capacities are exhibited. Electrical dictating machines, office and home safes, rubber stamps, inks and pastes, magazine pencils and other office supplies have their exhibits. Education by mail is the subject of an exhibit. In the Home Work Shop clever workers are making pieces of early American furniture, starting with the plain lumber. You may watch them making ship models, model airplanes, toys and smoking stands. Safety devices that foil hold-ups of offices or banks are shown in an exhibit of safes. Slow opening combination locks are connected with silent electric alarms. Office protection devices, safe keeping for files and records, and home safes are shown. A Tower of the General Exhibits Building Diamond Mine †A South African diamond mine in operation, with native laborers, is seen in the $5,000,000 exhibit of the cooperating diamond and jewelry interests. Thirty tons of diamond-bearing blue clay from the Kimberley mines were brought from South Africa for the mining demonstration. You have the illusion of descending 1,500 feet to the workings where the Kaffirs are toiling. You see the clay brought up on elevators and the diamonds recovered on the grease tables. A compound, in which the South African native workers live, is background for the diamond pit. Cutting and polishing of diamonds is shown in a reproduction of a section of Amsterdam, Holland. In the display of famous gems is the 128.5 carats Tiffany Diamond and the 42 carats perfect blue diamond, formerly one of the jewels of Emperor Maximilian of Mexico. In other exhibits, modern costume and other jewelry are shown. Evolution of clock and watch making in the past 400 years is told in an exhibit in which working models illustrate the various improvements. A talking moving picture theatre, seating forty, tells the story of the watch. Present day scientific method of taking the standard time from the stars is explained by lecturers, illustrated by the instruments used for the purpose. Automatic Machine Makes Tubes A long range of glittering apparatus making and filling toothpaste tubes shows the tubes starting as metal slugs, the size of a nickel. You see how the slugs are stamped out into long tubes and the small ends threaded to take the screw cap. The tubes are filled with paste and printed in brilliant colors by automatic process. A mechanical robot explains the operations. There are exhibits of textiles and women’s wear and of trunks and travel equipment. How shirts and house dresses are made is explained in an exhibit that is a factory unit. Twenty girls, in neat uniforms, are running high-speed power sewing machines around a semi-circle that gives you an opportunity to watch each at her job. Breeding of silver foxes for their valuable furs is shown in a moving picture. You see the foxes born in captivity in early spring and then transported to 10,000 acres of virgin forest. In a setting of natural forest background is an exhibit of the furs in their different color phases. A revolving stage shows, on one side, foxes in the woods, and, on the other side, a fashion show of furs worn with various costumes. Four hundred figurines show the progress of women’s ideas of costume from past ages up to now. Forty-four countries are represented. Among the figurines famous women of different times are represented, each dressed as she was in life. A glass engraver, at work cutting designs, delicate ornament, monograms and other decorations on crystal glassware, is seen in an exhibit of American glassware. Names of all the exhibitors in the General Exhibits Group will be found in the complete list at the end of the Guide Book. Cafeteria in Pavilion 2. No alcoholic drinks. Exposition bus stop. TIME AND FORTUNE BUILDING. Large, lofty ceilinged, air-cooled reading room with many deep, comfortable chairs and 2,000 different magazines from all the world kept on file is maintained by these magazines in their building just south of the Hall of Science on the lagoon side. Two terraces on the lagoon give excellent night view of the Fair and are attractive rest spots. CACTUS PERGOLA. Rest place beside lagoon. CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR BUILDING. On the lagoon side opposite General Exhibits Building. Air-cooled reading room occupies almost half the 2,600 feet of floor space. In the foyer a mural painting illustrates the production and distribution of the Monitor. Original stereotype sheets of the first issue are exhibited with a reproduction of the letter by Mary Baker Eddy which authorized the starting of the paper. Other exhibits show the news-gathering and advertising service of the Monitor. Writing and conversation rooms open from the foyer. CLASSIC MODERN GARDEN. Formal garden, sponsored by Good Housekeeping magazine. Large central pool with four L-shaped pools at the corners, surrounded by shady terraces with numerous benches. A garden house at the south end is illuminated at night, giving a view of the garden as if from a living room. HALL OF RELIGION HALL OF RELIGION: Modernistic in design, but distinctly ecclesiastical in its effect, the building was designed by Thielbar and Fugard. The building is 400 feet long and faces east with a beautiful terrace overlooking the lagoon. Eight large mural paintings surround the entrance rotunda, portraying the aspirations of Judaism, Christianity, Mohammedanism, Buddhism and Confucianism. Greek Mythology, Ancient Persian Religious Worship and the Worship of the American Indian are included. A lounge occupies the large hall north of the rotunda. Cooperative exhibits of the Presbyterian, Congregational, Methodist and Baptist churches border the room. On the walls are twelve mural paintings representing: Moses, viewing the Promised Land; St. John, viewing the New Jerusalem; Religious teaching in college and seminary, Religious Literature, Education, Peace, Evangelism, Worship, Freedom, Home Missions, Foreign Missions and Philanthropy. Against the north side of the hall stands an heroic size bas relief of Christ by Lorado Taft. A small meditation chapel adjoins the rotunda. The Hall of Religion Cooperative Publications Exhibit Modern religious literature of the Protestant denominations is shown in a cooperative exhibit of the publications of the Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational, Baptist and Disciples churches. A completely furnished altar stands in the center of the room of the Protestant Episcopal Church of America. Vestments and ritual vessels are shown with historical exhibits. The exhibit of the Seventh Day Adventists shows the hospital and sanitarium work of this denomination. Above the National Lutheran Council exhibit is a great mural painting with Christ as its central figure. The motto of the Lutherans passes constantly across the wall in lighted letters: "From century to century the Lutheran Church proclaims her unchanging faith that Christ died for all." The practical educational program of the Near East Foundation in its emergency relief work is demonstrated by an exhibit of embroideries, rugs, brass, pottery and other work of the students in the Foundation's schools. In the center of the Jewish exhibit stands a model of the Ark of the Covenant with its scroll. Around the walls are panel paintings representing Justice, Peace, Law, Brotherhood, Sabbath Rest and other Jewish ideals. There is an historical exhibit of antique synagogue vestments. A statue of Martin Luther is the central figure of the exhibit of the Missouri Synod Lutheran. Mural paintings and charts illustrate the work of the Synod in the United States and abroad. The Chicago Tract Society exhibits a collection of the religious publications distributed by this organization. Historic sculpture commemorative of the Mormon hegira to Utah is shown by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. There is also a model of the Temple in Salt Lake City. EXHIBIT OF RELIGIOUS PAINTINGS COLUMBIA COLLEGE CULTURAL EXHIBIT, sponsored by friends of Columbia College, Dubuque, Ia., includes paintings by old masters and other rare objects of art, ancient and modern. Two portraits of Pope Pius XI head the modern works. One is by Vladimir Shamberk. The other is a replica by Ernst Eindorf of his portrait of Pius XI, painted for the Berlin Nunciature. The old masters include a "Crucifixion," attributed to Rubens; a "Madonna," attributed to Velasquez; "Human Studies," attributed to Rembrandt; "The Blessed Virgin," of the school of Guido Reni; "Madonna of the Bullfinch," school of Da Vinci; "The Soul of Nature," by Gainsborough; a "Nativity," attributed to Coello, and "The Holocaust," a carving in lava, by Della Robbia. "Androcles in the Lion's Den" is the subject of two studies by J. L. Gerome. Porcelain and Carvings Antique paintings on porcelain include a rare "Holy Family" and other works of the Italian school, and a "Chinese Madonna" by a Chinese artist. Russian icons include rare and elaborate exhibits, one of which is believed to have been a gift by Rasputin to the former Empress of Russia. Ivory paintings and carvings comprise a group of religious statuettes. A massive Dresden vase depicts Abraham driving Hagar into the desert. There are mounted shrines in dark oak of Swiss workmanship and a masterpiece in needlepoint embroidery representing, "Madonna, Mother Most Powerful." A mother of pearl carving, of which the original is in the Vatican, represents Romulus and Remus. Jeweled crucifixes, sacred vessels and reliquaries, carvings in slate and marble, rare works in silver, copper and bronze are included in the exhibit of sacred art objects. ANTIQUE TREASURES †RELIGIOUS ANTIQUITIES EXHIBITION is at the north end of the building. Here you may see rare and almost priceless treasures of antique art, outstanding among which are a Minoan (Cretan-Mycenean) gold cup, a vase and a ring dating from almost 4,000 years ago, and the Great Chalice of Antioch. Elaborate carvings on the golden treasures show them to be products of the Minoan era of Greek culture from 1530 to 1750 B.C. They were discovered in an island tomb in the Mediterranean and are of such rarity that only in the Greek Museum in Athens can similar objects be found. Their value lies not alone in the metal nor in the beauty of the craftsmanship. The carvings, depicting the sports and ceremonies of the time, are of great archaeological interest. The graceful vase, or rhyton, gives two pictures of sporting events. The upper portion shows three powerful bulls being led into the arena by a company of slender youths. Below, two pairs of boxers, equipped with headguards and gloves, are seen entering the ring. On the cup a body of soldiers and a group of farmers are performing the ceremony of treaty. The slender bodies and plumed hats of the military guards is in marked contrast with the rustic bearing and bulky dress of the rurals. The ring carries on its engraved bezel a scene from a temple ritual. The high priestess, or goddess, is seen, accompanied by two assistant priestesses. Their costumes show the metal corsets, wasp-like waists and bell-shaped skirts that identify them as Minoans. The Chalice of Antioch The Great Chalice of Antioch is one of the earliest relics of the Christian faith. The Chalice is 7.56 inches high. The inner cup would contain about two quarts of liquid. The outer vessel is of silver, elaborately wrought and standing on a low pedestal. It is made to be a container for the inner cup, a silver bowl of great antiquity. According to Dr. Gustavus A. Eisen, who was entrusted with the early study and renovation of the vessel, the Chalice probably was executed between years 50 and 90 of the Christian era. The delicate decoration of the Chalice includes two portrait groups of both of which the Christ is the central figure. One group shows Jesus as mature yet young man, beardless, dignified, clothed in a toga. Below him are Paul and Peter; above, at left and right are James and Thaddeus. Behind Paul is an old, wrinkled man, St. Andrew, brother of John. The other group shows Jesus as a boy, holding in his hand the scroll of the law on two staffs. Matthew, Mark, Luke and John sit around him and behind Matthew is St. James the greater, brother of John. The Chalice of Antioch Surrounding these treasures is a collection of religious treasures of the ages, including mural paintings, stained glass, carvings, statuary, religious portraits, embroideries, vestments, religious vessels and ecclesiastical furniture. "Last Supper," Carved in Mother of Pearl †In a room at the south end of the building a miniature carving in mother of pearl of "The Last Supper" is exhibited. The carving is 30 by 35 inches. It was executed about 200 years ago by an Armenian lapidary, Ivaz Khanbeyian. It represents Jesus and the disciples at the table. Above and behind them is represented the scene of the Resurrection. In order to exhibit the delicate details of the figures the carving is shown under a magnifying glass. Restaurant, indoor and outdoor tables. No alcoholic beverages. RESTFUL GARDEN AMERICAN RADIATOR & STANDARD SANITARY MANUFACTURING CORPORATION. Displays of plumbing, heating and air conditioning equipment, housed in kiosks scattered through a Spanish garden. The restful setting of sunken and formal gardens, cascades, pools, shrubbery and statuary is a glow of colorful light at night. Exhibits of heating, air conditioning and sanitation for all types of buildings, including the largest ships, Pullman cars, etc., are shown. Modern metal wall finishes in kitchens and bathrooms and plumbing fixtures of the newest design are displayed. Among the featured items is the Neo-Angle bath, combining every bathing luxury in a single bath, and a complete line of bathroom furniture. A completely furnished cottage displays the correct heating and sanitary equipment for the modern home, including a hot water heater and an incinerator. SINCLAIR MONSTERS SINCLAIR PREHISTORIC MONSTERS. Giant prehistoric monsters. On the heaped up reddish brownstone hillside of the age of reptiles the forty-ton brontosaurus swings his long neck, jerks his huge tail, clashes his jaws and emits life-like screeching grunts. In a pool a glaring-eyed trachodon, bigger than a hippopotamus, splashes with his huge clawed foot. He is watching a fight between a three-horned triceratops and a tyrannosaurus, most ferocious creature that ever lived, with crocodile jaws and hind legs like a kangaroo. Near them a stegosaurus, large as an elephant, browses on prehistoric vegetation. Visitors pass through a cave in which are seen explanations of the connection between the age of monsters and the origin of oil deposits. THE THERMOMETER HAVOLINE THERMOMETER. The 227-foot high thermometer is the largest in the world and the only one of its kind in existence. In the building which forms the base of the thermometer is a pleasant lounge for visitors. The thermometer itself is a triangular tower, 218 feet tall, with a thermometer scale on each face. The mechanism by which the colored neon gas tubes of the scale are operated is an ingenious amplification of the power of the infinitesimally small movement of expanding mercury under pressure in a bulb exposed to the outside temperature. As the mercury expands into a capillary tube it actuates electrical power which lights successive sections of the neon tubes up the tower sides. The tower is sponsored by the Indian Refining Company, an affiliate of the Texas Company. In the lounge will be found explanations of the uses of the various products of the company and its subsidiaries. BYRD’S SHIP †BYRD SOUTH POLE SHIP, the barque, “City of New York,” in which Admiral E. Byrd, with eighty-two men, established his base camp, “Little America,” on the Ross Ice Barrier from which he first flew over the South Pole, is moored in the South Lagoon on the mainland side. Below her decks, in the hold of the vessel, in the space occupied as sleeping quarters and mess hall on the first Byrd Antarctic Expedition, is a reproduction of “Little America,” exactly as it was found by Admiral Byrd on his return to Antarctica in January of this year. The reproduction of “Little America” on “The City of New York” is 28 feet long by 12 feet wide and was made exactly to scale by the Museum of Natural History of New York. Remainder of the space below decks is filled with a collection of relics of the Byrd Expedition, scientific instruments, food, clothing, and specimens of all the bird and animal life of the Antarctic Continent. FIRESTONE TIRE FACTORY FIRESTONE BUILDING. Here you see the most modern type of automobile tire factory in full operation, turning out complete tires ready for your car. Beginning with the bales of crude rubber as they are received from the Firestone plantations in Liberia, Africa, the whole process is carried out, including a demonstration of the exhaustive wear and resistance tests used to determine the best methods of tire construction. The crude rubber is first "masticated" in mixing machines in which are added the additional ingredients needed for tire rubber. Next is the "gum dipping" process by which the tire cords are impregnated. Next the cords are coated on both sides with rubber under pressure in the "calendering" machine. Following operations in the building of a tire educate the visitor in the complex scientific process, last operation of which is the vulcanizer from which the finished tire emerges for inspection and wrapping. Varieties of tires produced by Firestone are shown in an exhibit hall, together with the tubes, brake-lining, spark plugs, batteries and other automotive products of the company. †AQUATIC SHOW: Exhibitions of swimming, diving and aquatic sports in an indoor pool. Men and girl champion swimmers give the show. WALGREEN DRUG STORE. Complete modern drug store. Fountain lunch and cafe service. THE HUB. Store of Henry C. Lytton & Sons, with men's and boys', women's and misses' wear, accessories and sporting goods for sale. CENTURY GRILL. Also lunch counter. MAYFLOWER Doughnut Restaurant. Tables and lunch counter. We now turn back, in this guide to the Exposition, and go through Northerly Island from north to south, including the lagoon bridge features, before proceeding further south on the mainland. A CENTURY OF PROGRESS FOUNTAIN Largest fountain ever constructed, extending 670 feet south from the Planetarium Bridge into the center of North Lagoon. Through its outlets flow 68,000 gallons of water a minute, enough to serve a city of 1,000,000 inhabitants. With a Niagara-like roar, the fountain may be heard a half-mile away. Flow of the world's next largest fountain is only 14,000 gallons per minute. A succession of powerful arching jets leads from the bridge to the water-dome at the south end, 40 feet high and 200 feet in diameter. Three single sprays around the dome throw water 75 feet into the air. Submarine lights extend the entire length of the fountain, coloring the water green, red, amber, blue or white. Thyatron tubes control the play of light. Back of the fountain, on the lower level of the bridge, a bank of 40 powerful searchlights can be operated either automatically or manually from a control room in the base of the bridge. The floods of light in changing colors pour above the fountain and blend in the air with spectacular effect. A similar aurora illumination is at the south end of the grounds. 1—Planetarium Bridges 2—Adler Planetarium 3—Brewery Exhibits Bldg. 4—A Century of Progress Fountain 5—Wonder Bakery 6—Foods and Agriculture Building 7—Beach Midway 8—Streets of Shanghai 9—Miller High Life Rest. 10—U.S. Government Bldg. 11—Dutch Village 12—States Building 13—Social Agencies 14—Army, Navy and Marine Corps Area 15—Sky Ride Tower 16—Schitz Garden Restaurant 17—Hiram Walker Exhibit and Canadian Club Cafe 18—Science Bridge 19—Armour Exhibit 20—Hall of Social Science 21—Western Union Hall 22—Electrical Building 23—Enchanted Island 24—Horticultural Bldg. 25—Mexican Village 26—Hollywood 27—Casino 28—Swift Bridge and Swift Open Air Theater WONDER BAKERY WONDER BAKERY BUILDING. Demonstration of a modern bakery in operation is given in this building by the makers of Wonder Bread. The story of scientific bread-making is told, beginning with the automatic weighing, measuring and mixing of the ingredients. Mixing machines knead the dough. Loaf sections are weighed and cut and then go into the travelling ovens where they move forward continuously in mechanically regulated heat. Endless belts bring the finished loaves out of the ovens. The loaves move on conveyors to slicing machines and then the sliced loaves are wrapped automatically in moisture-resisting paper, sealed, labelled and loaded into trucks for quick distribution while fresh, without, at any time, being touched by hands. Dioramas and exhibits show other details relating to scientific bakery food production. The Clavilux, or color-organ, which plays color effects on a moving picture screen to produce emotional effects similar to those of music, is an entertainment feature of the building. Bakery restaurant and cafeteria. Indoors and outside terrace. No alcoholic drinks. [64] BREWERY EXHIBITS BUILDING BREWERY EXHIBITS BUILDING. The story of beer, from grain in the fields to beverage in the glass, is told by exhibits in this building. Pictures, dioramas and working models show the many industries that cooperate in the process. We see how the grains are harvested and malted, how the hops are prepared. The ancient art of brewing, which was well established in Babylon 6,000 years B.C., is explained and modern brewing equipment exhibited. There are displays of barrels and bottles to hold the beer, and of bottling machinery to transfer it from the vats to the bottles. Other exhibits show brewery trucks, bars and tavern furnishings, pitchers and glasses. Adjoining the exhibit hall is a large rathskeller where beer and foods cooked in the German manner are served. A cafeteria occupies the entire second floor, both indoors and the surrounding terraces. Rathskeller. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables, specializing in German cooking, a la carte. Orchestra. Cafeteria. Second floor dining room and terraces. PLANETARIUM †ADLER PLANETARIUM and Astronomical Museum is a permanent scientific institution which, by its location on the promontory at the northeast corner of Northerly Island, is included in the Exposition grounds. It supplies the Astronomy section of the basic science exhibits, supplementing those in the Hall of Science. An intricate scientific mechanism, the Zeiss Planetarium projector, provides the spectacle of the heavenly bodies as seen from the Earth. It is the first one to be erected in the United States and one of only a few in existence. The hourly lecture-demonstrations during the period of the Exposition will show the daily motion of the sky with sun, moon, planets, and stars rising and setting, whirling about the pole; will show the annual motion of the sun with the months swiftly passing and the planets tracing their intricate paths; and finally, there will be an alternative course, either taking the audience to the southern hemisphere to see the southern sky with the Southern Cross, or toward the North Pole to view the Midnight Sun, experience the six months’ day and six months’ night with the aurora playing above. Should you arrive during a lecture you may occupy the time in the museum halls by examining the celebrated collection of ancient and modern astronomical instruments. The Planetarium is under the direction of Dr. Philip Fox. TERRAZZO PROMENADE* TERRAZZO PROMENADE. Approach to the Planetarium from Planetarium Bridge. The esplanade, of brass-stripped terrazzo mosaic, consists of two promenades, each 19 feet wide, between which is a series of shallow fountain basins, each basin in mosaic design depicting a month of the year. The promenade is built by the National Terrazzo and Mosaic Association to remain permanently in its place. FOODS AND AGRICULTURE BUILDING FOODS BUILDING. This building, 658 feet long, is an example of the most modern type of exhibit building. Architects are E. H. Bennett and Arthur Brown, Jr. Displays of foods, both in their raw state and ready for the table, of farm machinery, food manufacturing processes and food distribution, are seen here. INTERNATIONAL HARVESTER BUILDING FARM MACHINERY HALL, at the north end of the Agricultural building, exhibits the latest types of tractors, cultivators, corn pickers and other farm machines. A series of dioramas, accurate copies of antique machines and motion pictures depict a century of farm history. A mechanical cow that moos, moves, breathes and continuously gives milk, is part of the dairy exhibit. A twine-manufacturing demonstration uses transparencies and machines in slow motion to show every operation from the time the hanks of fiber are received from Yucatan or the Philippines until the 8-pound balls are ready for shipment to American grain growers. A driverless radio-controlled farm tractor is demonstrated in an outside plot just west of the building. THE FOODS BUILDING Entering the main exhibit hall, we learn how breakfast food is made. Working machines carry the grain from its raw to finished state. Other features tell the story of biscuits and cereal foods. A canning demonstration shows the housewife how to can her food at home in tin. Pressure cookers and sealers are also shown. An exhibit of honey and other bee products features a hive of real bees working under glass. A series of photographs of tuna fishing is background for a display of canned tuna and sardines. Various ways to preserve fruits and vegetables, meats, poultry, game and fish, by pressure cooker, oven, hot water bath, cold pack and open kettle, are demonstrated. A new method of coffee manufacture is demonstrated. Sugar and salt are the subjects of adjoining exhibits that show how little most of us know about the things we use at every meal. A nine-story open front model of a sugar refinery is one item in an exhibit that tells the history of sugar manufacture. Greatly enlarged crystals of table salt are seen behind a large magnifying glass with transparencies showing other uses for this salt on either side. A new fruit-flavored pectin is made while we watch, and samples are distributed. Prune juice as a beverage is featured in a display of prunes and apricots, fresh and packaged. Automatic Soft-Drink Bottling Plant Beneath a crystal waterfall, a bottling unit demonstrates the completeness of automatic production. Bottles in rows go through five baths in caustic soda solution and four rinsings and are then conveyed to two revolving fillers. As they travel around the smaller circle, each gets a shot of syrup and steps aboard the larger circle to be filled with carbonated water, capped and taken away on the conveyor. The unit fills 148 bottles per minute and is tended by three inspectors—a man who examines the bottles for chips as they come out of the washer, and two girls who look through magnifying lenses at the passing parade of filled bottles. Gaily covered murals of hop pickers at work in the Bavarian hop fields cover the walls of an inviting lounge. WILSON COMPANY EXHIBIT, ROOF GARDEN AND TERRACE A mechanical bacon slicer with a capacity of 1,000 pounds an hour is shown in action. Girls in spotless uniforms wrap and pack the bacon as it flows from the machine. A display of packing house products includes soap and cosmetics, gelatine, insulating materials, glue and tallow, as well as animal and poultry foods. Above this exhibit are a second floor terrace restaurant and a third floor roof garden. THE FOODS AND AGRICULTURE BUILDING Under a dome in the center of the building a scientific demonstration shows the effect on the human system of coffee in different conditions. Packaged coffee and other food products are exhibited. Demonstrators illustrate a simplified method of making fancy-shaped patty shells, waffles and similar dainties. Glass coffee makers and a visible high-speed electric broiler are shown. There are demonstrations of a stain remover. A new type of cooker, developed in Germany, is seen in operation. In a spacious lounge, visitors may rest or examine a collection of old books on the subject of food production. Foods from Foreign Lands Fish from Alaska, olives from Spain, pineapples from Hawaii, fruits from California, beef and dairy products from all parts of America, gathered for distribution to the world's dinner table, are shown with an illuminated world map. There is a recorded voice accompaniment and seven dioramas of farm and fishery scenes. Smartly uniformed girls demonstrate the art of packing stuffed olives into glass jars. Jars of almost every conceivable kind of preserves, from apple jelly to rattlesnake meat, are displayed in an exhibit of home canned foods entered in the 1933 International Home Canning Contest. Jars from every state in the Union and from nearly every foreign country are included. In a glass oven, central feature of a candy-making demonstration, nut-meats are baked like potatoes and when done are taken out and buttered, also like potatoes. This process replaces the customary method of boiling nut-meats in grease. Across the aisle, girls show how easy it is to make ice cream and gelatine desserts at home. We may watch food being cooked in a new type of pressure cooker. "Untouched by human hands," Philadelphia cream cheese is manufactured, wrapped and packaged by automatic machinery. The display is enclosed in plate glass so that every operation is clearly visible. Nearby is an exhibit of models showing the latest developments in automatic merchandising machines. Grain is literally shot from guns in an action display of the manufacture of a cereal breakfast food. A colored mammy making pancakes and a kilted Scotch lassie baking scones, demonstrate two uses of cereal products. Story of Spices At the top of the next exhibit is a huge reproduction of a bottle of salad dressing. Into it on one side march natives carrying spices, and out of it on the other side come mammoth salads, sandwiches and other foods that may be prepared with the dressing. Fifteen dioramas, cut into a map of the world, show where and how the spices are obtained. In a lounge at the back, pictures painted in oil on velour depict the story of spices and other foods. Maple sugar from tree to table is the subject of a display of maple sugar products. A scientific display shows the farmer how to test his soil for acidity or the presence of phosphates, so that he may know how to treat it to secure the maximum productivity. ILLINOIS AGRICULTURAL BUILDING Efficient farming is the theme of the exhibit of the agricultural department of the University of Illinois. A forty-foot relief map shows a typical quarter section farm 100 years ago, 50 years ago, and today. The farm of a century ago included sixty-one acres of timber and twenty-one of swamp. Fifty years later, the farm had been ditch-drained but the soil was being worked out. In its present state the land is tile drained, the stream straightened, fields laid out in equal sizes for crop rotation, and buildings planned for business-like operation. Contrasting rows of small, feeble corn and tall, luxuriant plants show the benefit of fertilization. A model cattle feeding area is shown, with recommendations for the crops and space required for beef growing. An uneconomical, muddy hog field is contrasted with the grass pasture and clean buildings required to rear swine profitably. Restaurants in the Agricultural Building: Swedish Produce Lunch Counter. Scandinavian foods and beverages. Wilson Terrace, on the second floor, and Wilson Roof Garden. Steaks and chops are specialties. Polly Grill. Lunch counter. Billboard Grill. Indoor, self-service, featuring plate lunches and hot sandwiches. Lunch counter. MILLER’S HIGH LIFE RESTAURANT. Table d’hote and a la carte service. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables. Sea foods a specialty. BEACH MIDWAY MIDWAY. Amusement center of the Exposition, where brilliant color mingles with blaring sound to form a fitting background for the happy faces of carefree merrymakers. Here, along the wave-lapped shores of Lake Michigan, are gathered together all the time honored features of the carnival, modernized with myriad improvements from the laboratories of science and dressed in the latest creations of modern art. Here, too, are thrilling rides, “dangerous, daring and death defying” if the seductive shouts of the barkers are to be believed. But every feature is equipped with the most modern safety devices. The Beach Midway †At the entrance stand two Ferris Wheels. Nearby is the Forte Slide where mats are provided for the journey down a spiral causeway around the outside of a towering cone. †Around the Auto Scooter we may bump others from their course and attempt to keep from being bumped ourselves. In King Solomon's Temple is a model of the original temple and a lecturer explaining its marvels. Here are also housed the Mechanical Circus, a miniature three-ring circus, complete from elephants to clowns and all mechanically operated; and the Freak Animal Show, comprising some 30 animal monstrosities. †If you can hit a target with a baseball, you will drop the Swanee River Boys into a pool with a fierce-looking mechanical alligator. A Shooting Gallery with moving targets is near. †At the Animal Fair, 500 lions, tigers, monkeys and other animals and reptiles are exhibited in their native settings. No bars interfere with your view of these jungle beasts, which are behind a wide moat. Frank ("Bring 'em back alive") Buck and a corps of native helpers will describe the animals. Many of them were actually captured by Mr. Buck, and have been seen in his motion pictures. †Children may guide the Winston Racer automobiles around a curving walled track. Near are the galloping chargers and glittering chariots of the Carousel. Down Lost River* †A trip down the Lost River takes us in an explorer's boat to the world of a million years ago. Through a waterfall we go straight into a mysterious jungle. The 80-foot brontosaurus is the first of a host of animated prehistoric animals we encounter during the journey. †The Torture Show exhibits man's ingenuity through the ages in devising ways of punishing his fellows. The World Beneath—an illusion show—takes us for an imaginary excursion into the bowels of the earth. The Bug Ride is a wavy trip inside a canvas caterpillar over a circular track. The Catapult, a flat ride, spins us around and around in our round basket car. The all-steel frame of the Cyclone Coaster insures perfect safety during its breath-taking dips. †In the Motordrome motorcyclists defy death by riding up the side of a steep wall. Villages †DUTCH VILLAGE. Realm of windmills, dykes, tulips and canals. This reproduction of a typical Netherlands fishing village contains a large windmill in full operation, a canal running through the streets and a drawbridge such as is seen only in Holland. Visitors may first view a Holland farm house with its immaculately kept cow-stable opening into family living quarters. Here they can see trim tile-lined mangers for the cattle and appointments that seem good enough for human guests. Out of doors, the eye meets a riot of colors—rich blues, vivid greens and magenta, with red tile roofs and shutters of brilliant hue. Red-coated Edam cheeses are manufactured and marketed by villagers in boats floating through the canals of the picturesque community. Dutch restaurant. Table d'hote and a la carte. Indoor and outdoor. Orchestra and dancing by guests. †STREETS OF SHANGHAI. Pagoda towers, eight stories high and painted in brilliant hues, mark the entrance to this colony of typical Chinese buildings of bright Mandarin red, jade green, loud Chinese yellow, blue and gold. The streets of shops and theaters are lighted by thousands of bright-colored Chinese lanterns. Within the shops are rare silks, jades, bronzes and porcelains, sent from San Francisco’s “Chinatown.” Visitors may watch a noodle factory in full operation and learn how bean sprouts, indispensable ingredient of Chinese cooking, are grown. Native merchants and craftsmen are seen at work. Every employee of the village is garbed in native costume to keep the Oriental atmosphere intact. An art gallery displays old Chinese masterpieces and a model of a temple to Confucius. In booths, Chinese artists will sketch portraits of visitors. Chinese restaurant, indoor and outdoor. Table d’hote and a la carte. Also cafeteria. Orchestra and dancing by guests. Other Midway restaurants: MIDWAY BEACH CAFE—a la carte. Indoor and outdoor. Orchestra, dancing by guests, 6 p.m. to closing. Floor shows, 9 p.m. to closing. MEXICAN NIGHT CLUB. Mexican orchestra, dancing by guests and a floor show of Mexican talent. U. S. GOVERNMENT BUILDING U. S. GOVERNMENT BUILDING. Together with the connecting States building, the Government building is a striking example of the new architecture. Designed by Edward H. Bennett, the structure consists of a central dome surrounded by three pylons representing the three branches of government: Executive, Judicial and Legislative. Here Uncle Sam reports to the public on what the Federal Government is doing for its citizens. Entering the building by the central ground floor entrance, we find the alcove of the Post Office Department on the left. Displayed statistics show its growth. Starting with 75 post offices in 1789, the number increased to 10,127 in 1833 and is 47,642 at this time. An enticing gold brick, worth—if genuine—$30,000, lies on a velvet cushion to show how the Post Office hunts down swindlers using the mails. Card painting and embroidery outfits sold by “earn money at home” swindlers, and samples of form letters with which they refuse to accept any of the work done, are part of this instructive display. Tragedy underlies the exhibit of quack remedies stamped out of existence by the Department. Machine Guns and Dead Letters There is a case of machine guns and revolvers with rogues’ gallery portraits of mail-car bandits captured and convicted. Figurines of Christ on the cross between two thieves, all enclosed in a quart bottle, are part of a museum of strange articles found in packages in the Dead Letter Office. The Great Seal of the United States, reproduced in colors, is the central figure of the State Department exhibit. A collection of historic documents includes the peace treaty with Great Britain signed in 1783, and the treaty with Germany. Three murals shown by the Office of Education portray the school of yesterday, today and tomorrow. U. S. GOVERNMENT BUILDING FROM SCIENCE BRIDGE [ 76 ] The Farmer's Foe Western yellow pine logs, four feet thick, with a quarter hewn out to form benches with backs, invite visitors to rest in the space of the National Parks Service. There we see a glacier—the Nisqually—on the side of Mt. Rainier in a lifelike diorama. A model of Boulder Dam in its mountain setting, shows surplus water from the lake rushing down through the dam's spillways and spurting out in jets into the canyon below. Baskets and trays, rugs, pottery and jewelry are shown in the Indian Affairs exhibit to illustrate the arts and crafts of the Indian school system. In the Hawaii exhibit is the entrance to a grass hut. Large coconuts are piled near a wooden mixing trough, polished glistening brown by use and with two grotesque carved heads for handles. Game Conservation Deer and wild fowl, in a natural forest background, illustrate game conservation. A model of a forest in a continuous rainstorm shows the great sponge formed by the earth and root mass underground preserving the water. The Department of Agriculture occupies a large space to exhibit the high lights of its important work. Before a natural size cornfield, with real stalks and ears, are grasshoppers so thick they hide the wood on the fence posts, ready to move in and destroy the crop. Soil chemistry, terracing and contour ploughing to control erosion, how to pack apples, food inspection, agricultural engineering, how to breed and feed animals, dairying, economics of marketing, price analysis, standards of products and management of income, are subjects of exhibits. Measure the Weather Stop at the weather map and try the apparatus on the table. Touch a button and lights show the direction of the wind while the anemometer records its force. Touch another button and read the intensity of the solar radiation at the moment. How the government helps its unemployed citizens in their search for work is demonstrated in a model office of the U. S. Employment Service, which was established in 1933. Here we see how the applications of unemployed men and women are handled, and the efforts made to find suitable jobs for them. The workings of a central clearing house through which each employment office is kept informed of labor conditions in all parts of the country, are shown, as are the special veterans’ and farm placement services. Other Department of Labor exhibits show how the department supervises alien immigration and naturalization, mediates labor disputes, collects and distributes information on all subjects connected with labor, and otherwise fosters the welfare of wage earners. Exhibits of the Children’s Bureau show the government’s activities in behalf of child welfare, through supervision of orphanages and juvenile courts, control of employment of boys and girls, and studies of the causes and treatment of children’s diseases. The Women’s Bureau demonstrates its work. Brilliant blue and white panorama of pictures of merchant vessels in the Shipping Board exhibit is background for the figures that 83.8 per cent of our foreign trade was carried under the American flag in 1833. In 1903 the proportion was down to 9.6 per cent and now it is 34.7 per cent. The Veterans Administration exhibits baskets, leather work, silver, tableware, carvings and other work of patients in occupational therapy. Maps and statistics tell the story of the work. How Airplanes Are Tested Working model of the largest wind tunnel in the world, that at Langley Field, Virginia, which can test a full sized airplane, is in the show of the National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics. A working model, twenty feet long, shows the operation of the 2,040 foot tank at Langley Field used to test a plane’s behaviour in water. Wood cuts of the Government Printing Office in 1861, when it was established by Congress, are contrasted with half-tone illustrations of its modern work-rooms and machinery today in the exhibit of this department. Displays of ink and papermaking, fine book binding and typography are shown. The U. S. Army exhibit is purely of peace projects of the Army Corps of Engineers. Diorama relief map of the bend of the Mississippi river at Carruthersville, Mo., shows various types of embankment, concrete dikes, pile dikes, rip-rap bank and grassed levee. Large model of a lock dam on the Ohio river uses real water. A center of interest is a huge relief map of the proposed Nicaragua canal. Playful pink and green lizards, six inches to a foot long, scamper around a section of desert reproduced by the Smithsonian Institution. Rare volumes and Braille books for the blind are shown by the Library of Congress. The exhibit of the Bureau of Prisons simulates a prison cell, with bars and heavy doors enclosing its space. Models and photographs show how Uncle Sam cares for his involuntary guests. Crime Detection Finger-printing is a leading feature of the exhibit of the Bureau of Investigation—American equivalent of Scotland Yard. Apparatus used by the expert is shown. Changing figures like those on a giant speedometer show finger prints being added to the files in Washington at an average rate of 2,200 daily. An expert from the department is taking finger prints at a desk. Opium layouts, pipes, scales, lamps and the ingenious ways dope peddlers and addicts have of concealing the drug are shown by the Bureau of Narcotics. How animals and birds carry diseases to humanity is shown by the Public Health Service. Rats—endemic typhus fever; parrots—psittacosis; rabbits, woodchucks, chipmunks, grouse—Rocky Mountain spotted fever; these are some of the offenders. A modern 140-ton coin press, stamping every kind of coin issued by the U. S., is shown by the Bureau of the Mint, in comparison with a hand screw press used to make our first coins. The Bureau of Engraving and Printing exhibits the old hand press and the modern electrical unit which prints money, securities and stamps. United States Navy Sea power, decisive factor in wars from the time of the Greeks, is keynote of the Navy exhibit, given in a series of moving charts. A fleet of ship models showing the development of our navy, is led by the Bonhomme Richard, in which John Paul Jones took the Serapis. The U. S. S. Constitution is next, followed by the Hartford, flagship of Admiral Farragut, the Monitor and the Chicago of 1883, first cruiser of the new steel navy. Models of the modern types of cruiser, destroyer, submarine, airplane carrier and battleship are in the parade. Transparent photographs and moving pictures show battle practice and airplane maneuvers, life of cadets at Annapolis, and the training of Navy recruits. Commanding items of the Marine Corps exhibit are a stand of flags famous in the annals of the corps and a case of citations received by the Marines during the Great War. Marine Corps operations around the world are shown by a relief map and moving pictures showing the Marines at their job in Haiti, China, Nicaragua, Cuba and other scenes of action. A diorama of a typical seaport in the Lighthouse Service exhibit shows the navigational aids in use by day and night. A series of lighthouse lenses includes the earliest type of bullseye lense, and the latest type Fresnel lense with its concentric prisms. Lights turned on and off by photo-electric cells mark the highest efficiency of the light beacon, but we are shown a still greater advance—radio beacons by which under any conditions of light, darkness or fog the shipmaster can get his exact position. Counting the Population At the Census Bureau space we see just what the population of the United States is at the moment we are standing there. It is registered on a giant dial which shows one added every thirty-seven seconds. There is a birth every fourteen seconds and a death every twenty-three seconds. One immigrant arrives every fourteen minutes and one emigrant leaves the country every five minutes. A flowing stream, stocked with fish, is in the back of the Fisheries Bureau exhibit. At either end of the stream are devices enabling fish to get over dams to spawn in a stream’s head waters. A museum of working models that inventors have submitted to the Patent Office includes models of reapers, harvesters, potato diggers, a railroad locomotive—date July 29, 1837, cannon and machine guns. Among framed copies of patents issued are “T. A. Edison, No. 200,521, Feb. 19, 1878, Phonograph, or Speaking Machine.” “T. A. Edison, No. 223,898, Jan. 27, 1880, Electric Lamp.” With paintings, motion pictures and working models the Bureau of Mines demonstrates its work in making mining safer and more efficient. Safety at sea is the theme of the exhibit of the Bureau of Navigation and Steamboat Inspection. Life preservers, fire extinguishers and model life boats are shown. Charts, pictures and maps in the exhibit of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce show how economic data are collected and interpreted for the benefit of American business. Guiding Aerial Traffic Keeping a flying course by radio beam signals is illustrated in the Department of Commerce aeronautics exhibit. The visitor may manipulate a model plane on a theoretical air lane. A revolving airways beacon of 1,900,000 candlepower swings its overpowering ray. Weather reports are continually coming in on a teletypewriter. There are two cases of model planes. The Coast and Geodetic Survey illustrates its work by a diorama of a harbor in which the Survey is carrying on fifteen different charting operations. At the end of the last hall we find the Bureau of Standards. Here are operations of interest to everybody. Different types of sole leather are tested for wear resistance against a revolving grindstone. Paint is tested for resistance to deterioration caused by water and light. Two model automobiles, mounted in a wind tunnel, demonstrate the amount of power wasted in overcoming wind resistance. STATES BUILDING STATES BUILDING. This great quadrangle, enclosing the Court of States, composes a series of exhibit halls in which are seen the exhibits which various states of the United States have sent to the Exposition. Also in the quadrangle is the exhibit of the Republic of Greece and a French exhibit. The Court of States is the scene of outdoor meetings, band concerts and ceremonies. Arizona, California, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Missouri, New Mexico, Ohio, Oregon, South Dakota, Tennessee, Washington and the city of Chicago are in the states’ exhibits in which the displays of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands are included. ARIZONA An adobe trading post, typical of the old Southwest, is the dominating feature of the Arizona exhibit. Here, against a background of rugs, pottery and baskets, novelties of copper and silver, petrified wood and cactus curios, Indian craftsmen are seen at work. A silversmith hammers his metal into a setting for a blue turquoise. A potter moulds his clay into bowls and vases. A rug maker and a basket weaver demonstrate their skill, and a real singing cowboy completes the picture. Burnished copper ceiling shows Arizona’s principal mineral. An eight-foot band of the same material circles the walls. In this band are set 36 transparencies of the scenic beauties of the state. On the upper portions of the walls are seven murals portraying Arizona’s history, painted by Lon Megargee. Outside, at the rear of the exhibit hall, is a desert garden, where 36 varieties of cactus may be seen growing in a desert setting. CALIFORNIA “Redwood Grove,” center of the California exhibit, is approached through a twelve-foot arch through a redwood log. Between the redwood trunks of the grove are murals of California history and dioramas of summer and winter sports. Through another redwood trunk you go into the Spanish court where twenty-eight foot windows of one of the buildings reveal a diorama of Los Angeles. An amazing display of fruit is in the foreground. A little further on is another huge diorama—of San Francisco, showing the Golden Gate and Oakland bridges. The redwood and the pine associations have halls showing uses of their woods. In every available space is a diorama or an exhibit of fruit products. FLORIDA A Spanish court is here, its blue sky crossed by a flight of white ibis. Dioramas of scenic spots, 15th century cannon, mission bells, treasure chests and barnacle incrusted anchor from St. Augustine lead to a display of strange fruits. Papaya, like cantaloupe except that papayas grow on trees; Chinese star fruit, with shiny pink shells like shrimp; mangoes; white seporte, like crab apples; avocadoes and long green and white striped Chinese squash. In a garden adjoining the indoor exhibit are dozens of different kinds of palms; lilies float on a lily pool; orchids grow on old trees and stumps just as they do in the Everglades. A pair of tame pink ibis are allowed the run of the garden. With the better known citrus fruits: grapefruit, oranges, lemons and limes, is seen the calamondin, which is about the size of a lime, has a skin like a tangerine and is more acid than a lemon. GEORGIA Mocking birds singing amid the pink blossoms of a Georgia peach orchard greet the visitor to the exhibit of this state. From the rear, in a realistic cotton field, a quartette of darkies is heard singing old negro spirituals. The first gold mined and minted in the United States is part of an exhibit of marbles, clays and minerals. A display of farm products includes a gigantic stalk of cotton, containing 710 perfect bolls. University of Georgia, Wesleyan College, the Georgia School of Technology and the Martha Berry school for mountain boys and girls cooperate in an educational exhibit. Paintings of Warm Springs show the home of President Roosevelt and the patients’ pool. Other exhibits include a display of wild turkeys and other game, models of the Indian mounds at Macon, demonstrations of paper-making from Georgia pines and a display of textiles and other manufactured products of the state. ILLINOIS Illinois has taken one of the large halls and entrances for a display of mineral, agricultural and industrial wealth, as well as its less commercial activities in the fields of public welfare and education. Exhibits of the University of Illinois occupy a large part of the space. A model of the university has for background a group of renderings and plans from the university’s school of architecture. The school of engineering and the mathematical and chemical departments are represented, along with some of the less technical phases of university life. MISSOURI The Missouri exhibit is set in a grove of slender tree trunks that go up to the two-story ceiling on which leaves are painted. The old times are brought back by a few sections of old “worm fence” beside a running stream. Near it is a Taney County pioneer log cabin. Painting of a simple cabin illustrates Missouri’s first settlement in 1700. The first state capitol at Jefferson City is background for a river-front scene of slaves, overseers and merchants. Behind an antlered stag are views of woods and parks and a poster giving the game laws. A cavern with authentic stalactite and stalagmite formations is part of an exhibit of minerals and mining. Bronze figures of Tom Sawyer and Huckleberry Finn adorn a niche devoted to Mark Twain. A portrait of Eugene Field, born in St. Louis in 1850, hangs above a stanza from “Little Boy Blue.” A bust of Dr. A. T. Sill, who founded osteopathy at Kirksville, is shown. Work of the Mississippi Valley Committee: Work of the Mississippi Valley Committee is shown in an exhibit sponsored by the Department of the Interior of the U. S. Government. NEW MEXICO A crude adobe dwelling, typical Pueblo Indian adobe, is at one side of the New Mexico exhibit hall. At one end of the house a tapaste—overhead hay rack—shelters an old Spanish wagon with wooden wheels, a wooden plow, ox yoke and other crude implements. Inside, a Navajo woman weaves rugs on a hand loom; a Pueblo woman fashions pottery, and a Navajo silversmith moulds the metal with his crude tools. A two-story modern dwelling at the end of the hall shows how architects have made use of the Pueblo style of building. In a natural display of lava-rock, potash deposits and white sands, cacti, chimisa brush and bunch grass are growing. On the floor in the center of the hall a Navajo sand painter dribbles the naturally colored sands through his fingers to create Indian pictures. There is a display of prehistoric Indian relics and of swords, side arms and spurs worn by the Spanish conquistadors. OHIO* The state’s history is the subject of the Ohio exhibit. The entrance and hall are surrounded with mural paintings and you may study them seated at ease on long walnut settles. On the back of each settle, in front and behind, is lettered a terse paragraph from Ohio’s story. La Salle took possession in the name of France in 1682. Celeron de Bienville buried six lead plates declaring “renewal of possession” along the Ohio and Miami rivers in 1749. The Underground Railroad. Simon Kenton forced six times to run the gauntlet by the Indians. U. S. Grant was born near Sandusky, O. Six other Ohio presidents whose busts look down on you went to the White House from this state. They are James A. Garfield, Rutherford B. Hayes, Benjamin Harrison, William McKinley, William Howard Taft and Warren G. Harding. OREGON Scenic beauties of the Columbia River Highway are a background of the Oregon exhibit. The state’s great lumber and fisheries industries and its fruit production are shown in a series of displays and mural decorations which stress the appeal of Oregon to the tourist traveler, the homeseeker and the investor. PUERTO RICO Native palms separate the government and commercial exhibits in hall occupied by Puerto Rico, which is decorated in Spanish style. In the governmental section the agricultural progress of the island is shown by exhibits of sugar cane, tobacco, coffee and native fruits and vegetables. Educational progress and the development of sanitation and disease control are illustrated. The construction of roads, power plants, public buildings and communications under government supervision is shown. Cigar makers demonstrate the manufacture of Puerto Rican cigars amid a display of linen suits, straw hats, citrus fruits, mahogany furniture, baskets, pottery and other native products. Lingerie and table linens display the fine needlework and drawn work for which Puerto Rican women are famed. Native coffee and fresh cocoanut milk are served by Puerto Rican girls. A native orchestra will play native tunes. SOUTH DAKOTA Across the rear of the South Dakota exhibit a cyclorama takes us on a swift trip about the state. Peaceful farm and water scenes are in contrast with the rugged scenery of the Bad Lands and the Black Hills. South Dakota’s mining activities are represented by a 12-foot slab of polished marble and a display of minerals and semi-precious stones. Early-day placer mining is shown by a diorama. A model of Mount Rushmore shows the progress of the work on the gigantic memorial that Gutzon Borglum is carving into the mountain side. Sportsmen will be interested in the extensive exhibit of heads of deer, mountain sheep, buffalo, elk, and antelope. Game birds and fish are displayed and buffalo and animal hides are tacked to the walls. TENNESSEE Smoky Mountain and other scenes of beauty and grandeur in Eastern Tennessee are shown in the state’s picturesque exhibit. Of great interest at this time is the development shown as the result of the operations of the Tennessee Valley Authority in its power projects, new communities and creation of a new industrial and agricultural region. WASHINGTON The Washington exhibit is devoted largely to a display of the state’s many natural attractions. A specially lighted diorama of Rainier National Park, showing Emmons Glacier, largest in the United States, is a prominent feature. Seattle, Tacoma, Spokane, Walla Walla, the Yakima and Wenatchee valleys are some of the subjects of murals done in enlarged colored photographs. A relief map shows Puget Sound, the Olympic Peninsula and the Cascade Range. There is a model of the Grand Coulee Dam in the Columbia River Canyon, first unit of a 2,000,000 horse-power project on which the government is spending $63,000,000. A fir timber 28 feet long, 3½ feet wide and 2½ feet high is displayed in an exhibit of Washington’s most important industry, lumber. Specimens of ores illustrate the mineral wealth of the state. WEST VIRGINIA All wood-panelled in woods grown in the state is the West Virginia hall. The floor is red oak. Lower half of the walls is dark walnut and upper half Butternut or white-walnut. The ceiling is maple and chestnut. Dioramas show the scenic beauties of the Blue Ridge. First battle of the Revolutionary War, fought at what is now Point Pleasant, W. Va., in 1774, is a mural subject. Another is the first land battle of the Civil War at Philippi in 1861. VIRGIN ISLANDS A house made of cocoanut leaves is set in a tropical garden in the center of the Virgin Islands exhibit. Palm trees twenty feet high, pineapples and other native plants growing along the banks of a blue pool reproduce a typical island scene. Wall maps and mural paintings give further views of these Caribbean islands that are the latest additions to Uncle Sam’s insular possessions. The reed work for which the islands are noted is demonstrated by native girls who weave the reeds into mats and baskets as we watch. Linens and lingerie show the fine needle work of the native women. Cigars, rums and cordials and liqueurs are shown with an exhibit of juices of native fruits, the pineapple, wild orange and guanabana, which has a flavor somewhat like that of a peach or apricot. are displayed. PAVILION FRANCAIS In the Pavilion Francais are displayed the jewelry, cosmetics, textiles, laces, silks and other products of France. French champagnes, wines and liqueurs are displayed in quantity and variety. There is an historical collection of French publications and a large exhibit of modern books and magazines. Paintings by French masters are shown in a display that includes work of contemporary artists. There is a collection of tapestries and an exhibit of modern and antique furniture. Armenonville restaurant. Indoor and outdoor tables. Table d’hote and a la carte. Orchestra and dancing by guests, afternoon and evening. Floor shows occasionally. Minimum charge after 6 P. M. REPUBLIC OF GREECE The story of a century of progress in Greece is the theme of the exhibit sponsored by the Republic of Greece. Paintings, statues, photographs, models and dioramas show the development of the country. The hall is decorated in classical fashion. A commercial exhibit of Greek products includes silks, Grecian marbles, olives and olive oil, figs and raisins, brandies and wines, Greek tobaccos and cigarettes. Greek restaurant. Indoor and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte service. Also grill and lunch counter. Orchestra, dancing by guests and floor show. CITY OF CHICAGO Chicago Civic Center, official headquarters of the City of Chicago at the Exposition, is primarily a rest spot, equipped with comfortable chairs, and with attendants who will give information about Chicago. Historical pictures on the walls and movies of the work of the city in education, parks and playgrounds, health and other fields are the exhibits. PARK EXHIBIT Adjoining the lounge is an extensive exhibit of the handicraft activities carried on in the park centers of the Chicago Park System. Model airplanes and kites, ship models and other work of the juvenile and adult classes is displayed and there is a demonstration of how instruction is given. Walgreen Restaurant. Soda fountain, lunch counter and table service. Note: At the time of going to press the list of exhibiting States was incomplete. Later edition will contain full list. SOCIAL AGENCIES: Two cabins, one occupied by the Boys' Clubs of America; the other by the Girl Scouts, Campfire Girls, YWCA and Girls' Clubs. Here are displayed samples of handiwork and groups may be seen at work at indoor and outdoor activities. EAST SKY RIDE TOWER. Island end of the Sky Ride. Observation platform and cars may be boarded here, the same as from the West Tower. Army, Navy and Marine Corps Area U. S. ARMY, NAVY AND MARINE CORPS. Composite camp of details of 100 sailors, 100 marines and 100 infantrymen, an army and a marine band, and smaller details from other branches of the U. S. Military service are encamped here throughout the Exposition. They participate in parades, furnish escort for distinguished visitors and give frequent band concerts. SCHLITZ CALIFORNIA GARDEN. Restaurant, a la carte. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables. Orchestra. SCIENCE BRIDGE. Crossing the lagoon at 16th street. ARMOUR EXHIBIT ARMOUR: South from Science Bridge over the South Lagoon. The pier includes a circular restaurant, an open plaza and three large exhibit halls. A large mechanical map in the center of the first hall of the building illustrates how Armour and Company products are distributed in the United States. In the second hall, exhibits of by-products show how residue materials, long considered waste, are utilized for many valuable products. Third hall is a home economics exhibit of the various kinds and uses of fresh and prepared meats. New processes in handling meat, particularly refrigeration, are shown. Giant murals cover the walls of each of the three halls. At the south end of the building is the solarium restaurant with a view of the lagoon. Beyond the glass circle of the restaurant, an open plaza extends over the water, with chairs and benches and a boat landing. Restaurant features Armour products. HIRAM WALKER EXHIBIT WALKER EXHIBIT: Like a gigantic dragon fly resting on the surface of the water, this terraced pier extends northwest from the center of Science Bridge into the North Lagoon. Here is housed the display of Hiram Walker & Sons. Model of a modern distillery shows all the processes in whiskey manufacture from raw grain to packaged product. An historical display gives the history of this art. CANADIAN CLUB CAFE occupies the first floor of the 350-foot pier with a brilliant modernistic restaurant, and dancing floor. Well known orchestras furnish music afternoon and evening for up-to-date floor shows and dancing by guests. Outdoor terraces above the lagoon have tables and chairs. HALL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE HALL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE. Entrance to this building is appropriately at end of Science Bridge from the Hall of Science to the Island. Above the entrance you see four pylons decorated with symbolic figures inspired by Hindu mythology. Leo Friedlander is the sculptor. The figures from left to right represent: Fire, Light, Darkness and Storm. The struggle of knowledge to bring order to social life is the theme of the exhibits in the Hall of Social Science. “A City Dump” of the present day is an illustration of the records that civilizations leave for future ages. Here, in the cross section of the dump, you may see a horse-shoe, a high-boned corset, oil lamps, an old typewriter, solid flatirons, cast-iron statuettes, high-buttoned women's shoes, a phonograph horn, an old Ford radiator, a broken cuspidor, old radio vacuum tubes. A reproduction of a Cro-Magnon cave in France, with the drawings and carvings left on the walls by the cave men, shows a further-back record of early culture. Reproduction of three ages of Indian mound-builders in America is shown by a cross section from a mound with skeletons buried at different levels. A relief map of the United States shows different aboriginal ways of life. Development of intelligence is shown by an exhibit beginning with comparative skulls of great apes and primitive men. Growth studies of the brain show changes in its size and power. A mural painting shows the population increase in three racial groups and the chances of each in length of life. Two American family groups show the transition from the home industries unit to the modern family. A long automobile in front of a de luxe apartment house is contrasted with a family group in a country door-yard. Children in an elaborate nursery are contrasted with a pioneer family in a log house. Empty fashionable church is contrasted with a full old-time meeting house. Crowded movie theatre with a kissing scene on the screen is contrasted with a simple home dance. We see steel mill laborers contrasted with a farm group at the barnyard chores. In the education section comparative models show a log school house, a highly developed modern public school, an old-fashioned one-building academy and a modern university. Vocational education, special functions of the public school, technical training, athletics, and special teaching of crippled and handicapped children are shown in a series of transparencies. Statistics of the diffusion of education and of its cost and value complete the story. A demonstration school, with pupils assigned from Chicago high schools and eighth grades will be given an eight weeks' course in social sciences. The afternoons will be devoted to field work in the Exposition. The school sessions will be broadcast daily over NBC. Americanization results are depicted in dioramas. Progress of labor is shown by another series. We see the worker taking any job he can get, labor organization, strikes, women and children taking the men's places and finally the replacement of skilled handwork by automatic machinery. President Roosevelt's "New Deal" is illustrated by a series of dramatic dioramas. Use of the short ballot, to give closer control of elected representatives, is illustrated. A statistical chart of 100 years of social legislation, copies of old inhuman laws and an illustrated community-planning map introduce exhibits of social work in which 98 organizations cooperated. Pauperizing alms-giving is illustrated by an Elizabethan lord and his lady giving coins to a beggar at a church door. A more modern "Lady Bountiful" handing a basket of food to a starving family is next. Contrasting exhibits show modern case-work with the idea of preserving the worker's morale. Diorama of an old almshouse yard with children, aged paupers and insane cases herded together is background for an exhibit of scientific separation and humane care. Work of the Red Cross, social settlements, adjustment of immigrants and the efforts of the Urban League for the welfare of negroes are shown. The abolition of crime-breeding slums, installation of factory recreation grounds, clinics, visiting nurses, health education and hospital social service are illustrated. The U. S. Department of Labor shows advance in legislation and other work for the welfare of employed women and children. Contrast of the old and modern farm home is shown by the U. S. Department of Agriculture. Special research at the World’s Fair to establish standards of the American type is being done by the Harvard Anthropometric Laboratory. Many thousands of visitors to the exhibit have been weighed, measured, tested and questioned. Electric card sorting machinery classifies the records almost instantaneously. You may stop and have your record taken. Co-operative business, insurance, home-loans and philanthropies are shown by elaborate exhibits, moving pictures and dioramas. Lions International has a reception room. College women are represented by the exhibits of Smith, Radcliffe and Monticello Colleges. The Women’s College Board, representing Barnard, Bryn Mawr, Connecticut, Elmira, Goucher, Lake Erie, Milwaukee-Downer, Mills, Mt. Holyoke, Pembroke, Radcliffe, Randolph-Macon, Rockford, Simmons, Smith, Sweet Brier, Trinity, Vassar, Wellesley, Wells and Western colleges, has a reception room and information headquarters. The Illinois Federation of Women's Clubs maintains a reception lounge in which entertainments will be given. An extensive series of commercial educational exhibits in the Social Science Section includes a book store and exhibits of publishers of encyclopedias, dictionaries, text books, general literature and children's libraries. ELECTRICAL BUILDING ELECTRICAL GROUP. Between the Hall of Social Science on the north and the Electrical Building on the south, stands Western Union Hall. The entire three-unit structure was designed by Raymond Hood. Electrical development during the last century has made a vast change in the lives of men. Exhibits epitomize the story of a century of electrical progress. WESTERN UNION HALL WESTERN UNION HALL. Above the entrance, an heroic figure of Electrical Communication rises from a dynamo to symbolize the Conquest of Time and Space. Inside, the many exhibits turn this symbol to fact by demonstrating the world-wide spread of today's electrical communication. Relics and reproductions of formerly used instruments lead us from the inventions of Henry in 1829, and Morse in 1835, through a century of telegraphic history to the high-speed landline and cable apparatus now in use. Other displays show the extent of telegraph and cable service around the globe. How a message from London is repeated in New York with less than a second's delay, is shown by two printing machines separated by a drawing of the ocean. As the operator in "London" presses a key, the signal is printed automatically on tape in the "New York" machine. The landline operator types it on the keyboard of an automatic telegraph printer, and a similar machine simultaneously prints the letters in the city to which the message supposedly is addressed. Illuminated Answers Visitors may touch a button before an illuminated map and see their own city light flash on while a dial tells the telegraph rate from Chicago. A "Magic Answer Board" replies to the questions the great majority of people wish to ask. Touch a button at the question and the answer appears with illustrations on an illuminated screen. Visitors may open or ground the circuit in a model of the messenger call box system, which demonstrates how the calls go through in THE ELECTRICAL BUILDING The Electrical Building at Night spite of these impairments to the wires. A relief map shows the cable routes across the mountains and valleys of the ocean bottom. Transmitting eight messages simultaneously over a single wire is illustrated by colored electric lights moving across an eighteen-foot wall chart. The process is explained by a complete multiplex sending and receiving unit displayed in operation at the base of the map. What happens when lightning strikes a telegraph line is shown in a working model. When electrical flashes strike miniature telegraph wires, a protector diverts the electricity to the ground, safeguarding the wires and insuring uninterrupted service. How master clocks electrically synchronize more than 100,000 clocks, is shown. The simplex automatic printer, used in branch telegraph offices and by large businesses, is displayed and explained. News and Stock Ticker Latest news happenings in all parts of the world are brought to visitors via a bulletin ticker. There is also a teleregister automatic quotation board, operated during market hours from New York. As rapidly as sales are reported on the New York Stock Exchange, operators touch keys in a central office, causing metal discs to revolve on the teleregister board, which shows the opening, high and last prices of each stock. Automatic fire alarms, sprinkler supervision, watchman supervision and burglar alarms demonstrated in this exhibit, are actually hooked up and on the job, protecting the grounds and buildings of the Exposition. THE ELECTRICAL BUILDING THE ELECTRICAL BUILDING, with its court, affords one of the most effective after-dark views in the Exposition. A background of seven towering cascades of blue gaseous tubing symbolizes the source of hydro-electric power. Beams from a horseshoe of searchlights on the roof meet and cross directly above the electric fountain in the center of the court, which is lighted from within. We enter the Electrical Building from the lagoon through the Water Gate, two pylons whose Aztec figures are symbolic of Light and Sound. RADIOS AND PHONOGRAPHHS In a large hall on our left, a score of devices explaining the mysteries of sound transmission and reproduction, are shown with a display of phonographs and radios. How music can be translated into colors is demonstrated by the color organ, which lets us see, as well as hear, a musical program. Constructed on the combined principles of modern psychology and electronics, this novel machine feeds our eyes colors that affect our emotions in the same way as does the accompanying music. When the music is grave, melancholy and solemn, the colors are blue, violet and purple. Yellow, orange and red accompany the more lively, exciting and passionate strains. The intensity of the music regulates that of the colors, light notes being accompanied by pastel shades and loud, deep notes by vivid, brilliant hues. Another kind of translating is done by the cathode ray oscillograph, which turns the sound of our voices into thin, wavering beams of light. Amateur radio equipment, which we can operate, is exhibited. Recording Studios There are two recording studios where visitors may make records of their voices to mail home. There are demonstrations of sound cameras and projection equipment. How radio saves lives at sea is the theme of a dramatic diorama. Playlets are performed in a theatre. A manufacturing unit illustrates the making of phonograph records from the master matrices to the finished pressings, ready for use. A miniature tube factory turns out more than 2,500 radio tubes daily. A giant vacuum cleaner in operation is the next display. Girls making toast on an electric toaster offer samples. Movies and stationary displays show how metal fabrics are used in the manufacture of tires, lamps, bottle coverings and other articles. In a small theatre a chemist performs experiments to show the strength, elasticity and other properties of the various forms of rubber. As he works, he tells where rubber is found, how it is harvested, transported and transformed into thousands of articles for our daily use. On a nearby counter a metal ring leaps into the air and remains suspended without any visible support. The secret is explained when an attendant turns off the electric current and the ring falls to the table. You can push a plunger into a solenoid cell, but you can't pull it out again—until the current is shut off. Theatre of Science A miracle show of late developments of science, explained in language we can all understand, is staged in a theatre. The voice of the atom is heard through a loud speaker when a Geiger counter detects the presence of radio-active materials. The stroboscope makes whirling objects seem to stand still so their motion can be studied. An incandescent lamp is lighted without wire connections, and metal wool is made to glow and burn out by the inductotherm. Lamps are "shot on" by the light gun. Moving along the aisle we find lecturers performing experiments in pure science which have led to the development of practical electrical devices for home and industry. The place of the cathode ray oscillograph, which enables engineers to see sound, in the making of radio loud speakers, is shown with the newest types of receiving sets as results. Air conditioning equipment, an all-electric kitchen that talks about and demonstrates itself, an electric laundry, and new developments in industrial apparatus contribute to the story of electrical progress. The development of lighting, from age-old stone lamps to modern incandescent and gaseous tube lamps, is shown. Visitors may perform tests to determine proper lighting for home and office. Across the way girls on three revolving stages demonstrate electrical kitchen devices for chopping, mixing, beating and stirring. Life-size copies of an automobile and a streamline, 110-mile per hour train demonstrate the uses of batteries in modern transportation. Batteries for use in submarines, for lighting, and for telephone and telegraph operation are also shown. An exhibit of cut-away and operating models shows how motors work. What the user needs to know before hooking up his motor is explained. An electric clothes washing machine on a slowly revolving turntable is the central feature of a display of washers. An operator at a loom is weaving a "remade" rug, a reversible rug made from old rugs, rags, and scraps. Gaseous Lighting On the wall of an exhibit of gaseous lighting, a large test tube shows the various gases that make up the air we breathe. An adjoining thermometer shows the boiling point of each gas. Whenever a moving light on the thermometer touches the boiling point of one of these gases, its section of the test tube is illuminated. Various types of gaseous lighting are demonstrated and a lecturer performs experiments with liquid air, from which the gases are taken. A Century of Fashion—100 years of feminine styles—is surrounded by a display of modern sewing machines. Girls demonstrate the use of the machines in cut work, rug making and other plain and fancy sewing. A cabinet dishwasher, six feet long, designed to be built into a new or remodeled kitchen, is the central feature of a display of electric dishwashers, both built-in and portable. The story of electricity in the home is presented in a theatre at the end of the aisle. Crossing over, we meet a stream of cold air thrown out by a giant air conditioner, surrounded by a display of conditioners for use in homes, offices and factories. The chief sources of electrical energy are portrayed by a full-scale model of a steam turbine spindle overhead, and a glass-covered cross-section of a water-wheel generator under foot, both rotating. An operating model of the water-wheel generator generates current for its own illumination. Working models of machinery for factory, mill and mine are shown. A kitchen and laundry contain modern home electric appliances. "Black light" from infra-red and ultra-violet lamps is demonstrated in a dark room. A giant thermionic tube explains the workings of the tubes in our radios. Science Demonstrations On the east balcony we find a series of demonstrations. Here we may operate devices that illustrate the principles of many modern scientific developments. Lecturers show us the stroboscope, and demonstrate the focusing of radio waves into a beam for secret communication. A transmitting station broadcasts enough power to operate a motor and to light bulbs that we hold in our hands. A battery of concealed lights paints the wall above us in ever-changing color. An illuminated tower presents in silhouette the history of progress in lighting, transportation and machinery. We cross the bridge to an exhibit of the gathering and harnessing of electric power. A diorama 92 feet wide—nearly three times the width of the average theatre stage—shows how electric power is produced and distributed. This diorama is an animated scene with changing lights, running streams, spinning turbines and the movement of busy life. Recorded voice accompaniment explains its features. A power plant at a mountain foot shows the utilization of the force of a swift mountain stream, while a similar plant on the plain illustrates use of the greater volume but slower motion of a river. As night falls, city buildings and homes light up and shadowy streets become paths of brightness. The turbo-generator, greatest producer of force ever invented by man, is shown by a working model and by a large size section with wheels and rotor fully exposed. Uses of electricity in home, school, farm, hospital and factory are shown. A marionette show in a theatre depicts scenes showing the place of electricity in the home. Home Exhibits Continuing along the second floor we come to a series of murals depicting the washing and ironing of clothes in different lands and times. Peasant women pounding their wash on the rocks of a stream seem hardly more out of date than an American housewife of 1900, bent over a scrubbing board. A Chinese iron and an early model electric clothes washing machine used in the home of Thomas A. Edison are shown with a display of modern washers and ironers. How electric refrigerators, lamps, dial phones and other home appliances cause static in our radios, and how this can be eliminated by line filters, is the subject of an exhibit. Every step of the construction and testing of a custom-built radio receiver is shown in an exhibit of models in various stages of construction, movies made in the radio laboratories, and completed sets. An exhibit of home and automotive appliances includes a demonstration of electric refrigeration in a model kitchen, a dramatic presentation of 'round-the-world radio reception, and a display of speedometers, fuel pumps and other automobile accessories. Television Exhibits Theatre, seating 250, presents short television skits and televises actors and members of the audience. Adjoining the theatre visitors may carry on two-way television conversations between booths, each talker being visible to the other. A lounge is maintained by one of the broadcasting networks. The Board of Local Improvements of the City of Chicago exhibits a model of the proposed Chicago subway. CENTURY GRILL. Also lunch counter. MINIATURE ROOMS MINIATURE ROOMS, by Mrs. James Ward Thorne: On the lagoon side near the water gate to the Electrical Building. The exhibit is a gallery of 24 miniature rooms of various countries and periods. The rooms are from 25 to 36 inches long, and from 18 to 20 inches deep. Real materials are used. Spanish and Italian lamps, grilles and screens are iron. Furniture is carved wood covered with real fabrics. Lighting fixtures are brass and crystal, rugs are real pieces of Aubusson and petit point. Seven American rooms range from Colonial times to the present day. Other rooms include: a Brittany kitchen, a modern entrance hall to a fine home, French Louis XVI bedroom and dining room, French Empire salon, Early English library, Mid-Victorian parlor, a Venetian Rococo salon, a dining hall for the Davanzanti palace in Florence, Italy, a Spanish baroque bedroom and a Spanish vaulted hall of the 17th century. KECK’S HOUSE* †CRYSTAL HOUSE: This all-glass and steel house is admittedly experimental, to test the reactions of visitors to the Exposition to a house that entirely upsets the conventional ideas of a home. The house is built on a steel frame. Outside walls are of glass. Colored and polished glass is used for walls of living rooms and bathroom. Glass that admits light but cannot be seen through is used for the outside walls of the ground floor. There are no closets. Wardrobes, easily cleaned, are substituted. There are no corners to harbor dust or vermin. There are no windows. All the air comes in through the conditioning plant. Roofs are terraces to be lived on. Artificial lighting is almost entirely with portable lamps. Light plugs are everywhere along the walls. All the trim is metal. The kitchen is completely electrified. Furnishing of the Crystal House is modernistic pieces in polished metal and rare woods. The ground floor contains garage, cooling and heating unit room, laundry and entrance hall. Second floor—combination living and dining room and kitchen. Third floor—two bedrooms and two baths. The Crystal House is erected by Modern Houses, Inc. ENCHANTED ISLAND †ENCHANTED ISLAND: This is the children’s playground of the Exposition. Games, entertainment with wholesome thrills, outdoor and indoor play under trained supervision, make this a place of dreams come true for children. There are fairy spectacles and sports for children of all ages. Here they may have healthful entertainment in fascinating enjoyments that are devised with every care for their wellbeing. The Magic Mountain has an encircling moat, thirty inches deep, around which children may take motor-boat rides. Fairy Castle is at the top and they may come down by the safe but thrilling slide. In the Fountain Cascades and play garden, the fountain is made by a ring of firemen playing hoses on a burning building, the fire being simulated by electrical effects inside. Water from the hoses flows down a series of cascades through a garden in which are free rides and swings for the children. The Round the World Flyers is an airplane ride. Children circle safely, each strapped in a miniature airplane and playing with the controls. The course is around a thirty-foot globe on which is a map of the northern hemisphere. Adventure Land is a new entertainment for children, a play house of the picture-book world—a world of brownies, fairies, laughing trees, a cave of the winds, a gingerbread house and a funny, kindly witch in a quaint little house with her cat and broom and pointed cap. The Mother Goose stories are illustrated by characters and scenes. Animated cartoons and illustrations are seen in the Buck Rogers theatre. There are five-minute shows all day long in the Punch and Judy show. The Hedge Maze is a labyrinth of double hedges that children may go into and try to find their way to the end, where a free merry-go-round ride awaits those who solve the puzzle. There is an upper path from which adults may watch. Pony Rides The western pony ride is made interesting by a log bridge, a "canyon" and an extended trip out and back over a "trail" with real western atmosphere. There are "ranch" surroundings and cowboy attendants. Cowboy log cabins and Indian teepees are playhouses that carry on the adventure. Live ponies, well-trained and safe, are features of other entertainments. Riding at the ring with a chance for a prize of honor, is one of them. Pony-cart rides for smaller children will please them almost as much. The toy animal zoo has an array of fantastic animal toys with genuine fur. Artists will cut silhouettes of children and make pastel, oil and crayon portraits of them from life. Thrill of driving in an automobile race will be enjoyed by the older boys and girls. Children’s Theatre In the beautiful Children’s Theatre, the Junior League gives a series of plays, including many new ones and the old ones of which children never tire. There are marionette shows, pet shows, pantomimes and dances. The Merry-Go-Round, the automobile course, the Auto Skooter, in which the children cavort around the course, bumping each other gaily in protected miniature cars. The Ferris Wheel and the Marble House await their little friends. The Giant Coaster Boy looks down from his thirty-five foot coaster wagon on the crowds of children coming in. Girls delight in the doll show. All the time around its journeys puffs the miniature railway. The tiny train with its real locomotive pulling a string of passenger cars loaded with children, one of them ecstatically pulling the bell rope, is a picture of happiness. Free playgrounds are along the lake shore, with teeters, swings, slides and games. Picnic terrace and lounge, where elders may lunch and watch children play. TOY TOWN TAVERN. Restaurant, a la carte. Special facilities for children. No alcoholic drinks. Note: Children may be left at Enchanted Island—see page 11 for information: HORTICULTURAL BUILDING †HORTICULTURAL SHOW and outdoor gardens are under direction of the Society of American Florists, with the cooperation of amateur gardeners and garden clubs. In the Horticultural building and its four acres of gardens on the lake shore is a continuous flower and garden show, which is constantly changing as spring becomes summer and summer turns to fall. Different types of outdoor gardens present authoritative examples of style, exhibiting the latest products of plant breeding among shrubs, perennials and annuals. Appropriate shows of outdoor flowers in season will be a continuous program. First flower show is the Rose Show, opening June 1. In the series of shows in the exhibition hall, growers of the United States and Canada compete for cash prizes. Flower shows are continuous, illustrating the use of cut flowers for decoration in drawing rooms and living rooms; on the table for small lunches and dinners or for elaborate affairs; for weddings and other ceremonies, and as dress adornment. Dioramas present typical exotic gardens and landscapes in foreign countries. World's Fair competition of the National Garden Bureau exhibits a miniature village, built to a scale of one-fourth inch to the foot. The village is composed of the model houses with lawns, shrubs and gardens complete, submitted in the competition. Gold, silver and bronze medals are to be awarded by the Society of American Florists. Restaurant. Table d'hote and a la carte. Indoor and outdoor. Orchestra and dancing by guests. MEXICO MEXICAN VILLAGE: Music, dancing and the free and easy enjoyments of the land of sunshine south of the Rio Grande, characterize the Mexican Village. Here are the picturesque church towers of the Cathedral of Cuernavaca and of the Acatapec church with an Amacameca chapel nearby. The quaint native houses on the streets are background for a characteristic colony of Mexicanos who carry on their native employments of pottery making, serape weaving, leather carving and the preparation of tortillas, frijoles, chili con carne, tamales and other Mexican dishes which may be enjoyed by visitors. Señores, caballeros, the house is yours, is the attitude. Free outdoor entertainments are given by dancers and singers in fiestas in the square. There are two public floors for free dancing. A hall fronting on the square contains an exhibit of the products and industries of modern Mexico. Old Mexico Night Club, restaurant and lunch counter. Floor shows at 1 p. m. and hourly after 6 p. m. HOLLYWOOD HOLLYWOOD AT THE FAIR. How movies are made, demonstrated by a company of motion picture actors from Hollywood, complete with directors, call boys, electricians, cameramen and sound technicians. A theatre seating more than 3,000 has on its stage a regular motion picture set and visitors may watch performances filmed just as they are in California. HOLLYWOOD NIGHT CLUB. Indoor restaurant and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte, featuring French cuisine. Grill. Orchestra. Floor show and dancing afternoons and evenings. CASINO. Lagoon side restaurant. Indoor dining room and outdoor terrace. Table d'hote and a la carte service. Also grill and lunch counter. Orchestra. Floor show and dancing by guests, afternoon and evening. SWIFT BRIDGE AND SWIFT OPEN AIR THEATRE SWIFT BRIDGE: Connecting the 23rd street plaza on the main23d STREET TO HOME AND INDUSTRIAL ARTS GROUP LAKE MICHIGAN 1—23d Street Entrance 11—Italian Village 19—Midget Village 2—Infant Incubator 12—Anthéon de la Guerre 20—Irish Village 3—General Cigar Co. 13—Century Grill 21—English Village 4—Streets of Paris 14—Tunisian Village 22—Fort Dearborn 5—Belgian Village 15—Spanish Village 23—Lincoln Group 7—Hawaiian Village 16—Colonial Village 24—Ripley’s Believe-It-or-Not 8—Alpine Garden 17—Adobe House Rest. 25—Black Forest Village 9—Old Heidelberg Inn 18—Flying Turns 26—General Houses 10—Hungarian Pavilion 27—Masonite House 28—Rostone House 29—Lumber Industries 30—Common Brick 31—Owens - Illinois Garden Cafe 32—Stransteel Houses Glass-Block Bldg. 39—Stransteel Houses 33—Florida Tropical Home 40—Aruco-Ferro Enamel House 34—Kohler Bldg. 35—Southern Cypress Cabin 36—Johns - Manville Bldg. 37—Crane Co. Station 38—Victor Vienna Garden Cafe 41—Home Planning Hall 42—Haeger Pottery Exhibit land with the south end of the island. Within the curve of the walk, to the north, an open-air auditorium with a seating capacity of 1,700, extends over the lagoon. Separated from the seating section by an expanse of water 64 feet wide is an orchestra stage. A concert pipe organ is built in the reflecting orchestra shell. Here, during a ten-week period, beginning July 1, the Chicago Symphony Orchestra will present two concerts daily, in the afternoon and evening. Frederick A. Stock, conductor of this noted orchestra, will wield the baton at the opening concerts. Later in the season, nationally known guest conductors will take charge. No admission charge will be made for these concerts, which are presented under the sponsorship of Swift and Company. On both sides of the auditorium are exhibit halls in which are an institutional display of the Swift products. Puppet shows tell part of the story. Restaurants. Century Grill at each end of bridge. 23RD STREET ENTRANCE. INFANT INCUBATOR INFANT INCUBATOR. Babies, prematurely born or under weight, cared for in incubator chambers, made of glass, in which temperature, humidity, and other conditions are under constant control. Twenty-five babies at a time may be cared for until normal in weight and development. Babies needing this care are brought to the incubator for their lives to be saved. No charge is made to the parents of the babies. The Incubator is operated by Dr. M. A. Couney, who takes care of incubator babies for the Bellevue and Allied Hospitals in New York at his Atlantic City incubator. Admission fees are used for the support of the incubator and its corps of trained nurses and assistants, who live in the building. Babies weighing at birth as little as a pound and a few ounces, have been saved by this method. CANDY KITCHEN. A complete candy kitchen, where you may look through a plate glass partition at all the operations of mixing, cooking and molding of nougats, caramels, bon bons and other varieties of candies. Ice cream also is made in the exhibit, which is air-conditioned and includes an exhibit space and candy shop decorated in modernistic style. GENERAL CIGAR CO. CIGAR-MAKING MACHINES. The exhibit shows in operation two modern cigar making machines which produce 10,000 cigars a day. Other machines complete the operation of wrapping the finished cigars in cellophane and applying the revenue stamps, all without the cigars being touched by hands. Lounge and rest room adjoins the exhibit. TRAVELERS’ AID TRAVELERS’ AID SOCIETY maintains an office on the 23rd Street Concourse. Any person in distress or difficulty due to being lost, separated from family or friends, illness, loss of funds or any other circumstance in which aid is needed may obtain free assistance at this office. Persons in need of assistance or seeking lost persons may go direct to the Travelers’ Aid office or will receive assistance in getting in contact with Travelers’ Aid from any Information Booth, guide or policeman. Lost children are taken to the Travelers’ Aid office. PARIS STREETS OF PARIS. Gayety of the Montmartre art student quarter, shows, dancing and music make the Streets of Paris a place for sophisticated enjoyment. The Lido Swimming Pool is a center of entertainment. A dancing floor is beside it. On this will be given the Fashion Show by sylph-like Parisian mannequins. This is a free entertainment as is the floor show, given by 50 dancing girls and entertainers, four to six in the afternoon, and in the evening. The diving exhibition by girl and men Olympic champions includes a comedy diving act. The streets of the Montmartre quarter reproduce the atmosphere of that section of old Paris. Here in the background of old walls and small cafes are seven novelty entertainments of the art student type. Cigarette girls, flower girls and other Parisian types add to the effect. In a special building is an exhibit of French wines and liqueurs. Café de la Paix, indoor and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte service. Orchestra, floor show and dancing by guests afternoon and evening. Small cafés. HAWAII. Restaurant, featuring Hawaiian music and entertainment. Indoor and outdoor tables. Service, table d'hote and a la carte. Also grill and lunch counter. Orchestra, floor shows and dancing by guests afternoon and evening. †LIFE. Exhibit of prehistoric man, biology and embryology. OASIS †OASIS. A south-Mediterranean desert-side village, peopled with a north-African colony of sheiks, camel-drivers and nomad entertainers from the Arabian Nights. Inside the gates all shows and entertainments are free. The Oasis presents an open village square. The visitor may take his ease in the shelter of the date palms and awnings around the walls and watch the performances. Syrian war dances are part of the show. To native music by pipers and players of strange stringed instruments an Oriental dancer displays her art and jeweled costumes. Wandering sword swallowers, mystics who walk on broken glass and planks driven full of nails, the sharp points upward, fire eaters and jugglers spread their carpets and give their exhibitions. Around the walls are shops in which natives of the Mediterranean countries are tooling leather, hammering brass, weaving rugs, making jewelry and working at other crafts. Restaurant, indoor and outdoor tables, service a la carte. Also grill and lunch counter. Orchestra. Dancing by guests 6 p. m. to midnight. OLD BELGIUM †BELGIAN VILLAGE. You see the famous gate of Ostend as it is in actuality, the old French-Gothic church of St. Nicholas at Antwerp, one of the city gates of mediaeval Bruges, and many high gabled houses that date back to the Spanish rule. On the cobbled streets Belgian dogs pull milk carts with their old-time brass cans. White geese float in the water below the old mill wheel and pigeons flutter from their tower. In the shops the sabot maker swiftly carves wooden shoes from blocks of white willow. The old Koper Smid hammers at his anvil. Glass blowers fashion delicate shapes of doves and swans and other objects of fragile beauty. The famous Belgian laces are made and explained. The Fountain of Pearls has with it an exhibit of rare colored and white pearl necklaces. Folk dances are given every afternoon and evening in the public square by fair peasant maidens in the costumes of old Flanders. Belgian restaurant, indoor and outdoor tables, a la carte service, grill. Orchestra 6 p. m. to closing. Dancing by guests. Also small cafes. OLD HEIDELBERG INN. German restaurant, a la carte. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables. Also cafeteria, lunch counter, rathskeller, bierstube. Symphony orchestra 3 p. m. to 5 p. m. Evening orchestra and octette in main dining room. Bavarian orchestra in bierstube. Gypsy band in rathskeller 7 p.m. to closing. ALPINE GARDEN. A hillside rock garden with paths and rest spots. Rock flowers, plants and shrubs grow on the terraced slopes. A display of other varieties suitable for this type of garden is seen in a greenhouse. ITALIAN VILLAGE ITALIAN VILLAGE. The historic atmosphere of Italy and honor to its heroes of the modern age are given here with a background of the gayety of the land of sun and music. You enter through a reproduction of the age-worn entrance gate of the town of Signa. Beside it is a campanile from the gateway of San Gimigiano. Near it is a copy of the 13th century leaning garrisenda tower of Bologna. Chief square of the village is the Plaza Benito Mussolini, flanked by the via Cristoforo Columbo and the via Marconi. A broad ramp leads up to an antique temple of Apollo from the balustrated piazza of which you look down on the Cortile Italo Balbo. The buildings along the vias are reproductions of Italian houses. and shops in which various picturesque handicrafts are carried on by workers in their native costumes. Folk dances and concerts are given in the piazza and square adjoining Balbo Court. Italian restaurant, table d'hote and a la carte. Orchestra, floor show and dancing by guests afternoon and evening. HUNGARIAN PAVILION. Hungarian bazaar. PANTHEON †PANTHEON DE LA GUERRE. World-war panorama, 402 feet long and 45 feet high. The painting is the work of 128 different artists and includes portraits of 6,000 individuals, men and women, who rendered conspicuous service during the war. Portraits of Americans include General Pershing, Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, Woodrow Wilson, Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt. CENTURY GRILL. Restaurant a la carte. Also grill and lunch counter. Indoors only. TUNIS †TUNISIAN VILLAGE. The call of the muezzin, summoning the faithful of Islam to prayer, is heard from the mosque in this village of North Africa. Sections of the old town of Tunis are reproduced in the "souks" or street bazaars busy with a population of sheiks in their haiks and burnouses, tribesmen, village craftsmen and bazaar keepers. Dancing girls in their costumes of spangles and veils give their strange exotic programmes. Jugglers, acrobats, snake charmers and magicians perform their feats, before audiences of solemn desert dwellers and Exposition visitors. A large group of the various races that compose the population of Tunis has been brought to the World's Fair and is seen in the occupations that make up the life of the barbaric town. Haughty desert nomads stroll among the merchants and city dwellers under the shade of the awnings stretched between the flat-roofed, white-walled houses in which the brass workers, sandal makers, rug weavers, leather carvers, potters and other craftsmen ply their trades. The village gives a first-hand impression of the land of romance and fable on the edge of the great waste of sand and mirages, camel caravans and wild horsemen. Tunisian restaurant, table d'hote and a la carte. Also cafeteria. Floor show and dancing by guests afternoon and evening. SPANISH RESTAURANT. Table d'hote and a la carte. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables. Menu featuring Spanish dishes and wines. Also cafeteria. Orchestra and dancing by guests in evening. Floor show. SPAIN †SPANISH VILLAGE. Six provinces of Spain have contributed to this village of old gray castle walls and weather-worn houses of Spain that recall the greatness of the empire that once dominated the world. One of the most striking buildings is a reproduction of the famed monastery at Poblet, with its tower, dating from the 11th century. This building houses the shrine of the Virgin of Pilar, which is visited annually by thousands of pilgrims. The gateway is between battlemented watch towers, recalling the war with the Moorish conquerors. Old houses which have witnessed the sovereignty of the Moors and looked down on the fierce street fighting from door to door during the war which ended in their expulsion from the European continent are reproduced in the Spanish Village. The castles date from the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries. In the shops along the picturesque streets natives of various Spanish provinces are seen at their occupations. The peculiar characteristics of the Spanish peoples, their dignity and courtesy which never desert them, either in rags or grandeur, are seen in this village which gives the visitor the special atmosphere of Spain. Native arts and crafts, many of them the heritage of the Moorish occupancy, are seen in the shops. ’DOBE HOUSE. Restaurant a la carte, featuring meals in ranch atmosphere. Indoor dining room and outdoor tables. Also lunch counter. Orchestra, floor show and dancing by guests 8:30 p. m. to closing. COLONIAL VILLAGE †COLONIAL VILLAGE. Mount Vernon, the home of George Washington, dominates one vista of the Colonial Village, while the Old North Church, of Boston, looks down upon it from the other end. The Colonial Village is filled with shrines and relics of the early history of this nation. Here you may see Paul Revere’s house, the House of Seven Gables and the old Boston State House, all faithfully reproduced in exact scale. Betsy Ross’s house, where she made the first American flag, a Colonial Kitchen, the Pilgrim settlement, Washington’s birthplace in Virginia, the Governor’s Palace at Williamsburg, Virginia, and Longfellow’s Wayside Inn, are along one side of the village. On the other you see the Village Smithy, Benjamin Franklin’s printing shop, the Witch’s house in old Salem and the pirate’s gaol. Parades and ceremonies will take place on the village green. A ducking stool for scolding women and stocks for the public punishment of evil-doers are seen near the green. All the workers and inhabitants of the village are in Colonial costume. The furnishings and accessories of the houses and buildings are genuine relics or exact reproductions. Here you are in America in the infancy of this country. Virginia Tavern and the Wayside Inn, specialize in early American dishes and Colonial atmosphere. FLYING TURNS THRILL COASTER RIDE, without rails, around safely banked turns. The ride closely simulates the famous "luger" bob sled runs of Switzerland and Lake Placid, N. Y. THE MIDGETS MIDGET VILLAGE, populated by Lilliputians, is a reproduction—reduced to midget scale, of the ancient Bavarian city of Dinkelspuhl, one of the few remaining walled towns in Europe. Said to be the smallest man in the world, Werner Krueger, 24 inches tall and weighing 18 pounds, is one of the 115 midget inhabitants of the Lilliputian city. It has 45 buildings, its own municipal building, police, fire department, church, school, shops exhibiting midget handicrafts, miniature taxicab, filling station and newspaper. Mayor of Midget City is Major Doyle, 33 inches tall. Free entertainment is given on the outdoor stage in Midget City park, or indoors in case of rain, by three groups of midget professional artists—the Ritter, Rose and Singer troupes. There are 1,500 free seats for the outdoor show. Midget restaurant serves full size meals. Indoor and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte service. Lunch counter. Children's sandwich shop. OLD ENGLAND ENGLISH VILLAGE. Here you see reproductions of buildings and quaint spots of old England brought together to make a village that is redolent of history. Shakespeare’s Globe Theatre, in which his masterpieces first appeared, is seen with his house at Stratford-on-Avon and the cottage there in which lived his wife, Ann Hathaway. The Harvard home, original dwelling of the family of John Harvard, founder of Harvard University, also at Stratford-on-Avon, is in the group. From Scotland, to blend with the picture of that great age of England, comes Robert Burns’s cottage and the home of John Knox. The Old Curiosity Shop, from Charles Dickens’s novel, shows a bit of London of the early 19th Century. The Cheshire Cheese Inn, resort of Dr. Samuel Johnson, Oliver Goldsmith, James Boswell and their immortal literary coterie, is here in a reproduction that includes Dr. Johnson’s chair and favorite table. Long and careful studies were made in England and Scotland of the original buildings. Plaster casts of exteriors are used for exact reproductions of their appearance. The furnishings and equipment include authentic pieces and antiquities of great rarity and value. You see in Shakespeare’s and Burns’s cottages exactly how they lived. Entrance to the Old English Village is through gateways reproduced from those of the Tower of London. Red Lion Inn, indoor and outdoor tables. Old Cheshire Cheese Grill. Jolly Mermaid lunch counter. The Dog and Duck pub. IRISH VILLAGE †IRISH VILLAGE. Tara’s Hall, meeting place of ancient Irish kings, potentates and bards, is one of the features of the Irish Village to which fourteen counties of Ireland have contributed their stories. A West Coast lighthouse is reproduced in a glass tower, sixty feet tall, illuminated to the top. Its glowing light will be seen for miles over the lake. The thirty buildings in the village range from the simplest thatched cottages to the Hall with its carved roof-beam decorated with dragon heads at the ends. Among the historical exhibits is the Book of Kells, oldest history known to Irish literature. It is an illuminated copy of gospels, in Latin, and contains also Irish records, dating back to the eighth century. A twelfth century Irish harp is another ancient exhibit. Modern Irish industry is shown by weavers demonstrating the making of Irish linen, poplin and laces in contrast with the old handloom methods. Jaunting cars and shamrocks are seen around the village green, where dances and folk songs are given by native Irish entertainers to the music of the bagpipe and the harp brought from Ireland. Restaurant in Tara’s Hall. Indoor and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte service. Orchestra and floor show by imported Irish artists afternoon and evening. Dancing by guests. Two "pubs," one in the lighthouse. Lunch counters. FORT DEARBORN †OLD FORT DEARBORN. A reproduction of the fort and stockade that was Chicago's first permanent settlement. The parade ground flag bears the fifteen stars and stripes of 1812. Guides are in the uniforms of 1812. Around you are the fort's well and oaken bucket, outdoor fireplace and soap kettle, the grist mill, powder magazine, barracks, Indian trading post and block houses. Plans made by Captain John Whistler for the original fort were obtained from the U. S. War Department and followed exactly in the reconstruction. In the living rooms of the fort are seen the furnishings and equipment as they were originally. Here are hand-made chairs, hand-hewn benches, spinning wheels, warming pans for the century-old beds and children's trundle beds that were pushed under the big beds in the daytime, open fireplaces, with long-handled frying pans, spits and big iron kettles, wooden meat grinder, horn lanterns, and iron candle sticks, maple-wood churn and dough-tray, big as a baby's crib. Flint-lock rifles hang on the walls with skins of animals. Indian Trading Post The store and trading post shows its stock of jerked beef, corn-meal, calico, peltries, knives and blankets Campaign equipment of the American army officer of the period, including his boot jacks, is shown. Brass cannon brought to the fort in 1804 are the armament of block houses. Two of the cannon were made in Paris in 1793. The cannon are a loan from the U. S. Military Academy at West Point, N. Y. The Daughters of the American Revolution, the American Legion, the Chicago Historical Society, the Smithsonian Institution and the U. S. Army and Navy have cooperated in the loans of the objects in the collections. Historic documents tell the story of the old fort and of the massacre. Among them is a facsimile of the letter from General William Hull to Captain Heald, commander of the garrison, ordering the evacuation of the fort, which resulted in the massacre of 60 men and children, and the capture of the survivors. PENLAND WEAVERS. A Carolina mountain cabin in which mountaineer weavers are making homespun cloth, rugs and coverlets, hand-hammered pewter ware and hand-made pottery. “SCHWARZWALDER DORF” †BLACK FOREST VILLAGE. A glimpse of German country life, in the Black Forest in winter is given in the Black Forest Village. Snow is banked on cottages and chalet roofs. Icicles hanging from the eaves, frozen mill pond and wintry background form the scene which is given verity by the buildings being cooled by an air conditioning plant. Ice skating exhibitions are given continuously on the mill pond. Surrounding the mill pond are picturesque village houses and shops in which are carried on German home industries. You see cuckoo clocks made, canes carved and a village blacksmith hammering out small useful articles. Home manufacture of Kirsch is one of the village activities. German orchestra and strolling musicians give the musical entertainment. The villagers are in the quaint German mountaineer costumes. German restaurant, indoor and outdoor tables, table d'hote and a la carte. Also grill, lunch counter. Orchestra, floor show and dancing by guests afternoon and evening. RIPLEY'S BELIEVE-IT-OR-NOT †ODDITORIUM. Show of incredible truths, wonders and paradoxes. Here you see illustrated, alive or in action, a long array of the astonishing facts that have made Ripley's cartoons famous. LINCOLN GROUP †ABRAHAM LINCOLN GROUP. Lincoln's early life and struggles are depicted in reproductions of his birthplace near Hodgenville, Kentucky, the second Lincoln family home at Little Pigeon Creek, Indiana, his general store at New Salem, Ill., the Rutledge Tavern in New Salem, and the Wigwam in Chicago where he was first nominated for the Presidency. Relics of Lincoln's early days have for background an authentic collection of pioneer furniture and utensils of the period. In the Lincoln rooms are seen hand-made chairs and tables, pioneer woodworking and farming tools, gourd dippers, meat grinders, kraut presses, sausage stuffers, a loom for weaving homespun cloth, a barrel made from a hollowed sycamore tree, wool and flax carders and spinning wheels. Rare early daguerreotypes show Lincoln when he was fighting his way for recognition in Illinois politics. Valuable additions to the Lincoln relics are the contributions of descendants of Henry Onstott, who ran a copper shop in New Salem, and in whose home Lincoln once lived. The Onstott collection includes the hammer Lincoln used to drive stakes when he was a surveyor, a small trunk, articles from the Lincoln-Berry store and fire tongs from the Rutledge Tavern. Old Cabins Brought to Fair The birthplace is represented by an original log cabin found standing in southern Illinois. It was taken down and transported bodily to the Exposition. Red clay from Hodgenville, Ky., was shipped to the Exposition to chink the log walls and make the beaten clay floor. The Indiana cabin is built from parts of century-old cabins found near the original site of the Lincoln home. Rutledge Tavern is reproduced by the same methods. It was in the original tavern that Lincoln met and courted Ann Rutledge in their tragic romance. The Lincoln store, which he operated with his partner William Berry, is built, like the original, of weatherbeaten finished timber. The Wigwam is a reproduction, reduced three-fifths in size. Rutledge Tavern, featuring Southern style cooking. Table d'hote and a la carte. DeSAIBLE CABIN* DeSAIBLE CABIN. Reproduction of the cabin of Jean Baptiste Point DeSaible, which was the first permanent building on the site of the city of Chicago. DeSaible was a Negro of San Domingo who came to the United States in 1779 as trapper and Indian trader. Lumber House Brick House Rostone House House of Tomorrow Florida Home Armco-Ferro Enamel Masonite House Southern Cypress Stransteel House HOME AND INDUSTRIAL ARTS GROUP THE NEW possibilities of the ideal small house are demonstrated at the Exposition in the Home and Industrial Arts section, by a group of completely finished, furnished and equipped homes, ready to live in. The new methods of building with new materials and with prefabricated units for rapidity and economy of construction, are shown. The new ideas in furnishing, decoration and home planning give a mine of ideas to the home maker. You see the latest, most original uses of new types of furniture. GENERAL HOUSES HOUSE GENERAL HOUSES, Inc. An all-steel house, built of steel-panel units, includes five rooms and built-in garage. Insulation of the ready-made, pressed-steel panels is declared to be equal to 24 inches of brick. The interior walls are of finished insulation board. Exterior finish is paint. The house is furnished and decorated to show the practical uses of new materials and conveniences. One of the rooms in the house is an office-study, emphasizing the useful character of the design. Full-length landscape windows are used in the living room. The decoration and furnishing are in keeping with the modern spirit, using combination metal and wood pieces. The general idea of the furnishing is functional. An exhibit of scale models shows the variety of design possible with all-steel construction. Principles of steel-panel building are shown by samples of panels and joints. MASONITE HOUSE NEW WOOD PRODUCT. This house is built on a wood frame to illustrate the use of Masonite Presdwood for exterior and interior. It is a modern bungalow type with two bedrooms, bath and kitchen on the first floor, in addition to the living-dining room. Upstairs is a room that may be used for a study, games room or bedroom, opening on a spacious living roof deck, with another deck fitted as a children's play yard. Equipment of the house demonstrates the modern labor-saving devices, including air conditioning. The furnishing and decoration are designed to show the possibility of the owner of such a home moving into it without having to discard all his present furniture to make room for an entirely new interior scheme. The living room is modern in treatment, but one bedroom is in classical style and the other, Empire-Colonial, demonstrating that all these styles are adaptable to the house in combination. MODERN INTERIORS [ 128 ] ROSTONE HOUSE NEW STONE PRODUCT. Demonstrates the use for exterior and interior of Rostone, a product of pressed stone with steel bolts cast into the slabs for attachment to the steel frame of the house. It is cast in standard size slabs and is capable of various color effects and high polish if desired. Colored Rostone is used to pave the roof deck, the floor of the entrance hall, and for parts of the living room walls. The house has all the living quarters on the ground floor, except the master’s bedroom which opens on the roof. The interior decoration and furnishing are modern, but without bizzare innovations, and are planned to represent a livable home that can be equipped at moderate price. LUMBER INDUSTRIES HOUSE LUMBER HOUSE is built in this group of homes to demonstrate the beauty and assert the place of all-lumber construction. Representative American woods are used throughout the interior. Ceilings are Douglas fir, cypress and birch. The floors are oak, maple and southern pine. The sash and frames are Ponderosa pine. Walls of the living room and dining room are panelled in oak and birch, which are used also in the master’s bedroom. Wide, knotty pine boards are used lengthwise on the walls of the boy’s bedroom-study. The kitchen has white maple smooth walls and floor. The Lumber House is furnished and decorated on a budget plan prepared after a national survey of incomes of small families. The furnishing is divided into three classes: Essentials, for which $1,000 is allowed; Conveniences, $400; and Luxuries, $400. COMMON BRICK MANUFACTURERS’ HOUSE BRICK HOUSE. Not only brick exterior but brick walls, floors, stairways and porches are exhibited by this house. This is the first time this type of construction has been used in a house, although it has been applied to bridges. By means of steel rods embedded in the mortar, every form of overhang, beams or floorspans possible with reinforced concrete or steel, may be achieved. Ground plan is an irregular hexagon. On the first floor the front half is cut away for a driveway under the second floor porch. Entry, laundry and playroom are on the ground level. Brick stairway ascends to the large living-dining room which, with the kitchen, occupies the entire second floor. The exterior is painted white. The interior walls are plastered and decorated. Floors of the bedrooms are covered with flooring material. Those of the living room and other parts of the house are the natural brick, ground smooth and polished. With the complete, scientific, labor-saving equipment, the furniture and decoration are in present-day style that is home-like. FLORIDA TROPICAL HOME FLORIDA HOUSE. Modernistic luxury in a design adapted to the unconventional freedom of living largely outdoors is shown in this house, not built to meet a budget but to present an ideal. Spaciousness and freedom, with a minimum of household labor, is the object. From the front you enter a two-story living room with a ceiling-high studio window on that side, and on the left, a polished aluminum open stairway leading to the upper floor. The living room opens to the dining room on one side, and on the other, to a loggia overlooking the lake. The bathroom is a large, square room with plate glass partitions between the showers and the sunken tub. All the roof, except over the living room, is given to wide deck terraces to which one steps from the airy bedrooms. Interior decoration is in modern Victorian style, with specially designed furniture, and makes use of wall papers, appropriate drapery fabrics, and special indoor lighting effects. CENTURY HOMES “HOUSE OF TOMORROW” †HOUSE OF TOMORROW. This glass and steel house is circular, like three drums piled one upon another, the top drum being the solarium, surrounded by a circular roof terrace. Living part of the house is all windows, but none of it opens. The air inside is all conditioned, purified and circulated by ducts. Everything is water and fire-proof without corners or dust catchers. Floor of the living story is walnut blocks, bakelite finished. On the ground floor is a workshop, hangar and laundry. Beyond is a recreation room and a miniature bar. The electric kitchen is all stainless metal, porcelain and glass. Floor of the master’s bedroom is end-block pine. Floor of the child’s room is rubber tile. White carrara glass walls, white porcelain equipment and rose-colored rubber tile floor are the bathroom scheme. Interior decoration and furniture are strikingly modern, in keeping with the unusual character of the house. SOUTHERN CYPRESS CABIN SOUTHERN CYPRESS. Not planned for living but to demonstrate the various uses of cypress in building and decoration, this charming chalet is decorative in itself, in its garden setting. Different treatments of cypress for construction are shown. In the garden is a cypress workshop in which demonstrations are given of carving quaint bird and animal heads from cypress “knees.” STRANSTEEL HOUSES STEEL FRAMED. A new type of steel construction is used in this home. The frame members are made of two channels with grooved backs welded or riveted together. Nails driven between the channels follow the lengthwise grooves. Linoleum is used on the floors and linoleum products for the laundry and bathroom walls. The two bedrooms are on the ground floor. Most of the roof deck is given to lounge and recreation space surrounding the recreation room, which has a large solarium alcove. The interior decoration and furnishings are in modernized traditional style with the accent on livability. Garden Home STRANSTEEL GARDEN HOME, is a companion to the Stransteel house and is built in the same construction. The house is designed in the Cape Cod tradition and is planned for enlargement, if necessary, to grow with the family. ARMCO-FERRO ENAMEL HOUSE FRAMELESS HOUSE. An example of the new construction of a frameless, all-steel house built of factory-made units. The house is two-story, attractive in its classically simple lines, and exterior of dull gloss enamel. Walls and floors are made of box-like units ready fabricated at the steel mills. The wall units are house high, with door and window frames welded in place. At the first floor ceiling line, a metal conduit welded on serves for a continuous floor bracket. To the inside walls a layer of insulation is applied, and over it, two coats of plaster. The ceilings are finished in acoustical tile. In the interior decoration and furnishing, practical livability and attractiveness within moderate price range are stressed. Guest Cottage GARDEN COTTAGE, that may be built in connection with a larger house for overflow of guests, is in the garden, adjoining. AMERICAN LEGION HEADQUARTERS WORLD'S FAIR POST of the American Legion is to be established at this Exposition headquarters for Legionnaires. Exhibits of Legion activities and the plans for the welcome of visiting veterans are in charge of the American Legion Century of Progress Committee. OWENS-ILLINOIS GLASS-BLOCK BUILDING GLASS BLOCK BUILDING and tower, built by the Owens-Illinois Glass Company of this new structural material. The glass blocks are hollow and thus insulate against heat and cold. Decorative effect of the colors is seen by daylight inside the building and in brilliant illumination effects. A collection of historical glassware and decorative pieces, lent by the Toledo (Ohio) Museum of Art, is seen in the exhibit hall. Miniature glass plant in operation shows the complete process of glass manufacture. The industrial exhibits include glass-wool filters. and models showing their application. Home air-cleansing equipment, using glass-wool filter in connection with heating equipment, is demonstrated. Coffee vacuum jars, tamper-proof oil bottles, other types of bottles and preserving jars are shown. Use of glass block construction is illustrated by models of residences, industrial plants, stores, and filling stations, in natural settings of streets and trees. HAEGER POTTERY EXHIBIT POTTERY FACTORY. Exhibit of art pottery and group of Southwestern Indian potters at work. The demonstration of primitive and modern methods of making pottery is the exhibit of the Haeger Potteries, Inc., of Dundee, Illinois. A family group of San Ildefonso Indians, among the finest pottery makers of the North American primitives, are in native adobe huts in the pottery exhibit. A modern plant shows mechanical mixers at work. "Throwers" spin clays into shapes on pottery wheels; artists hand-decorate the dried shapes. A modern rotary kiln, 24 feet in diameter, automatically fires 6,000 pieces a day. The newly manufactured pieces are exhibited with fine show pieces from various parts of the world. Three ultra-modern rooms, a living room, a bedroom and a dining room, illustrate the use of the art pottery and decorations. VICTOR VIENNA GARDEN CAFE. Restaurant a la carte, featuring Viennese and Austrian dishes. Indoor dining room and outdoor garden. Also cafeteria. Orchestra. Floor shows 9 p. m. to closing. Dancing by guests 6:30 p. m. to closing. HOME PLANNING HALL HOME PLANNING HALL. Here are seen exhibits of direct application to the problems and wishes of modern home planners. Three model all-metal kitchens show the use of stainless, glittering metal for sinks, drain boards, table tops and other equipment. Each kitchen exhibits a different plan for efficient construction. Scientific tests of various materials and household machines are shown by fact-finding research specialists. Here you see tests applied to enamel wares to ascertain their resistance to chipping, to staining and to heat. House paints are given what are described as accelerated weather tests. Intense, concentrated light rays in which the destructive rays are a large element, are turned on the samples. By continuous bending under weights the test of accelerated wear is given to spring steel furniture. Methods of refrigeration are tested and explained. Wire fencing is given a metallurgical test. Efficiency of vacuum cleaners is tested. Rugs are given accelerated tests. Test Yourself Nearby you may test yourself—that is, your physical condition as evidenced by your resistance to fatigue—on a “wobble machine.” You stand on a small, trembling platform which registers how steadily you hold yourself. This fatigue test is in an exhibit of inner spring mattresses. Pumps for water circulation in rural homes and other buildings are shown, with an exhibit of oil-burning heating equipment. With this exhibit is a show of toy machines for children. A giant mixing machine for mayonnaises and other foods is seen in operation. There are exhibits of various types of mixers, vacuum cleaners, faucets and shower bath equipment and of cast aluminum kitchenware. An exhibit tells the story of air conditioning and hot air heating. Washing machines are seen in a demonstration. GAS INDUSTRY HALL An extensive exhibit is devoted to the story of gas in the home. A domestic science instructor makes cookies on a gas stove to illustrate her lecture on the use of gas for cooking. Model kitchens illustrate the efficient planning of the space for labor saving. Gas ranges, water heaters and house heating equipment are shown. Mechanics give a demonstration of the ease with which gas heating apparatus is installed in any furnace. An automatic coal stoker in operation shows the apparatus in action, firing a furnace. A furnace has part of one side cut away to show the working parts of the coal stoker as they operate. A model coal tipple in action shows how coal is loaded into freight cars. Hard coal tells its story by showing a heating plant boiler with part of a side cut away to show the flues. Here are more mixing machines and other electrically driven kitchen equipment. An exhibit of wax floor polish shows its application to various wood floors and to linoleum. More home heating boilers have sides cut away to show the inner construction. Marionette Theatre A marionette show, operated by professional puppet-show artists, gives a performance in a theatre connected with an exhibit in which girls in costume demonstrate uses of cleaning powder. Construction of paint brushes is shown. An exhibit of gas-operated refrigerators shows how the freezing element is actuated by a tiny gas flame. On the upper floor of Home Planning Hall you will find an exhibit of rugs shown by an ingenious device. The house furnishing exhibits on this floor are divided into sections. On one side you see wares applicable to kitchen use, equipment, pressure cookers, jelly molds, utensils and cabinets. On the other side are furnishings, fine displays of glassware, redwood gift-ware, clocks and other idea-giving exhibits. CRANE CO. STATION A 45-FOOT SHOWER bath is a refreshing attraction. The shower is a giant reproduction of the company’s shower bath equipment. At the base of the tower is seen, in contrast, a bathroom used in 1893. Here, also, is seen a modern, de luxe bathroom. Display of antique and historical plumbing fixtures includes a “chaise longue” French bath tub of 100 years ago, a French lavatory 150 years old, a bath tub shaped like a hat that was in vogue in this country after the war between the states, and a bath tub of the type used by Queen Victoria in England. Complete plumbing installation for a rural home is shown, including automatic system to supply running water, complete bathroom, kitchen and laundry. Glass partitions enable view of all the piping. Efficient, modern kitchens are shown with complete plan of all kitchen equipment. Heating and air-conditioning equipment is shown as applied to the typical, average home. The industrial exhibit shows valves, fittings and pipe in their application to various industrial and engineering uses. JOHNS-MANVILLE BUILDING USES OF ASBESTOS are shown in a complete home remodelling exhibit. Here is seen, as the main feature of the decoration, one of the most striking modern mural paintings of the Exposition. It is 88 feet long and 18 feet high. The artist is Leo Katz, of Vienna, Austria. Half-nude figure of a man kneels in the center over the title "Give Us This Day Our Daily Light." Two triangular panels are on each side. The first is "Cold," done in greenish black, including a pale horse covered with icicles. Writhing figures dance amid flames in the panel "Heat," which is done in red as is the opposite panel "Sound." "Motion" balances the first panel. An engineer bent over a drafting board is surrounded by machinery bearing him down. The exhibit is devoted to the various uses of asbestos and asbestos products. Museum specimens of asbestos from all parts of the world are shown, with asbestos in all stages of manufacture. KOHLER KOHLER BUILDING. Luxury of the modern bath room, modern kitchen equipment, including electric dish-washers, heating equipment, electric household equipment and other modern appliances for comfort, labor saving and beauty of the home, are shown in the exhibits. Mural paintings illustrate the romance of commercial enterprise that brings products from far places of the earth to be used in manufacturing and cultivates world-wide markets for its products. Photo-murals and dioramas within the building show Kohler Village and the Kohler industry in Wisconsin. The building is in a charming garden setting. 27TH STREET ENTRANCE. FORD BUILDING TO FARM ENTRANCE LAKE MICHIGAN 1—Ford Exhibit 2—Frigidaire House 3—Maya Temple 4—31st Street Entrance 5—General Motors Bldg. 6—Chrysler Track 7—Pal-Waukee Airport 8—Chrysler Bldg. 9—Cafe de Alex 10—Television Theatre 11—Standard Oil Show 12—Travel & Transport Bldg. 13—Wings of a Century Pageant of Transportation 14—Wilson 6-Horse Team 15—Whiting Corp. and Nash Motors Bldg. 16—Brookhill Dairy 17—Chicago & Northwestern R. R. Exhibit 18—Outdoor Railway Trains 19—Universal Flivver House 20—Farm Home 21—Goodyear Exhibit and Field 22—International Egg Laying Contest 23—Country Home Farm House 24—Farm Entrance 25—35th Street Entrance FORD EXHIBIT FORD BUILDING. The dome, 200 feet in diameter, represents the giant cogs of a set of gear wheels. The building embodies new principles of electric illumination, both for lighting and for spectacular effects. Nearly four acres of floor space are devoted to educational and industrial exhibits. Albert Kahn of Detroit is the architect. Main entrance is through the rotunda. Here 67 vehicles of different eras show the development of wheeled vehicles from the Egyptian chariot to the motor car of today. Around the rotunda-concourse is a series of photo murals 20 feet high and 600 feet long. Middle of the rotunda is the Court of the World, open to the sky. An electrically revolved globe 20 feet in diameter is in the center. Looking upward at night, the visitor gazes into a weaving mass of colored clouds of ceaselessly changing patterns, from which rises an enormous pillar of clear, white light that under proper atmospheric conditions attains the height of one mile. Twenty-four 38-inch projectors of 5000 watts are used to create the pillar of light. Ford Museum Ford Museum occupies the south wing of the building. Among other relics, the museum contains Mr. Ford’s first work-shop and his first automobile, built in 1893. An old-time machine shop demonstrates that mechanical progress is dependent on machine development. The north wing, known as Industrial Hall, is 585 feet long by 213 feet wide. It houses upward of forty industrial exhibits. Raw materials such as copper, iron, zinc, aluminum, rubber, cotton and wool are carried through the actual stages of manufacture to finished parts for motor cars. This display, as a whole, demonstrates the dependence of industry upon the soil. Especially interesting to electrical engineers is the lighting of Industrial Hall. A combination of high-pressure mercury tubes and lamps gives a light that attains the clarity of 80% daylight at noon of a clear day. The system of sound amplification, both within the building and without, employs a total of 289 master loud-speakers and 223 auxiliary speakers. No speaker is of greater than three watts volume, so that none amplifies more loudly than a conversational tone. Four separate programs might be broadcast in the building simultaneously without one interfering with any other. Farm Exhibits To the rear of the south wing of the main building is a weather-beaten barn which was transported to Chicago from the Ford homestead at Dearborn where it was built the year that Henry Ford was born. In this barn is an exhibit of Henry Ford’s solution of our farm problem. An improved machine for the processing of soybeans is shown in operation. The practical possibilities for profit in this crop are pointed out. Nearby a small machine shop, wherein parts for cars are being made, demonstrate how the farmer may become a manufacturer as well as a food grower. “Roads of the World” Across from the Ford Building, on the lake front, is Ford Gardens. Here are the “Roads of the World.” A roadway reproduces, in nineteen separate sections, examples of world-famous highways from the earliest Roman and Chinese roads to the smoothly paved highways of today. In the gardens are seats in which to rest and listen to the daily concerts by the Detroit Symphony Orchestra of seventy pieces. MAYA TEMPLE MAYA TEMPLE. Reproduced section of the Mayan Temple, the Nunnery of Uxmal, in Yucatan. In its halls are relics of the artistic and engineering genius of the lost civilization of America. In the center, the wide stone staircase up to the main hall is as it was when the original was trodden by thousands of worshippers. The elaborate facade of the Uxmal Nunnery at the Exposition Fair is an exact reproduction in its original color of yellowish brown, with dark green and deep red symbolic sculptured ornaments. Principal element of the sculpture is the serpent mask. It is the Mayan representation of Kukulcan, the plumed serpent god. Ceremonial Dancers In the long hall of the temple is a life-size figure of a Mayan Feather Dancer. The gaudy, feathered costume is the only one of its kind in any museum. It was made by Indians of Xachila, state of Oaxaca, Mexico, after the ancient pattern used 2,000 years ago in dances in honor of their gods. Another life-size figure is that of a Jaguar Dancer in full costume. Figure of an Indian girl from Zacatecas is wearing the China Poblana, the national festal garb of Mexican women. Near a case of Maya pottery is a figure of a Mayan woman of today making pottery by hand. Shrunken human heads, war trophies of the Jivaro Indians, who still preserve their independence in the jungles of Ecuador, are a weird exhibit. Codex Tulane The Codex Tulane is the only complete Middle America manuscript in the United States. It is a strip of deerskin twelve and one-half feet long and nine inches wide, on which is a record in picture writing and hieroglyphs. In cases in the hall are exhibits, including ancient Maya currency. Brilliant feathers of the extinct quetzal bird are the highest money. Next come jade beads, small copper bells and coca beans, the money of the common people. There are many jade carvings, miniature statuettes and pendants. Obsidian is the material of numerous figurines, household gods and ornaments as well as of large and small knives with curved blades, sharp as razors. A Mayan beauty once studied her features in a mirror of polished pyrite. There are finely executed miniature masks. Mass production is shown by clay molds from a temple storehouse. Clay stamps bear designs which could be rapidly printed off singly or in combinations. Dentistry for ornament was practised, as is evidenced by the skull of a rich man, his teeth inlaid with jade and turquoise. Tomb of a Mayan chief, built into one wall of the Temple, is lined with some of the finest known Mayan relief sculptures in stucco. Polished white marble jars, bowls and trays, thin as tea cups and pierced with lacelike ornament, were worked out with small nephrite hammers. Tunkul Drums* A small, richly carved drum, of polished red wood, has four loose squares in one side that produce four different notes. Similar principle is that of the tunkuls, or ceremonial log drums. A wall covered with dots and dashes like telegraph code shows the numerical system of the Mayas, who reckoned in twenties instead of in tens. Enlarged photographs show the descendants of the Mayas as they are today. 31ST STREET ENTRANCE. GENERAL MOTORS GENERAL MOTORS BUILDING. The 177-foot tower dominates the building, which is 429 feet long and 306 feet wide. The construction is steel, concrete and steel-sheathed wall board. More than 1,100 piles were driven to provide the foundation. Electric power used in the illumination requires 92,000 horsepower per month, enough to pump water for a city of 25,000 inhabitants or to provide home and street lighting for a city of 7,500. Three times this amount of power is used in the operation of the exhibits. Architect is Albert Kahn of Detroit. Construction equipment and operation of the exhibit represent an investment of approximately $3,000,000. In this building you see a complete automobile assembly line in full operation. Taking the automobile factory to the people and showing them exactly how a motor car is put together is the purpose of the show. Automobile Assembly Line From a balcony a fifth of a mile long, 1,000 visitors at a time may watch the entire process, from the first step of the assemblage of a Chevrolet car until the finished car is driven off at the end under its own power. Constant production of cars is maintained in this exhibit throughout the Exposition, and the cars thus made are part of the regular output of General Motors. Two hundred white-uniformed, expert workmen are at their separate jobs along the line. You look down on them and see the steel frames of the chassis starting on their journey. Cranes swing the wooden body framework over them and the swift workmen at that point, with their electrically powered screwdrivers and wrenches, fasten the framework together. The steel bodies are swung into place, welded and bolted, the joints polished mirror-smooth, and the job, beginning to look like a car, moves on, followed by the endless line of others. You see how the inside of the body is finished along with the wiring, the adding of the transmission and other mechanisms, the swinging of the engines into place, the car constantly growing, every one of the expert mechanics adding his touch, until the final inspection and testing of the engine. The car is run into the line of finished jobs to be driven away at the end of the working day. It is astonishing how quietly the operations are conducted. Everything fits in its place. The cranes silently swing the heavy parts to exactly the right position and the whole job goes on with little noise. Sculptures in Hall of Progress In the Hall of Progress an extensive mechanical exhibit shows the development of a number of the automotive improvements created during the history of the General Motors organization. These include the self-starter and electric head lighting. The Hall of Progress is embellished by sculptures and marquetry mural decorations. Statues in wood by Carl Halsthammar, and the striking statue, "Precision Workmanship," by Carl Milles, the celebrated Swedish sculptor, are notable art objects. The murals are by Miklos Gaspar and Matthew Faussner. Methods and instruments used by the scientists in the corporation's research laboratories are shown in another exhibit room, which is completely air-conditioned. In this exhibit you see the fluorescent fountain. It is made of a large number of the rare minerals used in the regular work of the research staff. Ultra violet light played on these minerals produces a strange flow of color effects. Refrigeration Exhibits Home and commercial refrigeration and air-conditioning is the subject of another large exhibit. The work of the consumer research staff, which investigates and tabulates the desires of 1,500,000 American motor car owners each year, is explained in an extensive exhibit. The moving picture theatre shows a series of educational films. In the great semi-circle of glass-fronted exhibit rooms around the building are seen the many models of automobiles, deluxe bodies and other products of General Motors. The building is surrounded by a concrete terrace and landscaped gardens. On the lake-front side is the pier for steamer and motorboat landings. CORRECT TEMPERATURE HOUSE FRIGIDAIRE HOUSE. A small modern home demonstrating all-year air conditioning. The house is built to show scientific construction in insulation from heat and cold and is planned for ultra-modern conveniences in labor-saving and healthful conditions. How three essentials of life—food, air and water—are kept at proper temperatures for health at all seasons of the year, is demonstrated by automatic home equipment. CHRYSLER BUILDING CHRYSLER BUILDING. A huge drop-forged steam hammer, shaping steering knuckles from red-hot steel billets, and a quarter-mile outdoor exhibition and testing track and sand pit, are features of the animated exhibits in the Chrysler building. The main building is in the form of a Maltese cross with four pylons, 125 feet high, and an open center well. A long, elevated promenade overlooking the track, connects this building with the smaller building at the north. Holabird and Root are the architects. Airy, outdoor effect, with comfortable chairs and settees placed everywhere in shady and breezy spots, carries out the inviting and hospitable plan of the building. Exhibition Track On the track a free exhibition of automobile driving and testing is given hourly under direction of Barney Oldfield, the celebrated racing driver, who acts as master of ceremonies, greeting the visitors and sometimes taking the wheel. In the wide, circular plaza, which runs all the way around the ground floor under the roof of the main building, is a varied exhibit of the science and art of automobile manufacture. Graphic and animated displays show the results of research by engineers, and the principles involved are understandably explained. Automobile bodies turn wrong side out to show how they are made on their steel frames. In demonstration of actual operations you see welding operations performed, cloth woven, safety glass made, coil springs wound and shaped, paint and lacquer in process of production. Effect of air resistance on different shapes of cars is demonstrated in an exhibit that shows how engineers work out the airflow principle. You may make the test yourself. Operating exhibits farther around the circle show how tests of stability and stamina are applied to materials and to car design. The color setting and arrangement of the series of exhibits is the work of Count Alexis de Sakhnoffsky. Moving Picture Theatre In the center of the circle, at the base of one of the pylons of the main building, is the moving picture theatre in which dramatic tests of cars are shown. In one of them an automobile is knocked off a 300-foot bluff by a truck. The car bounces and somersaults to the bottom and then is driven away with no apparent damage except dented fenders and top. On the second floor of this building is a fashion salon of finished motor cars. From here you may walk out on the promenade to look out over the testing track. A long pool with four spouting fountains is between the two buildings. Under the promenade is a continuation of the main building exhibits. AIRPORT PAL-WAUKEE AIRPORT. Sight-seeing rides in amphibian planes. Landing for amphibian transport planes. CAFE DE ALEX RESTAURANT, table d'hote and a la carte service. Indoor and outdoor tables. Orchestra. TELEVISION †TELEVISION THEATRE. Dramatic shows, demonstrating the progress of television for news and theatrical productions. LIONS AND TIGERS IN WILD BEAST TAMING EXHIBITION STANDARD OIL SHOW. Free exhibition of thirty-three jungle-born lions and tigers and their trainer in a daring performance. There are 2,500 free seats in the outdoor theatre around the steel-barred arena, called the "Red Crown Cage of Fury." In this cage Allen King, one of the few trainers who have been able to control a large group of lions and tigers at one time, puts the savage beasts through their performance. Allen King has many dangerous moments in training full grown desert-born Barbary lions. First Appearance of Beasts A number of these animals are making, in this act, their first appearance as performers. Jungle born animals are said to respond to training more readily than do animals born in captivity. The lions are from Barbary and Central Africa. The tigers came from Sumatra and North China. Allen King has been training the lions and tigers to appear together all winter, at menagerie headquarters in Peru, Indiana. During that time he had no serious difficulty with them. Supporting the lion and tiger performance is an act by a herd of elephants, under a woman trainer, Miss Estrella Nelson. Four or five exhibitions are scheduled for each day. After the performances the public may go through the menagerie and inspect the beasts in their cages. TRAVEL AND TRANSPORT BUILDING TRANSPORTATION DOME, and the Great Hall of the Travel and Transport building, are two of the most original conceptions of the new architecture. The striking design of this gigantic building is a reflection of the new ideas involved in its construction. The Dome is an architectural innovation that has been more discussed than has any building erected in recent years. Instead of being supported by pillars the dome, 205 feet in diameter, is suspended from twelve trussed towers. This novel suspension construction allows under the dome a floor space more than 200 feet across entirely free of obstruction. Suspension principle allows for expansion and contraction from heat and cold and this gives it the name—"the breathing dome." Its engineering principles have proved their soundness, the dome coming intact through the severe conditions of two winters on the lake front and bearing the load of heavy snowfalls with ease. Principle of construction established by this demonstration will be seen in future applied to other buildings requiring large unobstructed areas under roof. Architects of the Travel and Transport building are J. A. Holabird, Hubert Burnham and E. H. Bennett. Clarence W. Farrier was the architect of Transportation Dome with Leon S. Moisseiff as consulting engineer. THE TRAVEL AND TRANSPORT BUILDING History under the Dome Historical exhibits are arranged around the rotunda of the Dome. Here we see a reproduction of one of America's first locomotives, built by John Stevens, of Hoboken, N. J., in 1825. Next in the circle is a U. S. Navy fighting seaplane. A weather-bleached Conestoga covered wagon leads a procession of three ancient vehicles. The Conestoga is not the "prairie schooner" of the western trek but is the older, heavy wagon that carried emigrants west from the Atlantic Coast. Behind the Conestoga is a bullet-scarred Rocky Mountain stage coach, built in 1860. The line is brought up by a tottering old two-seat automobile surrey of 1907. A spidery, high-wheel bicycle of the eighties is followed by a four-rider "safety bicycle," the thrilling racing machine of the nineties. A modern, steel-bodied, two-unit transportation truck is contrasted with a power wagon built in 1907. A pioneer power tractor of 1906 is beside a modern, compact, rubber-tired tractor. In this exhibit you see a pioneer buggy-type automobile of the '90's with its steering lever and bicycle chains. The Transcontinental Plane A modern motor fire truck is contrasted with one of the first steam fire engines. Pilot house of a modern steamship, exhibited by the U. S. Department of Commerce, shows the use of standard and gyro compass, engine room telegraphs, radio direction finder and the "fathometer" which takes soundings by echo from the sea bottom. You may go through one of the world's swiftest, multi-motored all-metal planes. The ship's speed is 200 miles per hour. Its capacity is ten passengers, crew of three and 800 pounds of mail and express. The cabin has thermostatically controlled vapor heating, reclining chairs for night travel and a lunch sideboard. New type of city transportation is shown in a motor bus street car with doors at both ends. The world's mightiest electric locomotive stands nearby in the Dome. The giant is 76 feet long, 17 feet 4 inches high, and weighs 521,000 pounds. All-Aluminum Sleeping Cars The first two all-aluminum sleeping and observation cars ever built stand imposingly at the entrance to the great hall. End of the observation car is a stream-lined turtle-back. Between the two aluminum giants stands a small, weather worn brown wooden sleeping car, which made its first trip Sept. 1, 1859, from Bloomington, Illinois, to Chicago. There are no lower berths. Wood bunks are let down above the tops of the low seats. Near these cars is a large floor exhibit of up-to-date sleeping car bedrooms, compartments, staterooms and berths. At the north end of the great hall, a relief map of Glacier National Park and its surroundings shows Yellowstone Lake in its lofty basin. Antique "six shooters," armory of the pony express riders of California gold rush days, are among railway express exhibits. An armored automobile truck, with its loop-holes and arsenal of modern weapons, is an example of the motorized traveling fortresses that transport money in cities. Historic Dioramas An acting diorama reproduces the laying of the first stone in a railroad system a hundred years ago. Figures almost life-size in beaver hats, stocks and ruffled shirts, move and speak in the scene. Other dioramas are views of Harper's Ferry and of historic scenes in railroad history, one of which, on a stage with moving runways, shows the race in 1829 between Peter Cooper's engine, the "Tom Thumb," and a horse car. A line of operating miniature models represents the development of the locomotive. At the end is the original "Atlantic" locomotive, date 1832, in operation. Moving trains and steamboats are in a diorama of the view across the Hudson River to the headland Storm King. An historic display of model vehicles is in this exhibit. A twenty-two foot illuminated relief map, showing national and international trade routes, is in a great exhibit which includes the "Mississippi," the South's oldest locomotive, date 1834. Pioneer Railroading The "Pioneer," first locomotive to run out of Chicago, in contrast with a profile of the largest type of passenger locomotive in the world, shows the "Pioneer" no longer than the tender of its successor. Here you will see a pioneer train. The small, plain, wooden cars, rough seats and open platforms give a picture of early days of railroading in America. You may step into a full-size locomotive cab and examine the controls. Sections of roadbed and specimens of track, ties and ballast are in this space. Motion pictures in another exhibit tell the inside workings of a railroad system and a talking motion picture in full color shows and describes stretches of the Rocky Mountains. Dioramas illustrate the progress of the Southwest in the past 100 years through cotton, livestock, wheat and oil. Operating exhibits show an electric hoist and welding by electric arc. Glass profile of an automobile, showing all the operating elements, is the feature of a parts and accessories show. Clutch, brakes, carbureter and transmission are shown in detail by working models. Automobile Theatre* Largest automobile ever built, 80 feet long and 39 feet high, is a motion picture theatre in which films are shown telling a story of motor car manufacturing. Safety glass is demonstrated by a screen-enclosed tunnel through which visitors are invited to throw baseballs at glass panels. Expert workmen in a complete factory unit make safety glass sheets, and transparencies show all the steps in the process of glass production. Motorcycles, featuring a new police model, are shown. Bicycle manufacturers exhibit an historical collection of bicycles. The earliest example is a "hobby-horse," which the rider straddled and kicked along with his feet on the ground. High-speed escalator carries visitors to the second floor of the building. A display shows the history and evolution of locks. There is an exhibit of the tourist attractions of the Philippines and a display of jewelry, pottery, metal work, weaving and wood carving shows the handicrafts of the natives. A trailer unit for motor travel contains a kitchenette, refrigerator, sleeping quarters, and daytime arrangements for comfort en route. An historical exhibit of car couplings illustrates the development from plain bar fastenings to massive automatic couplers. Types of rail joints, anti-creepers, and rail flange lubrication are exhibited. Annular and thrust bearings are exhibited with a display of the precision instruments used in making ball bearings. A four-track toy train electric system is built to scale in miniature. Amateur Radio The World’s Fair Radio Amateur Council has its exhibit space and operating station on this floor. A radio-controlled boat is operated on the lagoon by remote control, operators on shore starting, stopping and maneuvering the boat. Three short-wave transmitters are in operation. Any licensed radio transmitting amateur visiting the Fair may operate the transmitters if he has his license with him. It is unlawful for a person to operate an amateur station unless he has his license on his person. In the exhibit is a full-size, old-time “spark station” which will show how amateurs sent and received signals in the early days. Sportsman’s Show The International Motor Boat and Sportsman’s Exposition occupies a large section of the second floor. In a forest setting is an exhibition of wild life. Bait-casting and fly-casting contests are scheduled. Archery contests are an added attraction. Motorboats, outboard motor equipment, canoes and hunting equipment are on display in a great sportsman’s show. OUTDOOR RAILWAY TRAINS An epoch-making exhibit, revealing the swift advancement and evolution of transport in the past 100 years, is on the out-of-doors exhibition tracks south of the Travel and Transport building. Here are two of the new streamlined, motor driven trains that have been put into service in the past few months. One of these is a six-car, streamlined, 110-mile-an-hour Diesel driven train. What the development of such a train means to the world of transportation is shown by the following contrasting facts: A standard steam train of six cars weighs about 600 tons; the new six-car unit, 85 tons. A standard, high-speed passenger locomotive weighs 312 tons; the new type power unit, 20 tons. The average modern locomotive has to be refueled every 100 miles; the new train, every 1,200 miles. The new train, too, operates on roller bearings throughout. The train is air-conditioned throughout; temperature controlled by thermostat. Interior color scheme is blue and aluminum. All lighting is indirect. A Three-Car Unit Nearby is another new streamlined, Diesel-powered train, a three-car unit. This unit train is built of stainless steel. It weighs only 80 tons, no more than a single standard sleeping car. It rides on articulated trucks with roller bearings. It is air-conditioned, radio equipped, has windows of shatterproof glass and electro-pneumatic brakes. Rear of the last car is an observation solarium. SCENES FROM WINGS OF A CENTURY [ 152 ] Three other streamlined rail car jobs, single coaches, Diesel and gas-motored, are shown in this group. A museum piece, an ancient locomotive of 1827, is shown beside a modern, high-speed locomotive. Another historical exhibit shows the evolution of the railway coach from 1830 to the present. The newest train is equipped with "4-way conditioning," which includes humidifying, dehumidifying, air cooling and warming. WINGS OF A CENTURY THE PAGEANT OF TRANSPORTATION †WINGS OF A CENTURY. Pageant drama, depicting the creation and development of the transportation system of the United States. An army of actors and horses, and the largest collection of actual historic vehicles ever brought together and shown in action under their own power, are used in the action. Trappers and hunters, risking their scalps by penetrating into the wilderness where white men have never been, begin the action. Indian fights, Daniel Boone and his followers attacked in their camp, the "covered wagons" crossing the plains, cowboys, stage-robbers, the gold hunters in California, the Sacramento water-front, miners, gamblers and dance hall girls, make scenes of fast action. Mutinous drunken sailors fight with their officers and police when a clipper ship docks in the East. Queer old post chaises, early stage coaches, "hobby horses," canal-boat days, race between a horse car a pioneer American locomotive, and humorous travel episodes show the beginning of railway traffic. Ante-Bellum Days Old Mississippi days are shown in a levee scene. A steamboat, with its load of ladies in crinoline, planters and river gamblers, docks at the levee during a Mardi-gras festival. Negro roustabouts, field hands and levee loungers sing spirituals to the masked revellers. Transportation advances in spite of everything. Dramatic moment shows the "driving of the golden spike" at the joining of the transcontinental tracks. First Automobiles Appearance of the first automobiles at the World's Fair of 1893, the Spanish princess at the Columbian Exposition, flaunting costumes of the "gay nineties," introduce a fascinating procession of historic first automobiles. There is a tense thrill at the first airplane flight by Wilbur Wright at Kittyhawk, North Carolina. Conclusion is an impressive moving scene of huge, modern locomotives, giant motor trucks, automobiles and a great, all-metal, transcontinental airplane. "Wings of a Century" was acclaimed at the Exposition of 1933 as an historic pageant of the most intense dramatic and patriotic power. For the Exposition of 1934 the pageant is greatly augmented. OUTDOOR MOTORIZED TRANSPORT EXHIBITS. Exhibit and demonstration of heavy trucks, trailers and tractors. CHICAGO & NORTH-WESTERN OUTDOOR EXHIBIT. A Class H locomotive—Class H signifying the largest locomotives used for both passenger and freight service—is on display. Chairs and tables provide a place for picnic lunches. WHITING CORPORATION AND NASH MOTORS BUILDING WHITING AUTOMOBILE PARKING TOWER, eighty feet high, enclosed in glass and illuminated at night by flood lights, exhibits automobile parking by the elevator tower method. NASH MOTORS CO. exhibits an endless chain of Nash and Lafayette cars constantly ascending and descending the parking tower. Nash and Lafayette cars and an exhibit of the Nash Motors Co. are in an exhibit room and lounge which gives a close-up view of the parade of cars in the elevators. AURORA FLOOD LIGHTS. Illumination spectacle by battery of flood lights in changing colors. 35TH STREET ENTRANCE. THE FARM GROUP An exhibit area of prime interest to farmers has been organized south of the transportation group. In the Travel and Transport building near the central entrance to the Great Hall is a large lounge and meeting place for farmers' headquarters. Addresses will be given here under the auspices of the Agricultural Council of the Chicago Association of Commerce. COUNTRY HOMES In the Farm Area are found a series of exhibits of practical interest. Collateral with them are the exhibits of farm machinery, production and distribution in the Agricultural and Foods Building and the interesting exhibits of farm industries in the Ford Building. So much attention has been directed toward the economic and attractive possibilities of country living that the modern farm and country-life homes built as exhibits for the Exposition of 1934 are of timely interest. COUNTRY HOME FARM HOUSE MODEL FARM HOUSE shows the new ideas of comfort and efficiency applied to the home of a practical farm operator. The living quarters of the family are private and separate from the daily work contacts of the farm. The garage, dairy machines room, work-bench and repair room, wash room for the assistants, and other working spaces are on the ground floor of the house. The private family quarters on the second floor include a large living room with fireplace, expandible dining space, kitchen, three bedrooms and bath. The furnishing and decoration are in the modern style, according to a simple plan of moderate cost. Construction of the home is planned to be such that it may be built with materials available at the site. Novelties consist in fire-safe construction, insulation and economies in making use of prefabricated materials and units as far as possible. UNIVERSAL FLIVVER HOUSE “FLIVVER” HOUSE. While this model home for the farm or town is not entitled a “subsistence house,” it fits into that picture of a scientific modern dwelling of small cost that may be placed wherever desired. The plan includes living-room, two bedrooms, nursery, kitchen and bath. There is a large, open-air porch. Flat roof deck provides additional recreation space. Construction is frameless, with sheet steel panels, twenty-four inches wide, house high, and stiffened by a three-inch steel web. The floors and roof are built of panels twelve inches wide and braced by five-inch steel web. The thickness is filled up with spun-glass insulation. Interior finish is decorated insulation board. Roof is of the built-up asphalt type. WILSON TEAM WILSON 6-HORSE TEAM. A model modern stable, home during the Exposition of the Wilson & Co. blue-ribbon six-horse team of Clydesdales. These horses appear daily in the Wings of a Century pageant. BROOKHILL DAIRY MODEL BARN AND DAIRY, with thoroughbred Holstein and Guernsey cows in latest model sanitary stalls showing scientific production of milk. Each cow provided with separate sanitary drinking bowl, operated by the cow. The stable is built of specially treated concrete. It is fire, vermin and rust proof, patterned after an airplane hangar, according to the newest European type of barn construction. Visitors look at the cows through plate glass partitions in order not to disturb the animals, which are milked hourly by machines. Cows’ diet includes irradiated yeast for the production of “Vitamin D Milk.” Dairy building is of hollow glass building blocks, resistant to temperature changes and admitting light. Model milk storing, separating and bottling plant shown in operation. The barn and dairy are the exhibit of Brookhill Farm, Genesee Depot, Wisc. Dairy restaurant and lunch counter. No alcoholic drinks. INTERNATIONAL EGG LAYING CONTEST POULTRY EXHIBIT. In rows of modern hen houses the pure-blood, blue ribbon hens entered in A Century of Progress Egg-Laying Contest are competing for the championship. Most modern methods of housing, feeding and care for egg production are demonstrated. Poultry show includes specimens of: Japanese Silkies—featherless chickens which are covered with glossy down; Dutch Lakenvelder fowl; White crested Black Polish; English Dorkings and Sussex—the leading English meat fowl; Australorps, Australian fowl, holding world record for egg production and one of the heaviest breeds; Turkens—a hybrid asserted to be a cross between turkey and chicken; and Jersey Giants—both black and white, the heaviest breed of chickens. Restaurant, featuring poultry products. Service a la carte. Indoor and outdoor tables. Also lunch counter. GOODYEAR EXHIBIT AND FIELD BALLOON FIELD. Sight-seeing dirigible balloons start from and return here after trips above Exposition and lake front. Lounge, smoking, wash rooms and rest room. SOUTH (FARM) ENTRANCE. THE WHITE GIRL, by James McNeill Whistler A CENTURY OF PROGRESS ART EXHIBITION †THE WORLD’S FAIR ART EXHIBITION is in the great range of galleries of the Art Institute of Chicago, in Grant Park, a short distance from the North Entrance of the Exposition. The immense value of the irreplaceable old and modern works in the Art Exhibition requires that they be housed in a permanent building like the granite Art Institute. The Art Exhibition is open daily, June 1 to November 1, from 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m. Sundays, 12 noon to 9 p.m. More than 1,000 masterpieces of painting and sculpture are in the exhibition. The loan exhibition is entirely different from last year’s exhibition and comprises many famous works that have never before been publicly shown. The exhibition occupies the entire gallery floor of the Art Institute in 43 galleries of exhibitions of old and modern masters and to one-man shows. American Art Stressed The comprehensive loan exhibition of works of American masters is an artistic event long awaited and finally achieved in the World’s Fair Exhibition. River Front, by George Bellows Pearl, by Robert Laurent Portrait, by Antonello da Messina Toilers of the Sea, by Rockwell Kent Franklin D. Roosevelt, by Jo Davidson Paul Revere's Ride, by Grant Wood Early period, from 1705 to 1860, is represented by examples of the best works of Stuart, Sully, Trumbull, West, Copley, Earl, Harding, Savage, Waldo, Feke, Morse, Hesselius and others. Epoch of the Eastern painters is shown by Homer, Inness, Blakelock, Ryder, Fuller, Eakins, Sargent and Whistler. Later comes the period of Chase, Duveneck, Carlsen, Cassatt, Twachtman, Weir, Davies, Melchers, Hawthorne, Henri, Bellows and Luks, and finally the American artists of today. Separate galleries are given to one-man shows of Whistler, Sargent, Weir, Eakins, Ryder, Cassatt, Henri, Bellows and Luks. Two of Whistler's symphonies in white, "White Lady" and "White Girl," and "The Lange Leisen," are among his paintings. Among the old masters are a portrait by Antonello da Messina and a "Repentant Magdalen" by Veronese. A self-portrait by Sir Joshua Reynolds and "Portrait of Mrs. Butler," by Hogarth, are in the 18th century British rooms. Etchings, Engravings, Lithographs and Woodblock Prints Twenty-one countries, with America leading all the others, are represented in the World's Fair International Exhibition of Etchings, Engravings, Lithographs and Woodblock Prints. There are 412 master works in this collection. One room will be given exclusively to prints by James McNeill Whistler. Vershey Beaupre, by Eugene Speicher ORGANIZATION OF THE FAIR The outstanding fact about the World’s Fair in Chicago is that it is the work of a voluntary association of citizens representing the entire United States. The only tax-paid money used in the Exposition is in the United States Government’s individual exhibit and in those of the different states exhibiting. After several years of proposals and discussions, the exposition was organized in December, 1927, as an Illinois corporation, not for profit. Early expenses were met from membership fees of founder and sustaining members. The World’s Fair Legion, composed largely of Chicago citizens, purchased more than $600,000 worth of tickets several years in advance of the opening. A bond issue of $10,000,000, supplemented by purchase of space by exhibitors and concessionaires, furnished the funds necessary in the pre-fair period. More than 22,500,000 visitors experienced the mental stimulus and inspiration of the Exposition in its first year. In consequence, came the general demand that this immense assemblage of educational material, some of it priceless in ordinary terms, some of it the result of five years’ study and labor in planning and organization, be not scattered after a mere five months’ exposition to those hungry for knowledge. This general demand from the public’s leaders and spokesmen had the powerful endorsement of the President of the United States. New exhibitors in 1934 include leading corporations of America. The benefits of extensive re-mapping of the grounds and many improvements in operation are seen. The generally increased optimism and energy of the entire country are reflected in the new and greater Exposition of 1934, which opens its gates with more than half its bonded indebtedness paid. OFFICIAL DATA OFFICERS Rufus C. Dawes .................................................. President Charles S. Peterson ........................................... Vice President P. J. Byrne ...................................................... Secretary George Woodruff ............................................... Treasurer Lenox R. Lohr .................................................. Vice President and General Manager EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Rufus C. Dawes Britton I. Budd Francis X. Busch Gen. Abel Davis Mrs. Kellogg Fairbank Lenox R. Lohr Amos C. Miller F. R. Moulton Charles S. Peterson Dr. Wm. Allen Pusey George Woodruff TRUSTEES Adler, Max Andersen, Arthur Armour, P. D. Bateman, Floyd L. Baur, Mrs. Jacob Bendix, Vincent Black, Herman Blake, Mrs. Tiffany Brown, Maj.-Gen. Preston Buckley, Homer J. Budd, Britton I. Bundesen, Dr. Herman N. Burnham, Daniel H. Busch, Francis X. Butler, Rush C. Carpenter, John Alden Carpenter, Mrs. J. A. Carr, Robert F. Clarke, Harley L. Cluverius, Admr. Wat T. Crawford, D. A. Cudahy, Mrs. Joseph M. Cuneo, John F. Cutten, Arthur W. Czarnecki, Anthony Davis, General Abel Dawes, Rufus C. Dawes, Mrs. Rufus C. Dewey, Charles S. Dixon, George W. Downs, L. A. Epstein, Max Fairbank, Mrs. Kellogg Foreman, Gen. Milton J. Getz, George F. Glore, Charles F. Gorman, James E. Guck, Homer Hettler, Sangston Hines, Ralph J. Hutchins, Dr. Robert M. Insull, Samuel Insull, Samuel, Jr. Keehn, Roy D. Kelly, D. F. Kelly, Hon. Edward J. Knox, Colonel Frank Kruetgen, Ernest J. Lasker, Albert Lewis, Mrs. J. Hamilton Lohr, Lenox R. MacLeish, Mrs. Andrew Mayer, Mrs. David McCormick, Chauncey McCormick, Mrs. Chauncey McCormick, Mrs. Robert R. McLennan, Donald R. Meeker, Mrs. Arthur Miller, Amos C. Mitchell, John J., Jr. Moulton, F. R. Nestor, Miss Agnes Nixon, George F. Olander, Victor A. Osland, Birger Palmer, Potter Palmer, Mrs. Potter Parker, Maj.-Gen. Frank Peabody, Col. Stuyvesant Peterson, Charles S. Pick, George Pusey, Dr. Wm. Allen Reynolds, George M. Robinson, Theodore W. Sargent, Fred W. Scott, Dr. Walter Dill Seabury, Charles W. Shaffer, John C. Shaw, Arch W. Sprague, Col. Albert A. Stevens, Eugene M. Streyckmans, Maj. F. J. Sunny, Bernard E. Swift, Mrs. Charles H. Taylor, Orville J. Thomason, S. E. Upham, Mrs. Frederic W. Wood, Gen. Robert E. Woll, Matthew Woodruff, George FOUNDER MEMBERS Aage, Richard L. Allbright, W. B. Allyn, A. C. Ames, James C. Andersen, Arthur Armour, Lester Armour, Philip D. Arnold, Hugo F. Avery, S. L. Baehr, William B. Balaban, Barney Bateman, Floyd L. Baur, Mrs. Jacob Beckley, Gordon D. Behrens, Herman A. FOUNDER MEMBERS—Continued Bermingham, Edward J. Bertha, Edward M. Block, L. E. Block, P. D. Blum, Harry H. Breckenridge, Karl S. Breitung, Albert Bridges, Frederick J. Brisch, Michael Britigan, William H. Brown, Scott Browne, Aldis J. Brunt, J. P. Buckingham, George T. Budd, Britton I. Buehler, A. C. Buffington, E. J. Burnette, William A. Burnham, Hubert Butler, Paul Butler, Rush C. Byfield, Ernest Caldwell, Clifford D. Cardwell, J. R. Carpenter, Mrs. John Alden Carr, Robt. F. Cates, Dudley Chamberlain, George L. Chapman, Theodore S. Clarke, Harley L. Clay, John Cleveland, Paul W. Clow, William E. Collins, Richard J. Collins, William M. Cowles, Alfred Crawford, David A. Cross, Henry H. Crowell, Henry P. Cudahy, E. A., Jr. Cummings, William C. Cuneo, John F. Cunningham, Frank S. Dahlberg, B. G. Davis, General Abel Davis, Paul H. Dawes, Charles Cutler Dawes, Charles G. Dawes, Rufus C. DeVry, Herman A. Dewey, W. M. Dick, A. B. Dixon, George W. Donnelley, Thomas E. Downs, L. A. Durham, Raymond E. Earle, S. Edwin Eckstein, Louis Eitel, Karl Elfborg, Henry G. Elston, I. C., Jr. Emerich, M. L. Epstein, Max Evans, Evan Evans, Timothy W. Everitt, George B. Farnum, H. W. Fay, Mrs. Jennie L. Fentress, Calvin Field, Marshall Finigan, Thomas Florsheim, Leonard S. Foote, Peter Foster, Charles K. Getz, George F. Gillette, Howard F. Glore, Charles F. Goble, E. R. Goddard, Roy H. Goodrich, A. W. Gorman, James E. Graf, Robert J. Graham, Ernest R. Greenebaum, M. E. Griffiths, John Grigsby, B. J. Grunow, W. C. Hale, William B. Hamill, Alfred E. Hanley, H. L. Hanson, C. H. Harding, James P. Harris, Albert W. Harris, H. L. Harris, Hayden B. Harrison, Monroe Haskell, Clinton H. Hastings, Samuel Hay, C. W. Hearst, William Randolph Hertz, John D. Hines, Ralph J. Holzworth, Christopher E. Hopkins, J. M. Howard, Harold A. Hurd, Harry Boyd Hutchins, J. C. Insull, Samuel Insull, Samuel, Jr. Jelke, John F., Jr. Joyce, P. H. Juergens, H. Paul Kaspar, Otto Keefe, J. S. Keehn, Roy D. Kelly, D. F. Kesner, J. L. Kirkland, Weymouth Knickerbocker, Charles K. Krenn & Dato Kruetgen, Ernest J. Laadt, Anton Lamont, Robert P. Lasker, Albert D. Leach, George Lefens, Walter C. Lehmann, E. J. Lehmann, Otto Lennox, E. Logan, Frank G. Long, William E. Lynch, John A. MacDowell, C. H. MacVeagh, Eames Malcolm, Geo. H. Mandel, Edwin F. Mark, Clayton Maughan, M. O. Maynard, H. H. McCormick, Chauncey McCormick, Harold F. McCormick, Colonel Robert R. McCulloch, Charles A. McGarry, John A. Meyercord, George Miller, Amos C. Mitchell, John J., Jr. Mitchell, William H. Monroe, W. S. Montgomery, James R. Moore, Harold A. Morris, Harry Mueller, Paul H. Murphy, Walter Myers, L. E. Nahigian, S. H. Newcomet, H. E. Norcott, Henry F. Norris, Lester J. O'Brien, J. J. O'Leary, John W. Osland, Birger Otis, Joseph E. Palmer, Potter Paschen, Chris Peabody, Colonel Stuyvesant Peabody, Mrs. Stuyvesant Peacock, R. E. Pearce, Charles S. Peirce, A. E. Peterson, Charles S. Pick, George Pike, Charles Burrall Poppenhusen, C. H. Powell, Isaac N. FOUNDER MEMBERS—Continued Rathje, Frank C. Rawson, Mrs. Edith K. Regensteiner, Theodore Reynolds, George M. Robinson, Theodore W. Root, John W. Ross, Thompson Ross, Walter S. Rothschild, Maurice L. Ryckoff, Mrs. Nina H. Ryerson, Joseph T. Schaffner, Robert C. Schmidt, Mrs. Minna Schuttler, Walter Schuyler, Daniel J. Schwinn, Ignaz Scudder, Lawrence W. Seubert, E. G. Shaffer, John C. Sills, Clarence W. Smith, Solomon A. Sprague, Colonel Albert A. Stern, L. F. Stewart, Robert W. Straus, Martin L. Strawn, Silas H. Stuart, Harold L. Stuart, John Sullivan, Boetius H. Sunny, Bernard E. Swift, Charles H. Swift, Harold H. Swift, Louis F. Taylor, Orville J. Taylor, W. L. Thibodeaux, Page J. Thompson, John R., Jr. Thompson, William Hale Thorne, Robert J. Uihlein, Edgar J. Upham, Mrs. Frederic W. Van Sicklen, N. H., Jr. Vopicka, Charles J. Walgreen, C. R. Watts, Harry C. Weisiger, Cary N., Jr. Wieboldt, Werner A. Winans, Frank F. Winn, Matt J. Woodruff, George Woods, Frank H. Worcester, Charles H. SUSTAINING MEMBERS Adler, Max Albert, Dr. Allen D. Black, Herman Blake, Mrs. Tiffany Buckley, Homer J. Bundesen, Dr. Herman N. Burnham, Daniel H. Busch, Francis X. Carpenter, John Alden Chase, Dr. Harry W. Cluverius, Admr. Wat T. Cudahy, Mrs. Joseph M. Cutten, Arthur W. Dawes, Mrs. Rufus C. Dewey, Charles S. Evans, David Fairbank, Mrs. Kellogg Foreman, Gen. Milton J. Guck, Homer Hettler, Sangston Hutchins, Dr. Robert Maynard Kelly, Hon. Edward J. Knox, Colonel Frank Lewis, Mrs. Jas. Hamilton Lohr, Lenox R. MacLeish, Mrs. Andrew Mayer, Mrs. David McCormick, Mrs. Chauncey McCormick, Mrs. Robert R. McLennan, Donald R. Meeker, Mrs. Arthur Morrison, Mrs. James W. Moulton, Dr. F. R. Nestor, Miss Agnes Nixon, George F. Olander, Victor A. Palmer, Mrs. Potter Parker, Major-General Frank Pusey, Dr. William Allen Scott, Dr. Walter Dill Seabury, Charles W. Shaw, Arch W. Simms, Mrs. Albert G. Stevens, Eugene M. Stock, Dr. Frederick E. Streyckmans, Maj. Felix J. Swift, Mrs. Charles H. Thomason, S. E. Voegeli, Henry E. Woll, Matthew Wood, Gen. Robert E. OFFICIAL COMMITTEES Rufus C. Dawes ...........................................Executive Committee Major Felix J. Streyckmans ..................Advisory Committee on Nationalities Mrs. Rufus C. Dawes .............................Committee on Social Functions Avery Brundage ........................................Sports Committee Dr. Wm. Allen Pusey ..........................Advisory Committee on Exhibit of Medical Sciences STAFF OF A CENTURY OF PROGRESS GENERAL MANAGER'S OFFICE Lenox R. Lohr, General Manager F. C. Boggs { Assts. to General M. S. McGrew } Manager R. I. Randolph } M. B. Breckinridge, Senior Clerk GENERAL SERVICE OFFICE H. D. Nuber, Assistant to the General Manager, in charge. Ernest S. Conrad, Chief, Administrative Section George E. Hodgins, Chief, Purchasing Section W. S. Forrest, Chief, in charge of Field Stores T. J. Reid, Chief, Transportation Section B. D. Keatts, Chief, Labor Section H. D. Schmitt, Chief, Landscape Section STAFF OF A CENTURY OF PROGRESS—Continued A. Troester, Chief, Telephone Installation Section Charles H. Thurman, Chief Public Protection Service Jay Tomlin, Chief, Employment, Reception and Information Sections M. V. Wesenberg, Chief, Record, Mail, Messenger and Duplicating Section W. G. Schliep, Chief of Refuse and Cleaning Section J. A. Hefferman, Chief, Toilet Section INDUSTRIAL EXHIBITS AND CONCESSIONS OPERATION OFFICE J. Franklin Bell, Assistant to General Manager, in charge Paul M. Massman, Executive Officer Nathaniel A. Owings, in charge of Concession Operation CONCESSIONS OPERATED BY A CENTURY OF PROGRESS Captain M. S. Daniels, Jr., Chief of Section Doris L. Ericson, Asst. Chief ADLER PLANETARIUM Dr. Philip Fox, Director Miss Maude Bennot, Asst. Director SKYRIDE A. W. Richardson, Superintendent A. A. Engel, Asst. Superintendent H. J. Bluhm, Supervisor, West Tower L. E. Clark, Supervisor, East Tower ENCHANTED ISLAND Robert S. Cook, Supervisor R. C. Illions, Maintenance Superintendent Edison Rice, In Charge of Theater BENDIX LAMA TEMPLE Millet B. Caldwell, Superintendent WINGS OF A CENTURY Helen Tieken, Director John Ross Reed, Managing Director FORT DEARBORN Roger Harris, Superintendent DIVISIONAL OPERATION J. C. Folsom, in charge Foods Bldg. area Bradley Harrison, in charge Electrical Bldg. area G. W. Plume, in charge Hall of Science area A. C. Martin, in charge General Exhibits area Z. H. Pilcher, in charge Home Planning area C. B. Watrous, in charge Travel & Transport area Helgar A. Sidler, in charge of records CONCESSION OPERATION H. L. Cheney, Administrative Assistant T. G. Midland, Assistant to Chief John Hicks, in charge of restaurants L. Marquam, assistant for restaurants J. N. Stewart, in charge of rides and amusements C. W. Holtberg, assistant for rides and amusements H. Ingram, in charge of villages S. Morse, assistant for villages H. Doty, assistant for villages O. L. Bassett, in charge of shops K. C. Anderson, in charge of stands I. W. Van Buren, in charge of shows and spectacles L. E. Wallace, assistant for shows and spectacles GOVERNMENTAL AND SCIENTIFIC EXHIBITS OFFICE C. W. Fitch, Assistant to General Manager, in charge Dr. Eben J. Carey, in charge of Medical Science Exhibits Dr. Carey Croneis, in charge of Basic Science Exhibits H. F. Miller, in charge of Federal and State Participation E. Sievert, Assistant Helen M. Bennett, in charge of Social Science Exhibits M. L. Lucas, Assistant C. F. Menger, Executive Assistant M. Wetherbee, Assistant in charge Foreign Participation R. E. Smith, in charge Construction and Operation of Science Exhibits C. Diedrich, Assistant DESIGN AND CONSTRUCTION OFFICE Louis Skidmore, Assistant to General Manager, in charge J. L. McConnell, Chief of Construction and Utilities Shepard Vogelgesang, Chief of Color and Decoration Charles Dornbusch, Chief of Design Dwight Wallace, Chief of Exhibit and Concession Permits A. N. Gonsior, Chief of Contracts and Records E. Murchison, Chief of Roads, Sewers and Water George L. Lindburg, General Superintendent of Construction LEGAL OFFICE Frank C. Boggs, Technical Assistant to General Manager Carnahan and Slusser, General Counsel William E. Dever, Counsel Bernard L. Grove, Counsel EVENTS OFFICE C. W. Farrier, Assistant to the General Manager in charge of Events Conrad M. Seagraves, Coordinator Herbert E. Carlin, Supervisor of Miscellaneous Events Helen Dee, Supervisor of Trustees Lounge J. V. Houghtaling, Supervisor of Nationalities Events Joel Lay, Supervisor of Music Events Delos Owen, Supervisor of Lagoon Theatre Events John A. Reilly, Supervisor of Official Events FINANCE OFFICE M. M. Tvetter, Comptroller W. M. Herzog, Asst. to the Comptroller Treasurer's Section C. S. Brophy, Asst. Treasurer H. M. Michaelson, Chief Banking Division C. DeBaud, Chief Cashier Division F. D. Chadwick, Chief Cashier Division H. O. Hanson, Ticket Custodian Accounting Section James Anderson, Asst. Comptroller G. F. Shofner, Chief General Accounting Section T. O. Gaskins, Chief Concessions Accounting Section T. S. Hicks, Chief Receivable Section A. J. Groh, Chief Billing Section James Gibson, Chief Payables Section Graham Evans, Chief Payroll Section Revenue Control Section R. C. Otley, Asst. Comptroller F. E. Gates, Revenue Control Auditing Section H. E. Nichols, General Auditor J. C. Bellamy, Asst. General Auditor Insurance Section J. H. Walmsley, Chief Ticket Sales Division H. P. Harrison, Chief SECRETARY'S OFFICE P. J. Byrne, Secretary M. P. Kerr E. H. Moorshead Cornelius F. Haugh Helen Miner Anne Burrows PUBLICITY OFFICE E. Ross Bartley, Assistant to General Manager, in Charge W. H. Raymond, Chief, Administrative Section P. J. Morrison, Chief, Press Section G. A. Barclay, Chief, Periodicals Section John Clayton, Chief, Special Publicity Section Steve Trumbull, Chief, Radio Section C. L. Fordney, Chief, Speakers Section John C. Mannerud, Chief, Public Relations Section FOREIGN COMMISSIONS CHINA Yung Kwai Robert T. K. Kah Z. L. Chang CZECHOSLOVAKIA John A. Sokol John A. Cervenka Joseph Triner K. V. Janovsky B. Soumar C. Hiller GREECE John D. Dritsas John L. Manta HONDURAS Dr. Miguel Paz Baraona ITALY Prince Ludovico Spada Potenziani Comm. Luigi Ranieri SWEDEN Tage Palm STATE COMMISSIONS ARIZONA Honorable B. B. Moeur, Governor of Arizona Robt. E. Tally, Chairman H. H. Green, Vice-Chairman Walter R. Bimson, Chairman, Finance Committee Carl Anderson Mrs. Seth T. Arkills Nelson D. Brayton Peter Campbell Alfred B. Carr Harold S. Colton Stan Crandall William Linder L. E. McFall J. J. O'Dowd M. C. Pasten STATE COMMISSIONS—Continued Dr. Homer L. Shautz Spencer Shattuck Miss Grace Sparkes Col. W. H. McCornack Harry W. Asbury H. M. Fennemore Bartlett B. Heard Irving Jennings H. D. McVey Geo. W. Mickle Col. J. E. Thompson P. J. Moran Andrew Martin Geo. G. Cole Miss Margaret Johnson Wilfred Olsen Dale Bumstead E. H. Coe Gen. A. M. Tuthill Orme Lewis Henry Boice C. O. Stephens R. A. McCranie William L. Wilson H. E. Bunker Edward Ball E. P. Owen A. Y. Milan Col. W. E. Kay Scott Loftin M. M. Frost W. McL. Christie C. G. Schultz Hunter Lynde Harry Burns R. L. Seitzer Sen. W. C. Hodges Harry Duncan Nathan Mayo J. P. Newell Hon. Doyle Carlton Frank Traynor Marvin Walker A. L. Cuesta Loper Lawry Chas. C. Pittman Mrs. M. S. Allen John B. Sutton Howell Lykes Mrs. Hortense Wells P. T. Streider M. O. Harrison A. M. Taylor Harry Jackson W. A. McWilliams Haynes Grant A. W. Young J. W. Turner C. M. Collier Dwight Rogers S. E. Teague Karl Lehman Mrs. Edna G. Fuller Walter Rose Crawford Bickford James Hardee Dilworth Clark Mrs. Meade Love C. P. Helfenstein Grant Vinzant G. G. Ware Wilmon Newell J. J. Tigert Walter Natherly J. Ray Arnold Steven McCready John S. Taylor Ed. Bentley John Wright Wm. Allen Joe Clark T. S. Griffiths E. D. Treadwell R. B. Norton W. Walter Tison J. B. Guthrie Samuel Gumpertz Walter Coachman Hon. E. G. Sewell Geo. C. Estill C. H. Reeder Clayton Sedgwick Cooper Wendell Heaton George Bensel Alfred W. Waggs Col. E. R. Bradley F. M. Upton Ollie Gore CALIFORNIA Honorable James Rolph, Governor of California Leland W. Cutler, Chairman Aubrey Davidson A. B. Miller Adolfo Camarillo Fred W. Kiesel Chas. P. Bayer FLORIDA Honorable David Sholtz, Governor of Florida Lorenzo A. Wilson, Chairman R. G. Grassfield, Secretary J. D. Ingraham, Treasurer George Clements, Director of Promotion John E. Cecil, Asst. Gen. Chairman E. W. Brown, Manager Mrs. L. C. Wray, Asst. Mgr. J. E. Wallace, Supt. of Exhibits Foster L. Barnes, Supt. of Plantings Mackey White, Supt. of Design & Construction Ferd B. Nordman, Supt. of Sales R. G. Bennett, Auditor George W. McCrory GEORGIA Honorable Eugene Talmage, Governor of Georgia, Honorary Chairman Wiley L. Moore, Chairman Scott W. Allen, Treasurer Russell R. Whitman, Secy. & Director Mrs. Eva Drew, Asst. Secy. Virgil Shepard, Architect Vice-Chairmen of Commission Col. T. L. Huston Geo. H. Lanier W. D. Anderson A. G. Dudley W. L. Graefe Victor Allen Jack Williams Preston S. Arkwright H. McDowell R. V. Crine R. DeWitt King M. L. Fleetwood Col. Sandy Beavers Col. W. B. Hutchinson L. L. Jones Judge Eschol Graham T. M. Brumby Harrison Jones B. O. Sprague F. S. Durett T. S. Shope A. W. Arnall S. J. Faircloth Thos. Barrett, Jr. E. P. Bowen, Sr. John Daniel Robt. T. Jones, Jr. A. B. David STATE COMMISSIONS—Continued Henry Grady Bell R. H. Peacock Wallace Grant Garnett Andrews, Jr. J. Y. Blitch B. Cowden E. S. Papy Cator Woolford Roy LeCraw W. E. Beverly Roy C. Swank Miller S. Bell W. G. Brisandine Rhodes Browne W. T. Anderson ILLINOIS Honorable Henry Horner, Governor of Illinois, Chairman James Weber Linn, Secretary Thomas F. Donovan Arthur Roe R. V. Graham Richard J. Barr Joseph Mendel Adelbert H. Roberts Louis O. Williams F. W. Lewis John C. Kluczynski John P. Devine David E. Shanahan Charles A. Coin A. D. Lasker J. F. Cornelius Robert E. Straus Mrs. Sarah Bond Hanley U. J. Herrmann Mrs. Florence Fifer Bohrer Karol V. Janofsky A. E. Staley Mrs. Sarah John English Paul Drzymalski Col. T. A. Siqueland Paul Mueller Boetius H. Sullivan H. B. Hill Mrs. Reed Green Mrs. John P. McGoorty CITY OF CHICAGO Honorable Edw J. Kelly, Mayor of Chicago—Chairman Ex-officio Oscar Hewitt Howard C. Brodman Jas. E. McDade Robert Delson Robert L. Minkus SOUTH PARK COMMISSIONERS Hon. Edward J. Kelly Michael P. Igoe Benjamin F. Lindheimer Philip S. Graver William McDonnell George T. Donoghue, General Superintendent N. I. Bell, Assistant General Superintendent Milton E. Connelly, Secretary Linn White, Engineer V. K. Brown, Superintendent of Recreation Michael Flynn, Superintendent of Employment MISSOURI Honorable Guy B. Park, Governor of Missouri, Chairman Ex-officio Albert M. Clark, Chairman R. E. L. Marrs, Secretary Hunter L. Gary J. G. Morgan E. A. Duensing H. C. Chancellor Paul Groeschel OHIO Honorable George White, Governor of Ohio, Chairman Chas. F. Henry, Director Chas. F. Williams Chas. H. Lewis OREGON Honorable Julius L. Meier, Governor of Oregon B. F. Irvine C. C. Colt Lowell Paget J. E. McClintock Robert Sawyer J. O. Holt Max Gehlar Walter W. R. May SOUTH DAKOTA Honorable Tom Berry, Governor of South Dakota C. A. Russell, Commissioner VIRGIN ISLANDS Wm. D'Egilbert WEST VIRGINIA Honorable H. G. Kump, Governor of West Virginia, Chairman Ex-officio A. G. Mathews, Chairman Ralph M. Hiner, Vice-Chairman J. Blaine McLaughlin, Secretary A. W. Reynolds Lee J. Sandridge A. L. Helmhich Mrs. S. W. Price R. L. McCoy Mrs. D. W. Brown Wm. B. Hogg W. T. Williamson Luther Koontz WASHINGTON Honorable Clarence D. Martin, Governor of Washington A. E. Larson, President E. F. Benson F. C. Brewer Dan T. Coffman Nathan Eckstein B. N. Hutchinson R. L. Rutter PUERTO RICO Maj. Gen. Blanton Winship, Governor of Puerto Rico, Honorary Chairman R. Menendez Ramos, Chairman Dr. Jose A. B. Noya A. Rivero Chaves Honorary Members: Benjamin Horton Manuel V. Domenech Francisco Pons Dr. Jose Padin F. Rivera Martinez Dr. E. Garrido Morales J. H. Cerecedo NEW MEXICO Honorable A. W. Hockenbull, Governor of New Mexico Arthur Prager, Chairman Herman Schweitzner Nathan Salmon Thomas Conway A. T. Wood Coe Howard 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS — A — Abbott Laboratories A vitamin exhibit and lecture—Hall of Science. A Century of Progress Committee on Diabetes Exhibit showing the history of the discovery of insulin—Hall of Science. Addressograph Multigraph Corporation Addressing, letter-writing, and office equipment—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Advance Pattern & Foundry Co. Supermaid Cookeware—Exhibit and demonstration cast aluminum kitchen utensils—Home Planning Hall. Agfa Ansco Corporation Historical display of old cameras and outstanding display of pictorial photography—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Ahlberg Bearing Company Commercial and scientific exhibit of ball bearings for automotive and railway equipment—Travel and Transport Building. Allergy (Hay Fever and Asthma) The causes and treatment of hay fever and asthma—Hall of Science. Altorfer Brothers Company An exhibit of electrical washing machines—Electrical Building. Amateur Radio Exhibit Association, Known as World's Fair Radio Amateur Council Amateur broadcasting, short wave transmitters, replica of an old-time "spark station," demonstration showing "remote control" by radio impulses—Travel and Transport Building. American Can Company An exhibit of the various types of metal containers and some processes in their fabrication—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. American Evatype Company Showing the manufacture of rubber stamps—Hall of Science and General Exhibits Building, Pavilion I. American Express Company An exhibit of its travel, financial and foreign shipping services—Hall of Science. American Flyer Company Miniature four-track electric system of train operation built to scale—Travel and Transport Building. American Institute for Deaf-Blind An exhibit showing the education of the blind—Hall of Science. American LaFrance & Foamite Industries, Inc. Showing the newest in fire-fighting apparatus, and a completely motorized power plant unit—Travel and Transport Building. American Legion Official Headquarters Building. American Medical Association History of the progress of medical practice, care, education of medical students, health education of the public and general medical history—Hall of Science. American Metal Craft Company Manufacturing exhibit of jewelry—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. American Optical Company Exhibit of all kinds of optical instruments—Hall of Science. American Pharmaceutical Association History of the progress of pharmacy during the last one hundred years—Hall of Science. American Railway Association An exhibit of railway safety signals—Travel and Transport Building. American Stove Company Display of modern gas ranges, including Magic Chef—Home Planning Hall. American Rolling Mill Company "Mayflower House" All steel house with enamel exterior. Decorated by Star-Peerless Wallpaper Mills—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. American Steel Foundries Historical exhibit of car couplings. Development from plain bar fastenings to massive automatic couplers of today—Travel and Transport Building. American Urological Association The anatomy, function and derangements of the kidney, ureter, urinary bladder and the prostate gland—Hall of Science. American Veterinary Medical Association Exhibit showing the maintenance of the health of animals and the diseases transmitted from animals to man—Hall of Science. Anthracite Institute Hard Coal stoker, a series of bins showing grades and types of anthracite coal—Home Planning Hall. Anthropometric Laboratory of Harvard University The Measurement of Man—Story of races using the visitors as subjects—Hall of Social Science. Armour & Company History of packing industry, showing modern processes in meat preparation and distribution. Lounge—Special Building, Science Bridge. Arouani & Hakim Furniture, antiques, rugs and Egyptian merchandise—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Associated Trade Press A display of periodicals—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Atlas Brewing Company Lounge and murals depicting history of brewing—Foods Building. Automatic Canteen Co. Display of bar candies and their vending by machine—Foods Building. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued — B — Baker and Company, Inc. An exhibit of Platinum—Hall of Science. Ball Brothers Display of home canned vegetables and fruits packed in Ball Mason Jars—Foods Building. Baltimore & Ohio Railroad An historic railway coach compared with a new train with coaches equipped with 4-way conditioning—including humidifying, dehumidifying, air-cooling and warming—Outdoor Railway Tracks. Animated dioramas, historic railroad exhibits—Travel and Transport Building. Barrett-Cravens Company An exhibit of lift trucks and portable elevators—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Baumgarten, Joseph An exhibition of portraiture—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Beach, Hamilton, Mfg. Co. Exhibit and demonstration of electrical appliances—Home Planning Hall. Belgard-Spero, Inc. Complete lens-grinding plant in operation, showing how spectacle lenses are ground and polished. Movie theater showing care of eyes—Hall of Science. Bemis Industries Exhibit of standardized mass production, building, design and construction of modern homes, featuring "The Evolving House"—Home Planning Hall. The Bettendorf Company Exhibit of Bettendorf Oil Burners, Westco pump and water system, Buddy "L" toys—Home Planning Hall. Birtman Electric Co. Display of electric household appliances—Home Planning Hall. Book House for Children Display with scenic effects of sets of books for children—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Borchers, Henry C. A display of pressure cookers—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Borg-Warner Corporation Exhibit of automobile parts and accessories with activated models—Travel and Transport Building. Boys' Clubs of America Showing ideals and growth of the Boys' Clubs in America—Social Agencies. Brick Manufacturers Association Reinforced brick masonry house—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Brinks Express Company An exhibit of historic money protection, and its evolution, also, a new modern armored money truck—Travel and Transport Building. Bristol-Myers Company An exhibit showing the manufacturing and filling of tooth paste tubes. Mechanical robot lectures on the care of the teeth—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Brookhill Laboratories, Inc. Model Dairy Barn housing 35 champion cows, with demonstration of modern dairy methods—Special Building, Farm Group. Brown Shoe Company Marionette show. Visitors may view their feet with X-Ray machines—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Brunswick-Balke-Collender Company A display of billiard and bowling equipment. Exhibitions in trick billiard shots, Old and new style bars—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Buddy "L" Manufacturing Co. (See The Bettendorf Company) Burkland, L. Exhibit of copper and glass gift ware—Home Planning Hall. Also General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Burpee Can Sealer Co. Home canning in tin. Preparation by pressure cooking—Foods Building. Burroughs-Wellcome Company A display of pharmaceutical and biological material—Hall of Science. Burton-Dixie Corporation An exhibit of mattresses and feathers—Hall of Science. — C — Caie, Thomas J., and Company of Illinois A display of the Book of Knowledge—Hall of Science. Also General Exhibits Building, Pavilion 2. California Gift Shop Exhibit of California pottery and baskets—Home Planning Hall. California Prune & Apricot Growers Assn. Murals depicting prune orchards and methods of growing. Sampling of prune juice. Display of compotes—Foods Building. Camp Fire Girls Showing ideals and growth of the Camp Fire Girls' organization in America—Social Agencies. Case, J. I., Company Exhibiting and demonstrating tractors and trailers—Travel and Transport Building. Catholic Church Extension Soc. of the U. S. Chapel Car St. Paul—16th Street. Century Electric Company An exhibit of fractional and heavy duty electric motors—Electrical Building. Chicago, Burlington & Quincy R. R. Co. The Burlington System of affiliated lines show a giant animated relief map with flowing rivers, geysers, etc., plus the company's connecting bus lines—Travel and Transport Building. "Zephyr," a three-car, streamlined unit, 80-ton, stainless steel, diesel-motored—Outdoor Railway Tracks. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued Chicago Centennial Dental Congress, the American Dental Association and the Chicago Dental Society History of the progress of dentistry during the last one hundred years. The structure, function and the arrangements of teeth as shown by eight-foot electrical models which are automatically illuminated—Hall of Science. Chicago Faucet Co. Exhibit of shower heads and plumbing—Home Planning Hall. Chicago Flexible Shaft Co. Demonstration of Sunbeam Mixmaster—Home Planning Hall and Electrical Building. Chicago Good Will Industries Exhibit showing the value of occupational therapy in the treatment of mental and physical diseases—Hall of Science. Chicago Grand Opera Company Exhibit of scenes from some of the principal operas—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Chicago Hospital Association and American Hospital Association An exhibit on the progress of hospital care in the United States—Hall of Science. Chicago Medical, Dental and Allied Science Women's Association Exhibit showing the value of prenatal and postnatal care of the mother—Hall of Science. Chicago Medical Society Progress in medical diagnosis and treatment in the Chicago area during the last one hundred years—Hall of Science. Chicago, Milwaukee, St. Paul & Pacific R. R. Company Electric 12-motored locomotive and a streamlined air-conditioned coach. Animated scenic relief map—Travel and Transport Building. Chicago Municipal Tuberculosis Sanitarium Demonstration of the means of spreading tuberculosis and the value of the x-ray in the detection of early diagnosis—Hall of Science. Chicago & Northwestern Railway A high-speed modern locomotive in landscaped setting—Outdoor Railway Tracks Area. An activated show of historical and modern transportation units—Travel and Transport Building. Chicago Public Schools Progress in public school education during last hundred years—dioramas and colored slides—Hall of Social Science. Chicago Rapid Transit Medical Department Methods of resuscitation and the prevention of asphyxial death—Hall of Science. Chicago, Rock Island & Pacific Railway Company Theatre, seating eighty, for scenic motion pictures with sound, over their western route—Travel and Transport Building. Chicago Roentgen Society An historical exhibit on Roentgen and the structure of the human body as revealed by the x-ray—Hall of Science. Chicago Technical College An exhibit showing the educational scope of the college—Hall of Science. Christian Science Publishing Society A special building portraying the contribution of Christian Science to Progress. Reading Room—Christian Science Monitor Building. Cleveland Clinic Foundation Demonstrations of the discovery of the x-ray. Exhibits of blood transfusion and the ductless glands—Hall of Science. Clinton Carpet Co. (See Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories) Clorox Chemical Company Exhibit of Clorox bleaching and cleaning liquid—Foods Building. Clover Leaf Crystal Shops A display of fine glassware. A crystal engraver shown at his bench engraving designs on crystal ware—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Coca-Cola Company Complete bottling plant, bottling Coca-cola—Foods Building. Collier, P. F., and Son, Distributing Corporation Library setting, showing Harvard Classics—Hall of Social Science. Colonial Mfg. Co. Exhibit of grandfather clocks—Home Planning Hall. Columbia Broadcasting System, Inc. Lounge—Electrical Building. Compton and Company, F. E. Exhibit of Compton's Pictured Encyclopedia—Hall of Social Science. Conover Company, The Exhibit and demonstration of electric dishwashing machinery—Electrical Building. Consumers Coffee Company Demonstration of process of producing liquid coffee. Sampling of hot, iced, and carbonated coffee made from this product—Foods Building. Continental Baking Company (See Wonder Bakery Building) Continental Scale Works Exhibit of bathroom scales—Home Planning Hall. Country Home Magazine Model farm house—Exhibit House, Farm Group. Coyne Electrical School A demonstration of several electrical phenomena, including the Tesla Coil—Electrical Building. Crane Co. Display of bathroom fixtures and plumbing, also "World's Largest Shower"—Crane Co. Station. Home and Industrial Arts Group. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued Cudahy Packing Co. Scientific Exhibit on cleansing compounds, also marionette show depicting Old Dutch characters—Home Planning Hall. Cuneo Press, Inc., The A display of fine printing with miniature models of the company’s plants. The Gutenberg Press and a 15th Century bindery. Treatment of book edges. Facsimile copy of the Gutenberg Bible—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Cycle Trades of America An historical collection of bicycles, leading up to the modern type of cycle—Travel and Transport Building. Czechoslovak-American Chamber of Commerce. Special building portraying the contribution of Czechoslovakia to modern progress. — D — Danish Silversmith Exhibit of hand wrought silverware and pewter ware—Home Planning Hall. Davol Rubber Company Rubber sundries—Hall of Science. Deagan, J. C., Inc. Carillon in tower of Hall of Science—Hall of Science. Dee, Thos. J., and Company Dental Metallurgy—Hall of Science. Deere, John, Tractor Company Exhibiting and demonstrating John Deere tractors, sprinklers and calcium chloride spreaders—Travel and Transport Exhibition Area. Delaware & Hudson Railroad An ancient locomotive of 1827—shown alongside one of the company’s modern, massive high-speed engines—Outdoor Railway Tracks. Deutsches Hygiene Museum of Dresden, Germany Working models of human structure and function—Hall of Science. Diamond Exhibits Corporation A diamond mine in operation, and the Streets of Amsterdam, showing the cutting and polishing of diamonds. Three million dollars in gems and a $500,000 stone exhibited—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Dick, A. B., and Company An exhibit showing the development of the stencil and duplications with various mimeograph machines, printing and accessories—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Dictaphone Sales Company A modern office exhibit demonstrating dictation by dictaphone with accessory transcribing and shaving machines—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Dictograph Products Company, Inc. Acousticon Hearing Aids, Interior Telephone Systems, Nurses’ Signal-Phones, Aircraft Radio Communication—Hall of Science. Diebold Safe and Lock Company An exhibit of electrically operated fire resistance safes, burglar safes, and tear gas equipment—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Diener-Dugas Fire Extinguisher Corporation A display of fire apparatus—Hall of Science. Donnelley, R. R., and Sons Company Exhibit of varied products of the press ranging from small cards and display of advertising matter to catalogues, telephone directories, encyclopedias, books and magazines—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Doss, Hans Exhibit and demonstrating of a pressure cooker—Home Planning Hall. — E — Electrical Central Station Committee An exhibit of the generation, distribution, and utilization of electrical energy in all its phases—Electrical Building. Electric Storage Battery Company An exhibit of all classes of electrical storage batteries—Electrical Building. Elgin National Watch Company Display of modern watches. Jewel setting machine in operation. Reproduction of the Elgin Observatory where time is taken from the stars. Movie Theatre picturing scientific and utilitarian values of a watch—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. Historical development of the encyclopedia—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. — F — Fairbanks, Morse & Company Display of general machinery, Diesel engines, electrical machinery, pumping equipment and weighing equipment—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Fearn, Kate Fearn Silk Company Jacquard Loom in operation and display of French embroidery—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Federal Electric Company, Inc. An exhibit showing the manufacture of electrical signs with the use of rare gases in electrical display work—Electrical Building. Federal Enameling & Stamping Co. (See Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories) Federal Servicing A country home for the gentleman farmer—Exhibit House in Farm Group. Ferro Enamel Corporation “Mayflower House” All steel house with enamel exterior finish. Decorated by Star Peerless Wallpaper Mills—Exhibit House in Home and Industrial Arts Group. Fiat Metal Mfg. Co. Exhibit of metal shower stalls—Home Planning Hall. Firestone Tire & Rubber Company Complete operating tire factory in which Firestone Tires are made and where other products are shown—Firestone Building. Federal Schools, Inc. Drawings and paintings by students of Federal Schools—commercial art course by correspondence—Hall of Social Science. Florida State Chamber of Commerce The Florida Tropical Home landscaped to show the lure of Floridaland. Decorated by Marjorie Thorsch—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Formfit Company A display of corsets—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Henry Ford Hospital of Detroit, Michigan Oxygen therapy in the treatment of pneumonia, the tannic acid treatment of burns, experimental nephritis—Hall of Science. Ford Motor Company The Ford Exposition, showing the manufacture of parts of the Ford Car, historic models, "Roads of the World," soy bean industry, farm industries, machine shops. Park. Symphony concerts—Ford Exhibit. Fountain Valley School, The History, development, and educational advantages of Fountain Valley School—Hall of Social Science. French and European Publications, Inc. An exhibit of publications in French from leading publishers—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Fromm Brothers Display of Silver Fox furs. Moving pictures and stage shows depict the life of the silver fox. Fashion show of furs—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Fruco Pressure Cooker Demonstration of a German pressure cooker—Foods building. — G — Gar-Wood Industries, Inc. A display of oil-burning and air-conditioning equipment—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. General Cigar Company Special building with factory unit in operation showing manufacture of White Owl Cigars. Lounge—General Cigars Building, 23d Street Plaza. General Electric Company An exhibit of electrical appliances, electrical machinery, and the "House of Magic," miracle theatre—Electrical Building. General Household Utilities Co. (See Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories) General Houses, Inc. Prefabricated steel house decorated by Gimbel Bros. Store—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. General Motors Company Complete automobile assembly line, making Chevrolet cars. Displays of General Motors Products, Laboratory research. Sculptures. Movie theatre. Frigidaire House—General Motors Building, 31st Street. General Publishing Company Showing a model home workshop, containing electrically driven and hand tools—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Genesee Trading Company Display showing the manufacture of perfumes—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Gerber Products Company Exhibit showing the proper preparation of strained vegetables for infant feeding and for special diets—Hall of Science. Gerts, Lumbard & Co. Display of paint brushes—Home Planning Hall. Gilkison, E. P., & Sons Company An exhibit of a trailer unit for motor travel, containing a kitchenette, refrigerator, sleeping quarters, and daytime arrangements for comfort enroute—Travel and Transport Building. Ginn and Company Showing the interior of an old-fashioned school and of the Colonial one-room school, and featuring a rare collection of old school books—Hall of Social Science. Girls' Clubs of America Showing ideals and growth of the Girls' Clubs in America—Social Agencies. Girl Reserves Showing ideals and growth of the Girl Reserves' organization in America—Social Agencies. Girl Scouts of America Showing ideals and growth of the Girl Scouts' organization in America—Social Agencies. The Glidden Company Exhibit of spices and condiments known as "Durkee Famous Foods"—Foods Building. Goldsmith Bros. Smelting & Refining Company An exhibit of gold and precious metal smelting and refining, manufacturing and methods of treating old gold, precious metals, their alloys and by-products—Hall of Science. Good Housekeeping Magazine Formal Garden and Garden Living Room—Opposite General Exhibits Building. Grein, Joe, Chicago City Sealer A display of cheating devices used for weighing and measuring—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Gro-Flex Corporation Free demonstration of scalp treatments—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Gulf Refining Company A display of miniature oil fields. Cutaway models show lubrication of airplane and automobile engines. Entertainment features—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Gutenberg Press (See Cuneo Press, Inc.) — H — Haeger Potteries, Inc. Pottery factory in operation showing manufacture of pottery from ancient methods to latest. Rooms and garden showing proper use of pottery in decoration Haeger Pottery Exhibit, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Hall of Religion Exhibits of the contribution of religious teaching and work for human moral advancement and social progress. Religious art and antiquities exhibits. Hanovia Chemical and Manufacturing Company A demonstration of therapeutic, ultraviolet and infra-red lamps—Hall of Science. Hansen’s, Chr., Laboratory, Inc. (See The Junket Folks) Harley-Davidson Motor Company Showing a variety of models of motorcycles especially featuring new police model—Travel and Transport Building. Harnischfeger Corporation An exhibit of electric welding and traveling crane motors—Travel and Transport Building. Harrington and King Perforating Company Wall panel showing perforated metal products—Hall of Science. Hartmann Trunk Company Historical display of trunks and baggage and exhibit of modern luggage and traveling accessories—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Heinz, H. J., Company A display of food products—Hall of Science. Heller & Sons A display of inks—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Hertzberg & Son, Ernst Bookbinders at work. Display of fine bindings of outstanding design and workmanship. Leather mosaic reproduction painting by Grützner—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Hess Warming & Ventilating Co. Exhibit of hot air heating and air conditioning—Home Planning Hall. Hild Floor Machine Company Electrically operated floor scrubbing and waxing machines—Hall of Science. Holt, J. W., Plumbing Company Plumbing—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Hoover Company A demonstration of electrical vacuum cleaners—Electrical Building. Also see Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories. Hot Springs National Park (Hot Springs, Arkansas) An exhibit by the United States government on water and heat therapy—Hall of Science. Household Finance Corporation An exhibit showing the changes in family financing in the last one hundred years. Motion picture theatre with Eddie Guest reciting—Hall of Social Science. Howden Food Products Corporation Demonstration of the uses and benefits of sea foods—Foods Building. Howell Furniture Co. (See Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories) Hupp Motor Car Corporation An exhibit of automobiles, featuring Hupmobile ideas in streamlining—Travel and Transport Building. Hurley Machine Company An exhibit of electric washing machines and irons—Electrical Building. Hynson, Westcott and Dunning, Inc. Exhibit of Mercurochrome antiseptic—Hall of Science. —I— Illinois Central Railroad Co. An exhibit of a large map with lights and motion, in relief, showing rail and steamship connections on a giant globe. Motion travel pictures. Railroad exhibits—Travel and Transport Building. Illinois Commercial Men’s Association Slides and talking machine showing the value of insurance—Hall of Social Science. Illinois Federation of Women’s Clubs Public Lounge—Hall of Social Science. Illinois State Committee for the Control of Cancer History, treatment and prevention of cancer—Hall of Science. Illinois, State of Exhibits in the Foods and Agricultural Building, the Hall of States, and in the Hall of Social Science, and the Illinois Host House near the north entrance on the Avenue of Flags. Indian Council Fire Historical exhibit showing some of the advancements and achievements of the American Indian—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Institute of Medicine of Chicago Medicolegal problems. The medical-examiner system contrasted with the old-time coroner’s office—Hall of Science. International Association of Lions Clubs Showing the development of the organization, and illustrating its work—Hall of Social Science. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued International Business Machines Company A complete display in the setting of a Grecian temple and court yard of business equipment that tells the story of modern business and methods of accounting and control. Demonstration by machines that classify, calculate and print automatically—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. International Friendship Exhibit, Inc. Governmental action regarding world relationships—Hall of Social Science. International Nickel Co. Exhibit of modern kitchen and household appliances of monel metal—Home Planning Hall. Indian Motorcycle Company An exhibit of modern motorcycles—Travel and Transport Building. International Harvester Company An exhibit of a trailer-tractor. Historic exhibit of first and latest models of company's tractors. An early automobile—a motorized buggy of the 90's—Travel and Transport Building. The story of the development of farm machinery and displays of new models—Foods Building. Iron Fireman Mfg. Co. Action exhibit of automatic stokers—Home Planning Hall. Italian Government Historical exhibit of the work on basic medical science in anatomy, microscopic anatomy and pathology—Hall of Science. — J — Johns-Manville Corporation Special building showing contribution of Johns-Manville in control of fire, temperature, motion and sound—Johns-Manville Building, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Johnson, S. C., & Son, Inc. Display of wax and polishes, including Johnson Robot man—Home Planning Hall. Junket Folks, The Demonstration of the use of Junket in preparing desserts—Foods Building. — K — Karr, The Chas., Co. Scientific study of sleeping and exhibit of mattresses—Home Planning Hall. Kaufmann & Fabry Official Photographers—Hall of Photography. Photographic apparatus exhibit. Photographic salon. Home Movie Show Theatre—West Approach of the 16th Street Bridge, Hall of Science. Karastan Rug Co. Display of domestic, oriental rugs—Home Planning Hall. Kerr Glass Company Demonstration of canning in Kerr Mason Jars and display of results—Foods Building. Kitchen Art Foods, Inc. Exhibit of use of two-minute dessert and two new products—Jar-Mel and Artab Yeast—Foods Building. Robert Koch Institut of Berlin, Germany Memorial to Robert Koch, discoverer of the Tuberculosis germ—Hall of Science. Kochfix (See Hans Doss) Kohler Company Modern plumbing and heating equipment—Kohler Building, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Kotex and Kleenex Company An exhibit of Kleenex—Hall of Science. Kraft-Phenix Cheese Corporation Packaging of Philadelphia Cream Cheese, and sampling of Old English Cheese, and Kraft Malted Milk—Foods Building. — L — LaSalle Extension University A demonstration of the stenotype, a machine for shorthand reporting—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Lebolt, J. Manufacturing exhibits and display of fine jewelry—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Libby, McNeill & Libby Packing of olives and pickles. Dioramas of sources of Libby Products. Sampling of new products—Foods Building. Lille Health Center Plans and photographs—Hall of Science. Link Belt Company Portraying the use of modern conveying equipment, with pictures of plants and warehouses—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Long, W. E., The, Company (Agents for Proteo Foods, Inc.) Diabetic Foods and development of science on baking—Hall of Science. Loyola University School of Medicine Exhibits of Embryos. The story of man's development and structure—Hall of Science. Lullabye Furniture Company An exhibit of furniture for infants—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. — M — Mack-International Motor Truck Corporation An exhibit of "Mack Highway"—a paved roadway with a section enlarged to assemble a display of approximately 50 trucks—Outdoor Motor Transport Area. Marquette University and Milwaukee County Hospital Exhibits on Brights Disease and other derangements of the kidney—Hall of Science. Masonite Corporation Modern home demonstrating use of Masonite. Decorated by Grover P. Daley—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Master Bedding Makers of America (See The Chas. Karr Co.) GREETINGS from the FAIR BY WESTERN UNION ANY ONE OF THESE TELEGRAMS MAY BE SENT FROM CHICAGO ANYWHERE IN THE UNITED STATES OVER WESTERN UNION LINES FOR .......................... 25¢ To ____________________________________________ Address _________________________________________ Check your selection and add the name and address. ☐ 1. The Century of Progress is the thrill of a century. Enjoying every bit of it. ☐ 2. I am well and enjoying myself. Fair wonderful. Wish you were here to enjoy it with me. ☐ 3. No time to write. At Fair day and night. Seeing sights from all the world. ☐ 4. Starting back tomorrow tired but satisfied. Love to all. ☐ 5. Entire family enjoying visit. All well. Wish you were here. ☐ 6. Don’t miss the Century of Progress. We have never enjoyed anything as much. ☐ 7. See America and see it at its best in the Century of Progress Exposition. ☐ 8. Having a great time at the Fair. Leaving tomorrow. Messages of your own composition may be sent at standard rates. (Signed) ________________________________________ Mayo Foundation Exhibits showing the structure, function and derangements of the thyroid gland, stomach, appendix and sympathetic nervous system. Loan of the transparent man was obtained for the Exposition by the Mayo Foundation—Hall of Science. McCord Ice Cube Exhibit of flexible metal trays for ice cubes—Home Planning Hall. McKay Company Metal porch furniture. Lounge—Hall of Science. Merck and Company, Inc. An exhibit of drugs and medical supplies—Hall of Science. Metalfunk - Aktiengesellschaft. (See Hans Doss) The Micro Corporation (See The Bettendorf Company) Milk Foundation, Inc. The Foundation of Youth Health Exhibit. Dietary properties in fresh milk—Hall of Science. Miller, Herman, Clock Company Display of modernistic electric clocks—Home Planning Hall. Miracul Wax Company Exhibit of wax and polishes—Home Planning Hall. Missouri-Kansas-Texas Lines An exhibit showing the scenery and farm and industrial activities along the lines of the "Katy" system—Travel and Transport Building. Modern Coal Company (See Peabody Coal Company) Modern Woodmen of America Activities of the organization—Hall of Social Science. Monticello Seminary (Chicago Alumnae Assn.) Educational exhibit of Monticello Seminary, with layout of campus as background—Hall of Social Science. Morton Salt Company An exhibit showing the various grades of salt and uses in different industries—Foods Building. Mueller, V., and Company Surgical Instruments—Hall of Science. Muellermirt of Illinois, Inc. Display of lawn sprinkling system and copper kitchenware—Home Planning Hall. Museum of Science and Industry General scientific exhibit and model of the Museum—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. National Biscuit Company Manufacturer of Shredded Wheat. Sampling of finished product and of crackers—Foods Building. National Cash Register Company A historical and modern display of cash registers, and accounting and bookkeeping machines, with a diorama showing the company's original workshop, and its plant today—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. National De Saible Memorial Society Reproduction of Chicago's first house—DeSaible Cabin. National Lumber Manufacturers Association "Sunlight" house, showing new uses of lumber. Decorated by National Retail Furniture Dealers Association—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. National Oil Products Company Process of extracting vitamin D from fish oils and its incorporation in bread, milk and evaporated milk—Hall of Science. National Pressure Cooker Demonstration of cast aluminum pressure cooker—Foods Building, also Home Planning Hall. National Standard Company An exhibit of braided wire and braided wire products—Electrical Building. National Sugar Refining Co. of N. J. An exhibit showing the various kinds of Jack Frost Sugars and their uses—Foods Building. National Super Bandage Co. Exhibiting a new type of antiseptic bandage—Hall of Science. National Terrazzo & Mosaic Assn., Inc. Promenade and twelve terrazzo pools depicting the twelve months of the year—Between Planetarium Bridge and Planetarium. National Woman's Christian Temperance Union An educational exhibit on the source, nature, uses and action of alcohol—Hall of Social Science. New York Central Lines Dioramas of the Grand Central Station and scenic views. Motion pictures descriptive of the road. Lounge containing historical features of this railroad—Travel and Transport Building. Noble, F. H., & Company Jewelry, including souvenir and novelty jewelry—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Norge Corporation An exhibit of domestic and commercial electrical refrigeration—Electrical Building. Norfolk and Western Railway Company An exhibit of coal and transportation—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. North, Dorothy, and Karl Brauer An exhibit of creative arts by children under the guidance of Professor Thetter and other art teachers in the schools of Vienna, Austria. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued Northwestern University School of Medicine Exhibits showing the history of anatomy, eye diseases, diseases of the nervous system, cancer, stomach and intestine, and infections of the hand—Hall Hall of Science. — O — O'Brien Varnish Co. (See Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories) Old Dutch Cleanser (See Cudahy Packing Co.) Old Monk Olive Oil Company Olive oil and products—Hall of Science. Olson Rug Company An exhibit showing the manufacture of rugs by the use of an electrically operated loom—Electrical Building. Complete exhibit of modern rug weaving. Latest type Jacquard Loom weaving a 9x12 oriental reproduction. Display of Olson re-made rugs—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. O'Malley, Edward, Valve Company Display of valves and valve parts—Electrical Building. Otis Elevator Company World's largest escalator—Travel and Transport Building. Overhead Door Corp. Exhibit of overhead garage doors electrically operated—Home Planning Hall. Owens-Illinois Glass Company Tower and exhibit building, built of glass blocks. Exhibit of glass manufacturing processes and glass products—Special Building, Home and Industrial Arts Group. — P — Pantriette Company Demonstration of kitchen appliance—Home Planning Hall. Paper Foundation, The An exhibit representing the kinds of paper for personal and industrial uses. Two-room bungalow called "House of Paper," displays every known use of paper in the home—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Parents' Magazine Showing the scope and influence of the magazine—Hall of Science, also Hall of Social Science. Parnassus Club, The Student housing—Hall of Social Science. Pasteur Institut of Paris, France Memorial to Louis Pasteur—Hall of Science. Peabody Coal Co. Exhibit of Peabody coal stokers. Uni-type and Vulcan stokers. Cutaway and animated displays, also Peabody miniature coal tipple lent by Museum of Science and Industry—Home Planning Hall. Pennsylvania Railroad Reproduction of the famous "first engine"—the "John Stevens," built in 1825. Exhibit of first and last type of Pennsylvania road bed with track. Illustrated lecture on locomotive handling and train control—Travel and Transport Building. Peoples Gas, Light & Coke Co. Exhibit featuring gas service in the home. Model kitchens. Heating equipment—Home Planning Hall. Petrolagar Laboratories Exhibit and life-size reproduction of Fildes' painting, "The Doctor"—Hall of Science. Petroleum Industries Exhibit Committee Petroleum products with animated models portraying the history of petroleum and the oil industry—Hall of Science. Petterson & Miller Manufacture of Julia King Candies and sampling—Foods Building. Pittsburgh Equitable Meter Company An exhibit of gas, water, gasoline and oil meters, pressure regulators and lubricated plug valves—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Pittsburgh Testing Laboratories Exhibit of scientific laboratory tests of various household utilities, rugs, furniture, paints, etc., to show their resistance to wear and service—Home Planning Hall. Platinum Products Company Display of cigarette lighters—General Exhibit Group, Pavilion 4. Poglitsch Art Brush Works Display of art needle work—Home Planning Hall. Poglitsch, F. B. (Frusco) A display of pressure cookers—Home Planning Hall. Popular Science Publications Company Mechanical principles in action included in "Mechanical Wonderland" from the Newark Museum—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Poor & Company An exhibit of railway and track supplies—Travel and Transport Building. Porcelain Enamel Institute A display which shows the actual fusing of porcelain enamel into metal and featuring a "Parade of porcelain-enameled soldiers" and products—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Firms represented are as follows: American Potash & Chemical Corporation. American Rolling Mill Company. Baltimore Enamel & Novelty Company. Bellaire Enamel Company. Benjamin Electric Manufacturing Company. Briggs Manufacturing Company. Burdick Enamel Sign Company. Chicago Vitreous Enamel Products Company. Crosley Radio Corporation. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued Porcelain Enamel Institute—Continued Crown Stove Works. Ferro Enamel Corporation. Frigidaire Corporation. General Porcelain Enameling & Manufacturing Co. Graybar Electric Company. Ingram - Richardson Manufacturing Company. Ingram-Richardson Mfg. Co. of Indiana. Norge Corporation. Republic Steel Corporation. Sozonton Vault Company. Youngstown Pressed Steel Company. Prairie Farmer Publishing Co. Lounge and educational data on farming—Foods Building. Pullman Company, The Historical exhibit of the first Pullman car. The latest all aluminum car. Exhibit of Pullman's latest sleeping accommodations—Travel and Transport Building. The new Union Pacific-Pullman Company train. Six-car, streamlined, 110-mile per hour, diesel driven. It is air-conditioned—Outdoor Railway Tracks. Pure Oil Company A display featuring an illuminated relief map of geographical location of petroleum operations and a chart showing various crude oils produced by the oil industry—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Pyroil Supply Company Oil display. Demonstrating Pyroil—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. — Q — Quaker Oats Company Manufacture of puffed rice and puffed wheat. Sampling of Aunt Jemima Pancakes and Scones—Foods Building. Quarrie and Company, W. E. An exhibit of publications—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Also Hall of Science. — R — Radcliffe College Showing the New England background, and the beginning of college education for women in the United States—Hall of Social Science. Radio Corporation of America An exhibit of radio products, including a radio tube manufacturing plant and a record pressing plant, color organ, and two small theatres—Electrical Building. Railway Express Agency, Inc. Historic exhibits of the Pony Express, Stage Coach operation contrasted with the modern era of express applied to the transfer of money, packages, etc.—Travel and Transport Building. Redwood Products Shop Exhibit of baskets and redwood products made of burl—Home Planning Hall. Reliance Mfg. Co. A line of high speed machines manufacturing "Big Yank" work shirts and other products—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Reynolds Exhibits Corporation A working record of "Print a Sign"—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Riviere, Jules, Parfum, Inc. (Genesee Trading) The manufacturing process of making perfume—Hall of Science and General Exhibits Building, Pavilion 4. Rockefeller Center Public Lounge, with models, paintings and drawings representing the growth of this project—Hall of Social Science. Rostone, Inc. Modern house showing use of Rostone, a new limestone slab. Decorated by Wieboldt's Stores—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. — S — Safety Glass Mfrs. Association An exhibit illustrating how safety glass protects the motoring public—Travel and Transport Building. Sanford Manufacturing Company An exhibit of writing inks, library paste, solvency, type cleaner, and school inks and paste—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Scholl Manufacturing Company, Inc. Foot appliances, arch supports, etc.—Hall of Science. Sears, Roebuck & Company Special building devoted to mail order merchandising. Exhibits of Sears-Roebuck products. Information, registration of visitors and welcoming accommodations. Sears - Roebuck Bungalow. Completely decorated and equipped by the company—Sears - Roebuck Building at 14th Street. Servel Sales, Incorporated Exhibit of Gas refrigeration and air conditioning—Home Planning Hall. Schmidt, Mrs. Minna More than 400 figurines, representing outstanding women of the world, and costumes of various periods—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 5. Schwitzer Cummins Co. A display of domestic coal stokers—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Scott, E. H., Radio Laboratories A demonstration of the Scott All-Wave Receiver and a scientific exhibit of radio testing apparatus—Electrical Building. Sherwin-Williams Company An exhibit of paints, lacquers, etc., together with their ingredients, sources of supply, etc.—Hall of Science. The Silex Company Demonstration of use of Silex Dripolator and Silex Hi-Speed Broiler. Sampling of products prepared—Foods Building. Simmons Company, The Exhibit showing manufacture of mattresses. Series of model rooms showing steel bedroom furniture—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 1. Simoniz Company An exhibit depicting the manufacture of Simoniz and the application of Simoniz products to automobiles—Hall of Science. Sinclair Refining Company Prehistoric monster exhibit depicting the era when oil was in process of formation—Sinclair Outdoor Park of Giant Saurians at 23d Street. Singer Manufacturing Company An exhibit of sewing machines and electrical accessories—Electrical Building. Smith College A mural of Smith College with a baloptron telling the history of the college—Hall of Social Science. Social Work Exhibits Committee Shows advance of social work. Prepared by State of Illinois and 90 private agencies—Hall of Social Science. Source Research Council Display of "Source Book" (encyclopedia), "The Classroom Teacher," "The Progress of Nations" and small hand printing presses—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. Southern Cypress Manufacturers Assn. Exhibit building showing use of cypress, the wood eternal—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Spencerian College An accounting and finance exhibit, and a showing of various phases in the development of writing—Hall of Social Science. Spring Air (See The Chas. Karr Co.) Standard Brands, Inc. History of Bread—Hall of Science. Scientific study of coffee and its effects. Sampling of fresh coffee—Foods Building. Standard Oil Company Wild animal taming show—lions, tigers and elephants, symbolizing Standard's "Live Power" gasoline—Standard Oil Building, opposite Travel and Transport Building. Standard Service Company A display of die press machinery and accessories in operation—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Stayform Company A historical and modern display of corsets and brassieres—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Stein, Charles Frederick Display of pianos—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. Stewart-Warner Corporation An exhibit of radios and Stewart Warner products—Electrical Building. Stockholm, Carl An operating exhibit of dry cleaning and pressing—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Stran-Steel Corporation Two exhibit houses demonstrating use of Stran-Steel framing in two price ranges. Decorated by William R. Moore and Robert W. Irwin Co.—Exhibit House, Home and Industrial Arts Group. Straub, W. F., Laboratories The story of the honey bee, its life and habits—Foods Building. Studebaker Sales Company Moving picture theatre in an automobile 80 feet long and 39 feet high. Films tell the story of Studebaker—Travel and Transport Building. Swift & Company Exhibit building and orchestra stage. Exhibits demonstrate processes of preparation and distribution of meats. Music by the Chicago Symphony Orchestra—Swift Bridge at 23d Street. — T — Texas Company, The The Havoline Thermometer—227-foot thermometer—Tower at 23d Street Plaza. Time, Inc. Reading room and lounge with complete file of current magazines—Time and Fortune Building. Travealide, Inc. Lounge for the convenience of travelers. Help service to all, whether they travel by rail, bus, air or ship—Travel and Transport Building. — U — Union Carbide and Carbon Company General exhibit of chemical products—Hall of Science. United Aircraft & Transport Corporation An exhibit of one of the newest giant passenger planes which can make a speed of more than 200 miles an hour and holds world's records for this type of flying. Full view of its interior and working parts—Travel and Transport Building. United Automotive Manufacturing Co. A demonstration of a radio power line filter—Electrical Building. United Educators Co., The Display of encyclopedias—General Exhibit Group, Pavilion 3. U. S. Plywood An exhibit of flexwood, plywood and laminated products—General Exhibit Group, Pavilion 3. U. S. Utilities Company Demonstration of use of dessert moulds—Foods Building, also Home Planning Hall. 1934 LIST OF FAIR EXHIBITORS—Continued Universal House Corporation Minimum house for industrial workers (steel)—Exhibit House, Farm Group. University of Chicago The history of orthopedic surgery in the rehabilitation of the crippled child—Hall of Science. University of Illinois College of Medicine, Dentistry, Animal Husbandry and the Illinois State Department of Health Exhibit on the causes and prevention of rabies, bleeder's disease, pneumonia, pulmonary tuberculosis, heart disease, and sleeping sickness—Hall of Science. University of Michigan and the Simpson Memorial Institute An exhibit on the treatment of pernicious anemia—Hall of Science. University of Wisconsin Observations on Alexis St. Martin, whose digestive processes were revealed by an open wound—Hall of Science. Urbana Laboratories An exhibit pertaining to soil analysis—Foods Building. — V — Van Cleef Bros. An exhibit and demonstration of Latex and hard rubber products—Electrical Building. Victor Chemical Works An exhibit of heavy chemical and products and a model of a Nashville phosphoric acid plant—Hall of Science. Visible Records Equipment Company A display of office and recording equipment—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 3. — W — Wahl Company, The A display showing the assembly of Eversharp pens, mechanical pencils, lead and ink, also featuring a demonstration of adjustable pen points—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Walker, Hiram, & Sons, Inc. Model distillery and exhibit of products. Canadian Club Cafe on first floor—Building at Science Bridge. Waters-Genter Co. Division of McGraw Electric Co. A demonstration of the Toastmaster—Electrical Building. Weil-McLain Co. Exhibit of heating and plumbing installations—Home Planning Hall. Wellcome Research Institutions of London, England Exhibit of work in tropical medicine and mobile laboratories for military and field work—Hall of Science. West Disinfecting Company An exhibit of disinfecting and germ killing preparations—Hall of Science. Western Clock Company A modern and historical display of clocks and other time-keeping devices—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 4. Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company An exhibit of heavy duty electric machinery, domestic appliances, "Playground of Science," and theatre showing "More Leisure in the Home"—Electrical Building. Western Union Telegraph Company An exhibit and demonstration of wire communication and the Western Union Lounge—Western Union Hall, in Electrical Building. White Sewing Machine Company Sewing machines—General Exhibits Group, Pavilion 2. White, S. S., Dental Manufacturing Company Contributed liberally to dental exhibit—Hall of Science. Whiting Corporation Demonstration of operation of an automobile parking tower, glass enclosed for exhibit purposes. An exhibit of 1934 Nash automobiles is seen ascending and descending in the 80-foot plate glass tower—Adjoining Outdoor Railway Tracks. Wilson & Company Stable housing the famous Wilson Six-Horse Team World's Champion draft horses—Wilson Stable, Farm Group. Exhibit of complete process of bacon slicing and packaging. Sampling of Wilson products—Foods Building. Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation An exhibit of the irradiation of milk by the Steen Bock process—Hall of Science. Wonder Bakery Complete factory showing production of Wonder Bread by the Continental Baking Company—Wonder Bakery Building, Planetarium Bridge. Woman's College Board Information and advice to girls entering college. Public Lounge—Hall of Social Science. Wood, Harvey C., Poultry Farm Exhibit of modern methods of fowl culture; and international egg-laying contest. Exhibit of fancy fowls—Poultry Show, Farm Group. — Y — Yale & Towne Mfg. Co., The A display showing the history and evolution of locks—Travel and Transport Building. Yale University and St. Louis University An exhibit showing the progress in our knowledge of human eggs—Hall of Science. HOME AND INDUSTRIAL ARTS GROUP OF EXHIBIT HOUSES HOUSE: American Rolling Mill Co. and Ferro Enamel Corporation Decorated by Star-Peerless Wallpaper Mills. HOUSE: Brick Manufacturers Association HOUSE: Country Home Magazine HOUSE: Florida Tropical Home Marjorie Thorsch, Interior Decorator. Co-operating: The Howell Co. HOUSE: Frigidaire House HOUSE: General Houses, Inc. HOUSE: Masonite Corporation Grover P. Daley, Interior Designer. HOUSE: National Lumber Mfrs. Ass'n Decorated by National Retail Furniture Dealers Ass'n. HOUSE: Rostone, Inc. Furnished by Wieboldt Stores. HOUSE: Stransteel Corporation Wm. R. Moore, Interior Decorator. HOUSE: Universal House Corp. Helene Heman, Interior Decorator. HOLDERS OF CONCESSIONS — A — American Badge Co. Shop for sale of souvenirs and novelties in Hall of Science. American Coin Lock Co. Coin locks on pay toilets. American Engineering & Management Corp. Old English Village. Armour & Co. Exhibit and sale of products. Restaurant. Art Metal Works, Inc. Shop for sale of art metal products—16th Street bridge. Automatic Canteen Co. of America Shop for sale of candy, gum and nuts—16th Street bridge and Foods Building. — B — B. and A. Novelty Co. Exhibition of woodworking and sale of wood toys and puzzles. Banks, Heyman & Rothstein Cafe au Gourmet in General Exhibits Building. Barton, D. G. "Walk-thru" mystification show at Enchanted Island. Bausch & Lomb Optical Co. Operation of 8 coin-operated telescopes at various parts of the Exposition. Belgique Pittoresque Belgian Village. Beuttas, Joseph H. Colonial Village. Aquatic Sports, indoor show. Blanchard, R. V. Sale of children's books and magazines at Enchanted Island. Byrd, Admiral Richard E. Byrd's Ship, in South Lagoon. — C — California Prune and Apricot Growers' Association Sale of dried fruits and fruit beverages in Foods Building. Carlson Amusement Enterprise, Inc. "Buck Rogers" show at Enchanted Island. Casino de Alex, Inc. Cafe de Alex, restaurant. Century Homes "House of Tomorrow" exhibit house. Century Water Co. Drinking water stations in various parts of the Exposition. Chicago Concessions Co., Inc. Operation of 50 stands for the sale of bottled and draft carbonated soft drinks. C. L. & M. Co. Shop for sale of silverware, jewelry and watches—General Exhibits Building. Chicago Steamer Lines Steamship and motor boat transportation between Exposition and Chicago. Citrus Fruit Juice Co., Inc. Operation of 40 stands for the sale of still (not carbonated) orange, lime and grapefruit drinks. Continental Baking Co. Sale of bakery products, sandwiches, coffee, tea and milk in Wonder Bakery. Continental Concession Co. Bathing beach at Beach Midway. Beach House restaurant. Solomon's Temple at Beach Midway. Lincoln Group and Rutledge Tavern. Night Club restaurant on Beach Midway. Cornelius, J. F. Operation of 25 penny stamping machines. Crown Food Co. Operation of 30 stands for the sale of ice cream, ice cream novelties and frozen desserts. Operation of 7 Century Grill restaurants. Operation of 50 sandwich stands. Toy Town Tavern at Enchanted Island. Czechoslovak American Chamber of Commerce Czechoslovak restaurant in Czechoslovakian Pavilion. Shop for sale of Czechoslovakian merchandise in Czechoslovakian Pavilion. — D — Daggett Roller Chair Co. Roller chairs, rickshas, baby go-carts, invalid chairs, etc. HOLDERS OF CONCESSIONS—Continued Dickerson, The Walter T. Co. Shop for sale of corrective footwear and demonstration of same—16th Street bridge. Doughnut Machine Corp. Mayflower Doughnut Shop restaurant. Dufour and Rogers Hawaii restaurant and "Life" show. Durkee Famous Foods, Inc. Sale of coconut, spices, salad dressings, etc., in connection with exhibit in Foods Building. — E — Economy Sales Co. Sale of comic strip character novelties—16th Street bridge. Edwards and Clemmensen Adobe House restaurant. Eitel, Inc. Rotisserie restaurant at North Entrance. España Touristica, Inc. Spanish Village. Spanish Restaurant. — F — Fageol, R. P. Miniature Railroad at Enchanted Island. Flying Turns Operating Co. Amusement ride "Flying Turns." — G — Gaus, Paul F. "Swanee River Boys" show at Beach Midway. Gaw, George D. Operation of 100 penny weighing scales. General Cigar Co. Sale of cigars in connection with manufacturing exhibit in General Cigar Building. General tobacconist's shop at 16th Street bridge. Operation of 17 shops for sale of cigars, cigarettes, tobacco, candy, gum, smokers' accessories, etc. Goldberg, Murray Operation of guess-your-weight scales. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co. Operation of 2 helium gas filled sightseeing dirigible balloons. Gordon, Jack Operation of 20 stands for the sale of pop corn and caramel corn. Grey Line Sight Seeing Co. Official World's Fair tour service. — H — Hansen's Chr., Laboratory, Inc. Sale of junket powder, tablets and junket ice cream mix in connection with exhibit in Foods Building. H. & K. Enterprises, Inc. Amusement ride "Auto Skooter" and "Auto Ride" at Enchanted Island. "Bug Ride" at Beach Midway. Hoffman & Lockwood Shop for sale of three-dimensional jig saw puzzles and other puzzles and tricks. Horticultural Exhibitions, Inc. Horticultural exhibits, gardens and flower shows, and restaurant in Horticultural Building. House of David Shop for sale of articles made by the community at Benton Harbor, Mich.—16th Street bridge. — I — Illinois Bell Telephone Co. Operation of public telephones within the Exposition grounds. Illinois Hollywood Corp. Operation of "Hollywood," making movies, theatre performances, etc.—on Northerly Island. Illions, Harry A. Operation of 2 amusement rides, "Hey Day" and "Lindy Loop," at Enchanted Island. Ferris Wheels at Beach Midway. Infant Incubator Co. Infant Incubator, nursery and exhibits. International Oddities, Inc. Ripley's Odditorium—Believe It or Not show. Irish Village Corp. The Irish Village. Italian Village, Inc. The Italian Village. — K — Kah, Robert T. Chinese exhibits, restaurant, shops, theatre, at Chinese Pavilion. Kamin, Herbert Amusement ride "Catapult" and "The World Beneath" show at Beach Midway. Kaufmann & Fabry Official photographers of Exposition. Taking and selling of photographs (not individual portraits) within the Exposition grounds—Hall of Science. Keck, George F. "Crystal House"—ultra-modern home on Northerly Island. Kim, E. Bernard "Streets of Shanghai" at Beach Midway. — L — La Parisienne Shop for sale of jewelry, novelties, accessories and souvenirs—16th Street bridge. La Suisse Pittoresque Co. Swiss Village. Lawrence, A. C., Leather Co. Sale of stuffed animals at Enchanted Island. LeMar, G. S. Florist shop at 23d Street bridge. Libby, McNeill and Libby Operation of 5 stands for the sale of tomato and pineapple juice, and other products. HOLDERS OF CONCESSIONS—Continued Lion Motordrome, Inc. Motordrome thrill show at Beach Midway. Loveland, T. A. Carrousel at Beach Midway. Operation of amusement ride "Auto Skooter," Zoo and "House of Mystery" at Beach Midway. Shop for sale of nuts and nut meats at 16th Street bridge. Shop for sale of perfumes and beauty products at 16th Street bridge. Operation of 24 stands for sale of draft root beer and pies. Lytton, Henry C. & Sons Store for sale of women's, misses', men's and boys' apparel and accessories at 23d Street concourse. M Manta, John L. Greek exhibit and restaurant in States Building. Marchand & Calas Television Theatre. Match King, Inc. Shop for sale of smokers' accessories at 23d Street bridge. Messmore & Damon, Inc. "A Trip Down Lost River," prehistoric world show at Beach Midway. Midget Village, Inc. Midget Village. Miller, Royal R. Gravity Coaster at Beach Midway. Morgan, Lucy Sale of North Carolina mountaineers' handcraft products, rugs, mats, wood novelties, hand hammered pewter, at North Carolina Cabin. Morris, E. L. Restaurant on Hiram Walker and Canadian Club pier, Science bridge. Muller, Charls J. Schlitz Garden Café on Northerly Island. Operation of 2 soda grill luncheonettes in Electrical Building and General Exhibits Building. N Nathan, Barney Shop selling baby clothes, adjoining Infant Incubator exhibit building. Shop for sale of apparel for infants and children and children's souvenirs at Enchanted Island. 1934 Streets of Paris, Inc. "The Streets of Paris." Noon, J. Gilbert Shooting gallery at Beach Midway. O Oasis Co. "The Oasis," village. O'Connell's, Inc. Restaurant in Foods Building. Ohita, T. Japanese concession. Old Heidelberg Corp. Old Heidelberg Inn. Olson, H. Edsall Operation of 10 stands for the sale of "Hum-All" musical instruments. P P. & R. Enterprises, Inc. Restaurant on Beach Midway. Palwaukee Airport, Inc. Seaplanes for sight-seeing trips. Parkwood Trading Corp. Pantheon de la Guerre, panorama of the World War. Patent Exhibits, Inc. Exhibit of patented inventions, trade marks and copyrights in General Exhibits Building. Patsyette Shop Shop for sale of dolls and accessories at Enchanted Island. Person Exhibits Co. Operation of brewery exhibits and restaurants in Brewery Exhibits Building. Polly Grills Operation of 3 Polly Tea Rooms—23d Street bridge, T&T Building and Foods Building. Progress Amusement Corp. Lagoon transportation boats and gondolas. Q Quaker Oats Co. Selling Aunt Jemima Pancakes, Puffed Rice Candy and Scotch Scones at Quaker Oats exhibit in Foods Building. HOLDERS OF CONCESSIONS—Continued — R — Radio Steel & Mfg. Co. Shop for sale of coaster wagons at Enchanted Island. R. B. Amusement Co. Amusement ride "Cyclone Coaster" at Beach Midway. Roberts, Rankin Pony ride at Enchanted Island. Sale of whips, hats, spurs, etc. Rosenthal, Cornell & Dwyer, Inc. Casino restaurant on Northerly Island. — S — Scholl Mfg. Co. Chiropodist consultations. Sale of corrective shoes, arch supports, etc.—Hall of Science. Shuart, H. H. Outdoor Life show in Travel and Transport Building. Silex Co. Sale of Silex broilers and Dripolators for coffee and tea in Foods Building. Simons, H. A. Shop for sale of art metal and leather novelties—16th Street bridge. Simon, Lee Operation of 5 booths for recording voices on metallic disks. Sinai Kosher Sausage Factory Operation of 4 stands for the sale of orthodox Kosher foods of all kinds. Sipchen, R. J., Amusement Corp. Black Forest Village. Mrs. Snyder's Home-Made Candies Shop for sale of candy and confections at 23d Street bridge. Standard Brands, Inc. Sale of iced or hot tea and coffee at Standard Brands exhibit in Foods Building. Steinberg, Edward J. "Early American Crafts Shop" and "Gift Shop" at 16th Street bridge. Sticha & Svator Shop for sale of European goods. Stockholm, Carl Barber shop in General Exhibits Building. Swedish Produce Co. Restaurant in Foods Building. Swift & Co. Swift Bridge features—orchestra stage, exhibits, restaurants. — T — Thompson, John R. Co. Operation of 2 restaurants adjoining Grandstand. Thorne, Mrs. James Ward Exhibit of miniature rooms—Special building on Northerly Island. Thorud, Hazel M. Miller's High Life Restaurant on Northerly Island. Toffenetti Restaurant Co. Triangle Restaurant in Hall of Science. Touristic North Africa, Inc. Tunisian Village. Towl-o-Matic, Inc. Coin-operated machines dispensing towels and soap in toilet rooms. Truscott, E. E. Operation of 6 electrically driven boats for children at Magic Mountain at Enchanted Island. Turner, Paul World's Fair Pocketbook Shop, for sale of leather goods—16th Street bridge. — U — Unterreiner, Victor Hungarian Pavilion. — V — Victor Vienna Garden Café, Inc. Victor Vienna Garden Café restaurant. — W — Walgreen Co. Operation of 4 drug stores and soda fountains—in Hall of Science, States Building, opposite Travel and Transport Building, and Walgreen Building at 23d Street. Wenger, Max Stand for the sale of "Cotton Candy." Wilson & Co. Operation of 10 stands for the sale of hot tamales, chili con carne, cornd beef hash, pies, coffee, milk and chocolate. Winton Corp. "Auto Track," at Beach Midway. Wood, Harvey C. Restaurant at International Egg Laying Contest. Woodlawn Service Co. Operation of 96 souvenir stands and 4 checking booths. World's Fair Greyhound Lines, Inc. Bus transportation system within the grounds. CONTRIBUTORS TO EXHIBITS IN BASIC AND MEDICAL SCIENCES IN THE HALL OF SCIENCE Dr. Eugene Murray Aaron The Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia Alabama Marble Company Alabama Polytechnic Institute Aluminum Company of America American Museum of Natural History American Sheet & Tin Plate Company American Smelting & Refining Company Anaconda Copper Mining Company Arkansas Geological Survey The Ayer Company Bakelite Corporation CONTRIBUTORS TO EXHIBITS IN BASIC AND MEDICAL SCIENCES IN THE HALL OF SCIENCE—Continued Baker & Company, Inc. Bausch & Lomb Optical Company Bell Telephone Laboratories S. W. Boggs Boyce-Thompson Institute for Plant Research Buffalo Museum of Science Burgess Battery Company C. W. Burnheimer Calumet & Hecla Carnegie Museum Carnegie Institute of Washington Dr. R. W. Chaney (University of California) Clay-Adams Company Cochrane Engineering Company Cornell University (Dept. of Physics) Cornell University (Dept. of Chemistry) Cornell University (Dept. of Entomology) Corning Glass Works Prof. Geo. B. Cressy (Syracuse University) Estate of Richard Crisler Cutler-Hammer Manufacturing Company Thomas J. Dee & Company The DeLaval Separator Company Denmark Denver Equipment Company Paul S. Donchian Dow Chemical Company Frank V. Dudley Eagle Picher Company Fansteel Products Company Field Museum of Natural History Firestone Tire & Rubber Company Foote Mineral Company, Incorporated Ford Motors Company General Biological Supply House General Electric X-Ray Corporation Goldsmith Bros. Smelting & Refining Company Prof. L. C. Graton (Harvard University) Grasselli Chemical Company Hammer Laboratories Charles Hardy, Incorporated Dr. Ross Harrison Hawaiian Entomological Society Holland-American Chamber of Commerce Hot Springs Chamber of Commerce Illinois Chemical Laboratory, Incorporated A PRICELESS EXHIBIT showing pearls of every color and shade, every size, shape and form, all in the original shells from every water where pearls are found. Nothing like it ever seen before, anywhere. Also ancient jewels and religious subjects. TREASURE HOUSE, INC., BELGIAN VILLAGE [ 186 ] CONTRIBUTORS TO EXHIBITS IN BASIC AND MEDICAL SCIENCES IN THE HALL OF SCIENCE—Continued Indiana University International Filter Company International Nickel Company Izaak Walton League Italy Jackson Memorial Laboratory S. C. Johnson & Sons Company Dr. Carl Jucci (Royal University of Modena, Institute of Zoology) Kansas Geological Society Keuffel & Esser Keystone View Company E. Leitz, Incorporated Chas. F. L’Hommedieu & Sons Company, Incorporated City of Los Angeles Louisiana State University Father Joseph Lynch Mallinckrodt Chemical Company Dr. O. Mangold Maywood Chemical Works Memorial Hospital Merck & Company Miami Aquarium Miller-Dunn Company, Incorporated Museum of Science & Industry (Chicago) Museum of Science & Industry (New York) National Academy of Sciences National Foundation for Scientific Research New Jersey Zinc Company Northwestern Improvement Company Northwestern University (Evanston) Northwestern University Medical School A. J. Nystrom & Company Pasteur Institut Bradley M. Patten Peltier Glass Company Pennsylvania State Geological Survey Petroleum Industries Exhibit Committee The Perser Corporation Philadelphia & Reading Coal & Iron Company Pribram’s Microbiological Collection Purdue University (Agricultural Experiment Station) Purdue University (Department of Chemistry) Radium Service Corporation Rand, McNally Company Raritan Copper Company A. I. Root Company Royal Institution S.A.C.T.E.R. (Paris, France) Science Museum G. F. Shepherd The Simoniz Company C. E. Smith Societe Boracifera De Lardarelles Professor Theodore Soller Hugh S. Spence Standard Brands, Incorporated Charles J. Story Syracuse University Texas Gulf Sulphur Company C. H. Thordarson Union Carbide & Carbon Corporation U. S. Government (Bureau of Fisheries) U. S. Government (Bureau of Standards) U. S. Government (U. S. Coast & Geodetic Survey) U. S. Government (U. S. Geological Survey) U. S. Government (Bureau of Entomology) U. S. Government (Department of Agriculture) U. S. Government (National Advisory Committee on Aeronautics) U. S. Government (National Park Service) U. S. Government (Navy) University of California (Department of Botany) University of Chicago (Dr. Fay Cooper Cole) University of Chicago (Department of Chemistry) University of Chicago (Department of Physics) University of Chicago (Department of Zoology) University of Chicago Press University of Chicago (Walker Museum) University of Chicago (Whitman Lab.) University of Illinois (Department of Chemistry) University of Illinois (Department of Physics) University of Zurich Victor Chemical Company Virginia Geological Survey The Wander Company Ward’s Natural Science Establishment W. M. Welch Mfg. Company Westinghouse Electric & Mfg. Company Westinghouse X-Ray Company J. E. Williamson Wisconsin University Dr. J. S. Young NOW RELIEVE A BAD HEADACHE IN FEW MINUTES Quick Dissolving Property of BAYER ASPIRIN Starts Relief 3 or 4 Minutes After Taking Due to important, scientific developments in the world-famous Bayer laboratories, almost INSTANT relief from headaches, neuralgia and rheumatic pains is being afforded millions. Because of a unique process in making and tableting, Genuine Bayer Aspirin is made to dissolve almost INSTANTLY in the stomach. Hence it starts to work almost instantly. And thus “takes hold” of the average pain or headache in as little as three or four minutes after taking. The fastest, safe relief, it is said, ever known for pain. Remember, it is Genuine Bayer Aspirin which provides this unique, quick-acting property. So be sure you get the Real Article—GENUINE BAYER Aspirin when you buy. Naturally you want the fastest, possible relief—and that’s the way to get it. To identify the genuine, see that any box or bottle of aspirin you buy is marked “Genuine Bayer Aspirin.” And that any tablet you take is stamped clearly with the name “Bayer” in the form of a cross. Remember—Genuine Bayer Aspirin does not harm the heart. Genuine BAYER ASPIRIN CONTRIBUTORS TO THE ADMINISTRATION BUILDING Aluminum Co. of America American Radiator Co. Baltimore & Ohio Railroad Co. Bendix Manufacturing Co. Cellized Oak Floorings, Inc. Celotex Co., The Dunham Co., C. A. Du Pont de Nemours & Co., Inc. Eagle Ottawa Leather Co. Einert Decorative Backgrounds Ezy Rug Co. Federal Electric Co. Flexwood Co., The Formica Insulation Co., The Garland Furniture Co. Glynn Johnson Corporation Heath & Milligan Mfg. Co. Hoffmann, Wolfgang Howell Co., The Insull, Samuel, Jr. Johns-Manville Co., H. W. Kaucher Engineering Co. Marb-L-Cote, Inc. Marshall Field & Co. Mosler Safe Co., The McPherson, C. D. Murphy Door Bed Co. Nahigian Bros., Inc. Nagel Chase Manufacturing Co., The Peoples Gas Light & Coke Co. St. Clair Rubber Co. Steinmetz Door Matt Co. Tapp De Wilde & Wallace Truscon Steel Co. Warren, Walter G. Western Architectural Iron Co. Westinghouse Electric & Manufacturing Co. Wooster Products Co. INDIVIDUALS AND COMPANIES RENDERING SPECIALLY MERITORIOUS COOPERATION Advance Roofing & Sheet Metal Works American Asphalt Paint Co. American Blower Co. American La France Foamite Industries, Inc. American Radiator Co. American Rolling Mill Co. Archaeological Trust of Chicago Beardslee Chandelier Mfg. Co. Boyle, M. J. Builders United Sales Co. Carpenter, George B. Clauss Brothers Commonwealth Edison Co. Corboy, M. J. Curtis Lighting Co. David Architectural Iron Works Deckert & McDowell Electro Acoustic Products Co. Federal Electric Co. Fitzsimons & Connell Dredge & Dock Co. Fries-Walters Co. Friestedt Co., H. F. Fuchs Electric Co. Gage Structural Steel Co. General Cable Corporation General Electric Co. General Outdoor Advertising Co. Great Lakes Dredge & Dock Co. Gunggoll Co., G. A. Hanson Co., Frank D. Hardin Co., George D. Hettler Lumber Co., Herman H. Hibbard, Spencer, Bartlett & Co. Plumbing Co., J. W. Hooker Glass & Paint Mfg. Co. Illinois Bell Telephone Co. Illinois Central Railroad Co. Illinois District Telegraph Co. Inland Steel Co. Kelso - Burnett Electric Co. Kennedy Valve Manufacturing Co. Kenwood Engineering Co. McGarry Construction Co. Marshall Field & Co. Masonite Corporation Mehring & Hanson Co. Mid-West Concrete Pipe Co. Mississippi Valley Structural Steel Co. National Gypsum Co. National Theatre Supply Co. Noelle Co., J. B. O'Neil Construction Co., W. E. Otis Elevator Co. Peoples Gas Light & Coke Co. Richmond Fireproof Door Co. Roebling's Sons Co., John A. Rosenthal, Cornell & Dwyer Co. St. Clair Rubber Co. Sangamo Electric Co. Sears, Roebuck & Co. Shean Steel Window Co. Sill Construction Co. Snyder Co., J. W. Soaman & Landis Co. Sproul Construction Co., E. W. Swain, Nelson & Sons Co. Troutman, F. B. Truscon Steel Co. Turner Resilient Floors, Inc. Walker-Jamar Co. Westinghouse Electric & Mfg. Co. Westinghouse Lamp Co. White City Electric Co. Worthington Pump & Machinery Corporation Yeoman Brothers Co. A LIST OF MURALS PAINTED FOR THE FAIR Contributed through the courtesy of Dudley Crafts Watson Hall of Science. "Mathematics—Physical Sciences" by Pierre Bourdelle. "Biology" by Richard Crisler. "An Outlook of Biological Development from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day" by Catherine O'Brien. "Urns" by Mary Bartlett. "Marketing" by Laura Harvey. "Columbian Exposition" by Frances Badger. "Fireworks" by Mrs. S. Szulkaska. "Diagrammatics" by Maude Phelps Hutchins. "Moon, Stars, and Roses in Gray and Yellow" by Eleanor Holden. "The Tree of Science" by John Norton. "The Dimensions of Natural Objects in Miles" by John Norton. "Wave Lengths" by John Norton. "The History of Technical Science" and "The History of Applied Science" by John Norton. General Exhibits Group. "Mining" by William Schwartz. "Business, Machines, People" by A. Raymond Katz-Sandor. "Machine Movement" by Rudolph Weisenborn. "Paint, Powder, Jewels" by George Melville Smith. "The New Freedom" by Davenport Griffen. Travel and Transport Building. "Stage Coach," "Pony Express" and "Covered Wagon" by D. C. Miller. Hall of Social Science. "Social Science and Welfare" by David McCosh. "Man and the Social Sciences" by Dorothy Loeb. THREE PERMANENT SCIENTIFIC PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS OF CHICAGO The Museum of Science and Industry, in Jackson Park, is devoted to exhibits of discoveries and inventions and the application of science to industry. A number of the exhibits at the World's Fair will be transferred to be permanent exhibits in the museum. The Field Museum of Natural History, in Jackson Park, is devoted to exhibits of discoveries and inventions and the application of science to industry. A number of the exhibits at the World's Fair will be transferred to be permanent exhibits in the museum. The Shedd Aquarium, just outside the North Entrance to the Exposition, is equipped with the most modern facilities for the exhibition of living sea and fresh water creatures. In 132 exhibition tanks are between 6,000 and 7,000 live fish, both salt and fresh water, representing nearly 700 different species. THAT UPSET MORNING FEELING YOU HAVE Nine Chances in Ten It’s “Acid Stomach” How You Can Easily Correct It Almost Instant Relief This Way TAKE—2 teaspoonfuls of Phillips’ Milk of Magnesia in a glass of water every morning when you get up. Take another teaspoonful thirty minutes after eating. And another before you go to bed. According to many authorities, a great number of people today have acid stomach. This because so many foods, comprising the modern diet, are acid forming foods. It usually makes itself felt in headaches, nausea, “gas,” “biliousness,” and most frequently in stomach pains that come about thirty minutes after eating. So you can easily tell if you have it. Now Quickly and Easily Corrected If you do have acid stomach, don’t worry about it. You can correct it in a very simple manner. Just do this; it will alkalinize your acid soaked stomach almost immediately and you will feel like another person. TAKE—2 teaspoonfuls of Phillips’ Milk of Magnesia with a glass of water every morning when you get up. Take another teaspoonful thirty minutes after eating. And another before you go to bed. What This Does That’s all you do. But you do it regularly, EVERY DAY, so long as you have any symptoms of distress. This acts to neutralize the stomach acids that foster your “upset” stomach, that invite headaches and that feeling of lassitude and lost energy. Try it. Results will amaze you. Your head will be clear. You’ll forget you have a stomach. BUT—be careful that you get REAL milk of magnesia when you buy: genuine PHILLIPS’ Milk of Magnesia. See that the name “Phillips” is stamped clearly on the label. ALSO IN TABLET FORM: Phillips’ Milk of Magnesia Tablets are now on sale at drug stores everywhere. Each tiny tablet is the equivalent of a teaspoonful of Genuine Phillips’ Milk of Magnesia. one of the BIGGEST THRILLS of the FAIR is FREE Safety Glass This "Good Luck" Coin GIVEN FREE to everyone who throws a baseball. BE SURE TO GET YOURS! Come to the Travel and Transport Building and THROW BASEBALLS AT A TARGET OF GLASS. Watch the ball shatter and scatter a piece of ordinary glass into many flying fragments. Then watch it actually BOUNCE BACK from a piece of Safety Glass. See with your own eyes why Safety Glass is the greatest available protection against the hazard of broken, flying glass. Prove to your own satisfaction that Safety Glass ALL-AROUND is a necessary protective measure in all automobiles. This is the most unusual spectacle in the Fair Grounds. And it's FREE. Sponsored by Safety Glass MANUFACTURERS' ASSOCIATION in the Great Hall of The Travel & Transport Building Hiram Walker & Sons invite you to visit this unusually entertaining and educational exhibit. EXTENDING 400 feet out into the cool waters of the lagoon from the middle of the 16th Street bridge are the Hiram Walker & Sons exhibit and the "Canadian Club" Cafe... Here you will see one of the most interesting and educational displays at the Fair. A series of beautiful murals depicts practically every stage in the distilling process from the grain fields to the finished product. There is a complete, modern bottling line in operation, showing the speed and the care with which Hiram Walker & Sons products are bottled. The "Canadian Club" Cafe which adjoins the exhibit offers a splendid variety of food besides entertainment, music and dancing. There is a fine view from the restaurant, which is swept by cool breezes from Lake Michigan. You are cordially invited to visit this truly remarkable exhibit. It will be something to tell the folks about when you get back home. HIRAM WALKER & SONS Walkerville, Ontario Peoria, Illinois DISTILLERS OF THE WORLD-FAMOUS "CANADIAN CLUB" AND OTHER FINE WHISKIES Be Sure to Visit the JUNKET EXHIBIT Main Aisle—Food and Agricultural Building A Century of Progress Exposition Creamier ICE CREAM in your Electric Refrigerator or Hand Freezer No more disappointments making ice cream in your automatic refrigerator. No more ice crystals. No warming—just mix with milk and cream. No stirring while freezing. Richer, smoother, ice cream at home. Taste it! Junket Ice Cream Mix makes better ice cream than the most expensive ice cream you can buy. It's wholesome and more easily digested. You can make it in a minute. By adding fresh fruits, nuts, peanut brittle, flavors and sauces you can make your favorite ice cream in a few moments. Approved by Good Housekeeping. Learn How Junket Milk Desserts Speed Milk Digestion Twice as Fast Junket Powder, already sweetened and flavored: Vanilla Chocolate Lemon Orange Raspberry Coffee Junket Tablets, not sweetened or flavored. Add sugar and flavor to taste. The Junket Folks, Dept. 44, Little Falls, N.Y. JUNKET Ice Cream Mix Made by the Makers of Junket 10¢ Chocolate or Vanilla The following is a list of the most common types of data that can be collected and analyzed using the methods described in this paper. 1. Demographic Data: This includes information such as age, gender, race/ethnicity, education level, income, employment status, and marital status. Demographic data can be used to identify trends and patterns in consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies. 2. Behavioral Data: This includes information about how consumers interact with products or services, such as purchase history, browsing behavior, and search queries. Behavioral data can be used to understand customer preferences and needs, which can help businesses improve their products and services. 3. Geospatial Data: This includes information about the location of consumers, such as their zip code, city, state, and country. Geospatial data can be used to identify areas where there is a high concentration of potential customers, which can help businesses target their marketing efforts more effectively. 4. Social Media Data: This includes information about what consumers are saying online, such as their tweets, posts, and comments. Social media data can be used to monitor public opinion and sentiment, which can help businesses stay ahead of emerging trends and issues. 5. Financial Data: This includes information about consumers' financial status, such as their credit score, debt levels, and investment portfolio. Financial data can be used to assess the risk of lending to consumers, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their lending policies. 6. Healthcare Data: This includes information about consumers' health status, such as their medical records, prescription history, and insurance coverage. Healthcare data can be used to identify potential health risks and opportunities for prevention, which can help businesses improve their healthcare services. 7. Environmental Data: This includes information about the environment, such as air quality, water quality, and climate change. Environmental data can be used to assess the impact of human activities on the environment, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their environmental policies. 8. Educational Data: This includes information about consumers' educational background, such as their school attendance, graduation rates, and test scores. Educational data can be used to identify areas where there is a need for improvement in the education system, which can help businesses support educational initiatives. 9. Legal Data: This includes information about consumers' legal status, such as their criminal record, civil rights, and legal disputes. Legal data can be used to assess the risk of litigation, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their legal policies. 10. Political Data: This includes information about consumers' political affiliations, such as their party affiliation, voting history, and campaign contributions. Political data can be used to identify areas where there is a need for political reform, which can help businesses support political initiatives. In conclusion, the collection and analysis of data can provide valuable insights into consumer behavior, which can help businesses make informed decisions about their marketing strategies, product development, and other business operations. However, it is important to note that data collection and analysis must be done in a responsible and ethical manner, taking into account the privacy and security concerns of consumers. 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2022 Drinking Water Quality Report DEAR CUSTOMER: In order to ensure that tap water is safe to drink, EPA prescribes regulations which limit the amount of certain contaminants in water provided by public water systems. This report is intended to provide you with important information about your drinking water and the efforts made by the water system to provide safe drinking water. The sources of drinking water (both tap water and bottled water) generally include rivers, lakes, streams, ponds, reservoirs, springs, and wells. As water travels over the surface of the land or through the ground, it dissolves naturally-occurring minerals and, in some cases, radioactive material, and can pick up substances resulting from the presence of animals or from human activity. Drinking water, including bottled water, may reasonably be expected to contain at least small amounts of some contaminants. The presence of contaminants does not necessarily indicate that the water poses a health risk. More information about contaminants and potential health effects can be obtained by calling the EPA's Safe Drinking Water Hotline (1-800-426-4791). Contaminants that may be present in the source water include: 1) Microbial contaminants, such as viruses and bacteria, which may come from sewage treatment plants, septic tanks, agricultural livestock operations, and wildlife; 2) Inorganic contaminants, such as salts and metals, which can be naturally-occurring or result from urban storm water runoff, industrial or domestic wastewater discharges, oil and gas production, mining, or farming; 3) Pesticides and herbicides, which may come from a variety of sources such as agriculture, urban stormwater runoff, and residential uses; 4) Organic chemical contaminants, including synthetic and volatile organic chemicals, and by-products of water treatment such as chlorine and disinfection by-products; 5) Radioactive contaminants, which can be naturally-occurring or be the result of oil and gas production and mining production and mining activities. The source of water used by City of Rose City is surface water from the Sabine River Authority Terminal Reservoir. No Source Water Assessment for your drinking water source(s) has been conducted by the TCEQ for your water system. The report describes the susceptibility and the types of contaminants that may enter into contact with your drinking water source based on human activities and natural events. The source water source assessment allows us to focus our source water protection strategies. For more information about your source of water, please refer to the Source Water Assessment Viewer available at the following URL: http://www.tceq.texas.gov/sowa/viewer/ Further details about source and source water assessments are available in Drinking Water Facts at the following URL: http://www.tceq.texas.gov/ Many constituents (such as calcium, sodium, or iron) which are often found in drinking water can cause taste, color, and odor problems. The taste and odor constituents are called secondary constituents and are regulated by the State of Texas, not the EPA. These constituents are not health related. Maximum Contaminant Level (MCL): The level of a contaminant in drinking water below which there is no known or expected risk to health. MCLs allow for a margin of safety. Maximum Contaminant Level Goal (MCLG): The level of a contaminant in drinking water below which there is no known or expected risk to health. MCLGs allow for a margin of safety. Maximum Treatment Level (MTL): The highest level of a contaminant allowed in drinking water. There is convincing evidence that addition of a disinfectant is necessary for control of microbial contaminants. Maximum Residual Disinfectant Level (MRDL): The level of drinking water disinfectant below which there is no known or expected risk to health. MRDLs do not reflect the benefits of the use of disinfectants to control microbial contaminants. Maximum Residual Disinfectant Level Goal (MRDLG): The level of a contaminant in drinking water below which there is no known or expected risk to health. MRDLGs allow for a margin of safety. Nephelometric Turbidity Unit (NTU): A measure of turbidity. Parts per billion, parts per million, ppb, ppm: The same meaning. 1 part per billion is equivalent to 1 milligram per liter or parts per million. Picocuries per liter, pCi/L: A measure of radioactivity. Treatment Technique (TT): A required process intended to reduce the level of a contaminant in drinking water. \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|------------------------------------------------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Radioactive Contaminants (Regulated at the Water Plant) \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Combined Radium \| pCi/L \| 2018 \| 5 \| 1.5 \| 1.5 – 1.5 \| 0 \| Yes \| Erosion of natural deposits. \| \| Synthetic Organic Contaminants Including Pesticides and Herbicides \| ppb \| 2022 \| 1,67 \| 0 – 3.1 \| 200 \| Yes \| Runoff from herbicide used on rights of way \| \| Dalapon \| ppb \| 2022 \| 0.31 \| 0.31 – 0.31 \| 50 \| Yes \| Discharge from chemical factories. \| \| Hexachlorocyclopentadiene \| ppb \| 2022 \| 0.31 \| 0.31 – 0.31 \| 50 \| Yes \| Discharge from chemical factories. \| \| Unregulated Contaminants \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Bromodichloromethane \| ppb \| 2022 \| N/A \| 38.0 \| 38 – 38 \| N/A \| Yes \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| \| Bromoform \| ppb \| 2022 \| N/A \| 1.2 \| 1.2 – 1.2 \| N/A \| Yes \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| \| Chloroform \| ppb \| 2022 \| N/A \| 183.0 \| 183 – 183 \| N/A \| Yes \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| \| Dibromochloromethane \| ppb \| 2022 \| N/A \| 12.0 \| 12 – 12 \| N/A \| Yes \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| Unregulated contaminants are those for which EPA has not established drinking water standards. The purpose of unregulated contaminant monitoring is to assist EPA in determining the occurrence of unregulated contaminants in drinking water and whether future regulation is warranted. Inorganic Contaminants (Regulated at the Water Plant) \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|-----------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Barium \| ppm \| 2022 \| 2 \| 0.03 \| 0.03 – 0.03 \| 2 \| Yes \| Discharge of drilling wastes; discharge from metal refineries; erosion of natural deposits. \| Turbidity Turbidity has no health effects. However, turbidity can interfere with disinfection and provide a medium for microbial growth. Turbidity may indicate the presence of disease-causing organisms. These organisms include bacteria, viruses, and parasites that can cause symptoms such as nausea, cramps, diarrhea and associated headaches. Level Detected \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|-----------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Turbidity \| NTU \| \| 1 NTU\| No \| \| \| \| \| Highest single measurement \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|-----------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Turbidity \| NTU \| \| 2.16 NTU \| No \| \| \| \| \| Lowest monthly % meeting limit \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|-----------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Turbidity \| NTU \| \| 45% \| 0.3 NTU \| \| \| \| Soil runoff \| Disinfectant Byproducts \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| MCL \| Average Level Detected \| Min - Max Level Detected \| MCLG \| Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|--------------------\|-----------------\|------\|------\|------------------------\|--------------------------\|------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Haloacetic Acids \| ppb \| 2022 \| 60 \| 71.71 \| 18.7 – 158 \| 0 \| No \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| \| Total Trihalomethanes \| ppb \| 2022 \| 80 \| 253.71 \| 133 – 404 \| 0 \| No \| By-product of drinking water disinfection. \| Health Effects: Some people who drink water containing trihalomethanes in excess of the MCL over many years may experience problems with their liver, kidneys, or central nervous systems, and may have an increased risk of getting cancer. \| Substance \| Unit of Measure \| Year \| 90th % Value \| EPA Action Level \| Results above Action Level \| MCLG \| In Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|------------------------------------------------\|-----------------\|------\|--------------\|------------------\|----------------------------\|------\|---------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Lead and Copper (Regulated at Customers Tap) \| ppm \| 2020 \| 0 \| 1.3 \| 0 \| 1.3 \| Yes \| Corrosion of household plumbing systems, erosion of natural deposits, leaching from wood preservatives. \| \| Copper \| ppb \| 2020 \| 0 \| 15 \| 0 \| 0 \| Yes \| Corrosion of household plumbing systems; erosion of natural deposits. \| Microbiological Contaminants \| Substance \| Year \| MCL \| Highest No. of Positive Samples \| MCLG \| In Compliance \| Typical Sources \| \|------------------------------------------------\|------\|-----\|---------------------------------\|------\|---------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Fecal Coliform Bacteria and E. Coli \| 2022 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| Yes \| Human and animal fecal waste \| \| Total Coliform Bacteria \| 2022 \| 1 \| 1 \| 0 \| Yes \| Naturally present in the environment \| Total coliform bacteria are used as indicators of microbial contamination of drinking water because testing for them is easy. While not disease-causing organisms themselves, they are often found in association with other microbes that are capable of causing disease. Coliform bacteria are more hardy than many disease-causing organisms; therefore, their absence from water is a good indication that the water is microbiologically safe for human consumption. \| Violations \| Duration \| \|------------\|----------\| \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \| Consumer Confidence Rule \| 07/01/2021 to 07/06/2022 \| \| Health Effects \| The Consumer Confidence Rule requires community water systems to prepare and provide to their customers annual consumer confidence reports on the quality of the water delivered by the system. \| \| Explanation \| We failed to provide to you, our drinking water customers, an annual report that informs you about the quality of our drinking water and characterizes the risks from exposure to contaminants detected in our drinking water. \| \| Steps to Correct \| We have reviewed our process for distributing the annual report and implemented checks to prevent this from happening in the future. \| \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \| FAILURE: SUBMIT OEL REPORT FOR HAA5 \| 04/28/2022 TO 10/06/2022 \| \| Health Effects \| Some people who drink water containing haloacetic acids in excess of the MCL over many years may have an increased risk of getting cancer. \| \| Explanation \| We failed to submit our operational evaluation level (OEL) report to our regulator. The report is needed to determine best treatment practices necessary to minimize possible future exceedences of HAA5. \| \| Steps to Correct \| Our water system is working with the Operations team to help reduce the HAA5 levels. \| \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \| FAILURE: SUBMIT OEL REPORT FOR TTHM \| 04/28/2022 to 10/06/2022 \| \| Health Effects \| Some people who drink water containing trihalomethanes in excess of the MCL over many years may experience problems with their liver, kidneys, or central nervous systems, and may have an increased risk of getting cancer. \| \| Explanation \| We failed to submit our operational evaluation level (OEL) report to our regulator. The report is needed to determine best treatment practices necessary to minimize possible future exceedences of TTHM. \| \| Steps to Correct \| This violation has been resolved and the system is back in compliance. \| \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Halocetic Acids (HAA5) \| 04/01/2022 TO 12/31/2022 \| Health Effects Some people who drink water containing halocetic acids in excess of the MCL over many years may have an increased risk of getting cancer. Explanation Water samples showed that the amount of this contaminant in our drinking water was above its standard (called a maximum contaminant level and abbreviated MCL) for the period indicated. Steps to Correct Our water system is working with the Operations team to help reduce the HAA5 levels. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Monitoring - Routine (IESWTRLT1), Major \| 01/01/2022 TO 12/31/2022 \| Health Effects The Interim Enhances Surface Water Treatment Rule improves control of microbial contaminants, particularly Cryptosporidium, in systems using surface water, or ground water under the direct influence of surface water. The rule builds upon the treatment technique requirements of the Surface Water Treatment Rule. Explanation We failed to test our drinking water for the contaminant and period indicated. Because of this failure, we cannot be sure of the quality of our drinking water during the period indicated. Steps to Correct The process for this monitoring has been reviewed and corrective actions have been taken to prevent this from happening in the future. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Monitoring - RTNRPT Major (SWTR-FILTER) \| 01/01/2022 to 12/31/2022 \| Health Effects The Surface Water Treatment Rule seeks to prevent waterborne diseases caused by viruses, Legionella, and Giardia lamblia. The rule requires that water systems filter and disinfect water from surface water sources to reduce the occurrence of unsafe levels of these microbes. Explanation We failed to test our drinking water for the contaminant and period indicated. Because of this failure, we cannot be sure of the quality of our drinking water during the period indicated. Steps to Correct The process for this sampling has been reviewed and corrective actions have been taken. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| MONTHLY COMB FLTR EFFLUENT (IESWTRLT1) \| 01/01/2022 to 03/31/2022 \| Health Effects The Interim Enhanced Surface Water Treatment Rule improves control of microbial contaminants, particularly Cryptosporidium, in systems using surface water, or ground water under the direct influence of surface water. The rule builds upon the treatment technique requirements of the Surface Water Treatment Rule. Explanation Turbidity levels, though relatively low, exceeded a standard for the month indicated. Turbidity (cloudiness) levels are used to measure effective filtration of drinking water. Steps to Correct The process for this monitoring has been reviewed and corrective actions have been taken to prevent this from happening in the future. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Public Notification Rule \| 04/28/2020 to 10/12/2022 \| Health Effects The Public Notification Rule helps to ensure that consumers will always know if there is a problem with their drinking water (e.g., a boil water emergency). Explanation We failed to adequately notify you, our drinking water consumers, about a violation of the drinking water regulations. Steps to Correct The process for distributing public notices has been reviewed and corrective action, as well as proper management techniques, have been put in place to prevent this from happening in the future. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Revised Total Coliform Rule (RTCR), Level 1 Asses, Multiple TC POS \| 09/11/2022 to 2022 \| Health Effects E. coli are bacteria whose presence indicates that the water may be contaminated with human or animal wastes. Human pathogens in these wastes can cause short-term effects such as diarrhea, cramps, nausea, headaches, or other symptoms. They may pose a greater health risk for infants, young children, the elderly, and people with severely-compromised immune systems. Explanation We failed to properly complete a Level 1 Assessment in our water system. Steps to Correct Our system is working with TCEQ to resolve this violation. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Single Comb Fltr Effluent (IESWTRLT1) \| 01/01/2022 to 01/31/2022 \| Health Effects The Interim Enhanced Surface Water Treatment Rule improved control of microbial contaminants, particularly Cryptosporidium, in systems using surface water, or ground water under the direct influence of surface water. The rule builds upon the treatment technique requirements of the Surface Water Treatment Rule. ### Turbidity Explanation Turbidity levels, though relatively low, exceeded a standard for the month indicated. Turbidity (cloudiness) levels are used to measure effective filtration of drinking water. Steps to Correct The process for this monitoring has been reviewed and corrective actions have been taken to prevent this from happening in the future. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Total Coliform \| 01/01/2022 to 12/31/2022 \| ### Health Effects Total Coliform bacteria are used as indicators of microbial contamination of drinking water because testing for them is easy. While note disease-causing organisms themselves, they are often found in association with other microbes that are capable of causing disease. Coliform bacteria are more hardy than many disease-causing organisms; therefore, their absence from water is a good indication that the water is microbiologically safe for human consumption. Explanation Water samples showed that the amount of this contaminant in our drinking water was above its standard (called a maximum contaminant level and abbreviated MCL) for the period indicated. Steps to Correct \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Total Organic Carbon \| 01/01/2022 to 12/31/2022 \| ### Health Effects Total organic carbon has no health effects. However, total organic carbon provides a medium for the formation of disinfection byproducts. These byproducts include Trihalomethanes (THMs) and halogenic acids (HAs). Drinking water containing these byproducts in excess of the MCL may lead to adverse health effects, liver or kidney problems, or nervous system effects, and may lead to an increased risk of cancer. Explanation We failed to test our drinking water for the contaminant and period indicated. Because of this failure, we cannot be sure of the quality of our drinking water during the period indicated. Steps to Correct The process for this monitoring has been reviewed and corrective actions have been taken to prevent this from happening in the future. \| Violation Type \| Duration \| \|----------------\|----------\| \| Total Trihalomethanes (TTHM) MCL, LRAA \| 01/01/2022 to 12/31/2022 \| ### Health Effects Some people who drink water containing trihalomethanes in excess of the MCL over many years may experience problems with their liver, kidneys, or central nervous systems, and may have an increased risk of getting cancer. Explanation Water samples showed that the amount of this contaminant in our drinking water was above its standard (called a maximum contaminant level and abbreviated MCL) for the period indicated. 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Worker’s Heritage in the Building Trades BY GRACE PALLADINO Section 1: From Artisans to Wage-earners to Local and National Unions 6-2 Section 2: Government Matters 6-7 Section 3: The Best of Times, The Worst of Times 6-13 Section 4: Back to the Future 6-24 NORTH AMERICA’S BUILDING TRADES UNIONS Construct Your Future When it comes to construction work, some things never change: From pyramids in ancient times to today’s towering skyscrapers, the work has always been hard, dangerous, seasonal, and significant. Yet for all this continuity, change has been constant, too. In an industry shaped by boom and bust business cycles, when employment goes up and down, the building trades have had to adapt to changing technologies, skill requirements, market conditions, and social and cultural values. Their organizations have evolved from craft-based protective societies, to local unions and building trades councils, to international unions and today’s North America’s Building Trades Unions. In the process, building trades workers and their organizations have become the leading protectors of apprenticeship training, health and safety provisions on the job, collective bargaining rights, and prevailing wage laws. The process has never been easy, especially given the trades’ different market strengths and weaknesses, an abiding tradition of craft autonomy, and a very practical need to keep their members employed, even if that meant one union fighting another over work jurisdiction. And it isn’t over yet: In the construction industry, a worker’s right to fair wages, safe working conditions, and a voice on the job is still contested every day. Section 1: From Artisans to Wage-earners to Local and National Unions Craft worker pride and faith in democracy went hand in hand in the first few decades of American history. “Labour and Skill are indispensable for the advancement of civilization,” boasted a group of construction workers, because, as a group of shipwrights put it, “By Commerce We Live.” Like generations of workers before them, who both promoted and protected their skill and their livelihoods by organizing craft guilds as far back as the Middle Ages, these early American artisans took it for granted that they were not “mere mechanics” but vital citizens and contributors to American social, political, and economic life. Independence and equality defined the artisan system that shaped the early Republic. Master craftsmen, journeymen, and apprentice craftsmen had developed what seemed to be a mutually beneficial arrangement. (In those days, “men” fairly described the work force.) Masters, who owned the tools and the shop, did everything from waiting on customers, to ordering materials, to working alongside employees to get orders out. In the process they trained young apprentices, usually teenage boys who often lived in their households. After acquiring a full set of skills, which could take as long as seven years, apprentices reached journey status. Now entitled to earn a wage, they were paid by the hour or by the piece (the number of items they produced or tasks they completed), depending on their trade. Under the right conditions, they would work hard, save up enough to open their own shops, and serve as masters to the next generation of craftsmen. Although moving up the ranks was not guaranteed, a skilled mechanic who was willing to work hard could expect to earn a decent standard of living with savings enough for retirement. As early as the 1830s, though, the artisan system and the independence and social rank that went with it, was on the way out. Internal improvements, from highways, to canal systems, to railroads, fueled a shift away from the artisan’s local market, to the capitalist’s regional and eventually national markets. Hand-tools gave way to water-powered factories where skilled work was sub-divided and performed by “hands” who worked longer days for lower wages. The rapid growth of cities also changed the artisan’s way of life, for as the economy expanded, so did the demand for skilled workers in urban centers. At the same time, growing numbers of immigrant workers, skilled and unskilled, were now competing for work. The rise of the factory, the expansion of the market, and the shift in journeyworkers’ status from artisan to wage-earner, all but severed the ties between master and journeyman, and craft work and independence. Yet some trades fared better than others. For instance, while the factory system and labor-saving technology took a serious toll on crafts like shoe-making, hat-making, and garment-making, hand-tools and craft skills were still essential in construction work. To be sure, there were factories producing windows, doors, and other building parts, but as late as the 1880s, carpenters still carved ornate moldings, or fashioned beams, pillars, and other heavy work. Stone cutters used chisels and hammers and worked on site. Plastering had barely changed since colonial days, and painters, bricklayers, roofers, and tile setters, all worked by hand. Because the industry still served a local market, construction mechanics and the small, unincorporated contractors who employed them, shared the same social roots: Both tended to be immigrants who started out as apprentices, and both moved from job to job, scrambling for steady income. Success was hardly guaranteed. Because contracts were short and profits were low in this highly competitive, seasonal industry, unexpected changes – rising prices, economic depression, even a spell of bad weather – could bankrupt marginal contractors. And in the busiest cities, like New York, Chicago, Cleveland, and St. Louis, where business was booming employers rarely shared the wealth. Expected to work 10-hour days and 6-day weeks for wages that barely kept a family afloat, the most skilled workers began to put down their tools and organize local unions. These union pioneers intended to be more than industrial “hands.” They expected to be recognized as valuable industrial partners who deserved decent wages, safe conditions, and a voice on the job site. They weren’t alone. Ever since the 1840s more and more wage-earners had banded together to improve their situations. Some favored joining labor reform groups, like the Knights of Labor, which welcomed skilled and unskilled workers with the motto, “an injury to one is the concern of all.” Others were socialists who believed that political power was the key to social justice, or anarchists willing to do whatever it took to undermine an unfair labor system. For the most part, though, skilled mechanics in the building trades tended to favor craft - or trade - unions that focused on gaining practical goals, like higher wages and shorter hours, and trade agreements to achieve decent wages and working conditions. The Bricklayers, for example, who had organized a national union as early as 1865, relied on their skill and discipline to keep standards high – because local unions admitted only the most productive and skilled workers, the union was vital to a contractor’s success; and because union members paid relatively high dues, they knew they could afford to strike, if necessary. This strategy paid off: The first of the building trades to establish the closed union shop, collective bargaining, and the 9-hour day (which would soon be the 8-hour day in Chicago), the Bricklayers were also the first to employ business agents, or walking delegates, to ensure that union men only worked on a job and that contractors honored their agreements. Before too long other trades were not only following the Bricklayers’ example; they were taking it a step farther: In the busiest cities, business agents pooled their strength by organizing citywide building trades councils (BTCs). Local BTCs seemed especially threatening to employers, and not only because their leaders were demonized as criminals by the press: Because member unions pledged to support each other’s strikes, the BTC had the economic muscle it took to enforce union wages and working conditions on each and every job site. Without a doubt, walking delegates had to be tough and aggressive to succeed, but the BTC’s power actually rested on the union worker’s skill. With the rise of steel frame skyscrapers in the 1880s and ‘90s, and subsequent (and expensive) innovations like high speed elevators, electric motors, and steam heating systems, the quality of the work mattered. Brick walls encasing steel structures had to be water tight; pipefitters had to have practical knowledge of hydraulics and pneumatics. Elevators had to be dependable and safe. And electrical work had to be expertly done to prevent fire hazards, a high standard to meet in the 1890s when electrical wiring was just taking off. Because time was money as far as contractors were concerned, a building trades worker had to be “first class or he is of little use.” To make the laws of supply and demand work for journeymen, building trades unions concentrated on skill, training, and performance. They used their union journals to publish expert discussions of technical matters, and expected new members to pass technical exams, especially if they intended to work in high-wage cities. These early efforts to promote skill and control entrance to the trades gave organized mechanics the economic leverage they needed to negotiate agreements in an industry dependent on competent, productive workers. But the industry and the trades were hardly static. As steel replaced wood and stone as primary building materials, and steel erectors began to dominate commercial construction in the 1890s, regional and even national contracting companies were entering the business. And as skyscrapers (and expenses) continued to rise, general contractors began to introduce new building materials and methods of installation that often crossed traditional trade lines. When contractors introduced reinforced concrete as a cheaper alternative to brick and stone work, for instance, bricklayers, plasterers and a new “specialty” union of cement finishers all claimed the work while iron workers, lathers, sheet metal workers, and laborers fought over the right to install metal reinforcing rods. These jurisdictional conflicts grew into jurisdictional wars that building trades councils and sympathy strikes could not resolve: Generally, when a local building trades council rendered a decision that went against a well-organized union like the Carpenters, that union usually left the council, opening the door for still other conflicts and strikes. Determined to find a permanent solution to these ongoing fights among the crafts, a group of local and national building trades leaders founded the National Building Trades Council in 1897. However, the organization did not last: Jurisdictional fights and the strikes that went with them continued to disrupt the industry. In fact, these contests grew so intense that in 1903 strikes or lockouts shut down construction in nearly every organized city, seriously damaging the reputation of building trades councils. Well aware that it was past time to resolve these disputes, representatives of the six largest unions – Bricklayers, Carpenters, Painters, Iron Workers, Laborers, and Plumbers established the Structural Building Trades Alliance in 1903. Their idea was to admit only the “primary” trades and force the newer “specialties” like the Lathers to join the Plasterers, and the Steam Fitters to join the Plumbers. But that was easier said than done, and in the meantime jurisdictional strikes continued to disrupt the industry. In 1908 a more permanent organization took hold: Delegates from 18 trades, both primary and specialty, organized the Building Trades Department (which later changed its name to the Building and Construction Trades Department and finally today’s North America’s Building Trades Unions) and affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. Problems still festered and member unions still tended to secede when decisions did not go their way. But by 1916, things were looking up: “For the first time in the history of the Building Trades movement . . . we are all united,” the first Building Trades president proclaimed. And just in time: World War I had been raging in Europe since 1914, and by the close of 1916 American involvement seemed imminent. In March 1917, just a few weeks before the United States officially joined the fight, AFL president Samuel Gompers met with leading trade unionists – including building trades leaders – to hammer out the AFL’s “Position in Peace or in War.” By “pulling in harness” with the government, as President Woodrow Wilson later put it, AFL unions would take their place as vital partners in the nation’s war effort, a first in American history. For the building trades this meant working with the federal government to build military cantonments (or training camps), air fields, and other necessary structures, as quickly and professionally as possible – demonstrating, in the process, the practical value of a skilled labor force ready and able to meet a crisis. The process wasn’t easy. The government agreed to pay union wages, enforce the 8-hour day, and recognize labor’s right to organize and the trades agreed not to strike or enforce closed-shop conditions – concessions that did not sit well with the best organized trades. But even without a closed-shop mandate, union membership in general government construction was higher than ever. Both the Iron Workers and the Operating Engineers added ten thousand members during the war, the Laborers sixteen thousand, the Painters almost thirty thousand, and the Carpenters and Electrical Workers one hundred thousand members each. As long as war raged on in Europe, organized labor enjoyed public respect; no domestic issue was more pressing than bringing order, fairness, and representation to the work place. But once the crisis had passed a “monopolistic” unions were blamed for postwar inflation and a sluggish economy: The building trades were targeted by a national open shop movement backed by the Chamber of Commerce, the National Erectors Association, the National Manufacturers Association, and national employers like U.S. Steel. Characterizing the open shop as the embodiment of American principles including independence and fair play, supporters insisted that closed union shops threatened economic prosperity, an idea that was catching on. The Associated Industries of Seattle, for instance, launched what they called the open-shop “American Plan” to make the city union-free, and by 1921, open-shop construction reigned in Duluth, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, Philadelphia, St. Paul, and San Francisco, disrupting the industry – and Building Trades Councils – in the process. The postwar reaction to organized labor illustrated the “two steps forward, one step back” rhythm of U.S. labor history: The wage-earners’ world had changed by leaps and bounds since the disruption of the artisan system in the 1830s and building trades workers had played a vital role. They erected the skyscrapers that changed city skylines and stimulated economic growth; they helped develop new industries like electrical work and elevator construction; they answered the nation’s call in wartime, building whatever the government needed to wage a successful fight; and they built strong organizations dedicated to promoting workers’ rights and improving living standards. What they had not yet successfully built, however, was the solidarity among and between trades that they would need to move forward, an issue that would become increasingly important after the economy collapsed in 1929. Section 2: Government Matters Expansion and contraction, boom and bust, work opportunities and unemployment – the business cycle had long set the pace for construction workers and their families. But even the most experienced workers and careful budgeters were not prepared for the financial crisis that roiled the industry – and the nation – in the 1930s. The stock market had crashed in 1929, ushering in the Great Depression. Between 1929 and 1933, corporate profits fell from $10 billion to $1 billion, the gross national product was cut in half, and 25 percent of the work force was unemployed. As the national economy ground to a halt, the construction industry went with it. Private construction expenditures fell almost 80 percent between 1929 and 1933 (from about $11 billion to $3 billion) and public expenditures dropped 40 percent between 1931 and 1933. By that time, seven out of ten building tradesmen were out of work and the rest saw hours drop, average wages fall (by 15 percent), and annual earnings cut in half. Early efforts to protect trade standards, like the 1931 Davis-Bacon Act (which required workers employed on government building projects to be paid at rates prevailing locally) made little difference at the time. The election of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt in 1932 and his inaugural promise “to put people to work” raised working-class spirits. Under his New Deal administration, Roosevelt encouraged collective bargaining and union standards in private industry as a means of promoting economic recovery, since higher wage rates meant higher consumption. The 1933 National Industrial Recovery Act, for instance, and its “fair codes of competition” for wages, prices, and hours, recognized labor’s right to organize and bargain collectively through unions. Struck down in 1935 as unconstitutional, it was replaced by the National Labor Relations Act, also known as the Wagner Act, which protected labor’s right to organize and established a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to enforce “cease and desist” orders against unfair employers. The idea that unions were vital to economic recovery, and not the source of all problems (as open-shoppers had argued for years), was indeed a new deal for American workers. As organizers put it, “The President Wants You to Join a Union.” But what kind of union? Would President Roosevelt support skilled building trades unions, with high wage rates, established jurisdictions, and closed-shop conditions? Or was he mainly interested in promoting new industrial unions that were springing up every day in mass-production industries like steel, auto making, and electrical manufacturing (and which would soon establish a new federation, the Congress of Industrial Organizations)? When conflicts developed, as they inevitably would, who would decide what constituted “fair” conditions and how work would be assigned? Experienced trade unionists with a history of setting their own standards, or political appointees who had their own ideas about labor organization and industrial democracy? And finally, when it came to public works projects, was the federal government an employer like any other, duty-bound to honor union contracts and prevailing rates and conditions? Or did it have a moral obligation to spread relief funds as far as they would go to help those workers least able to help themselves? These questions reflected some remarkable shifts in government-labor relations that were still taking shape in the mid-1930s. New Deal efforts to increase government spending as a way to reemploy the nation’s work force made government a prime factor in economic affairs. For instance, between 1933 and 1939 the Public Works Administration employed some 300,000 building tradesmen a month on large-scale projects like New York’s Triborough Bridge and Lincoln Tunnel, Oregon’s Coastal Highway, Philadelphia’s 30th Street Station, the Southwest’s Boulder Dam, and the wide-ranging Tennessee Valley Authority, among many others. To avoid conflicts on the job, three building trades leaders represented the workers’ interests on the PWA Labor Advisory Board. There was no getting around the fact that government – and politics – mattered. Lobbying, testifying at congressional hearings, and keeping local, state, and federal officials supplied with facts and figures to document union standards became full-time jobs “Our objective,” as Bricklayer Harry Bates put it, “was to obtain as much Federal funds going into construction” as possible. The question of apprenticeship training and standards likewise required attention after the apprenticeship system in construction almost collapsed during the early 1930s: In 1937 the National Apprenticeship Act, also known as the Fitzgerald Act, became law, empowering the Secretary of Labor to appoint a national advisory committee to research and draft regulations establishing minimum standards for apprenticeship programs. The committee, which brought together representatives of employers, labor, and the public, had two immediate aims. First, it would protect the welfare of young trainees, second, it would assure the nation of an adequate supply of skilled labor going forward. Considering the long years of unemployment and distress that had preceded the Fitzgerald Act, some might have questioned the need to expand the skilled labor pool. But conditions were rapidly changing. In the fall of 1939 another world war was erupting in Europe. By mid-September Canada had entered the fray, and the United States was getting ready to launch a national defense campaign that had been in the works since 1936 – a campaign that depended on a skilled work force. By July 1940 Congress had appropriated more than $300,000,000 to construct military housing and training facilities, transport --- THE NATIONAL APPRENTICESHIP ACT (50 Stat. 664; 29 U.S.C. 50) To enable the [U.S.] Department of Labor to formulate and promote the furtherance of labor standards necessary to safeguard the welfare of apprentices and to cooperate with the States in the promotion of such standards. Be it enacted by the senate and House of representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of Labor is hereby authorized and directed to formulate and promote the furtherance of labor standards necessary to safeguard the welfare of apprentices, to extend the application of such standards by encouraging the inclusion thereof in contracts of apprenticeship, to bring together employers and labor for the formulation of programs of apprenticeship, to cooperate with State agencies engaged in the formulation and promotion of standards of apprenticeship, and to cooperate with the National Youth Administration and with the Office of Education of the Department of the Interior in accordance with the section 6 of the Act of February 23, 1917 (29 Stat. 932), as assembled by the Executive Order Numbered 6166, June 10, 1933, issued pursuant to an Act of June 30, 1932 (47 Stat. 414) as amended. SEC. 2. The Secretary of Labor may publish information relating to existing and proposed labor standards of apprenticeship, and may appoint national advisory committees to serve without compensation. Such committees shall include representatives of employers, representatives of labor, educators, and officers of other executive departments, with the consent of the head of any such department. SEC. 3. On and after the effective date of this Act the National Youth Administration shall be relieved of direct responsibility for the promotion of labor standards of apprenticeship as heretofore conducted through the division of apprentice training and shall transfer all records and papers relating to such activities to the custody of the Department of Labor. The Secretary of Labor is authorized to appoint such employees as he may from time to time find necessary for the administration of this Act, with regard to existing laws applicable to the appointment and compensation of employees of the United States: Provided, however, That he may appoint persons now employed in division of apprentice training of the National Youth Administration upon certification by the Civil Service Commission of their qualifications after nonassembled examinations. SEC. 4. This Act shall take effect on July 1, 1937, or as soon thereafter as it shall be approved. roads, airports, munitions factories, and even recreation centers – war defense projects that would employ 1.3 million workers in 1940. Within a year total construction employment would reach an all-time high of 2.9 million and by 1942, the value of new construction would peak at $13.4 billion. To avoid strikes and insure that the work ran smoothly, President Roosevelt appointed the CIO’s Sidney Hillman to represent organized labor on the Advisory Committee of the Council of National Defense (CND). Joining Hillman in government service were Joseph Keenan, of the Chicago Federation of Labor (and a long-time member of IBEW), as Hillman’s assistant, and the IBEW’s Daniel Tracy, as assistant Secretary of Labor. By September 1940 the CND had adopted a labor policy that recognized the 40-hour week and the principle of overtime payment and unofficially recognized the Building and Construction Trades Department as having exclusive jurisdiction over building and construction work. Ultimately, it would take the bombing of Pearl Harbor in December 1941 and the United States’ entry into the Second World War to unite the building trades into the nation’s first arm of defense. Just days after the attack, building trades union members were enlisting in the armed forces and signing up for shipyard jobs in the Pacific war zone. By January 1942, they were also joining the “Seabees,” the newly authorized Naval Construction Battalions whose motto was “Construimus, Batuimus” or “We Build, We Fight.” Drawn from the same union mechanics who had erected Boulder Dam, the Golden Gate Bridge, and the nation’s skyscrapers, Seabees constructed over 400 military bases in the Atlantic and Pacific theaters, cleared and paved thousands of miles of airstrips and roadways, constructed warehouses, hospitals, gasoline storage tanks and housing, and repaired ships in harbor as well as at sea. In the Pacific, where they had the biggest job to do, the Seabees landed right after the Marines. When the Japanese attacked Guam, Midway Island, and Wake Island, in 1942, these construction workers put down their tools, took up rifles, and joined the fight. The story was less dramatic but equally significant at home. The federal government had authorized $26 billion worth of urgent military projects, war housing, and community and war industry facilities, and the building trades were getting the job done. Asbestos workers and boiler makers were rebuilding the Navy’s decimated fleet at Pearl Harbor, and operating engineers were pushing through almost 2,000 miles of unmapped wilderness, between British Columbia and Alaska, to construct the Alcan Highway. At the same time, thousands of building mechanics were doing secret, hazardous work at Los Alamos, New Mexico, Hanford, Washington, and Oak Ridge, Tennessee, erecting the pilot plants, laboratories, and manufacturing facilities that supported the Manhattan Project, the research and production effort that would develop atomic weapons. As one government official put it, “The world knows today that production of the atomic bomb was a race . . . we might have lost . . . if America’s labor unions . . . had not pitched in wholeheartedly to recruit needed workers for the ‘Manhattan Project.’” Despite long hours, seven-day weeks, and constant friction with military and government agencies, nothing impeded defense work for long. Building trades unions honored their no-strike agreement, and the work went off without a major hitch, a real tribute, Joseph Keenan pointed out, to the ingenuity and organizational capacity of the building trades. As a director of the War Labor Board’s Labor Production Division, a longtime leader of the Chicago Federation of Labor, and a member of the IBEW, Keenan knew what the trades were up against. “I know how many hard-won privileges were suspended in order to expedite the job,” he said. “When the history of this war is written, a big chapter should be devoted to the engineers and carpenters, electricians and plumbers, iron workers, bricklayers, roofers and laborers, and all the other tradesmen who built America’s war plant in record-breaking time.” When the war was over, though, relations with government changed abruptly. With unions representing a record high 35 percent of the nonagricultural workforce and militant strikes disrupting postwar business, an aggressive newspaper campaign against “big labor” generated public fears that unions had grown too powerful for the nation’s good. Blaming strikers for postwar shortages and inflation, anti-union legislators struck a chord with voters. They not only elected a Republican majority to both houses of Congress in 1946, but they apparently wanted those congressmen to pass more laws to control labor unions, according to a Gallup poll taken around the same time. The result was disappointing but not a surprise: Reactionary politicians had been trying to gut the Wagner Act since the days of CIO sit-down strikes in the mid-1930s and building trades leaders did not expect them to stop trying now. As long as the building trades avoided jurisdictional strikes, leaders believed, they had nothing to fear from the 80th Congress. They had not been part of the sit-down strikes and they had not been part of the 1945-46 strike waves either. But when the 80th Congress enacted the Taft-Hartley Act to amend the National Labor Relations Act in June 1947, building trades unions were hit hard. The law prohibited the closed shop and classified secondary boycotts and jurisdictional strikes as “unfair labor practices” and therefore illegal. Apparently, the coalition of anti-union Republicans and southern Democrats that passed Taft-Hartley over President Harry Truman’s veto was less concerned with CIO strikes than they were with the building trades’ high level of organization (up from 65 percent in 1941 to 92 percent in 1947, according to some estimates) and their militant defense of jurisdictional rights. Ironically, the same policies that had made it possible for building trades workers to man emergency construction jobs in remote areas during World War II – closed shop contracts, union referrals, and a permit system to employ temporary help – were all illegal under the Taft-Hartley Act. And the longtime practice of negotiating agreements before a job began – almost a necessity in contract-based construction – was no longer strictly legal without an NLRB election first. But perhaps the worst blow came in 1951 when the U.S. Supreme Court issued what was known as the Denver decision which outlawed the secondary boycott, or sympathetic strike – the building trades’ most effective weapon in the fight to organize construction jobs. It also curtailed a union’s right to help another union organize a job, the very practice that had given rise to building trades councils in the first place. The crushing weight of the Denver decision shocked the Department into action. Revitalizing the Building Trades Legislative Committee in 1951, the Department also agreed to hold annual regional conferences to keep local, state, and national leaders in touch with each other’s problems. At the same time, Department leaders used the monthly Bulletin to campaign for a change in Department strategy. Launched in 1948 to keep local councils apprised of Taft-Hartley’s impact, the Bulletin now issued emergency calls for political action. It was an issue AFL secretary-treasurer George Meany had been raising for years. Back in 1947, he had made it clear that times had changed and building trades unions had to change with them. “We have to recognize the fact that we are not fighting the employer on the economic field. If we were fighting him there, there [would be] no question who could win. We are fighting him on the political field,” and that required a change in tactics. If organized labor expected to amend Taft-Hartley, it would have to let the public know what unions did for their members. And it would have to let Congress know where union voters stood. “You are not going to remove the [the Taft-Hartley law] through strikes here and there,” Meany reiterated. “It has to be done in the same fashion as it was put in there.” The time had come to take up AFL founder Samuel Gompers’ classic advice to reward labor’s friends and defeat its enemies, regardless of political party, a policy that could still bring results, Meany believed, “if you give it a chance to work.” Making a significant move towards political action, the Department launched its first national Legislative Conference in 1955. Called to inform building trades workers about “deficiencies” in federal laws, especially Taft-Hartley and the Davis-Bacon Act (which no longer suited postwar conditions), the conference was designed to bring local, state, and international union representatives together to hammer out workable strategies. “We in the Building Trades do not want the Government in the labor picture,” leaders agreed. But since there was no getting around the fact that “the Federal Government is in the construction industry and in a big way,” they saw no better choice than to promote the building trades vision of fair labor standard in Congress. It was a far cry, of course, from the access to government power that the building trades had experienced during the Second World War, when their skill proved essential to victory. In those critical days, a fellow mechanic was second in command at the Department of Labor, prevailing union wage rates set the standard for defense construction, and the basic rules of building trades unionism – the closed shop, the union hiring hall, and collectively-bargained agreements – were the key to meeting wartime production demands. Those days were gone, as the Taft-Hartley Act and the Denver decision demonstrated in no uncertain terms. But that did not mean that the fight was over. Section 3: The Best of Times, The Worst of Times Taft-Hartley and the Denver decision took a toll on the building trades economic power, yet, in the 1950s, the future had never looked so bright to the men who worked with the tools – and in the 1950s, “men” was still the accurate term. Government investment in highway and defense construction was on the rise, especially after the outbreak of war in Korea in 1950, and private construction was back on its feet after a twenty-year hiatus. With residential construction at an all-time high, and a commercial building boom underway in New York City, Chicago, and other urban centers, there was more than enough work to go around: Between 1947 and 1954, expenditures for new construction increased 119 percent nationwide, and set a record high of $47.3 billion in 1957 – 3 percent higher than the record set in 1956. More interested in enjoying the fruits of postwar prosperity than they were in fighting legal battles, the building trades focused on protecting their greatest industrial asset: Their ability to do a job right, the first time. In a custom industry like building and construction, where almost every job presented new problems that had to be solved on the spot, experienced, creative, and knowledgeable mechanics played a vital role in a contractor’s success. Mechanics – or journey level workers – had mastered the fundamentals of their craft and performed a wide range of specialized tasks. Supervising their own work, it was up to mechanics to lay out jobs from blueprints and then complete work efficiently so that the next trade could get started. A complex mix of brain, brawn, and competence, construction work requires skills that ranged from mathematics and drafting, to stamina and speed, to the safe operation of machinery – skills that took time to develop. Even so-called unskilled labor, like hod carriers or cement mixers, had to know what they were doing on the job – mixing “mud” in the right proportions for the plasterer or the bricklayer, and then delivering it at the right time and in the right amount so that there would be no breaks in the flow of work took practice. Whether through formal joint apprenticeship programs (employer-funded “learn while you earn” training that incorporated established national-level skill standards) or on-the-job training, building trades unions generally controlled training for construction workers, a critical factor in this boom and bust industry. The better their training, the better able they were to find a job when work was scarce. Yet even as construction work boomed, it was still not easy to break into the trades. Employers might complain about skill shortages but building trades workers kept a tight rein on membership. From their point of view and based on years of experience, boom times never lasted; they saw no point in bringing in new members who would then compete with longtime members when times got tough again. With their own economic security in mind, they tended to limit apprenticeship training to family members and friends. At the time there was nothing unusual about the practice. “If your father was in the building trades union, you tried to get in . . . the building trades union,” as one mechanic put it. “I have to admit that there are many unions that I couldn’t get into,” another noted. But he made no apologies for what he called the “father-son” deal since it offered working-class sons a start in life. However, what seemed like a common-sense decision to union members looked like illegal exclusion to those outside the trades. The fact that tax-payer funded public works projects were going strong in the 1950s and ’60, thanks to a combination of Cold War defense projects (like missile sites and the Interstate Highway system) and domestic improvements (like water, gas, and sewage systems), complicated the issue. Ever since the 1940s, federal contracts had included a non-discrimination clause, to ensure that all Americans, whatever their race or religion, had equal access to government-funded work. And ever since the 1950s, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People had been urging the President’s Committee on Government Contracts to enforce that clause on construction work, and especially on apprenticeship programs certified by the U.S. Department of Labor. “These apprenticeship training programs are with very rare exception completely closed to qualified Negroes,” noted Herbert Hill, the NAACP’s labor secretary. “Because union membership is a condition of employment in the building trades industry,” he explained, “the effect of trade union discrimination is to prevent Negro mechanics from working in jobs within the jurisdiction of . . . the Building Trades [Department] of the AFL-CIO.” Building Trades Leader Interview: Kenneth E. Rigmaiden Kenneth E. Rigmaiden was appointed Executive General Vice-President for the International Union of Painters and Allied Trades (IUPAT) in 2002. He was unanimously elected to the office of General President by the IUPAT General Executive Board in March 2013. In 2014 he was elected by the delegates of the 31st General Convention. The Rigmaiden Family and the Trades My father was a veteran of World War II, served in the Pacific Theater, came back and he worked for the railroads. However, he wanted something a little bit more and wanted to become a carpenter, and so, started pursuing the carpenters union. He went to a couple of contractors and they said, “Well no, you have to join the union.” He went to the union, and was told by representatives, “Well no, you have to get a job first.” So, it went, back and forth until finally, he went to the union hall in Hayward, CA., where the representative in Hayward brazenly exclaimed, “Well no, no, no. We don’t allow colored people in this hall.” That of course was frustrating. He was disappointed but kept on looking. Just when it seemed that his efforts would prove fruitless, he met a contractor. The contractor happened to be one of those forward-thinking guys who said “Yeah, I’ll hire you, but first you need to go to the hall in Oakland and”, forgive my language – he said, “you tell that son of a bitch business manager that if he doesn’t allow you into the local union, I’ll have an injunction on his ass so fast.” My father did go to the Union Hall and, I like to think, gave him the message verbatim. My father was initiated and sworn into the union – in the back office. At his first union meeting no one sat on the row with him, no one sat in the row in front of him, no one sat in the row behind him. In addition, they started the Rastus jokes [based on a stereotype of black men as simpletons] and all of that. One thing I am proud of about my father – and I certainly learned from him, my uncles and my mother, my whole family and even my father-in-law – is you persevere. He got into the apprenticeship program, completed the apprenticeship program and, to no surprise, some of those folks that were so unwelcoming to him, over the time, began to work with him because he worked his way up to being the superintendent, he ran the crew. Eventually, he became president of his local union and later in his career became president of the Santa Clara County District Council of Carpenters. He always told me that being in the union was the best thing that ever happened – there is the whole thing about the union generating a pathway to the middle class. Even though he had to deal with all of the challenges being a person of color had to face, he still earned Union wages and benefits and had access to Union training programs. There is still a lot of what you might call systemic or institutional and even outright racism that those who are not impacted by this do not acknowledge it as racism. For example, work is not allocated in the same way. Is that because of racism? I think some of it is, in fact, systemic racism. For example, only promoting or favoring those in your inner circle when that circle is represented by one culture or race, denies that ladder of opportunity to countless others with an equal skillset. That kind of unfair treatment must be called out whenever it is encountered, by all races of responsible people. We are a multi-cultured nation and I like to think that it is up to every one of us to continue that path toward justice and dignity. Apprenticeship In my apprenticeship class, which was in San Jose, we had about a dozen apprentices. Maybe two African-Americans, four or five Mexicans, and then about six or seven whites. Therefore, it was representative of the demographics of San Jose. I wouldn’t say that I was all alone. There was a burgeoning movement of diversity in the trade, although in its beginning phase. My entire pathway to where I am today began with apprenticeship. I completed an apprenticeship in 1980 and worked as a journeyman floor covering installer. After a couple of years, there was an opportunity to become a part-time training instructor and I said, “Well, I want to try that.” I became a trainer and then got involved in my local union, serving as a trustee, recording secretary progressing and persevering until finally I found myself president of my local union. Becoming an IUPAT Leader After establishing myself as an instructor, and local union officer, a mentor of mine, Ray Spallone, came to me and said “Well Ken, our business rep is retiring. Do you think you would want to run for this job?” Excited for the support and opportunity I said, “Well sure. I’ll give it a shot,” and was soon elected to the role of business representative. People start shifting and retiring, within about four years I became the business manager of the local union. Shortly after that, we merged three locals into one, and I was selected business manager of the merged local. I did that for two or three years and then in 1996, I got a call from the International union and I came on staff as a field representative for the Western region. I did that for a couple of years and then got a call to come to Washington, D.C. – when I say opportunity has its challenges, here I am with a lovely wife who supported me all the way, two kids and we decided to relocate to the East Coast. I am almost positive that my wanting to do something that advanced our family had a big part in making that decision. Relocating from the west coast to the east coast. – What a transition! I performed my duties as an assistant to the General President, National Project Coordinator for the Union’s Job Corps Program and then as Executive General Vice President. When I became General President of the IUPAT, it was with the support of my General Executive Board led by then President Jim Williams. Jim would tell me early on (being that I was his Executive Vice President) “Ken, something happens to me, you’re the next president.” I said, “Get out of here.” He is a man of his word. He said, “You know the job, you know what you’re doing, and I’d be stupid to support somebody else. You’ve got the vision.” When I attended my first legislative conference as the General President in 2013, I sat at the dais in the front of the hall as the only person of color there. What I did not expect, was the amount of earnest people to approach me; black, brown, Asian, white, they came up to me and said, “I’d never thought I’d live to see this.” And saying it with admiration – admiration and respect. “This is just fantastic.” One even had tears in his eyes. Advice for Apprenticeship Candidates You cannot fear the challenges you will face; there is a part of the trades where you get a little baptism of fire from the veterans in the trade, a rite of passage if you will, we have all gone through that. There is also a point where it goes too far and someone would certainly perceive as, “Wait a minute, is this hazing?” “Are you doing something to me because of who I am or what I look like?” Completely unacceptable. No one should tolerate that and no Union should permit it. Coming up behind my father and my uncle, I knew a little bit about that, but not everybody knows that. Having that little bit of knowledge helped me get through it because I could take a joke as well as anybody and give a joke. Today, it is no longer a big deal to have a black instructor or to have a brown instructor, or to have a woman instructor. No big deal. Therefore, we are intent on building a more inclusive environment in the workplace. At the IUPAT, we are able to deliver a message and encourage our leadership to be proactive. We have more people of color involved in the union and training than there was when I started out. My intent is not to be accusatory, but we still have to deal with the fact that not many in leadership roles look like me, not as many have had the chance to climb that ladder of opportunity into leadership. Whether it be Union leadership or supervisory roles within our contractor base, we still have miles to go in our journey toward inclusion and equity. In the IUPAT, I am very proud of what we have done to push that ball forward. We are by no means perfect but we are making the effort knowing that the diversity of our union is its strength. At the time, building trades unions believed they were being targeted unfairly. The Bricklayers, Plasterers, Painters, and Laborers, for instance, had a long history of admitting black members – in fact the Laborers had had black leaders from the start. International union leaders also pointed out that they had consistently opposed drawing the “color line” whenever the subject came up: Competence, not race, they preached, should be the only qualification on the job site. Policy, however, was not practice: Whatever an international officer’s advice or action, local unions tended to keep to their own kind – a practice that was hardly unusual before the 1960s, when neighborhoods, schools, professions, and even churches across the U.S. were racially segregated. Trades that had developed in the late 19th century, like steam fitting, electrical installation, and sheet metal work had been dominated by white male workers from the start, so in cities from Milwaukee to St. Louis, and New York to Washington, D.C., local unions tended to be “lily” white – and the same was true of the Operating Engineers, the Lathers, and the Elevator Constructors. Whether this reflected race prejudice, or the building trades general reluctance to expand their memberships – and keep union jobs in the family – the result was the same: Although black Americans comprised 10 percent of the nation’s workforce, they accounted for less than 1 percent of building trades apprentices, according to an NAACP study. In fact, in Washington, D.C., the nation’s capital and headquarters of the AFL-CIO and the BCTD, the Bricklayers, Electrical Workers, Lathers, Plasterers, and Plumbers counted no black apprentices in 1961. President John F. Kennedy had established the Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity in March 1961, but it took collective action – and media coverage – to enforce the rules. By 1963 the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) and the NAACP were picketing all-white construction crews in Cleveland, St. Louis, and Philadelphia, as well as New York City, Newark, N.J., and Washington, D.C. The publicity was both devastating and effective: On June 4, 1963, President Kennedy pledged the government to end discrimination on federally-financed construction projects and on June 22 he backed this up with Executive Order 11114, charging contractors to take “affirmative action” on behalf of black employees and apprentices. Because the building trades and their contractors strongly opposed government regulation of apprenticeship training – and particularly government selection of apprentices – in July 1963 they established the Joint Committee on Equal Employment Opportunities. The goal was to implement a new civil rights policy that urged local unions to accept qualified members and apprentices regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, and to run hiring halls and referral systems accordingly. But the plan did not go far enough as far as the government was concerned. As Secretary of Labor Willard Wirtz made clear when he addressed the 1963 BCTD convention, there was no point arguing, as many locals did, that qualified black applicants had failed to appear, especially if a union had a history of an all-white membership. By 1965, local options were limited. Following President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Executive Order 11246, the Department of Labor had established the Office of Federal Contract Compliance which required all contractors and subcontractors on federally-financed construction projects to demonstrate that they had taken affirmative action to ensure equal employment opportunities – including opportunities for training. At that point building trades leaders began working with the AFL-CIO’s Civil Rights Department, and independent organizations like the A. Phillip Randolph Institute and the Workers’ Defense League, to develop a plan to increase minority participation in skilled construction work. Together they developed “Outreach” programs to identify promising candidates for apprenticeship training and provide whatever tutoring or preparation was necessary for candidates to succeed in the trades. But over the next two years, little changed. Although nobody liked the idea of racial quotas, Secretary Wirtz admitted, there seemed to be no other choice. The threat moved the building trades in the right direction: The number of cities participating in Outreach programs grew from 48 in 1967, to 53 in 1969 – and in that time over 27,000 applicants had been recruited, and more than 3,800 indentured as apprentices. By 1971 some ten thousand minority apprentices had joined the building trades, a 364 percent increase over six years. To be sure, those apprentices did not have it easy – stories of harassment, inadequate training, and a general failure to be treated as “brothers,” or, in some cases, “sisters” were all too frequent. Building Trades Leader Interview: Doreen Cannon Doreen Cannon is President of United Association Plumbers Local Union #55 and full-time instructor for the JATC. A journey-level plumber for over 15 years, she was elected to the Union’s Executive Board for two terms before serving as president of her local. Getting into Construction I always enjoyed working with my hands. I’m the youngest of three daughters so I was kind of the son my father never had. I always helped him around the house. He was very handy, working in the yard, building a tree house and things like that. So, I always enjoyed that type of thing. When I decided to go back to work, my mother saw an ad in a paper for a career trades fair for women. They were trying to get women in construction apprenticeships, into the trades. So, I went to that, and I applied and actually got in. I started my apprenticeship the same month that my son started all-day kindergarten. The timing was perfect. My father actually was a pipe fitter, a maintenance pipe fitter, and he used to do a lot of plumbing on the side. He said, “Go into plumbing. It’s got a nice variety, a lot of it’s not real heavy work.” He just thought it was a good fit. I took his suggestion and followed through with plumbing. When I got into the apprenticeship, they took a really big class. Usually in Cleveland, our classes are around 15 to 20 but back then, they took a class of 60 because the Cleveland Browns Stadium project was starting and a couple other big projects. There were five women in my class of 60. There are two of us left. Women in Apprenticeship I think the hardest part of the apprenticeship as far as women are concerned is the type of work – getting used to being in the atmosphere of a construction site, it’s definitely different than any other place else that you’ve ever worked. It’s just a different atmosphere so that’s difficult. There’s also the luck of the draw. It matters which contractor you get indentured to the very first day you go on the job. Who’s the foreman on that job? What journey-men do they team you up with? You know, a lot of guys are very resistant to women still; they don’t want to teach them. And yet others kind of take to it and will teach you and will take you under their wing and really help you go through the process. 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Packrat March 1986 Follow this and additional works at: https://www.wellbeingintlstudiesrepository.org/packra Recommended Citation "Packrat March 1986" (1986). Serial - Packrat 1979-86. 11. https://www.wellbeingintlstudiesrepository.org/packra/11 This material is brought to you for free and open access by WellBeing International. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of the WBI Studies Repository. For more information, please contact email@example.com. A NEW CLASS OF COMPETITION..... ...has been added to the Humane Society of Tampa Bay's annual Canine Classic dog show - "Cutest Stuffed Toy Dog." The new class for children seven and under turned out to be the highlight of their show. Paws, the society's own stuffed dog, (person in a dog suit) conducted the competition. After all the entrants were petted and examined at length by Paws, the judges decided they couldn't pick a winner; therefore, all were winners. Each child got a first place ribbon. For more information on this crowd pleasing event contact: Shelley Delperdang, Humane Society Tampa Bay, 3607 North Armenia, Tampa FL 33607. TRIVIAL PET-SUIT............... ...is an exciting game for 3rd grade and up developed by Lori Schrist, The Humane Society of Pomona Valley, to help teach about animals. Lori tells us, "I found the student's enthusiasm to be incredible (almost scary!)." For information on how you too can put together a Trivial Pet-Suit game, send a SASE to the West Coast Regional Office. HOT OFF THE PRESS.............. ...and ready to use by those who are concerned with the biases, inaccuracies, and omissions throughout the Project WILD activity guides. The new NAAHE-produced "A Humane Teaching Guide for Project WILD" contains lesson-by-lesson suggestions for balancing and correcting Project WILD. "A Humane Teaching Guide for Project WILD" is available for $3.50 per copy from this office or NAAHE, P.O. Box 362, East Haddam, CT 06423. WHAT'S THE PURINA PETS FOR PEOPLE PROGRAM? It is a program that allows anyone over the age of 60 to adopt a dog or cat free of charge from a participating humane society. All expenses for acquiring the pet are paid by the Ralston Purina Company, including the initial veterinary visit, spaying or neutering, collar, leash, meal bowl, and, of course, a starter supply of Purina pet food. For more information write: Purina Pets for People Program, c/o Quinn, Brein & Block, 1333 Lawrence Expressway, Suite 266, Santa Clara, CA 95051. Calling all bird lovers! Here are some simple recipes for bird watchers. 1 medium apple 1/2 cup raisins 1 cup cooked noodles (spaghetti) 1/4 teaspoon sand 1 1/2 cups suet Dice apple, including skin and seeds. Put into an 8 by 8 inch baking pan with raisins and spaghetti. Sprinkle sand over top. Set aside. Put suet through a meat grinder, then melt down in a double boiler. Allow suet to cool and harden slightly. Reheat and, while in liquid form, pour over ingredients in pan. Refrigerate to harden, cut into pieces and serve on tray or ground feeder. Chickadee Crunch Raw beef suet Pine cones Millet seed Sunflower seeds Put suet through a meat grinder; then melt it down in a double boiler. Set aside to cool and harden slightly. Attach string or wire to pine cones and spoon warm suet over cones until well-coated. Sprinkle immediately with millet, then push sunflower seeds under scales. Spoon warm suet over pine cones again, building up suet and securing sunflower seeds. Refrigerate until firm and hang from tree branches. HAVING DOUBTS? THEN DON'T DISSECT. You are not alone if you feel dissecting animals is wrong. You don't have to harm animals to learn about them. Talk to your fellow students and follow your conscience. If you need support, contact the Progressive Animal Welfare Society (PAWS) at 743-1884. The card above was developed by PAWS, P.O. Box 1037, Lynnwood, WA 98046, for distribution to students. If you'd like a free sample of this handy way to spread the word, contact Lynne Smith at the above address. DON'T FORGET.................... ...NAAHE also has materials dealing with dissection - "The Living Science: A Humane Approach to the Study of Animals in Elementary and Secondary School Biology" - for teachers, and "Does the Idea of Dissecting or Experimenting on Animals in Biology Class Disturb You?" - for upper secondary and high school age students. A single copy of each pamphlet is free. Send your request to NAAHE, Box 362, East Haddam, CT 06423. HOW DO CATS PURR? The Cornell Feline Health Center reports that there are three phases that occur in the larynx to produce the purring sound. First the larynx opening closes slightly creating increased pressure and air resistance. Then there is a rapid opening of the vocal cords, releasing the pressure. The rapid change in pressure causes air vibrations, thus resulting in the purring sound. The rapid and regular activation of muscles in the throat and diaphragm creates the initial air turbulence. The whole sequence occurs quickly - 30-40 milliseconds. A LETTER FROM THE NEW EDITOR Greetings and best wishes to you all. By way of introductions, my name is Susan Howey and I live in Santa Barbara, or to be more correct, in Goleta, which is the next town to the west. I am the new editor of the illustrious, inimitable PACKRAT. As you can see, the format is different, not that different is better, but because the Amazing and Creative Bev Armstrong hand printed every individual letter, created all the artwork and did it all in less time than it has taken me to write this! However, if you know Bev, you know she is always doing 1000 things and for six years she has had the Packrat living at her house. One day she said she wanted to send the rat packing, and I said I would give it a home. The next thing I know, the Rat, the Cage and an issue's worth of food were in my house. Now the RAT is taking over, but I do want to remind all of you WHEA members that this is a communal RAT, and you all are to share in its feeding, ie, sending materials, articles, ideas, lessons, etc. to keep this Rat on his toes. Any comments on this issue are welcome. I'm always open to new ideas. So for now CHOW--for me, to you and for the Packrat! KEEPING TRACK OF YOURSELF I found this in a bunch of stuff (and who hasn't got that!) and thought it might be helpful. You can copy this off on 8 1/2x11, make a few copies, maybe make one sign that says TODAY and another to fit over that space that says THIS WEEK or THIS MONTH. THINGS TO DO TODAY \| TO DO \| DONE \| \|-------\|------\| \| 1. Coffee break \| ☑️ \| \| 2. \| \| \| 3. \| \| \| 4. \| \| \| 5. \| \| \| 6. \| \| \| 7. \| \| \| 8. \| \| \| 9. \| \| THINGS TO DO THIS WEEK \| TO DO \| DONE \| \|-------\|------\| \| 1. \| \| \| 2. \| \| \| 3. \| \| \| 4. \| \| \| 5. \| \| \| 6. \| \| \| 7. \| \| \| 8. \| \| \| 9. \| \| CHEERS - FOR A SOAP OPERA This news item appeared in the Feb. 1st T.V. Guide. FUR SURE "Here's a story with a happy ending—if you happen to be a mink. CBS's The Young and the Restless has stopped using genuine fur coats. Finding fake furs to replace the real ones was easy—except for Jill Ahnott's trademark lynx, which was the last real looking fake to be rounded up. The producers are happy, too. As it turns out, buying fake furs is actually cheaper than renting real ones". If you have older kids in classes, why not have them write words of thanks to all the ladies and producers of The Young & the Restless at CBS. WHAT IS WHEA? The WHEA (rhymes with Flea) stands for the Western Humane Educator's Association, and is open to anyone interested in teaching humane education. The memberships belong to individuals and are good for one year. There are two meetings held each year and they are usually rotated from northern to central to southern areas of the state. WHEA is always alert to tight budget strings which may oppress its members, so every effort is made to keep costs to a minimum for the participants. DUES are due in January, but you may join at any time and renewals will be expected during the first of the year. DUES are $10.00 for an individual membership. PACKRAT is then sent to you whenever he emerges from his cage, which is usually three times a year. MEETINGS There are usually two and they are scheduled roughly during Feb., March or April and in the fall Aug., Sept., or Oct. STEERING This committee is made up of members who have shown interest and contributed to the meetings. There are at present 12 members and representatives from Arizona, Utah and Oregon. The steering committee decides where the next meeting will be, program content and fills vacancies on the committee, decides what to do with the dues money and are expected to attend the meetings a day early to conduct the business of the steering committee. Also, when asked, members are expected to host the WHEA meeting and participate in the programs. MOOOOOCHAS GRACIAS TO ALL WHO CONTRIBUTED TO THIS GREAT ISSUE OF PACKRAT! KEEP THOSE CARDS & LETTERS COMING. SHARING SAM SCORES AGAIN! Officer Terrie Lee of the Santa Monica Animal Shelter wrote that she started using the Sharing Sam flannel board in K through 3rd grades in 1985. She found that both teachers and students enjoyed it and that NONE of the classes had used flannel boards before. Terrie thinks that with all the new methods teachers have forgotten how effective something as simple as a flannel board can be. "Sam in all his bright flannel pieces held the students' as well as the teacher's attention and worked well with Spanish speaking children." Terrie reports that all had good things to say about Sam and she was able to get across a good lesson on Pet Responsibility. She says "thanks" to Sam's creators, Bev Armstrong and Kathy Savesky. You can order a Sam kit through NAAHE. LESSON IDEAS ANIMALS CAN BITE is the name of Ilona Robinson's presentation to classrooms this year. She is with the Humane Society of Central Oregon and she has a film including live action stories showing children in potentially dangerous situations with biting animals. The program focuses on safety around animals and minimizing the chance of being bitten. It sounds like a good program, and I wonder what film Ilona uses? A GREAT IDEA I had a real surprise when I opened up an envelope from the Humane Society of Central Oregon and out tumbled a small tea bag with a gold tag identifying it as Connoisseur Brand. The following letter which explained the tea bag was really clever. It noted that this was their silver anniversary and that they wanted to have a party, but since they really didn't have space for all the members, and that since what they really needed was money, why didn't I sit down in my own home, make a cupa tea and write out a membership check for them? Sort of on the lines of a No Go Show, where you send in your entries, the fees for the classes but get to stay home and not get up early, pack, dress, drive, eat and do all the things you do to get tired, upset and spend money. That Old Tea Bag trick could be used a lot of ways, Teachers take coffee/tea breaks, don't they? BOOK CORNER these books were selected by Barbara Jeffus of the Fresno County Office of Education where she is the Library Coordinator. The review was given at the WHEA meeting this winter in Fresno. For a complete list, write to Judi Kukulka at HSUS in Sacramento. There are 22 books reviewed on the list and I liked all of them! Maybe you have a few teachers who would appreciate a good booklist (along with some humane bookmarkers) from you?? → Cleary, Beverly: Henry and Ribsy A wonderfully humorous dog story with the benefit of leading kids on to the other Cleary books. → McClung, Robert: Gorilla This authentic narrative shows the real nature of the gorilla as shy vegetarians with strong family ties. Nonfiction to read like a narrative! → Patterson, Francine: Koko's Kitten a full color, captivating story of the gorilla who could communicate with ASL and her kitten. Appeals to all ages. → Mowat, Farley: Owls in the Family For a guaranteed pleasure in reading about animals, just look for Farley Mowat!! This true tale about Wol and Weeps, two owls, will have YOU H-OWLING. A GOOD SIGN From Wendy Reid of the Kitsap County HS in Bremerton, Wa., by way of Ilona Robinson of Central Oregon, HS. These signs were presented to the Grocery store managers, and with their approval were placed in prominent areas and given to those persons trying to give away baby animals. Both Wendy and Ilona report that the stores have been very receptive and it has really cut down on "Free Pet" give-a-ways. You can put in any information you want on your sign, but the idea is surely a good one. Unfortunately store policies will not allow free puppies or kittens to be given away on our property. In the past many puppies and kittens have been abandoned here or in the back of our store, causing the pets undue suffering. There is an agency able to help you and your pets. YOUR SOCIETY or Agency name, address, phone #, hours etc goes here. Thank you, The Manager NEW KIDS AND CRITTERS PACKET The Amazing Bev has done it again and with the help of Charlotte Moore, under the Kids and Critters banner, has put together a new packet of 24 animal portraits. It is entitled WESTERN WILDLIFE POSTER PACKET. These 24 pages are SUPER and you may obtain a packet by writing KIDS & CRITTERS 518 Lorraine Ave., Santa Barbara, CA. 93110 The small price for these wonderful drawings is only $4.00. Make checks payable to Charlotte Moore. EASTER PLEA Once again it is time for the pet shops to gear up and order lots of cute baby bunnies and chickens. Posters and radio spots can do much to minimize trauma to these innocent babies. Live baby animals given at Easter may (although many won't) grow up to require special care. Chickens crow, bunnies are good hunting for dogs and cats, cages must be made strong and safe and be placed in proper areas with shade, water and shelter; droppings removed and bags of food must be stored in dry places and out of the reach of rats and mice. MARK YOUR CALENDARS The next WHEA meeting will be at Peninsula Humane Society on September 12-14. Karen Meisenheimer and Judy Cassada will co-host this meeting. The focus will be on overpopulation, native wildlife and animals in research. YOU are asked to submit a resource list of wildlife in your area. Also, any information on the above topics can be sent to Karen at Peninsula H.S., 12 Airport Blve., San Mateo, CA., 94401. NEXT WHEA MEETING POCKET GOPHERS The tunneling done by these animals helps to loosen and circulate the soil. Pocket gophers can close their lips behind their long front teeth to keep dirt out of their mouths as they chew and claw their way through the earth. FROM WESTERN WILDLIFE POSTER PACKET HONEYBEE One hundred thousand types of flowering plants...including most fruits and important feed crops such as clover and alfalfa...depend on bees for pollination. Honeybees must travel 70,000 miles to gather enough nectar to make one pound of honey! SOME CAT FACTS from the Bakersfield SPCA. Did you know that 80% of all orange cats (A.K.A. Marmalades and ginger) cats are males? That the average cat in good health sleeps about 65% of the time?	8bcc88de-f0ba-4150-9d91-c4f64c9de14f	CC-MAIN-2020-16	https://animalstudiesrepository.org/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=&httpsredir=1&article=1008&context=packra	2020-04-09T09:38:16+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-16/segments/1585371833063.93/warc/CC-MAIN-20200409091317-20200409121817-00255.warc.gz	351,589,895	3,621	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.983965	eng_Latn	0.998564	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 498, 2510, 5072, 7452, 10213, 13065, 15260 ]	[ 2.28125 ]	1	0
Building Strong Families in Todd County Our Focus Family and Consumer Sciences (FCS) Extension is committed to improving the health and well-being of individuals and families throughout Kentucky. Our educational programs focus on making healthy lifestyle choices, nurturing families, embracing life as we age, securing financial stability, promoting healthy homes and communities, accessing nutritious food, and empowering community leaders. Our Success In 2020-2021, Family and Consumer Sciences Extension made 6,343 direct and 33,545 indirect contacts with individuals and families in Todd County. Spotlight: Todd County Learn how ‘The Power of Your Pantry’ can help during a pandemic Early during the pandemic, many people tried to minimize trips to the grocery store to avoid potentially contracting COVID-19. As a result, community members began stocking up on groceries for their pantries, refrigerator, and freezer. A well-stocked pantry has benefits aside from emergency preparedness. It can increase the likelihood to cook, decrease the amount of prep time, reduce the need to use a recipe, save money, and contribute to nutritious and balanced meals. To help consumers experience these benefits, the Todd County FCS Extension agent, in partnership with two other counties, offered The Power of Your Pantry, a three-part pantry cooking series taught through Zoom. A total of 55 participants attended the classes. After the program, all participants reported they now know how to use substitutions when cooking from their pantries. Family and Consumer Sciences (FCS) Extension professionals actively work to reach our goals by offering educational programs that serve to improve the quality of life for individuals and families in our Commonwealth. Todd County’s FCS Extension programming in 2020-2021 led to the following results. - 55 demonstrated safe handling of food - 67 individuals made healthier eating choices - 85 participants gained financial management knowledge - 64 participants reported preparing more healthy homecooked meals - 195 participants reported gaining knowledge Connect with us! - WEBSITE: FCS.uky.edu - FACEBOOK: facebook.com/UKFCSExt - INSTAGRAM: instagram.com/UKFCSExt - PODCAST: UKFCSExt.podbean.com Plate it Up! Browse and download more than 100 delicious, healthy recipes from Plate it Up Kentucky Proud. PlateltUp.ca.uky.edu Listen. Learn. Live Well. University of Kentucky Family and Consumer Sciences Extension brings you a podcast focusing on nutrition, health, resource management, and more. Available on Apple Podcasts, Google Play and UKFCSExt.podbean.com. Source: Kentucky Cooperative Extension Reporting, FY2021 Download this and other county profiles at hes.uky.edu/StrongFamilies Educational programs of Kentucky Cooperative Extension serve all people regardless of economic or social status and will not discriminate on the basis of race, color, ethnic origin, national origin, creed, religion, political belief, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity, gender expression, pregnancy, marital status, genetic information, age, veteran status, or physical or mental disability.	1d5c302f-5c12-479c-bfb7-c5607a18e7bb	CC-MAIN-2023-14	http://fcs-hes.ca.uky.edu/files/2022-bsf-todd.pdf	2023-03-26T13:02:56+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296945472.93/warc/CC-MAIN-20230326111045-20230326141045-00122.warc.gz	14,879,595	627	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.978373	eng_Latn	0.98586	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1543, 3141 ]	[ 2.09375 ]	2	0
CONTENTS: Frontispiece. The Virgin Mary. Hubert van Eyck. The Dutch Republic. Albert Oosterheerdt ........................................ 577 More's Utopia. C. H. Williams ......................................................... 593 Early Dutch Art (Illustrated). Paul Carus ........................................... 614 The Blossoming Rod. Phillips Barry .................................................. 620 Bernard Shaw's Prophecy. Paul Carus ................................................ 634 Were the Early Christians Pacifists? A. Kampmeier ............................. 635 Book Reviews and Notes ....................................................................... 637 The Open Court Publishing Company CHICAGO Per copy, 10 cents (sixpence). Yearly, $1.00 (in the U.P.U., 5s. 6d.). Entered as Second-Class Matter March 26, 1897, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill., under Act of March 3, 1879 Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1917 The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner so that it can be accessed, managed, and updated efficiently. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software system that provides an interface between users and databases. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access. 6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values. 7. Interface: A boundary or point of contact between two systems or components. 8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions. 9. Protocol: A set of rules governing communication between different systems or components. 10. Query: A request for information from a database. 11. Security: The protection of data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction. 12. Software: A collection of instructions that directs a computer to perform specific tasks. 13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal. 14. User Interface (UI): The part of a software application that interacts with the user. 15. Virtualization: The creation of a virtual version of a physical resource, such as a server, storage device, or network. 16. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser. 17. XML (Extensible Markup Language): A markup language that defines a set of rules for encoding documents in a format that is both human-readable and machine-readable. These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used across various fields and industries. CONTENTS: Frontispiece. The Virgin Mary. Hubert van Eyck. The Dutch Republic. Albert Oosterheerdt ........................................ 577 More's Utopia. C. H. Williams ......................................................... 593 Early Dutch Art (Illustrated). Paul Carus ........................................... 614 The Blossoming Rod. Phillips Barry .................................................. 620 Bernard Shaw's Prophecy. Paul Carus ............................................... 634 Were the Early Christians Pacifists? A. Kampmeier ............................. 635 Book Reviews and Notes ....................................................................... 637 The Open Court Publishing Company CHICAGO Per copy, 10 cents (sixpence). Yearly, $1.00 (in the U.P.U., 5s. 6d.). Entered as Second-Class Matter March 26, 1897, at the Post Office at Chicago, Ill., under Act of March 3, 1879 Copyright by The Open Court Publishing Company, 1917 THE GOSPEL OF BUDDHA By DR. PAUL CARUS Pocket Edition. Illustrated. Cloth, $1.00; flexible leather, $1.50 This edition is a photographic reproduction of the edition de luxe which was printed in Leipsic in 1913 and ready for shipment in time to be caught by the embargo Great Britain put on all articles exported from Germany. Luckily two copies of the above edition escaped, and these were used to make the photographic reproduction of this latest edition. While the Buddhist Bible could not in any way be considered a contraband of war yet the publishers were forced to hold back many hundred orders for the book on account of orders in council of Great Britain. When the book was first published His Majesty, the King of Siam, sent the following communication through his private secretary: "Dear Sir: I am commanded by His Most Gracious Majesty, the King of Siam, to acknowledge, with many thanks, the receipt of your letter and the book, The Gospel of Buddha, which he esteems very much; and he expresses his sincerest thanks for the very hard and difficult task of compilation you have considerately undertaken in the interest of our religion. I avail myself of this favorable opportunity to wish the book every success." His Royal Highness, Prince Chandradat Chudhadharn, official delegate of Siamese Buddhism to the Chicago Parliament of Religions, writes: "As regards the contents of the book, and as far as I could see, it is one of the best Buddhist Scriptures ever published. Those who wish to know the life of Buddha and the spirit of his Dharma may be recommended to read this work which is so ably edited that it comprises almost all knowledge of Buddhism itself." The book has been introduced as a reader in private Buddhist schools of Ceylon. Mrs. Marie H. Higgins, Principal of the Musaeus School and Orphanage for Buddhist Girls, Cinnamon Gardens, Ceylon, writes as follows: "It is the best work I have read on Buddhism. This opinion is endorsed by all who read it here. I propose to make it a text-book of study for my girls." THE OPEN COURT PUBLISHING COMPANY 122 S. MICHIGAN AVENUE CHICAGO ILLINOIS THE VIRGIN MARY BY HUBERT VAN EYCK. From the altarpiece of Ghent. THE DUTCH REPUBLIC. BY ALBERT OOSTERHEERDT. The peace of Münster in 1648, which concluded the Thirty Years' War in Germany, also brought an end to the eighty years of war between the Dutch republic and Spain. By it the independence of the seven provinces, Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Gelderland, Overyssel, Friesland and Groningen, long an established fact, was acknowledged by Spain, which had by this time sunk to the level of a second-rank power, while the formerly insignificant provinces had become the strongest maritime power in the world and the pivotal state in European politics. Its commerce was world-wide, and it was the carrier of Europe; its possessions were found in all continents, and its flag floated on every ocean; it was the seat of industry, the center of learning, the mart of finance, and the home of art and science. It produced a galaxy of names still famous, as Huyghens, De Groot, Vondel, Rubens, Rembrandt, John De Witt, Tromp, De Ruyter, and many others of lesser fame. Spinoza was born in Holland, Descartes found an asylum there, as did later many Huguenots and other refugees. The Netherlands were the United States of Europe, and had proportionately as many immigrants, furnishing a haven for the oppressed of all other countries. During the brilliant administration of John De Witt the nation was often at war but gained in power and prestige. Two wars were fought with England for trade reasons. France under Louis XIV was checkmated, and Sweden defeated in a naval battle in defense of Denmark. A medal was struck with the following inscription: "The laws made secure, religion reformed, kings assisted, protected and conciliated, the peace of the seas maintained, a splendid peace arrived at by force of arms, and the security of the European world established." This was in 1668, but in 1672 a different story was related. In this year a coalition of France, Great Britain and some German states made an attack on Holland which all but succeeded, as all the land provinces but one were conquered by the enemy. In this emergency, in which Amsterdam itself was threatened, John De Witt, the masterful opponent of the house of Orange, was deposed, and William III, the young prince, restored to his hereditary rights as stadtholder and commander-in-chief. The prince displayed an extraordinary energy. An alliance was made with Austria and Brandenburg, the French were threatened in their lines of communication, Groningen was defended against the bishop of Münster, and the safety of Holland secured by an inundation. The navy fought a number of brilliant engagements against superior fleets, till finally Great Britain deserted France, with Münster and Cologne likewise coming to terms. The Dutch republic now became the center of a powerful alliance against France, but this was not sufficiently cohesive to be fully effective. Under the changed circumstances, however, France was put on the defensive, and was obliged to forego part of her ambitious designs, but by reason of her strong army and efficient organization was still a very formidable enemy. The republic, accordingly, unequally assisted by its allies, and moved by the strong party of the aristocratic regents, the hereditary opponents of the princes of Orange, made a separate peace with France, in which it itself lost nothing, but which was nevertheless indicative of the changed positions of the powers of Europe, as France from now on (1678) had become a most disturbing factor of the peace and balance of power of the continent. A period of unrest followed, in which the French sought to round out their kingdom by extending its borders, and in which the crafty Louis XIV tried to get internal unity as well by revoking the concessions and privileges of the French Protestants. The revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 was followed by a general exodus of the French Huguenots to Holland and Germany, England receiving but few refugees on account of itself being in danger of a second Romanization at the hands of James II. The danger to Europe from this impending Romanization under French supremacy was especially patent to Protestant England and Holland, thus far the chief strongholds of Protestantism. As William of Orange was the son of an English mother and was married to Mary, the daughter of James, all eyes were fixed on him to prevent the coming Catholic recrudescence. The English revolution of 1688 was the answer of endangered Protestantism to the Catholic menace, and placed William on the English throne, thereby uniting England and Holland in a common cause. From now on until the fall of the Dutch republic the interests of these two countries were merged for purposes of common defense and mutual objects, and as long as the policy of William III was followed the United Netherlands flourished, their decline being contemporaneous with a reversal of that policy. The second French war, from 1689 to 1697, which followed the accession of the Prince of Orange to the English throne, was costly and exhausting to the Dutch provinces, as it was to England also. The Grand Alliance, in which nearly every European power was embraced, was unwieldy and heterogeneous in composition, and hardly a match for the compact and efficient power of France, which excelled on land, although not equal to the naval strength of the Dutch and the English. At the conclusion of peace, however, the Protestant powers of Europe had mastered the situation: they had the supremacy of the seas, and the greatest part in the control of European politics. Once more, nevertheless, France threatened the world with her dominion when the Spanish succession was about to pass under the Bourbons, thereby securing a united France and Spain with their vast possessions. The renewed dangers brought about the so-called war of the Spanish Succession, in which the initiative was taken by the Dutch. They were in especial danger now that the Spanish Netherlands were garrisoned by French troops, which destroyed the security of the republic. The gigantic struggle which ensued was carried on in all continents and on all seas just like the present world conflict. The energy and determination which were shown by the Dutch republic in the early stages of the war were not kept up, however, being too exhausting for the resources of the small state. England, now fully committed to the policies of William III, took the principal role in the war and gained the most substantial benefits, thereby arousing old animosities. The French were finally, although not decisively, beaten, the republic becoming the guardian, if not the possessor, of the Southern Netherlands. This province now passed from Spanish to Austrian control, thus constituting the famous barrière which it was thought would both confirm the security of the republic and at the same time rid it of a possible commercial rivalry. England obtained Gibraltar and Minorca, Hudson Bay, Nova Scotia and Newfoundland besides trading monopolies, thus strengthening her commercial power and her hold upon the seas, meanwhile assuming the part formerly played by the Dutch. in the affairs of the European continent. France, although exhausted, had politically gained her ends: Spain and her colonies were won for the Bourbons, but with the provision that the two crowns should not be united. Thus ended the great war of the Spanish Succession, which was to be the last in which the Dutch republic took a prominent and decisive part. Indeed, it was the beginning of the end. The French envoy Polignac rightly interpreted the peace of Utrecht in 1713. "On traitera de la paix chez vous, pour vous et sans vous," he said with regard to the Dutch republic, which now was compelled to accept what England and France prescribed for it. As Professor Blok says in his History of the People of the Netherlands: "With a neglected navy, an army weakened by the campaigns and losses of the last years, an almost exhausted treasury, the republic for many years would have to give up its importance as a great power; its commerce had suffered seriously and would hereafter, in the world's markets under less favorable circumstances, have to meet its powerfully developing rival on the other side of the North Sea. In the opinion of its best statesmen its only hope for the future lay in a close alliance with this fortunate competitor and in following the chariot of victory." The United Netherlands, however, were still rich and powerful, and were now to profit by a long and protracted peace. The incessant wars gave place to a long-needed peace. While external conditions of trade and foreign affairs were in many respects changed, it was nevertheless the internal condition of the republic which caused its gradual decay and final overthrow. Its weak constitution was that neither of a republic nor of a monarchy, but of a loose alliance in which one province, Holland, and in that province one city, Amsterdam, had a preponderating influence, deciding often for selfish purposes the foreign policy of the commonwealth. It was furthermore divided by the opposition between the land and the sea provinces, the former wanting a strong army and the latter a powerful navy, with the result that the country usually got neither. The internal dissension was often of such a character that the States General were powerless, the provinces furnishing neither their quota of troops nor their required number of ships, failing besides to provide adequately for the general expenses of the government, weak and inefficient as it was by its very nature. In this century the city regents gained complete ascendency, making each city an independent unit, a local autonomy with a strong aversion to a higher or more central authority, whether of the states or of the stadtholder. The stadtholdership, again hereditary in the house of Orange, lost prestige and power, partly because the eighteenth-century representatives of that house were weak and vacillating men, lacking the vigor and decision of their illustrious forebears. Thus the once puissant Dutch republic drifted slowly but inevitably to its certain destruction, and became the prey of political strife, internal disorganization, foreign weakness and excessive love of peace. While the school of William III was still living, there was a lively appreciation of his policies and aims. Heinsius and Van Slingelandt were exceedingly able diplomats, fit to cope with the complex problems of European politics, patriotic and high-minded men. But they were overwhelmed in a flood of narrowness and pettiness by the peace-at-any-price party, which looked at every question from a purely commercial standpoint. Trade and commerce were paramount to national interests—one of the reasons for the fall of the Dutch republic. The much-desired barrier against French aggression proved a delusion and a snare; it neither protected Holland nor barred France, as subsequent events were to show. Austria, now owner of the southern Netherlands, was embittered by the treatment from the states, while France was encouraged by the patrician oligarchy which habitually was friendly to France, as the party of the stadtholder depended on English favor. The first few years after the war of the Spanish Succession found the Dutch republic in a deplorable condition. The alliance with England, endangered by the death of Queen Anne, was confirmed at the accession of George I, the Elector of Hanover. France under its regent was bent on securing Dutch friendship, so that affairs with these two powers were quite satisfactory. Elsewhere, however, the republic suffered loss of prestige by not protecting its commerce in the Baltic and the Mediterranean seas, particularly by submitting supinely to the depredations of the pirates of Algiers and Tunis. At home, there was an attempt to reform the government of the union, but although nearly a year was spent in discussion, nothing really came from it. The second great assembly to save the state failed, as did the first in 1651, and left its future again to depend on "a wonderful work of divine providence," as the council of state declared. Under these conditions the foreign policy of the republic rapidly deteriorated. Self-interest alone determined its action. Thus when Austria permitted the organization of the Ostend Company in 1722 the Dutch and English governments protested vehemently, the Dutch denying the freedom of the seas, one of the principles laid down a century before by Hugo de Groot in his great book on the laws of nations. The economic prosperity or prostration of the Austrian Netherlands was nothing to the Dutch, who no longer had a complete trade monopoly, being forced to share their former commerce with many other rivals, among whom were Denmark, Hamburg and Bremen, to say nothing of England and France, their chief competitors. Austria, desirous of conciliating the maritime powers, suspended the Flemish rival and placed Belgium again under the economic yoke of the Dutch provinces. This concession did not, however, avail to extend the aid of Holland to Austria in the Polish succession dispute, nor in the Austrian succession war till it was nearly too late, and then only in a half-hearted manner. The great war of the Pragmatic Sanction, in which Frederick the Great and Maria Theresa were the heroic figures, proved the rise of Prussia, the disintegration of the Hapsburg empire, and the fatal disinclination of the Dutch republic to observe faithfully its treaties and obligations. The republic, several times assisted by Austria in its own dire perils, sought to compromise with honor when the empire was in danger, and endeavored to remain neutral in spite of its treaty requirements. When aid was finally rendered in 1743, it was done grudgingly and against the will of the regents. The Dutch name of military and naval glory suffered grievously in this war, for the help given was insignificant, and the manner of its handling egregiously ignominious. The navy was small and poorly equipped, fighting no important battle, and the army, whose special task it was to defend the southern Netherlands, was beaten back in disgrace, so that Belgium fell into French hands, the barrier forts proving no obstacle to the victorious legions of France. If proof had been needed that the ring of barrier fortresses was not invincible, the Dutch received it in 1743 and 1744, and they received still further confirmation of their vulnerability in 1747, when the French, in order to hasten peace, invaded Zeeland and Brabant, and laid siege to Maastricht. So desperate had the condition of the Dutch republic become that it was compelled to petition England, its other ally, to conclude peace, declaring that "since its existence it had never been more exposed to being invaded or overwhelmed." England was bitterly disappointed by this "shameful document," but could not carry on the war singlehanded, so that peace negotiations were soon under way. The representatives of the states naturally received but scant consideration from England and France, and were forced to accept whatever terms these two powers agreed upon, an equal footing being from now on out of the question. In short, the republic was, as Blok says, "a miserable spectacle to its friends, an object of ridicule to its foes." Thus the fatal internal weakness of the Dutch republic had brought about the shameful peace of 1748, which concluded the war of the Austrian Succession and revealed to friends and foes its true and nearly hopeless condition. One remedy remained as of old, the restoration of the prince of Orange to the headship of the state, but even this panacea, when applied in 1747 and 1748, had lost much of its old-time efficacy. Since 1702, when William III died, there had been a "stadtholderless interregnum," and now, when the republic had gone from bad to worse, there was a loud demand from the common people, who had always believed in Orange, to have the young prince William IV elevated to his ancestors' former position. This was indeed done, but more essential changes were not made. More authority was concentrated in the prince, but otherwise the old aristocratic system, limiting government to a number of ruling families, survived in a slightly modified form, denying to the people a truly representative system such as alone might have withstood the violence as well as the doctrines of the French Revolution. For the moment, however, there was great relief and rejoicing, especially when an heir was born to the prince, thus providing for the continuity of the rule of Orange. The new stadtholder was more powerful than any of his predecessors, and his supreme authority was recognized. "From him were now expected a better general guidance, a greater development of the state's resources, reform of army and navy, revival of the former prosperity, a regeneration of the entire nation—a hard task for the prince placed at the head of a republic. Supported as he was by the citizens, it lay in his hand to improve the machine of state by augmenting the influence of the citizens upon the government, as the great prince, William I, had indicated, but he did not desire this. He wished to maintain the old 'aristocratical' form of government, redressing the most crying abuses, removing the most hated regents and replacing them, and balancing the still threatening oligarchy by increasing the powers of the 'eminent head' of the republic. This balance the prince could alone secure by a pernicious system of secret correspondence with the foremost regents, by intrigues and favors that raised the lowest passions to means of government. The republic could not be permanently preserved in this way." The final fall of the republic was accordingly only a matter of fate and time. England's friendship and Prussia's aid might indeed delay the crisis, but could not avert it, as subsequent events were to prove. Nevertheless, the elevation of William IV brought a betterment in the general condition of the country. Trade and commerce revived, finance was made sound and prosperous, and a general prosperity followed which rivaled that of former days, notwithstanding the fact that the colonies had decreased, the trade of the great East India Company being especially in a state of decay. A period of thirty years of unbroken peace followed, somewhat similar to the period in American history after the Civil War. In both periods there was a general prosperity, much national disintegration of life, manners and thought, an incurable optimism based on shallow philosophies, a decline of religion and dogma, a refusal to learn from history, and a pacific tendency which reduced the military and naval efficiency of the nation. Besides the greater concentration of authority in the prince's hands, the removal of some regents, there was an improvement in internal finances by the abolishment of the system of farming, which had led to such grave abuses and scandals. The postal system was also improved, but beyond this the reforms made did not alter the constitution of the state so much as its personnel. The prince himself was an amiable, weak man, not capable of reforming a state in which privilege and aristocratic pretension were so strongly intrenched as in the so-called United Netherlands, united in name only. His early death in 1751 left the country in charge of his wife, the Governess Anne, an English princess who found the task also greatly exceeding her natural capacity. Part of her labors were taken over by the Duke of Brunswick, a German general in the employ of the States General. Thus two foreigners were placed at the head of the Dutch republic at the most critical period of its history, naturally exciting patriotic opposition and personal antipathies on the part of many Dutchmen. A reduction was made in the appropriations by reducing the size of the army which had played such an inglorious part in the late war; the state of the navy may be guessed from the fact that peace with the pirate states of Morocco and Algiers was bought, not compelled, while diplomacy fared no better in securing a new commercial treaty from France, nor in fruitless negotiations with Austria regarding the disposition to be made of the southern Netherlands. Austria, in fact, was not enamored of its possessions, nor of restoring the barrier fortresses to protect Holland from France, especially not when in 1756 a Franco-Austrian alliance was made, which totally changed the status of the Austrian Netherlands, changing them from a buffer state into a French outpost. The former alliance of Austria with the naval powers of the North Sea naturally was immediately broken, but instead of uniting the Dutch republic more closely with Great Britain, this made the aristocracy all the more determined to be on good footing with France, long the common enemy of England and the house of Orange. The republic soon found itself in a difficult position. England and France were again at war, this time for the supremacy of the seas and colonial expansion. In America France's colonies and military ambitions lay directly athwart the path of English colonial domination, while in India too the French were continually in conflict with English commerce and power. England could not tolerate a chain of French forts from Canada to the mouth of the Mississippi, blocking further expansion of its own colonies on the Atlantic seaboard, nor could it view with equanimity the growing naval strength of France, heretofore surpassed only by its own mighty sea power. The Netherlands, now that Austria was no longer an ally of them and England, had everything to fear from such a war. By treaty the Dutch were bound to assist the English, yet their own powerlessness and precarious position made them wish to retain French friendship also. Hence they endeavored to maintain a complete neutrality, a position then as now impossible to hold. An English demand that the treaty be complied with was refused at the behest of France, this naturally causing British pride to be offended. While France showered favors on the faithless Dutch, England showed its resentment by capturing Dutch merchant ships. Violent disputes arose in the republic about the necessity of providing convoy to the threatened commerce, but the decrepit state of the navy and the bankrupt condition of the admiralty prevented adequate protection from being furnished. Moreover the regent Anne, being an English princess, would not hear of an increase in the navy without the army being likewise increased, but this idea, while essentially correct, was violently opposed by the mercantile cities and the partisans of the French. At the Hague, it was said, there were many English or French partisans, but "no Hollanders." The princess and her party were blamed for their English sympathies, and the party of the "States" for its French partisanship. Meanwhile Dutch trade was seriously hampered by the war. France was furnished with war supplies, but it could not in return insure the safety of Dutch shipping. All efforts to increase the navy were met by the insistent demand of the land provinces that the land forces be increased too, so that a general deadlock followed after most vehement discussions. The navy counted in 1757 less than thirty ships, and the army had dropped to thirty-three thousand men—a sad commentary on the fall from the glory of other days when the Dutch republic had hundreds of battleships and fully half a million of men under arms. Finally after much wrangling some additional ships were built and they performed noteworthy services but could not avail to restore the old prestige or revive the former prosperity of trade. When the war between France and England came to an end in 1763, the Dutch republic had no part whatever in the peace conferences, and found itself ignored by its powerful ally, which from now on had not only the undisputed dominion of the seas, but was also in possession of French Canada, the Mississippi Valley, the Antilles and French Hindustan, being now by all odds the greatest naval and colonial power in the world. It would seem, therefore, that Holland, conscious of English superiority, could not afford to affront the old rival, but would assiduously cultivate British friendship, especially now that France had been decisively humbled. Such, indeed, was the policy of the duke of Brunswick and the council pensionary Steyn, who after the death of Princess Anne in 1759 had become entrusted with foreign affairs, as well as with the guardianship of the young prince William V. The duke acquired a vast power in the republic, his opponents being gradually removed from influence and Orange partisans put in their place. By a judicious diplomacy the duke even received the good-will of the "States" party, so that at the assumption of government by the prince of Orange in 1766 there were many testimonials of gratitude from the States General and the Provincial Estates for his fatherly care of the country and the prince. The prince married a Prussian princess, a woman with much more determination and courage than he was to show in the last and most critical days of the old Dutch republic. The period now ensuing was indeed a turbulent one, not only in the Netherlands, but also in foreign countries. It was the time of the first partition of Poland, of plans to exchange the ownership of Belgium, of the American revolution, and last but not least, of the political and social philosophy of the French revolution, with its tremendous and dramatic effects. That the Dutch republic should have survived the gathering storm was extremely unlikely, nor in fact desirable. Its anachronistic constitution and internal condition were such that they deserved no better fate than that which overtook them—a warning to other countries and times. England too was ruled by a small aristocracy, but English traditions of liberty and flexibility safely weathered the storm of the great revolution, while the Dutch republic was moribund and inert and collapsed when the visible signs of government were removed. The growth of democratic ideas in America and France found a ready response in the Netherlands, but the history and organization of the republic were not favorable to a liberal reconstruction of its form under the new conditions. During the administration of William V the old antipathy against England was revived in an intensified form. The revolt of the American colonies against British rule found strong sympathy in Holland, partly on account of democratic tendencies, and partly because of commercial reasons, which were very potent, since the colonies depended during the war on their West-Indian smuggling trade, carried on largely in Dutch bottoms. Hence the willingness of Dutch merchants and especially of the city of Amsterdam to make loans to the struggling colonies, and the readiness to aid America at the expense and to the detriment of England. That country, already at war with France and the American colonies, naturally desired to retain the friendship of the Dutch. As before in the Seven Years' War, however, the influence of France was strong enough in the republic to cause English displeasure, and finally a break in the old relations, resulting in the fourth English war. A request for the return of the Scottish brigade, which had been stationed in the Netherlands since the days of William of Orange, was refused by the States General on the grounds that the brigade was needed in their own defense. Another English grievance was the contraband trade of the Dutch, especially the furnishing of war supplies to France, principally by Haarlem and Amsterdam. While England maintained a conciliatory attitude, France was bound to force the hands of the Dutch, threatening to injure Dutch commerce unless a naval convoy was granted to the illicit trade forbidden by the English. Thus matters stood with France cajoling this way and England insisting upon that way, till finally proud Albion, although beset by foreign enemies and harassed by domestic revolutions, abrogated the ancient treaties in 1780, following this the next year—after the republic had entered the armed neutrality league and through its chief city, Amsterdam, made an understanding with the American colonies—by a declaration of war upon its old rival and ally. The Dutch on their side entered the war with incredible optimism and a fatal lack of preparedness. The proud language of the French partisans, which swore vengeance upon perfidious Albion for having dared to hold up Dutch commerce, was in sharp contrast to the defenseless situation of the country and its colonies. The coasts were nearly bare to an English invasion, and the minor colonies fell into the enemy's hands almost without a struggle. Dutch commerce was driven off the seas, the French giving no aid to their new ally; a meeting between an English squadron and a Dutch fleet at Doggersbank proving nothing except that Dutch courage was still in spite of British sneers a fine quality of the navy. Luckily for the decrepit republic, England was busily employed elsewhere and had no heart in this war, so that peace offers were constantly made and as constantly refused by the French party, which still hoped to humiliate England with French help. While France was thus encouraging Holland to persist in a foolish war, she herself secretly concluded preliminaries of peace with Great Britain, thus isolating the republic. This was the reward which a fateful friendship for France received, but it did not deter the French party, now called the patriot party, from preventing a renewal of the old alliance with Great Britain. The stadtholder, helpless as he was, received most of the blame for the disastrous war and inglorious peace, while the "patriots" now openly demanded a reconstruction of the state after French political ideas and American example. As Blok says in his history: "No treaty of peace was more humiliating than that of Paris, none showed the republic in a more disordered condition—a mockery of a state, hopelessly divided in itself, without influence abroad, without power on land and sea, without future, living alone in the remembrance of its great past and in the prosperity left by that past." The war over, internal strife became fiercer than ever. The old-time prosperity had been largely destroyed by the war: trade and commerce had gone to England and neutrals, industry was disorganized, and the colonies were in decay. The cause of all the woes of the republic was loudly proclaimed to be the antiquated form of government, as shown in the aristocratic rule of the regents and of the stadtholder. Opposition gradually centered against the latter and his removal was demanded, while the state itself was to be remodeled upon democratic principles. Some of the regents themselves were imbued with these principles, and they consequently became the leaders of the new movement which found most of its supporters among the intellectuals of the cities. The people at large still clung to the memories of Orange, but as they were dissociated from the government their wishes were not consulted. By various means and measures the power of the prince was much curtailed, at first to the delight of the aristocrats who meant to gather up the authority lost by the head of state but who soon found out that the forces now at work and which were to sweep them away also were already beyond their control. A period of confusion and revolutionary movements followed the war, and French ideas and leadership became the guiding factors while English influence and Prussian interest were strong counterforces. The republic, in 1785 committed to a French alliance, thus became not only the victim of its own contending factions but also the subject of foreign power and interference. There were at first three parties in the state: the patriot, the regent and the Orange or stadtholder party. The rapid growth of the patriot party soon forced a coalition between the two latter parties, who sought to check the rising discontent and the introduction of a more popular government. Holland and Utrecht led the way in an organized resistance to the old system of government, followed closely by Gelderland, where the Van de Capellens, known for their American sympathies, held sway. The prince and his advisers at first weakly gave way, and this made the revolutionaries, counting on aid from France, bolder than ever. The army and navy were still in favor of Orange, but the prince hesitated to use them against the patriots, although the English ambassador openly advocated a counter-revolution in favor of the stadtholder party. While matters thus went from bad to worse, an incident occurred which brought about the intervention of Prussia and the restoration of the old order. It so happened that the princess, who was a sister of the king of Prussia, was stopped and delayed on a trip to the Hague by some over-zealous citizen guards and was furious at the treatment thus received. A reparation was demanded of the Provincial Estates and as promptly refused. England and Prussia threatened, but with no result. As Holland would not punish the guards, on the grounds that no insult had been intended, the king of Prussia sent an army which soon overcame the small Dutch citizen army. The regular army, be it remembered, was still pro-Orange, and opposed to the patriotic innovations. Amsterdam alone held out for a while, but as French help did not arrive finally submitted in despair. The revolution, such as it was, had failed, and the prince was "restored" to his offices and full dignity, while the patriots were punished with removal from office, imprisonment and exile. Many went into voluntary exile, mainly to France, which welcomed the patriots of 1787 with open arms, the "first fruits" and the promise of its own revolution. The restoration of the archaic system in the United Netherlands naturally broke the back of the French alliance, and allied the Dutch republic once more with England and also with Prussia. A state so constituted could not forever delay its fall, nor could foreign aid prevent the final catastrophe. The last period, from 1787 to 1795, was a time pregnant with mighty events and portentous warnings. The French revolution of 1789 was casting its shadow before, encouraging the Dutch patriots and causing gloomy forebodings among the regents and all adherents of the old system. Every province was divided against itself, and only the danger of Holland's supremacy kept the rest of the provinces in common accord at all. There was no feeling of a national and indivisible unity which made them forget their separate existences; this feeling was to be instilled through many bitter years of French oppression. The army was without leaders and discipline, the navy had practically ceased to exist. Foreign commerce was declining, while colonial trade was at its lowest level. Thanks to the treaties with Prussia and England, however, the foreign position of the republic was somewhat improved, as these two powers virtually became its protectors. The last days of its existence were further brightened by the fact that in Van de Spiegel, the state pensionary, it possessed a man of uncommon intelligence, great moderation, fine patriotism and spotless integrity. The stadtholder, too, more conscious of his responsibility, applied himself with great diligence to affairs of state, while the new appointees in the government were all firm adherents of the house of Orange and of the traditional scheme of government. If the republic could be saved, then its present condition was hopeful and not beyond promise of recovery. Foreign complications soon presented great difficulties for the republic. In Belgium the liberal-mindedness of Emperor Joseph II had caused strange results. The attempt of the emperor to change the antiquated institutions and laws for a modern representative government met fanatical opposition on the part of the people, especially from clergy, nobility and local bodies, such as gilds and cities, proud of their ancient freedom and suspicious of any attempts to coordinate their charters and organizations into a more centralized and organic whole. The opposition to the reforms became soon dangerous to the authority of the emperor and threatened to establish a new state in Europe, or merge Belgium with France. Fortunately for the Austrian government Louis XVI still ruled in France, so that help from that quarter could not be extended to the Belgian revolutionaries. As the emperor persisted in his desire to introduce the new system of government, he abrogated the ancient bill of rights called the Joyeuse Entrée, and dissolved the recalcitrant councils and provincial estates, thus adding to the general confusion. Many people went into exile, among them the former leader of the opposition, Van der Noot, who went about from court to court soliciting aid to make Belgium independent. A close union with the Dutch republic was suggested also, showing the great interest the northern Netherlands had in the state of affairs in the south. Meanwhile the French Revolution took place. A month after the fall of the Bastile, a revolution occurred in Liège, which was quelled by Prussian troops but against Austria. From Liège the insurrection spread to other parts of the country, the weak authority of the Austrian government being soon overthrown. The Provincial Estates met at Brussels in 1790 and established as States General the "United States of Belgium," maintaining the old laws and constitutions of the country. This reactionary spirit was unsatisfactory to the liberal element, now made bold by the progress of events in France and desirous of following the path of the great revolution. The three allied powers of Prussia, England and the Dutch republic resolved not to interfere in Belgian affairs, unless the emperor should request their help. Prussia now came to an agreement with Austria regarding the restoration of order in Belgium, and the short-lived Belgian republic expired without a blow. Thus another state was regulated into its former condition by the concert of Europe. Affairs in France now required the attention of the great powers. Louis XVI, alarmed for his safety and desiring to get back his autocratic power, secretly besought Austria and Prussia to make war on the Assembly, hoping thereby to regain his former authority. War accordingly was declared, but the expected restoration did not follow. The Prussian invasion of France was stopped at Valmy, the Convention declaring the republic on the same day in 1792. All France arose as one man to repel the invaders and to bring the blessings of liberty, fraternity and equality to other oppressed peoples. The defeat of the Austrians at Jemappes put Belgium into French hands, to the great delight of the Belgian patriots but to the deep anxiety of the Dutch republic, scarcely recovered from its own uprising. Belgium was annexed to France in order to enjoy the benefits of the revolution, and Holland might expect the same fate, once the hungry French patriots extended their zeal to free more peoples from the yokes of their governments. In this the French were urged on by the Dutch exiles, many of whom formed a foreign legion in the army of the French republic. Diplomatic relations between the two republics had already been broken off in August 1792, when on February 1, 1793, the Convention declared war on "the king of England" and the "stadtholder of the Dutch republic." England, of course, was the chief enemy, but the Dutch republic, being an ally of England, naturally must be attacked also. After some initial successes, the French were thrown back, and the Dutch republic saved once more. Dumouriez, the French general, was disowned by the Convention, but as he had monarchical leanings he evacuated Belgium, thus exposing France to the victorious armies of the allies. Great plans were now made by the coalition against France but were dashed to the ground by the unexpected resistance of the French army, now greatly enlarged under Carnot. The campaign went badly for the allies, the Netherlands again being menaced by the French, who were meanwhile still in communication with the Dutch patriots. The following year, 1794, went disastrously for the allies and the Dutch. Deprived of Prussian aid the republic fought a losing campaign against the French, while the Austrians and the English were as decisively defeated. Belgium was lost the second time, and Dutch Brabant and Flanders occupied by the French. Only a nominal resistance would meet their armies on the march to Amsterdam and Utrecht, once the Meuse had been crossed. Maastricht and Nimeguen fell, as did Bois-le-Duc, placing the country at the enemy's mercy. With the small English army remaining inactive, and the Dutch army retiring from the frontier forts, after offering valiant resistance, the patriots were busy with their appeals to the French to come and end the hated Orange government. They wanted French aid, not a conquest, in order to found a new state based on the ideas of the great revolution. But the mass of the people, still loyal to the house of Orange, and horrified at the excesses of the revolution, did not want a change in the government, at least not in this way. The French, on their part, were not eager for a new Dutch republic, so that hope revived of concluding an honorable peace. It was not till a delegation from the Dutch patriots persuaded the National Convention at Paris that imperative action was necessary that the command was given to invade Holland itself. Once given, there was little or no opposition. Small wonder, for the Dutch troops numbered only four thousand men, while the English and Hanoverians counted but eleven thousand. The province of Utrecht surrendered. Holland felt in like mood, for the defenses had been given up one by one. The prince's government had apparently abdicated. Worst of all, the prince of Orange did really abdicate. Without adequate internal support, deserted by the allies of the republic, the prince stadtholder found himself a "man without a country." The French refused to treat with the republic so long as he was at the head of it, and the patriots desired him gone, while the common people were powerless to help him—reasons enough why he contemplated flight to England. At a gloomy session of the Estates of Holland he admitted that the province could not be defended any longer. On the same day he with his family embarked at Scheveningen for England—an exile from the country which his forefathers had redeemed from Spanish oppression and saved repeatedly from French domination or conquest. The long-threatened French supremacy over Dutch affairs was now an accomplished fact, to be followed during the reign of Napoleon by a complete annexation. On the same fateful day that the prince of Orange left Holland the famous old Dutch republic ceased to exist, the government almost automatically suspending its functions. Its place was taken by the so-called Batavian republic, organized upon French revolutionary principles by the committees of patriots in the various provinces. Thus perished a state which once proudly acclaimed itself as the "Commonwealth of the United Netherlands," which during a short history of two hundred years rivaled, if not eclipsed, the glory that was Greece, which transferred definitely the seat of empire to northwestern Europe, and opened the way out of ecclesiastical bondage and political tyranny to civil liberty and religious freedom, two indispensable attributes of civilization. MORE'S UTOPIA. BY C. H. WILLIAMS. IN the September Open Court we touched upon the influences at work to make More interested in the topics discussed in his Utopia and which helped to stimulate that interest when it had been aroused. It is our task now to examine the material More had in his possession to assist him in the development of the plan which matured about 1516 into the book Utopia. 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Directions: Each of the questions or incomplete statements below is followed by five suggested answers or completions. Select the one that is best in each case and then fill in the corresponding circle on the answer sheet. 1. Social facilitation theory suggests that (A) the presence of others diminishes performance on tasks at which we are well practiced. (B) the presence of others increases performance on tasks at which we are well practiced. (C) the presence of others makes us less likely to go along with a request from an authority figure. (D) the presence of others causes us to lose our sense of self in a group setting. (E) the presence of more than three people causes us to change our opinions to fit in with the group. 2. On his daycare report card, Patrick received a ‘Not Yet’ grade in the category “Child knows whether they are male or female.” Evidently, Patrick has not yet developed his (A) theory of mind. (B) gender consistency. (C) gender stability. (D) conservation skills. (E) gender identity. 3. Julia gets six “A’s” on her report card because her mother has promised her $10 for each “A” she earned. Her mom is using which of the following to encourage Julie to earn higher grades? (A) Negative reinforcement (B) Just noticeable difference (C) Extrinsic motivation (D) Mnemonics (E) Shaping 4. Which of the following sets of scores would have the greatest standard deviation? (A) 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 (B) 1, 10, 20, 30, 40 (C) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 (D) 99, 100, 101, 103, 104 (E) 1000, 1002, 1004, 1006, 1008 5. Which of the following situations best explains the Gestalt principle of Proximity? (A) Austell sees an abstract painting in which the brushstrokes do not touch one another, yet she completes the lines in her mind and is able to see a face. (B) Nathan walks into the lunchroom for the first time this year and sees many students sitting together at tables. Because some students are relatively close to one another, Nathan assumes they know one another and are friends. (C) Ms. Hamilton cannot see the torsos of many of her students because the desks they are sitting at cover up this area of their bodies. Ms. Hamilton knows that the students upper body is still united with their lower body, even if she cannot directly see this from her perspective. (D) Rostilov is looking at a fly that has just landed on his arm, he sees a different perspective from his left eye than he does from his right eye. (E) Yilin plays in a badminton tournament and sees many people wearing different color warm-ups, he believes that all of those wearing the same color warm-up suits are on the same team. 6. When asked, "Is it more dangerous to fly or drive across country?" many Americans answer "fly" because they may recall a plane accident more easily than a car crash, even if the car crash is more likely to occur. This is most likely due to which of the following? (A) A norm. (B) The availability heuristic. (C) Intuition. (D) The representativeness heuristic. (E) The misinformation effect. 7. When asked to think of a vehicle, most Americans first think of a car. This is because a car is used often by many people and in their mind, serves as a good representation of the large category. This is best described as which of the following? (A) A prototype (B) A heuristic (C) A divergent thinking task (D) A hierarchy (E) A syllogism 8. In 1848, after an accident with a tamping iron, Phineas Gage suffered severe damage to his frontal lobes. This area of his brain was severed from the limbic system. Which of the following best represents the results of this type of damage? (A) Feeling pain, temperature, touch or pressure is significantly impaired (B) Impaired facial recognition (C) A lack of understanding for one's own name (D) A drastic change in personality, accompanied by uncontrollable emotional outbursts (E) Difficulty with the comprehension of speech 9. Which section of the brain is most involved in our sense of touch and pressure? (A) Parietal lobe (B) Frontal lobe (C) Amygdala (D) Hypothalamus (E) Hippocampus Questions 10 and 11 refer to the situation below: Mr. Alexander believes that students who study in rooms with dim lighting will score better on his exams. His third period class studies in a dimly lit room and his fourth period class studies in their normally lit classroom. The next day, each class takes the same Psychology exam and Mr. Alexander compares their scores. He finds that the fourth period class actually scores better than the third period class on the exam. 10. The independent variable in his study is (A) the scores on the psychology exam. (B) the level of lighting in the room. (C) the fact that the students are enrolled in Mr. Alexander’s course. (D) the students in the third period class. (E) whether or not the students study while in the assigned room. 11. The control group in Mr. Alexander’s study is (A) the students who studied in the dimly lit room. (B) the students in Mr. Alexander’s fifth period class. (C) the students enrolled in Ms. Munroe’s psychology course. (D) the students who studied under the same conditions in which they normally study. (E) all of the students enrolled in the school where Mr. Alexander teaches. 12. Ten years after returning from the Middle East where Morgan served in the military, he still has flashbacks of the war and wakes up from vivid, terrifying nightmares several times a week. This has been occurring for over a year. After a visit to a psychologist Morgan receives a diagnosis of (A) bipolar disorder. (B) generalized anxiety disorder. (C) agoraphobia. (D) fugue. (E) posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). 13. Traci is terrified of spiders. Her therapist has been gradually exposing her to spiders by first looking at pictures and, once she is comfortable with that step, working up to Traci actually touching a spider. This type of therapy is known as (A) dual processing. (B) aversive conditioning. (C) systematic desensitization. (D) factor analysis. (E) resistance. 14. Blanche has always been very impulsive. When she wants something, she is unable to wait for it and must have it immediately. This sometimes means that Blanche will steal or get involved in risky situations. Which of the following would Freud say is the strongest part of her personality? (A) Id (B) Thanatos (C) Ego (D) Superego (E) Eros 15. On a test in which the scores are normally distributed, approximately what percentage of the scores are within 2 standard deviations of the mean? (A) 20% (B) 33% (C) 50% (D) 68% (E) 95% 16. Casinos know that gamblers are likely to keep playing slot machines in the hopes that the next time will be the time they win. This is because gambling is reinforced on which schedule? (A) Continuous (B) Fixed-Ratio (C) Fixed-Interval (D) Variable-Interval (E) Variable-Ratio 17. Approximately 25 minutes after falling asleep, Juanita’s EEG displays sleep spindles. Which stage of sleep is she most likely entering? (A) NREM-1 (B) NREM-2 (C) Somnambulism (D) REM (E) NREM-3 18. Which of the following depth cues requires two eyes to successfully navigate one’s environment? (A) Linear perspective (B) Interposition (C) Light and shadow (D) Retinal disparity (E) Texture gradient 19. The zipper tab on Colleen’s sweatshirt has broken and she cannot get the zipper down. She has a paperclip with her but does not realize that she could use it in place of the tab to help pull her zipper down. Colleen is unable to solve her problem because she is experiencing which of the following? (A) the confirmation bias. (B) belief perseverance. (C) the Premack principle. (D) functional fixedness. (E) displacement. 20. 3-year old Gio thinks that he has less pizza than Claudia because his mom cut his pizza into four slices and his sister’s, into five. He does not, however, take one of her slices because he is afraid he will get a time out if he is caught. Piaget would say that Gio is in the ______ stage and Kohlberg would say that he is in the ______ stage. (A) formal operational; postconventional (B) concrete operational; preconventional (C) sensorimotor; conventional (D) preoperational; preconventional (E) preoperational; conventional 21. Geoff is a master con artist who frequently steals from his friends and family. He manipulates others by using information he knows will make them feel insecure. Geoff demonstrates no remorse for his actions. According to the DSM, Geoff’s most likely diagnosis would be (A) social anxiety disorder. (B) a conversion disorder. (C) antisocial personality disorder. (D) systemic disorder. (E) bipolar disorder. 22. Chad is a member of the Future Farmers Club at his school. During the last meeting the club discussed how important farmers are to America. Chad and his friends became even more convinced at the end of the meeting of the importance of farmers than they were before the meeting started. The more extreme position of Chad and his friends is evidence of (A) groupthink (B) deindividuation. (C) transference. (D) group polarization. (E) mere exposure effect. 23. The “master gland” of the endocrine system, which also produces the growth hormone, is the (A) adrenal gland. (B) thyroid gland. (C) pineal gland. (D) pancreas. (E) pituitary gland. 24. Samir attends several loud concerts over the course of a year. At the end of the year he notices that he is having trouble hearing and his doctor diagnoses him with nerve deafness. Based on this diagnosis, which part of his ear was most likely damaged by the loud music? (A) Eardrum (B) Hammer, Anvil, Stirrup (C) Cochlea (D) Retina (E) Semi-circular canals 25. B.F. Skinner taught pigeons to play ping-pong, turn in their cage, use a pecking motion to drive a toy truck and peck to receive food. Which of the following best summarizes the principles developed and used by Skinner to train these pigeons? (A) Insight learning (B) Classical conditioning (C) Observational learning (D) Operant conditioning (E) Cognitive mapping 26. According to Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs, which of the following needs creates the base of the pyramid and must be present prior to trying to achieve any other levels of the hierarchy (A) Belongingness and love (B) Safety (C) Self-Actualization (D) Physiological (E) Esteem 27. The sentence, “Kevin banana eated” has correct _______ and incorrect _______. (A) morphemes; semantics (B) semantics; syntax (C) telegraphic speech; semantics (D) utility; syntax (E) framing; semantics 28. Which of the following best explains why you can accurately list almost everything that you had to eat yesterday, even though you did not consciously place the menu into your memory? (A) mnemonic devices (B) implicit memory (C) automatic processing (D) semantic memory (E) working memory 29. Although Carla and her boyfriend are only 17, they have decided to get married. Her friends and family are upset because Carla is “too young.” Which psychology principle has Carla and her boyfriend apparently violated? (A) the social clock (B) role confusion (C) loss of identity (D) display rules (E) locus of control 30. In which of the following personality tests is a client asked to make up a story based on an ambiguous picture? (A) Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) (B) Myers-Briggs Type Indicator (C) Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC) (D) Stanford-Binet Test (E) Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) 31. Which of the following intelligence tests contains both performance and analytical components? (A) The Rorschach Test (B) The Wechsler Test (C) Stanford-Binet Test (D) The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (E) The Beck Depression Inventory 32. An action against a group of people is called discrimination. Typically this is born out of an unjustifiable, often negative, attitude called (A) prejudice. (B) rationalization. (C) aphasia. (D) social trap. (E) groupthink. 33. Shortly after taking a psychoactive drug, Lydia experienced an increased heart rate, dilated pupils, decreased appetite and an increase in her energy levels. Which of the following did she most likely ingest? (A) Methamphetamine (B) LSD (C) Alcohol (D) Marijuana (E) Heroin 34. Carla continually washes her hands, even though she knows they are clean. Her behavior is best described as a(n) (A) compulsion. (B) hallucination. (C) delusion. (D) obsession. (E) phobia. 35. Joyce has been displaying a series of irrational thoughts and fears lately. In an effort to alleviate her symptoms, she seeks help from a therapist who takes a rather aggressive approach. Each time she mentions her irrational thoughts, he asks her to logically defend these thoughts which she is unable to do. Eventually, after a dozen sessions, Joyce is able to label the thoughts as irrational and better cope with her day-to-day life. Her therapist is most likely using which of the following approaches? (A) Rational Emotive Therapy. (B) Client-centered Therapy. (C) Psychodynamic Therapy. (D) A token economy. (E) Positive Psychology. 36. Which of the following statements best represents the correlation displayed on the following scatterplot? (A) The graph shows a perfect positive correlation between the two variables. (B) The graph shows a moderate positive correlation between the two variables. (C) The graph shows a moderate negative correlation between the two variables. (D) The graph shows a perfect negative correlation between the two variables. (E) The graph shows no correlation between the two variables. 37. Wilhelm Wundt who is often cited as the “Father of Psychology” established the following method for asking people to report their conscious experiences when presented with a series of objects. The intention was to better understand one’s inner conscious experience. This process is known as which of the following? (A) Free association (B) Stream of Consciousness (C) Active Listening (D) Token Economy (E) Introspection 38. While watching TV, Min’s son asks him to turn up the volume. After doing so, he is asked to turn it up again, claiming that nothing had changed. Evidently the first increase was below his son’s (A) absolute threshold. (B) habituation level. (C) actualization level. (D) correct rejection. (E) difference threshold. 39. Using the graph above, which of the following best explains Hermann Ebbinghaus’s representation of how forgetting generally occurs? (A) Most forgetting usually occurs quickly after learning information and then gradually tapers off over time. (B) Forgetting is slow and steady over time. (C) Forgetting starts off slowly, and then only in very old age declines. (D) The forgetting and the learning curve follow the same shape. (E) The forgetting curve best represents overlearning. 40. On one day at the mall, Dr. Miele conducted a survey that measured the eating habits of people who were 20, 30, 40 and 50, with 10 people in each age group. The study was attempting to determine if a high protein diet led to increased muscle mass. Which of the following best describes her study? (A) An experiment (B) A cross-sectional study (C) A case study (D) A longitudinal study (E) A double-blind study 41. Molley’s friends are concerned because she has dropped a significant amount of weight recently. She is now significantly underweight but seems almost obsessed with talking about making different foods. Which eating disorder is she most likely to be diagnosed with? (A) Anorexia nervosa (B) Binge-Eating disorder (C) Somnambulism (D) Bulimia Nervosa (E) Agoraphobia 42. Anya has suffered for years with mental illness that has not responded to any drug or psychotherapy. As a last resort, her doctor suggests that she undergo ECT (electroconvulsive therapy). What disorder is Anya most likely being treated for with this procedure? (A) Dissociative identity disorder (B) Antisocial personality disorder (C) Anorexia nervosa (D) Generalized anxiety disorder (E) Major depressive disorder 43. While in the 10 items or less line at the grocery store Emily sees that the person in front of her has 17 items. If she makes the fundamental attribution error, which of the following would be the most likely explanation for the other person’s behavior? (A) “This store is so busy today, no wonder she got into this line.” (B) “She must be in a hurry to get somewhere today.” (C) ‘I guess I could have brought a couple more items into the line.” (D) “That woman’s scarf and shirt don’t even match.” (E) “That woman must pretty selfish to not care about the rest of the line.” 44. Han arrives for his Chemistry exam. As he begins the test, he notices that many of the questions are not Chemistry questions at all but belong on a physics test. His teacher has most clearly violated which of the following in the construction of the exam? (A) Standardization (B) Reliability (C) Validity (D) Norms (E) Concordance Rates 45. Which of the following brain structures is most directly involved in the reduction of hunger and increasing feeling of satiation? (A) Hippocampus (B) Broca’s Area (C) Lateral Hypothalamus (D) Ventromedial Hypothalamus (E) Cerebellum 46. After several failed attempts to escape from her yard, Daisy the dog stops trying. Even when the gate is left open she refuses to leave because she assumes that she will not get very far. Daisy’s behavior is best explained as (A) classical conditioning. (B) learned helplessness. (C) compliance. (D) neurogenesis. (E) hypochondriasis. 47. What is the mode of the following set of scores: 1, 3, 4, 4, 6, 8, 9? (A) 4 (B) 5 (C) 7 (D) 8 (E) 35 48. Sarah believes that her personality is inherited from her parents. Jamie conversely believes that her personality is more similar to her peers and that they are the people who impact who she has become. Which of the following best represents the debate between the two girls? (A) Stability v. Change (B) Nature v. Nurture (C) Assimilation v. Accommodation (D) Continuity v. Stages (E) Correlation v. Causation 49. Nedra is a split-brain patient. As she fixates on a spot in the middle of her vision, a picture of a dog is flashed to her left visual field and a picture of a rabbit is flashed to her right visual field. Which of the following will she be able to do? (A) Use her left hand to indicate that she saw a rabbit. (B) Use her right hand to indicate that she saw a dog. (C) Verbally report that she saw a rabbit. (D) Verbally report that she saw a dog. (E) Verbally report that she saw both a rabbit and a dog. 50. Luis puts on his seatbelt each time he gets in his car because doing so stops the beeping alarm, which causes him to wear his seatbelt more often. Which learning principle explains why he continues this behavior? (A) Negative Reinforcement (B) Stimulus Generalization (C) Positive Reinforcement (D) Extinction (E) Assimilation 51. The human body attempts to maintain a constant internal state. This is called (A) homeostasis. (B) gestalt. (C) heuristic. (D) neurogenesis. (E) ganglion. 52. In the midst of a heated argument with his son, Mohammad fell asleep. With which sleep disorder would he most likely be diagnosed? (A) Apnea (B) Circadian rhythm disorder (C) Narcolepsy (D) Insomnia (E) Cataplexy 53. Which of the following best explains why we are able to touch our finger to our nose with our eyes closed? (A) The vestibular sense (B) Functionalism (C) Biofeedback (D) Kinesthesia (E) Plasticity 54. Arriving at school for your senior year you find yourself unable to learn your new science teacher’s name. You keep using the name of the science teacher you had last year because they sound similar. The reason for this is most likely due to (A) implicit memory. (B) retroactive interference. (C) transference. (D) shallow processing. (E) proactive interference. 55. According to Erik Erikson, during which stage of psychosocial development does a child start to do some things by themselves without constant help from a parent or caretaker? (A) Industry v. Inferiority (B) Identity v. Role Confusion (C) Autonomy v. Shame and Doubt (D) Integrity v. Despair (E) Generativity v. Stagnation 56. Which of the following is not one of the generally acknowledged symptoms someone suffering from schizophrenia may experience? (A) Hallucinations (B) Delusions (C) Paranoia (D) Multiple Personalities (E) Catatonia 57. As part of his therapy, Gulio is asked to share all thoughts that come into his mind, taking care not to avoid saying something because it might be too embarrassing. His therapist will later analyze everything that Gulio has told him and try to find the underlying cause of Gulio’s current challenges. If this is the primary method of treatment, what type therapy is most likely being employed? (A) Cognitive (B) Psychoanalytic (C) Rational-Emotive (D) Biomedical (E) Behavioral 58. People often behave in a more hurtful or aggressive fashion when they are in a larger group than when acting alone. Which psychological term best explains this behavior? (A) Group polarization (B) Groupthink (C) Deindividuation (D) Deinstitutionalization (E) Reaction Formation 59. After checking into their hotel room, guests often find a card in the bathroom that says, “Most guests choose to reuse towels several times before washing. Won’t you join them in conserving resources?” The hotel is trying to influence the behavior of their guests through which of the following techniques? (A) Obedience. (B) Groupthink. (C) Peripheral route processing. (D) Conformity. (E) Eustress. 60. Which of the following best describes Sternberg’s theory of intelligence? (A) Thought processes and concepts are controlled by language. (B) Intelligence is composed of analytical, creative and practical elements. (C) There are 8 multiple intelligences that can be found in humans. (D) Intelligence is composed of 2 abilities: the $s$ factor and the $g$ factor. (E) Intelligent thought requires understanding that there is only one solution to any problem. 61. Upon encountering a barking Rottweiler on her way home from school, Katie noticed that her heart was racing. Which was most likely activated to cause this reaction? (A) Sympathetic Nervous System (B) Somatic Nervous System (C) Parasympathetic Nervous System (D) Endocrine System (E) Reticular activating System 62. Which of the following is a major limitation of the case study method? (A) Participants may give answers that are designed to support the researcher’s hypothesis. (B) Confounding variables may provide inaccurate results. (C) The lack of random assignment may result in a stronger experimental group. (D) Studying such a large population makes data collection tedious. (E) The results may not be applicable to a larger population because the sample is so small. 63. Claire, age 4, watches as her older brother throws the food on the floor that he does not want to eat. Later, she does the same thing when given something that she does not want to eat. The fact that she mimics behavior she has seen would be most supported by the research done by (A) B. F. Skinner. (B) Jean Piaget. (C) Lawrence Kohlberg. (D) Albert Bandura. (E) Carl Rogers. 64. Which of the following best represents the findings of Elizabeth Loftus’s work regarding eyewitness testimony? (A) If more than one eyewitness recalls the same information from the incident, the information can be considered valid. (B) Eyewitnesses are never helpful in legal cases (C) The information that eyewitnesses remember can be influenced by post-event information. (D) If the eyewitnesses are questioned within a week of the incident, their memories of the event should still be accurate. (E) Eyewitnesses generally do well identifying the correct person in a line up. 65. A deterioration in which of the following neurotransmitters has been linked to Alzheimer’s disease? (A) Serotonin (B) GABA (C) Melatonin (D) Dopamine (E) Acetylcholine 66. What technique is used by experimenters to minimize differences between participants in the experimental and control groups? (A) Confounding variables (B) Random selection (C) Random assignment (D) Kinesthesia (E) Operational definitions 67. In a bizarre accident, the cones in Li’s eyes were damaged. What effect is this most likely to have? (A) Li will be unable to recognize faces of her family members. (B) Li will be unable to see colors. (C) Li will be unable to use her peripheral vision. (D) Li will be unable to focus on objects farther away from her. (E) Li will be unable to focus on objects that are close to her. 68. Drugs like Zoloft and Paxil are called SSRIs because they work to relieve depression by (A) forcing neurons to produce more serotonin. (B) inhibiting the amount of dopamine released at the synapse. (C) slowing the production of serotonin. (D) stopping the activity of regional interneurons. (E) causing more serotonin to remain in the synapse, thereby limiting reuptake 69. Not long after witnessing a horrible accident, Ms. Gonzales lost her vision, but doctors cannot find any physical explanation for her visual impairment. In therapy she expresses a great fear that she will witness something tragic again. The best explanation for her blindness would be that (A) her rods and cones have stopped working. (B) she has a conversion disorder. (C) her retina has detached. (D) she has developed agoraphobia. (E) her ganglion cells are firing too slowly. 70. During the Nuremberg trials, when former Nazi prison guards used the excuses, “but I was only following orders,” they were using which of the following to justify their behavior? (A) Obedience (B) Groupthink (C) Conformity (D) Compliance (E) The Bystander Effect 71. When he was 10, Ernesto took an intelligence test and scored 125. What would the best estimate of his IQ be at age 20? (A) 85 (B) 100 (C) 125 (D) 150 (E) 500 72. During which stage of Selye’s General Adaptation Syndrome are we actively trying to fight off and cope with the stressor? (A) Alarm (B) Resistance (C) Modeling (D) Eustress (E) Exhaustion 73. Bandura’s idea of reciprocal determinism states that which of the following factors interact to determine future behavior? (A) Nature and nurture (B) Conservation, friendship groups and intelligence (C) Environment, personal behavior and cognitive factors (D) Positive and negative reinforcement (E) Unconditional self-regard and sense of identity 74. After dating for 3 years, Suzanne and her boyfriend went through a difficult breakup. At their five-year high school reunion she sees him again, but initially forgets his name and the details of their relationship. Freud would suggest that she is making use of the defense mechanism of (A) reaction formation. (B) sublimation. (C) regression. (D) repression. (E) projection. 75. Yasmine has experienced damage to her Broca’s area. With which of the following is she most likely to have difficulty? (A) Playing her flute (B) Writing her name (C) Saying her name (D) Distinguishing red from blue (E) Drawing a triangle 76. Carl notices that students who are active on Twitter are more sociable than those who do not. If he assumes that tweeting is a result of the student’s social ability what error has he made? (A) Finding a negative correlation from positively correlated data. (B) Applying the representative heuristic too broadly. (C) Inferred correlation where there is causation. (D) Inferred causation where there is correlation. (E) Misapplication of negative reinforcement principles. 77. Jaime’s mother consumed alcohol and tobacco while Jaime was in the womb. If Jaime has any negative effects because of her mother’s consumption then we would say that those products were (A) zygotic. (B) stimulants. (C) embryonic. (D) teratogens. (E) monarchic. 78. A disorder in which a person is continually tense, apprehensive and in a state of autonomic nervous system arousal without being able to identify the specific cause is identified as which of the following? (A) Panic Disorder. (B) Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder. (C) Generalized Anxiety Disorder. (D) Conversion Disorder. (E) Mania. 79. Janis, a schizophrenic patient, has recently begun having facial twitches and muscles spasms. These are the symptoms of (A) learned helplessness. (B) an avoidance-avoidance conflict. (C) a somatoform disorder. (D) tardive dyskinesia. (E) drug withdrawal. 80. Kevin is set up on a blind date with Jenny, who he has been told is very funny. Jenny knows this is how her friends have described her to Kevin. Over dinner he acts in such a way that elicits jokes and laughter from her, confirming what he had been told about her. This is an example of (A) self-efficacy. (B) social loafing. (C) a self-fulfilling prophecy. (D) intrinsic motivation. (E) construct validity. 81. The SAT claims to predict how well a high school student will do when they get to college. Because of this claim, the SAT is classified as a(n) (A) Aptitude Test. (B) Projective Test. (C) Achievement Test. (D) Standardized Test. (E) Culture-bound Test. 82. Which theory of emotion states that an experienced emotion follows a specific physiological response and that each emotion arises from a different physiological response? (A) Schachter-Singer (B) Drive reduction (C) Cannon-Bard (D) Opponent-process (E) James-Lange 83. Lisa is described by her boss as someone who pays attention to detail and always submits her work well ahead of the deadline. Which of the following Big Five factors would she rate highly on for this behavior? (A) Agreeableness (B) Conscientiousness (C) Extraversion (D) Neuroticism (E) Openness 84. Which psychologist below has theorized that humans have an “inborn universal grammar” which will naturally allow a child to develop language under the correct conditions? (A) Hermann Ebbinghaus (B) Noam Chomsky (C) Benjamin Whorf (D) B.F. Skinner (E) Abraham Maslow 85. Eloisa is a psychologist who works at an electronics company. Her job is to help the designers make their products like keyboards and interactive websites that are more intuitive for the consumer to use. What type of psychologist is she? (A) Industrial-organizational (B) Developmental (C) Cognitive (D) Human factors (E) Humanistic 86. The American Psychological Association has established a list of ethical guidelines that researchers must follow when conducting experiments on people. Which of the following items is not listed in the list? (A) Guaranteed financial compensation for participants (B) Protection of participant confidentiality and anonymity (C) Protection from harm for participants (D) Right for participants to know the details of what will occur in the study (E) Right to a debriefing at the conclusion of the study 87. Which of the following best represent the artist who shows depth in her paintings by drawing the mountains that are far away high on the canvas and those that are close low on the canvas? (A) Relative Size (B) Interposition (C) Relative Height (D) Retinal Disparity (E) Relative Clarity 88. Increased amounts of dopamine have been linked with which of the following? (A) Seizures (B) Schizophrenia (C) Alzheimer’s disease (D) Parkinson’s disease (E) Mania 89. In Watson’s experiment with “little Albert”, what was the unconditioned response (UR)? (A) The white rat (B) The flashing light (C) The loud noise (D) His fear (E) The presence of his mother 90. Which of the following did Erikson list as the major psychosocial crisis during adolescence? (A) developing an identity (B) achieving a sense of integrity (C) developing intimacy (D) developing basic trust (E) achieving formal operational thought 91. Therapists are trained to accept clients and their thoughts, without any restrictions or judgement placed on the client. This is reflective of Roger’s concept of (A) temperament. (B) archetypes. (C) unconditional positive regard. (D) self-actualization. (E) pragmatics. 92. The variation in intelligence test scores of a group attributable to genetics is known as (A) maturation. (B) assimilation. (C) cognitive universalism. (D) metacognition. (E) heritability. 93. Which of the following is the best definition of aggression? (A) An unjustifiable negative attitude towards a group of people. (B) Behavior intended to hurt or destroy another person. (C) Punishing someone for the mistakes of another. (D) Treating people differently because of the group to which they belong. (E) A set of characteristics that people believe are shared by all members of a group. 94. Because Chloe alternates between manic and depressive states, her physician has diagnosed her with (A) generalized anxiety disorder. (B) disruptive mood disorder. (C) a somatoform disorder. (D) bipolar disorder. (E) major depressive disorder. 95. Which of the following is the best example of an implicit memory? (A) The formula to compute a difficult physics problem. (B) The capital of Sweden (C) How to convert kilometers per hour to miles per hour (D) How to ride a bike (E) The name of your dog Questions 96 and 97 refer to the following scenario: Amelia had a stomach bug that caused her to get sick after eating her favorite dish, General Gau’s Chicken. After this, the smell of the chicken will cause her to feel sick. 96. In this scenario, the stomach bug is the (A) Conditioned Stimulus (CS). (B) Neutral Stimulus (NS). (C) Unconditioned Stimulus (US). (D) Conditioned Response (CR). (E) Unconditioned Response (UR). 97. In the future, Amelia feels sick when she smells fried chicken as well as General Gau’s chicken. This is an example of (A) stimulus discrimination. (B) stimulus generalization. (C) response discrimination. (D) response generalization. (E) an unconditioned stimulus. 98. Alice’s doctor has ordered a brain scan because she is concerned that Alice’s brain is not using glucose properly. Which of the following tests has Alice’s doctor most likely ordered? (A) MRI (B) CT Scan (C) PET Scan (D) EEG (E) EKG 99. Which of the following parenting styles is used when parents have a number of strict rules and expect unquestioning obedience from their children? (A) Permissive Indulgent (B) Authoritarian (C) Attached (D) Authoritative (E) Pragmatic 100. Which of the following is the best description of the function of a dendrite? (A) Insulate the axon (B) Assist with the reuptake of neurotransmitters (C) Trigger the release of neurotransmitters from the vesicles (D) Receive messages from sending neurons (E) Manufacture glial cells to assist in neuron functioning SECTION II Time- 50 minutes DIRECTIONS: Answer the following questions in essay form. It is not enough to answer a question by merely listing facts. You should present a cogent argument based on your critical analysis of the questions posed, using appropriate psychological terminology. 1. Dr. Weber wants to determine if watching violent television causes middle school children to be more violent. He chooses, from a random middle school, 20 classes to take part in his study and informs the students, parents and their teachers about the objectives prior to the start of his study. The first group is assigned to watch three violent ‘R’ rated movies and the second is assigned to watch three ‘G’ rated documentaries. At the end of the movies, he watches the children on the playground and makes a note of how violent the children are over the next 30 minutes. He concludes that the students who watched the ‘G’ rated movies engaged in more violent behaviors and, therefore, violent television does not cause children to be more violent. A. Explain how the following apply to problems with Dr. Weber’s study: - Random Assignment - Operational Definition of the Dependent Variable - Double-blind study B. Identify and correct an ethical issue in Dr. Weber’s study. C. Identify a possible confounding variable in Dr. Weber’s study. D. Explain how Albert Bandura would view the work of Dr. Weber. 2. Tina, although not a very popular student, is running for president of the junior class. She has one week to campaign and will give a speech on Friday to convince her classmates to vote for her for the 11th grade student council president. During the speech to the school, Tina mentions that if she wins the election, all students will get a day off from school- a promise she knows she will be unable to keep. She gives all of her classmates a cupcake that says ‘Vote for Tina’ the day of the election as well as places hundreds of posters with her name and face all over the school. A. Indicate how the following could help her win the election: - Mere exposure effect - Explicit memory - Selective Attention - Reciprocity B. 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FOCUSED PRACTICE 1 A NIGHT OF TV Circle the correct words to complete these conversations. 1. A: What do you feel like watching? B: It's 7:00. We could / shouldn't watch "The Simpsons". It's just starting now. 2. A: Do you think the Stimpsons aren't Linda's real family? B: They can't / must be. She looks just like them! 3. A: This show is really funny, but I may / 've got to leave now, or I'll be late. B: No problem. I can / should tape the rest of the show for you. 4. A: There's a two-hour mystery on at 8:00. B: If we watch that, we won't be able to / have to watch "Medics" at 9:00. A: That's what VCRs are for. We could / 'd better not watch one show and tape the other. 5. A: I think the law clerk is the killer. B: It could / couldn't be the clerk. She was on a plane to Barbados at the time of the last murder. Remember? 6. A: Is it OK if I turn the volume up? I can / can't hear what they're saying. B: Sure. But you'd better / 'd better not make it too loud, or you'll wake the baby. 7. A: What's the matter with Dr. Wing? He's acting kind of strange. B: He must / must not be sick. Everyone around him has the flu. 8. A: I'm just going to see what's on Channel 13 during this commercial. B: Wow! Look at that cheetah run! They have got to / don't have to be the fastest animals in the world! (continued on next page) 9. A: Do you think that Dr. Wing and Dr. Miles will get married in this episode? B: They might not / should not. There are only five minutes left! 10. A: Poor Rob. It must / might be awful for an athlete to suddenly lose so many games. B: Don’t worry. I’m sure the sports psychologist might / will be able to help him. 11. A: How can / should you watch those horror movies? They give me the creeps. B: You’ve got to / shouldn’t remember that it’s all special effects. 12. A: Have they done the weather forecast yet? B: Yes. They say it’s going to clear up by early tomorrow morning. A: Oh, good. That means I don’t have to / must not take my umbrella. 2 WHAT COULD BE WRONG? Complete Rob’s conversation with a sports psychologist. Rewrite the phrases in parentheses using modals. ROB: That’s it! I’m quitting. ___________ I can’t do ________________ this anymore. 1. (I don’t have the ability to do) DR. ANN: Oh, sure, just give up. Then ___________ what’s really wrong. 2. (you are not required to find out) ROB: What else ___________ ? Wait until they trade me? 3. (do you advise that I do?) DR. ANN: OK, ___________ about this. When did this start? 4. (it’s a good idea for us to talk) ROB: Three months ago. One day ___________ the ball, and the next day ___________ . 5. (I had the ability to hit) 6. (I didn’t have the ability) DR. ANN: Look, you don’t lose a skill overnight. ___________ . 7. (It’s impossible for that to happen) But ___________ hitting the ball because something is bothering you. And ___________ what that is yet. 8. (it’s possible for you to stop) 9. (it’s almost impossible that you know) ROB: So, I’m a good ballplayer, but ___________ . 10. (it’s almost 100% certain that I’m crazy) DR. ANN: Rob, ___________ thinking that way or ___________ another home run ever again. 11. (it’s urgent that you stop) 12. (it’s possible that you won’t hit) ROB: OK. What ___________ ? 13. (is it necessary that I do?) DR. ANN: First, ___________ to remember what was happening just before your problem started. 14. (it’s a good idea for you to try) Last night’s “Medics” was awesome! I cried when Miles and Wing couldn’t get married in the emergency room because that really sick patient came in. Miles was able to save the patient’s life, but the priest had to leave, so they couldn’t have had the ceremony. Oh, well. There’s always next season. I just read in TV Now that the actor who plays Dr. Miles might leave the show because of a contract dispute! He has to be the most talented (and best-looking!) actor around. I love him! They better renew his contract, or I’ll stop watching! I think they ought to handle more social issues on the show. They could do some episodes about AIDS or teen pregnancy. It’s good when a show is able to entertain and educate at the same time. Last episode shows Dr. Miles shaking hands with a sick patient and then eating an apple without first washing his hands. Come on now! You don’t have to be a rocket scientist to know that you can get sick that way! The writers have better check their facts! Help! I just started watching “Medics” and I’m confused. Can anyone tell me what the relationship is between Tania and Jax? She can be his mother, she’s much too young! I suppose she might be his sister, but I’m not sure that makes any sense. 4 SPECULATING SPECTATORS Work with a partner. Look at the TV listings. What types of programs do you think they are? \| CHANNEL \| 8:00 \| 8:30 \| 9:00 \| 9:30 \| 10:00 \| 10:30 \| 11:00 \| 11:30 \| \|---------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\| \| 1 \| Around the World \| traveling-news \| The Dark Glove ('98) Roy Collins \| horror movie \| Live at 1 \| sport \| Johnny! \| cartoon \| \| 2 \| Great Performances: Vivaldi, Mozart, Stravinsky \| classical music \| Garden documentary \| World news \| Nighttime talk show \| \| 3 \| To Mars and Back -documentary - sciencefiction \| King of the Jungle \| The comedy Joke's on You \| How to Boil Water \| The Hulk vs. Bad Boy \| Pet Heroes \| cartoon \| \| 4 \| Judge Jim \| talk show \| Detective Ramsey \| action \| The Long Goodbye ('96) Vera Garcia, Antonio Serrano \| movie \| Top Ten music \| Volcano \| \| 5 \| Boston College vs. Massachusetts \| sports \| The Week that Was \| news \| The Civil War \| historic \| \| 6 \| Elvis Presley: A Portrait singer's life \| music documentary \| Recipes for Life \| cooking talkshow \| Ask Dr. Anne \| Shadows in the Sand ('99) Crystal Powers (Part 2) \| horror movie \| \| 7 \| Rita's World \| cartoon \| You Guessed It! \| talk show \| Money Week \| financial \| October Sky ('99) Laura Dern, Jake Gillenhall \| classic movie \| A Laugh a Minute \| comedy \| Example: A: “Around the World.” What type of show is that? B: It could be a travel show. A: Or it might be a news show with international reports. COMMUNICATION PRACTICE 5 LISTENING Listen to part of a script from a TV series. Listen again and complete the script with the modals you hear. Listen a third time to check your answers. MIA: I can’t stop thinking of Jessie. Where is she!? JON: Wherever she is, she must be scared. MIA: She’s my baby, my little girl. She must not know that it’s safe to come home. JON: She’s been missing for twenty-two hours. Maybe we had better not wait until tomorrow to call the police. MIA: I’ve already called them. I keep thinking that there’s something I could or should be doing. JON: I know. Is there anything I can do? Should I call Martine? MIA: I’ve been thinking about that. We had better not tell Martine. JON: OK. It’s your decision. Have you checked with Dylan? Jess might be there. MIA: With Dylan? She can’t be with Dylan! (telephone rings) I have to get that. It might be Jessie. JON: It could be the police. Read the statements and decide if they are True (T) or False (F). 15. Jon believes Jessie is scared. T 16. Jon wants to wait before calling the police. F 17. Mia doesn’t want to tell Martine that Jessie is missing. T 18. Mia thinks that Jessie is with Dylan. F 19. Jon doesn’t think the police are phoning. F 6 CLASS DISCUSSION: INTERNATIONAL TV Talk about TV in your country. Discuss the following questions: - How many channels can you watch? - How late can you watch? - What programs do you recommend? 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1. All India Civil Defence and Home Guards Conference The Union Home Minister Shri Amit Shah recently inaugurated the 14th edition of All India Civil Defence and Home Guards. The conference was organised at Mahatma Mandir in Gandhinagar, Gujarat. The conference is aimed at bringing together civil defence and home guard officials from across India. The primary discussion points at the conference will be the Draft Civil Defence Bill, the Model Home Guard Bill and the Policies governing civil defence and Home Guard forces. 2. Pali as Classical Language The Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) recently organised a conference in Colombo on recognising Pali as a classical language. Buddhist scholars and monastic communities from Sri Lanka, Nepal, Myanmar and Bangladesh participated in the conference. ICCR is an autonomous body under the Ministry of External Affairs. The body was established in 1950 by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and it is involved in India’s external cultural relations through cultural exchange. 3. Mormugao Port recognised globally as incentive provider in ESI platform The International Association of Ports and Harbours has recently acknowledged Mormugao Port Authority as an incentive provider on the Environment Ship Index (ESI) portal. The portal identifies seagoing ships that perform better understanding reducing air emissions and evaluates the amount of Nitrogen Oxide, Sulphur Oxide. IAPH is an NGO established in 1955 and it aims to be the global trade association of choice for port authorities and operators. 4. SC upholds Assam Citizenship Act Validity The Supreme Court of India recently delivered a ruling upholding the constitutional validity of Section 6A of the Citizenship Act of 1955. Section 6A was introduced through the Assam Accord signed on August 15, 1985. The ruling was delivered by a constitutional bench with a 4:1 majority. The section deals with issues arising from the influx of migrants from East Pakistan into Assam. 5. International Incoming Spoofed Calls Prevention System The Minister of Communications and Development of North Eastern Region Shri Jyotiraditya M. Scindia recently launched the International Incoming Spoofed Calls Prevention System. The initiative is part of the Department of Telecommunications to enhance digital safety in India. The new system became operational shortly, identifying and blocking approximately 1.35 crore spoofed calls within 24 hours. 6. First Dry Port of Bihar The First Dry Port of Bihar was inaugurated by Bihar’s Industry Minister Nitish Mishra near Patna, Bihar. The objective of the port is to enhance exports of goods produced in Bihar. It will improve logistics and export capabilities of the state. A dry port is also known as an Inland Container Depot (ICD). 7. Extension of UDAN scheme for 10 years The Government of India has recently announced the extension of the Ude Desh Ka Aam Nagrik (UDAN) scheme for another 10 years. It is a regional connectivity scheme and regional airport development initially launched on October 21, 2016. The major objective of the scheme is to provide affordable and efficient air travel options to residents of tier 2 and tier 3 cities. The Nodal Ministry responsible for the implementation of the scheme is the Ministry of Civil Aviation. 8. PM-YASAVI Scheme The Pradhan Mantri Young Achievers Scholarship Award Scheme for Vibrant India (PM-YASAVI) was recently implemented by the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment. It is a comprehensive umbrella scheme aimed at uplifting students from OBC, EBC and Denotified Tribes. The major aim is to promote educational empowerment among these vulnerable groups. The Department of Social Justice and Empowerment is the implementing agency. 9. Mission Basundhara 3.0 for Land Rights The Assam Chief Minister recently launched Mission Basundhara 3.0 in Guwahati that aims to provide land rights to indigenous communities in Assam. Mission Basundhara was officially launched on October 2, 2021 and it emerged in response to demand from local populations for land rights. The mission will digitise land related services to streamline processes. 10. ITU Kaleidoscope 2024 Conference The ITU Kaleidoscope Conference 2024 was recently held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi. The conference coincided with the World Telecommunication Standardization Assembly 2024 (WTSA-24). The theme of this year's conference is "Innovation and Digital Transformation for a Sustainable World". The conference facilitated discussion on technological innovations. 11. First of its kind Cloud Chamber A first of its kind Cloud Chamber is being established by India at the Indian Institute of Tropical Meteorology (IITM), Pune. A cloud chamber is a scientific apparatus that mimics the conditions required for cloud formation and it resembles a closed cylindrical or tubular drum. The major objective of the establishment is to gain a better understanding of cloud physics under conditions commonly affecting Indian Weather systems. 12. 14th Biennial Lake Conference The 14th Biennial Lake Conference organised by the Wetlands Research Group and Alva's education Foundation took place at Moodbidri, Karnataka. The theme of the conference was "Lake 2024- Wetlands for Human Wellbeing". The conference was aimed at resolving urgent ecological issues and enhancing ecosystem health through conservation practices. 13. eShram- One Stop Solution Minister of Labour and Employment Shri Mansukh Mandaviya recently launched eShram-One Stop Solution in New Delhi. The platform provides seamless access of different Social Security Scheme to unorganised workers registered. The major objective of the platform is to simplify the registration process for unorganised workers. The platform was officially launched by the Ministry of Labour and Employment in 2021. 14. Copper plate inscriptions discovered at Sri Singeeswarar Temple Archaeologists have recently discovered a set of Copper plate inscriptions at the Sri Singeeswarar Temple in Tiruvallur district, Tamil Nadu. The copper plate inscriptions date back to the 16th Century CE. The Sri Singeeswarar Temple is a Hindu temple dedicated to Lord Shiva and was built by Aditya Karikalan II in the year 976 AD. The temple is located at Mappedu Village near Perambakkam in Thiruvallur district of Tamil Nadu. 15. 5th National Water Awards The 5th National Water Awards 2023 was recently conferred by the Honourable President of India Shrimati Droupadi Murmu at Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi. The awards are conferred to individuals and organisations that help the government in attaining its vision of Jal Samridh Bharat through new initiatives. The first edition of the awards was held in 2018 and conducted by the Department of Water Resources, River Development and Ganga Rejuvenation in 2018. 16. President Murmu Confers National Water Awards President Droupadi Murmu will confer the 5th National Water Awards 2023 in New Delhi, recognizing 38 winners across nine categories. Odisha won Best State, followed by Uttar Pradesh in second, and Gujarat and Puducherry jointly in third. Awardees receive citations, trophies, and cash prizes in some categories. The initiative aims to raise awareness about water management and conservation, supporting the vision of a Jal Samridh Bharat. 17. Modi Launches National Learning Week Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the ‘Karmayogi Saptah’ – National Learning Week in New Delhi, aiming to empower government employees through continuous learning. He highlighted the need for innovative thinking and a citizen-centric approach, while emphasizing 18. TRAI hosted the International Conference of Telecom Regulators The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) organized the International Conference of Telecom Regulators in New Delhi, coinciding with the World Telecom Standardization Assembly (WTSA-24) and India Mobile Congress (IMC-24). Inaugurated by Minister Dr. Pemmasani, the conference focused on ‘Emerging Trends in Regulation’ and featured discussions on key topics like standardization, satellite communication, and OTT services. Delegates from over 30 countries attended, culminating in an MOU between TRAI and Saudi Arabia’s ICT Regulator. The event emphasized global collaboration in addressing regulatory challenges. 19. BEE’s New Guidelines to Influence the Indian Carbon Market The Bureau of Energy Efficiency (BEE) introduced two important guidelines in Hyderabad to enhance the Indian Carbon Market (ICM) and support climate goals. The guidelines focus on compliance mechanisms and accreditation for carbon verification agencies to boost carbon credit trading. The Telangana State Renewable Energy Development Corporation (TSREDCO) plans to launch a communication campaign to inform stakeholders about the Carbon Credit Trading Scheme 2023, aligning with India’s targets of a 45% reduction in emission intensity by 2030. 20. Meta Introduces 'Scam Se Bacho' Safety Campaign in India Sanjay Jaju, Secretary of Information and Broadcasting, delivered the keynote at the launch of Meta's 'Scam se Bacho' campaign in New Delhi. Collaborating with various ministries, this initiative aims to combat rising scams and cyber fraud in India. With over 900 million internet users and 1.1 million reported fraud cases in 2023, the campaign seeks to empower citizens with knowledge and tools for digital safety, fostering a culture of vigilance against online threats. International 1. World Economic Outlook (WEO) of IMF The International Monetary Fund (IMF) recently published a report titled World Economic Outlook (WEO). The report stated that Global Growth is expected to remain stable at 3.2% in 2024 and 2025. The report is published twice a year and it includes IMFs estimates and forecasts for Global Output Growth and Inflation as well as for real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth. 2. E.Coli outbreak in US The E.Coli outbreak in the United States has been linked to McDonald’s Quarter Pounder Hamburgers as per a report from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC). E.Coli also known as Escherichia Coli is a bacteria found in Intestines of Human and Animals. It is a rod shaped bacterium of the Enterobacteriaceae family. The bacteria can be transferred through contaminated food, water or contact with faecal matter. 3. 16th BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia The Prime Minister of India Shri Narendra Modi recently attended the 16th BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia. India aims to boost bilateral trade with Russia to USD 100 billion by 2030. Currently BRICS Nations include Brazil, China, Russia, India, South Africa, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia and UAE. 4. 2024 edition of IAEA Climate Change and Nuclear Power Report The 2024 edition of the Climate Change and Nuclear Power Report was recently released by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). The report highlights the significant increase in investment to achieve goals for expanding nuclear power. The report was released in the argins of the Clean Energy Ministerial (CEM) in Brazil. IAEA is the world’s foremost Intergovernmental Forum for Scientific and Technical cooperation in the Nuclear Field and is commonly known as World’s “Atoms for Peace and development” organisation within the United Nations family. 5. Egypt declared Malaria Free by WHO The World Health Organisation (WHO) recently declared Egypt as a "Malaria-free" country officially. Malaria is an acute febrile illness caused by Plasmodium Parasites and it spreads through bites of infected female Anopheles Mosquitoes. The disease is primarily found in Tropical countries and it is preventable and curable. 6. New Leadership Inaugurated in Indonesia Prabowo Subianto was inaugurated as president of Indonesia, the world’s third-largest democracy and most populous Muslim-majority nation. The 73-year-old former special forces commander won the February 14 election with nearly 60% of the vote, promoting policies such as free meals. for school children. As the eighth president of Indonesia, he aims to address key issues facing the nation and strengthen its democratic processes. 7. Hong Kong Reclaims Status as the World’s Freest Economy Officials and experts have praised Hong Kong’s enduring status as the world’s freest economy, reclaiming its title in the Fraser Institute’s 2024 Economic Freedom report, surpassing Singapore. The city maintains its role as a global financial hub under the ‘one country, two systems’ principle. With over 9,000 international firms, including 100 tech companies recently establishing a presence, Hong Kong is poised for growth, reflecting its strong regulatory framework and appeal to global business communities. 8. 2024 Global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) Report The 2024 Global Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI) report reveals that around 1.1 billion people live in acute multidimensional poverty, with 455 million in conflict-affected areas. Key findings show that over half of those in poverty are children, and many lack basic necessities. The report highlights significant disparities in access to resources in conflict zones and underscores the stagnation of poverty reduction in countries like Afghanistan, stressing the need for peace investments to combat poverty effectively. 9. India and Germany are preparing to finalise a labor mobility agreement India and Germany are set to sign a labor mobility agreement next week, facilitating the movement of skilled workers and recognising their qualifications. This pact is the first under the G20’s “Skills-based migration pathways” framework. It aims to address labor shortages in Germany while providing opportunities for Indian professionals in various sectors. The agreement includes plans for a digital visa by 2024, job fairs in India, and initiatives to bridge language barriers. Sports 1. Sinner beats Alcaraz in Six Kings Slam final The Australian Open and US Open winner Jannik Sinner recently defeated Carlos Alcaraz at the finals of Six Kings Slam Championship. The Scoreline of the match was 6–7(5/7), 6–3, 6–3. The final was organised at Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 2. R Ashwin becomes highest wicket taker in World Test Championship History Indian Spin maestro Ravichandran Ashwin created a new record by becoming highest wicket taker in World Test Championship History. Ashwin took 188 wickets in 39 test matches replacing Nathan Lyon from the top spot. The feat was achieved by Ashwin during the second Test against New Zealand at MCA stadium, Pune. 3. India’s First ever shooting League The National Rifle Association of India (NRAI) recently announced the launch of the country’s first ever Shooting franchise league namely Shooting League of India (SLI). The inaugural edition is set to take place in 2025 pending approval from the International Shooting Sports Federation (ISSF). 4. New York wins first WNBA Championship The New York Liberty defeated the Minnesota Lynx to win the first Women National Basketball Association (WNBA) championship. The scoreline of the match was 67-62. This win gave New York City their first basketball title since 1973 when the Knicks won the NBA championship. 5. New Zealand Women’s win maiden Women’s T20 World Cup New Zealand Women defeated South Africa in the final of Women’s T20 World Cup to clinch its maiden title. The final was held at Dubai International Cricket Stadium. New Zealand defended 159 runs and won the final by 32 runs. Amelia Kerr was named the Player of the Series as well as Player of the match. 6. Indian Tennis Star Breaks Eight-Match Losing Streak Indian tennis star Sumit Nagal triumphed over Argentina’s Facundo Diaz Acosta in the men’s singles qualifying round at the Swiss Indoors Tournament in Basel, winning 5-7, 7-6, 7-6. This victory marked the end of Nagal’s eight-match losing streak. He will face Australia’s James Duckworth, seeded fourth, in the next qualifier. In men’s doubles, Yuki Bhambri and partner Albano Olivetti will compete against Joe Salisbury and Jean-Julien Rojer. Vietnam Luong Cuong, a 67 year old military general became New President of Vietnam replacing To Lam. He becomes the fourth president in less than 18 months. He served in the Vietnamese Army for over 40 years and became a member of the Politburo in 2021. To Lam got appointed as the general secretary of the Communist party, the most powerful position in Vietnam. 2. Abhyuday Jindal named President of Indian Chamber of Commerce Abhyuday Jindal has recently been appointed as the new President of Indian Chamber of Commerce (ICC). He took over the leadership from Ameya Prabhu whose term ended on October 18, 2024. The ICC was established in 1925 with the aim to solve challenges faced by different industries. Science and tech/Space/Defence 1. 31st edition of Exercise SIMBEX The 31st edition of Singapore India Maritime Bilateral Exercise (SIMBEX) was recently held between the Indian Navy and Singapore Navy in the Eastern Naval Command at Visakhapatnam. It is an annual bilateral Naval Exercise conducted since 1994. The exercise strengthens the strategic partnership between India and Singapore enhancing interoperability and improving maritime domain. The exercise began as Exercise Lion King in 1994. 2. India-Singapore Joint Military Training Exercise 2024 The 12th edition of Joint Military Training (JMT) exercise recently began between the Indian Air Force (IAF) and Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF). The exercise took place at Air Force station Kalaikunda in West Bengal. The exercise aimed to enhance cooperation between the two air forces. 3. India-China sign Border Deal After four years of negotiations, India-China recently signed a Border Deal focusing on disengagement along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Eastern Ladakh. The major objective of the deal is to enhance patrolling rights in the Depsang Plains and Demchok areas. The announcement was made by Indian Foreign secretary Vikram Misri. 4. India’s fourth Nuclear powered ballistic missile submarine (SSBN) launched India’s fourth Nuclear powered ballistic missile submarine (SSBN), codenamed S4, was recently launched at Ship Building Center (SBC) in Visakhapatnam. The submarine has 75% indigenous content and is equipped with K4 ballistic missiles with a range of 3500 km. The SSBN is currently operated only by the United States, Russia, China, UK, France, and India. The three previously launched SSBN are namely INS Arihant, INS Arighaat, and INS Aridhaman. 5. Naval Exercise Naseem –Al-Bahr The Bilateral Naval Exercise Naseem –Al-Bahr was recently held between India and Oman in Goa. The INS Trikand and Dornier Maritime Patrol Aircraft participated in the exercise. The exercise was first held in 1993 with Oman becoming the first country in the Gulf Cooperation Council to conduct bilateral exercise with India jointly. The exercise enhances interoperability and understanding of each other’s best practices. 6. Yars Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles Tested Russia is testing the combat readiness of a missile unit within its strategic nuclear forces. The exercise, occurring in the Tver region northwest of Moscow, coincides with NATO’s annual nuclear drills and Ukrainian President Zelenskiy’s ‘victory plan.’ The unit is equipped with Yars intercontinental ballistic missiles, capable of striking U.S. cities. Troops are practising missile deployment and protection against potential air attacks and sabotage. 7. Indian Navy’s Next Generation Missile Vessels Cochin Shipyard Limited is constructing six Next Generation Missile Vessels (NGMV) for the Indian Navy, with deliveries set to begin in March 2027. General Electric announced that its LM2500 marine engines have been selected to power these vessels. Six engine kits will be provided for assembly and testing by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited in Bengaluru. GE Aerospace emphasised the LM2500’s reliability and power, highlighting its importance for India’s maritime defence. Health/Agriculture/Environment 1. Cyclone Dana makes landfall Severe Cyclonic storm Dana recently made landfall on the Odisha coast. The name Dana was suggested by Qatar to the World Meteorological Organisation/UNESCAP. The storm made landfall at a speed of 100 to 110 Km/h and it is categorised as a Severe Cyclonic Storm. Tropical Cyclone is a weather phenomenon formed only over Warm Ocean Waters near the equator and the centre of cyclone is very calm and clear with very low air pressure. 2. Scurvy making a comeback in 21st century The Canadian Doctors have recently claimed that 15th century disease Scurvy is making a comeback in the 21st century. The disease is caused by lack of Vitamin C and includes Anaemia, exhaustion, spontaneous bleeding, limb pain etc. The disease is treatable with Oral or Intravenous Vitamin C supplements. 3. Indian Skimmer birds spotted for the first time in Telangana The rare Indian Skimmer Birds were recently spotted for the first time at Lower Manair Dam, Telangana. The species is native to South Asia and it gets its name from the way it feeds, flying low over the water surface and skimming for fish. Its scientific name is Rynchops Albicollis and is mainly found in India, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Its IUCN Conservation status is Endangered. 4. Gram Panchayat - Level Weather Forecasting The Minister of Panchayati Raj Shri Rajiv Ranjan and MoS, Ministry of Science and Technology Shri Jitendra Singh recently launched the Gram Panchayat -Level Weather Forecasting initiative in Vigyan Bhawan, New Delhi. The Initiative aimed at empowering rural communities and enhancing disaster preparedness is developed in collaboration between the Ministry of Panchayati and India Meteorological Department, Ministry of Earth Sciences. 5. Asiatic Golden Cat spotted in Assam Rare and elusive Asiatic Golden Cat was recently spotted by Forest officials at Assam’s Manas National Park. It is a medium sized cat with long legs and is known as the Fire Cat in Thailand And Burma while Rock Cat in parts of China. Its IUCN status is Near Threatened and is placed in Schedule 2 of the Wildlife Protection Act of India, 1972. The species is distributed across Southeast Asia. 6. Giant Salmon Carp fish discovered A giant Salmon Carp fish thought to be extinct was discovered recently in Mekong river. The Giant Salmon Carp Fish also known as Mekong Giant Salmon Carp is a freshwater species of Cyprinidae family. It is a predatory fish endemic to the middle reaches of the Mekong river. Its IUCN status is Critically Endangered as its population has reduced upto 90% by overfishing and degradation. 7. Diamond Dust a solution for Global Warming As per a recent study published in Geophysical Research Letters, Diamond Dust can be an effective Solar Radiation Management (SRM) material for mitigating Global Warming. The study compared seven compounds and found diamond to be most efficient for reflecting solar radiation. A temperature reduction of 1.6 degrees Celsius can be achieved by spraying five million tonnes of diamond dust annually into the upper atmosphere. 8. New species of snake Anguiculus Dicaprioi discovered A team of scientists have recently discovered a new snake species in Western Himalayas namely Anguiculus Dicaprioi. The species is named after Hollywood star Leonardo Di Caprio for his contributions to the field of wildlife conservation. The snake species is a member of the Colubridae family, the largest family of snakes on the planet. The snake species are characterised by the absence of hind limbs. 9. New Orchid species Crepidium Assamicum discovered The Orchid Man of Assam Dr Jintu Sarma and Khyanjeet Gogoi recently discovered a new species of Orchid namely Crepidium Assamicum in Dibru Saikhowa National Park, Assam. The Total species of Crepidium in India has increased to 19 with this discovery globally touching the 281 mark. India hosts about 1265 Orchid species with a total 27000 species of Diverse Orchids globally. 10. Natural Restoration Law (NRL) an inspiration for India The Natural Restoration Law (NRL) aimed at tackling growing environment crises can act as an inspiring model for India. The law was recently enacted by the European Union (EU). The Law was enacted by the EU to tackle the triple crisis namely Climate Change, Biodiversity Loss and Environmental Degradation. It is the first continent-wide comprehensive law of its kind aimed at restoring at least 20% of the EUs Land and Sea by 2030. 11. Nilgiri Tit Butterfly Butterfly Experts from Nilgiris have recorded utilisation of a large Orchid plant as a host by Nilgiri Tit Butterfly for the first time in history. The scientific name of Nilgiri Tit Butterfly is Hypolycaena nilgirica and it belongs to the family Lycaenidae. It was first discovered in 1884 from Coonoor in Nilgiris and since then recorded only in Sri Lanka. The butterfly species is classified under Schedule II of the Wildlife Protection Act. 12. Fourth Global Coral Bleaching event (GCBE4) The Most extensive and rapid coral bleaching event, the Fourth Global Coral Bleaching event (GCBE4) began in January 2023. It is recorded as the most extensive bleaching event according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). The current event has surpassed previous bleaching events from 2014 to 2017 by over 11%. As per NOAA, 99.9% of Coral reefs in the Atlantic Ocean have experienced heat stress. 13. New species Coelogyne Tripurensis discovered A New species of Orchid namely Coelogyne Tripurensis was recently discovered by Researchers Arjun Aditya and Pankaj Kumar in Jampui Hills, Tripura. The research was published in Phytotaxa—a Journal in Botanical Taxonomy. The Jampui Hills are situated at the westernmost fringe of Indo-Myanmar Biodiversity Hotspot. The genus is native to the Indian subcontinent, Southeast Asia and Southwest Pacific Islands and it consists of 600 species. 14. Coral Bleaching Crisis Surpasses Previous Records The ongoing global coral bleaching event, starting in January 2023, has impacted 77% of coral reefs across the Atlantic, Pacific, and Indian Oceans, making it the most extensive on record, exceeding previous levels by over 11%. NOAA’s Derek Manzello highlighted that while La Niña may offer some respite, localised bleaching is expected to persist. Reports have surfaced from 74 countries, prompting scientists to call for an emergency session on coral reefs at the upcoming COP16 summit. 15. Spotted Locusts Cause Major Crop Loss in Idukki Over 70 farmers in Idukki’s Konnathady and Vathikudy panchayats are suffering from a spotted locust infestation, as reported by agriculture officer Biju K.D. The locusts are attacking crops such as coconut trees, bananas, cardamom, and pepper. While these grasshoppers are known for their bright warning colours and toxic foam defense, they are considered pests in agriculture. Despite being 16. Vulture Population Surges in Mudumalai Reserve A study highlights a 74% breeding success rate for the critically endangered long-billed vulture (Gyps indicus) in Mudumalai Tiger Reserve from 2015 to 2021. Researchers reported an increase from 13 to nearly 28 individuals during this period, marking a 115% growth. Despite threats like forest fires and toxic drugs affecting cattle, the reserve's mountainous habitat remains optimal for breeding, contributing to the species' recovery. Miscellaneous 1. International Abhidhamma Divas International Abhidhamma Divas was observed globally on October 16, 2024. It was hosted by the Ministry of Culture in collaboration with the International Buddhist Confederation (IBC). The day commemorates the descending of Lord Budha from the celestial realm, Tavatimsa-Devaloka to Sankassiya in Uttar Pradesh. The event is marked by the Asokan Elephant Pillar. 2. New Chairperson of the National Commission for Women Vijaya Rahatkar has been appointed Chairperson of the National Commission for Women (NCW), according to a notification from the Ministry of Women and Child Development. Rahatkar previously served as Chairperson of the Maharashtra State Commission for Women and as Mayor of Aurangabad. Additionally, Dr. Archana Majumdar has been appointed as a Member of the NCW, further strengthening the commission's leadership. 3. World Statistics Day World Statistics Day 2024 emphasizes the importance of data literacy for effective decision-making, particularly in addressing global challenges like poverty and climate change. International organizations, including the UN and World Bank, promote the role of statistics in sustainable development. 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THE ISHPEMING ROCK and MINERAL CLUB JASPILITE Affiliated with the Midwest Federation of Mineralogical and Geological Societies OFFICIAL PUBLICATION of the ISHPEMING ROCK AND MINERAL CLUB, INC. Published quarterly OFFICERS - 1974 President Ernest Johnson Marquette 1st Vice President Frazier Tubbs Ishpeming 2nd Vice President Carlton Gutman Marquette Corres. Secretary Mildred Jenkins Ishpeming Recording Secretary Dorothy Tubbs Ishpeming Treasurer Lyndon Fallat Ishpeming Book Librarians Vernon and Christine Miljour Gwinn Bulletin Librarians Ray and Edith Anderson Marquette Curator Arnold Mulzer Marquette Field Trip Chairman Bob Phillips Ishpeming Publicity Pat Elie Gwinn Hostess Chairman Christine Miljour Gwinn JASPILITE editors Laurence and Olive Sain Marquette Deadlines: Jaspilite-- March 1, June 1, Sept.1, Dec. 1. MEMBERSHIP: The Ishpeming Rock and Mineral Club, Inc., is open to anyone interested in the Earth Sciences. Initiation fee $1.50 Husband and wife annual dues 3.00 Adult annual dues 2.00 Junior annual dues 1.00 MATERIAL in this bulletin may be copied provided full credit is given to the author and bulletin. OUR PURPOSE To enjoy, to learn, to teach and to conserve The rocks, the gems, the fossils and ores. CONTENTS President's letter 2 Map - meeting site 3 Secretary's minutes 4-5 Club Calendar & other Shows 5 Report on MWF Convention 6-8 Report on Rock Swap 9 Rockin' 'round 10-11 Diminutive Delights 12-13 Zeolites 14 MWF Newsletters 15-18 Color in Minerals 19-20 Frosted glass 20 Selecting specimens 20 AFMS - Naming Minerals 21-22 Jasper 22 Preserving Minerals 23 Fellow Rockhounds: Wow! Where has the summer gone? I think we all are asking this question; but here it is -- September and the start of another year. The summer has been a very profitable one for those who took advantage of the scheduled field trips put on by the different members of the club. I thank all who worked as and with the field trip guides. They did a great job in developing and leading their trips. The rock swap - silent auction and the field trips which we hosted in August were a great success and I thank all of you who helped with it. The first two meetings of the year will be held at the Bothwell Middle School in Marquette (see map on the next page for directions on how to get there).****** Your president, Ernie Johnson NEEDED: Specimens of local minerals Ernie Johnson is setting up a permanent display for the Vandenboom School in Marquette Township. This display will be used by the teachers in the classrooms in connection with a mini-class on rocks and minerals. If you would like to donate, give Ernie a call. Would you like to put a display in the Bothwell Middle School for a two or three-week period? If so, call Ernie Johnson. We are looking for a display of local minerals and/or fossils. (These are locked cases) Your editors of your club bulletin would appreciate material for the next issue. If you are interested in a particular mineral or place to collect, research it in the local libraries and write it up to share with fellow club members. Or, how about telling us about some of your collecting trips; how you became interested in rocks; what branch of the hobby appeals to you; share some of your 'shop tips'; etc., etc. Your editors will accept your contributions be they one line long to several pages. How about it? Breathes there a Rockhound with aim so dead who never to himself has said, "#?$.? (%$#""?% %$#$" &%$#"! As he missed the rock and hit thumb instead! (via The Geode) (downtown Mgt.) of meeting of members and visitors for the purpose of discussing the problems facing the school and to discuss ways to improve the school. U.S. 41 (West to Ishpeming) A local newspaper has reported that the school board is considering the possibility of closing the school due to low enrollment. Bothwell Middle School The October and November meetings will be held at the Bothwell Middle School in Marquette. (If you think you are going to have a problem finding the school, call one of the officers a few days before the meeting and perhaps you can meet at the member's home and drive to the meeting together. If this is your first trip to the school, do plan on coming well ahead of the meeting time. Remember this is an opportunity for you to get instruction on cutting and polishing after the business meeting is over. Come prepared--wear washable clothes. How about bringing 1 or 2 of the bragging stones you collected during the summer to show to all of us! NOTES FROM THE SECRETARY'S MINUTES A motion was passed by the Board authorizing the Library Committee to purchase the new book Geology of Michigan for the club library in memory of Bill Armstrong. A report was made on the TV program on cutting and polishing stones presented by Ben DeSonia and his grandson. Laurence Sain, club delegate, reported on the MWF meeting held in Lincoln, Nebraska. (His report is included as a separate article.) Arnold Mulzer attended and reported on the Convention Awards Banquet which was attended by 780 people. Many awards were presented and the speaker, Lincoln Borghum, told about the carving of the presidents on Mt. Rushmore. He also said that a new project has been started there to carve a museum out of the mountain. The field trip scheduled for Aug. 10th was postponed because of the illness of the leader, Bob Markert. Laurence Sain complimented Bob Phillips on the successful trip to the Silver Lake area and hoped the Club could go there again. Ernest Johnson and Frazier Tubbs reported on their visit to Jasper Knob to see the vandalism and to take pictures of it. There has been considerable damage to the Jasplilite outcropping by hammer, chisels and paint. C.C.I. gave permission for the club to place signs there but it was felt representatives from the club should meet with the Ishpeming City Commission about enforcement of the signs. This was tabled until fall. Ray Anderson reported on the board members' visit to the Bothwell Middle School which revealed wonderful lapidary equipment consisting of grinding wheels, saw and tumbler. The school facilities were offered to the club for meetings. The services of club members were offered to the school for development of their lapidary program and instructing teachers in the use of the equipment. The school has four cases in the cafeteria in which they would like displays of rocks and minerals. A motion was passed to hold the October club meeting at the Bothwell Middle School. Business about the Rock Swap: A motion was passed to purchase a clock from George Bell to use as a raffle prize. Tickets to be 25¢ or 5 for $1.00. The drawing to be made at the Cracker Barrel session. There will be 6 tables for the silent auction and 1 table for the Pebble Pups. Money from the Pebble Pups table will be used for their projects. It will be put in the general fund under separate booking. The waiver forms for the field trips will be at the registration table where they will be signed on Saturday. The Champion trip will leave at noon and the Lindberg-Palmer trip at 12:30 P.M. ........next page.. There will be no Board meeting in September but the next one will be held on Thursday, October 3 at Sains. Dorothy Tubbs, Secretary ****PROGRAMS FOR IR&MC MEETINGS** Sunday, October 19th - 2:00 P.M. at the Bothwell Middle School in Marquette. This will be a work meeting where members will learn how to make cabachons. Equipment will be brought in by club members who will serve as instructors. Sunday, November 17th - Program on Micromounts by Carl Gutman using the Midwest Federation's slide program on Micromounts (we hope). Sunday, December 15th - Christmas Party with either a dinner or potluck meal. Program will consist of slides made at the club's various summer activities. Frazier H. Tubbs, Program Chairman CALENDAR OF SHOWS AND SWAPS*** September 28-29: Gem Show, Livingston Gem & Mineral Soc., Rec. Center, 925 W. Grand River, Howell, Michigan October 4-6: Gem Show, Flint Rock & Gem Club, Williams Community Center, Flint, Michigan October 5-6: Gem Show, Racine Geological Society, Memorial Hall, 7th and Lake St., Racine, Wisconsin. October 11-13: Grand Traverse Area Rock and Mineral Club, Gem Show, NW Michigan College Gym, College Drive, Traverse City, Mich. October 11-13: Gem Show, Michigan Mineralogical Society, Light Guard Armory, 4400 E. 8 mile Rd., Detroit, Michigan. October 25-27: Gem Show, Central Michigan Lapidary & Mineral Society, Mich. National Guard Armory, 2500 S. Washington, Lansing, Michigan. Also a supervised SWAP. November 2: Auction, Midwest Mineral & Lapidary Society, St. Paul Hall, Dearborn, Michigan. November 9-10: Gem Show, Museum Rock and Mineral Club, Park Plaza Center Mall, Oshkosh, Wisconsin. From Gem and Minerals via Flint Rock & Gem Newsletter: A LAPIDARY TIP by Denese Wierzbicki, White Pine, Michigan. She discovered an easy way to store her extra cabachons and mountings. She purchased a set of plastic notebook leaves used by coin collectors. Each sheet has 20 individual compartments and can be kept in a regular notebook. The cabachons and mountings are easy to see and take up little space. (Sounds like a good idea don't you think?) Delegate's Report: Midwest Federation Annual Council Meeting and the National Gem and Mineral Show The Ishpeming Rock and Mineral Club was well represented at the National Gem and Mineral Show in Lincoln, Nebraska on June 13-16, 1974. The following club members were present: Bob and Marian Markert as Dealers, Ray Anderson as 1st alternate and wife Edith, Arnold Mulzer as 2nd alternate, Laurence Sain-delegate and wife Olive, Pat Elie, Bern and Christine Miljour, and former member Al Murray. One of the highlights of the convention was the ceremony for the first day issue of four new U.S. 10¢ postage stamps honoring the nation’s mineral heritage. The first day covers from Lincoln reveal a unique type of stamp in that they may be used as a diamond shape rather than the traditional square or rectangle. The stamps are beautiful and show precious gems from the United States-- Petrified wood, Amethyst, Tourmaline and Rhodochrosite. It was stated at the convention that this was the largest show ever held, with over 600 competitive displays of rocks, minerals, fossils, jewelry, carvings, artifacts, etc. from all over the world. In addition there were demonstrations and programs by nationally known speakers on all phases of the lapidary arts and earth sciences. Lincoln Borglum, who completed the carving of Mt. Rushmore National Memorial in South Dakota, was the banquet speaker. A large number of dealers were also an important part of the convention. Dealers were present from all parts of the U.S. with interesting rocks, minerals, gems, jewelry, books and equipment to aid the rock hound and lapidarist. Swapping was also an important part of the show. This was conducted under a covered portion of the grandstand continuously. Believe me we have some avid swappers in our club. They were wheeling and dealing practically every moment that they could tear themselves away from the exhibits, lectures and dealers’ displays. I am sure you will see some of their “treasures” at future club meetings. The exhibits could only be described as fantastic, beautiful, creative and exquisite. One could not begin to see them all in a day or two. Everyone went back numerous times to view them. Among the state exhibits we felt that Michigan’s did not have to take a back seat to any due to the efforts of Bud Nicholls and the generosity of many club members who loaned specimens (these people were identified in the case). We were pleased to see donors from our club, Frazer and Dorothy Tubbs, who had loaned minerals and gems from their own collection thus assuring the Upper Peninsula receiving recognition. Your delegate accompanied by the 1st alternate attended the Midwest Delegates luncheon and meeting. The 2nd alternate attended the banquet. It was just about impossible to attend everything and yet have time available to viewing the show, attending lectures and demonstrations, visiting and swapping. ...next page..... Delegate's report, continued... Following is a brief resume' of the MWF meeting on June 15th, 9 A.M.-5 P.M.: 1. Merit presentations for Club Performance by June Zietner. The trophies were awarded at the banquet. 2. Presentation of a slide show with narrative of the 1972 Convention at Ishpeming; assembled and produced by Frazer and Dorothy Tubbs. Presented by your delegate and accepted by Mark Harris, president of the MWF. 3. Paul Good spoke on "Bulletin Editors News" a newsletter he puts out giving helpful suggestions to club editors. 4. Barney Farr commented on future MWF shows: Detroit-1975? and St. Louis in 1976. 5. The delegates voted to accept Dayton, Ohio's bid for the 1977 Show. 6. The Environment committee report indicated that they are working on 'Field Trip Safety and Environmental Safety' and will soon have material ready for clubs. 7. The Mineralogy committee will have a booth at future shows manned by competent people to identify specimens. 8. The Program chairman stated that programs on 'Lapidary Arts' are needed for distribution. He also requested that clubs requesting a program write in at least 30 days prior to the date of use. 9. Safety and Field Trip committees are developing a manual for safety on field trips in conjunction with the Environment Com. They would appreciate help and suggestions. 10. Some corrections were announced concerning the 1973 supplement for competitive displays. These can be obtained from MWF headquarters. 11. Bud Nicholls presented an amendment to the Constitution permitting affiliation of club members between the United States and Canada. The amendment passed unanimously. 12. Announcement that this was the best attended Delegates' meeting with 210 delegates, alternates and officers plus 40 guests. 52% of the MWF clubs were represented. 13. The Detroit club will be requesting directories of every club for mailing information on the 1975 show. 14. A request for a dues increase by AFMS met with considerable opposition due to the lateness of the request. It was decided that the executive committee would study the request and seek more information before making a decision. They would then inform the various clubs explaining their decision. 15. A motion to appoint a committee to study ways of preventing the closing of collecting areas and the reopening of some already closed carried unanimously. 16. Bud Nicholls presented Mrs. Kellers' T.V. Program. It received unanimous backing from all the delegates and already has financial backing from the F.T.A. 17. A charter for a new club was presented to Grand Island Nebraska Gem and Mineral Club. 18. President Harris presented an agreement between the Rocky Mountain Federation and the Midwest Federation establishing the 100th meridian as the boundary line between the two federations and that it would not affect any club which had already affiliated with one or .....next page.. Delegate's report, continued... the other of the Federations. He requested permission to sign for the Midwest. Passed unanimously. 19. The final work of the Convention was the election of officers. The following were elected: President . . . . . Terry Huizing First Vice-president . Howard Taylor Second Vice-president . Miss Hazel Kuntz Secretary . . . . . Miss Jean Reynolds Treasurer . . . . . Mrs. Bernice McCloskey Nominating Committee--3 yr. term--Mrs. Elsie Popejoy and Mr. Bernard (Barney) Farr Nominating Committee--1 yr. term to fill vacancy--Mr. Leonard (Bud) Nicholls 20. Meeting adjourned at 5:00 P.M. Your delegate enjoyed the experience of representing you at the MWF Council meeting. All of us enjoyed the interesting and educational experience at the show besides meeting many new and friendly rockhounds. The Lincoln Gem and Mineral Club should be highly commended for the excellent job they did in organizing and carrying out such a magnificent show and convention. It was a tremendous undertaking but extremely well organized and carried out from beginning to end. Your MWF delegate, Laurence Sain SHOP HINTS Need a backing for thin or irregularly shaped turquoise? Use Devcon Plastic Steel. Mix Devcon according to directions. Apply to bottom of potential cab or nugget. Turn stone over and place top side up on waxed paper or heavy plastic on a smooth surface. The Devcon will harden and can be easily removed from the waxed paper or plastic leaving a flat, smooth surface ready for dopping and needing no grinding. (From Huachuca Mineral & Club 'Notes' via The Rock Box) For slabbing irregular rocks, just glue the rock to a square piece of scrap lumber with automotive body repair compound. You can get it in gallon cans, and a little heat will remove the last thin butt. The wood and rock seal will hold firm with the wood held in the vise and the rock extended. Use new wood each time. (From The NapaLite via The Geode) Put a few drops of rubbing alcohol in the bottles of water in which you keep opals. It will keep them from turning black and the water from getting stagnant. (Gem City Rock News via The Geode) The development of a new product is a 3-step process; 1. an American firm announces an invention; 2. the Russians claim they made the same discovery 20 years ago; 3. the Japanese start exporting it! (via Pick & Shovel; Rear Trunk) ROCK SWAP --- SILENT AUCTION The Rock Swap which was held on August 17 was a great success. There were 124 registered individuals, but there actually were many more in attendance than registered. They came from nine different states: Iowa, Wisconsin, Michigan, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Florida, Illinois, Arkansas and Oklahoma. The day turned out just right -- no rain and lots of sun. The ballfield worked out perfectly. The cars were parked inside the fence and along the outfield so they formed a semi-circle with the silent auction tables forming a line from third base to second base. Rockhounds started arriving about 8:30 A.M. and they came and went all day long. Each registered participant was given a piece of Australian iron ore donated by Arnold Mulzer. Ray Anderson started the first auction about 10 A.M. and continued until 3:30 P.M. with the only break for lunch. There were a couple hundred items for the auctions; and they were from all over the U.S. As the auctions were going on and the swaps were being made, the door prizes were being drawn. There were seven prizes in all with four of them coming from the Frazier Tubbs' and the others coming from the auction tables. At 7 P.M. the Cracker Barrel session was called to order by Frazier Tubbs. Everyone had to introduce himself and name the state he represented. A discussion was then held on MWF and just about anything else brought up. During the discussion, everyone enjoyed cheese and crackers, lemonade, koolaid and coffee which was provided by the club. The main door prizes (raffle) were drawn during the evening session. The prizes were thomsonite, Kona candleholders and a Kona clock. The winners were Joel Vicary, Clayton Chatters and Erwin Kufner. The field trips on Sunday started and ended in a light rain; but the sun was very competitive off and on during the day. Seventy two signed up for the Kona and Jaspilite trip and twenty for the trip to the two Champion mines. The overall feeling by everyone in attendance was that all had an enjoyable time. Ernie Johnson, chairman DOUBLE USE FOR A GLASS-TOPPED COFFEE TABLE: Make a shallow drawer to slide under the glass top in which you can display rock slabs, cabochons, or small specimens. It will make a good conversation piece as well as being a reminder of some of the wonderful trips you have had; collecting trips, swaps, work sessions, making new friends, etc. "If you are not using your smile, you are like a man with a million dollars in the bank and no check book." (Pick & Chisel via The Geode) September is here, Autumn and the beautiful colored leaves after our first frost makes us all feel that rock trips are almost over, but we do have all those rocks collected on our many successful field trips and our first big Rock Swap waiting to be admired and sorted and cataloged to keep us busy during the winter. Try to save some for our silent auctions and small swaps and also for the young people we hope to help learn to enjoy working with rocks this winter. Bob Markert has resigned as secretary of the Ishpeming Chamber of Commerce and has accepted the position as manager of the Ishpeming Holiday Travel Service Agency. We hope you will be happy with your new venture and have more time to devote to your rock hobby. Ann Ellie Dotson left for Turkey on Sept. 1, to join her husband who is serving with the U.S. Air Force. Her mother, Pat Ellie accompanied her to New York City. Michigan Department of Natural Resources has printed a new list of publications available from the Geological Survey. They can be had for free and up in price to $3.00 a copy. A copy of this list will be placed in our library and you may buy these publications or find them at public libraries. Ben DeSonia demonstrated and exhibited rock jewelry at the Senior Citizen's conference at the University. He also with his grandson Gene had a place at the Art Show at Fresque Isle Park where they demonstrated their hobby and sold jewelry. Bob Markert had his grinder and polisher at the Arts and Crafts sidewalk show in Ishpeming working with rocks and explaining the hobby. Pat Ellie arranged a display of copper at the K.I. Sawyer school showing native copper, smelter copper and articles made from copper. ........next page..... Ernie Johnson set up a rock exhibit at the Vandenboom school. Ray Anderson has a display of copper at the Bothwell Middle school. These exhibits cover a large area and we hope it brings our hobby to many people who might be interested in joining our club. A new book for the library has been purchased, "New Improved Methods Tumbling Gem Stones" by Gilman. The book gives good helpful knowledge about tumbling, sorting, rocks, grits and polishes and making simple jewelry. See Vern and Christine, our librarians about borrowing it. Pat Elie was cited by the Marquette County 4-H Council for her volunteer work with the young people, especially as co-organizer of the first 4-H show at the Marquette Mall. She has been teaching rock cutting and polishing to some of the youth and they demonstrated at the Mall show. To Luella Reidy, Bob Markert, Pat Elie and any others who spent time in the hospital we hope they are all at home again and enjoying good health. Scott and Donna Markert were the proud parents of a baby boy born July 5, in Baltimore, Maryland. They named him Warren Scott. One more rockhound? Jane Brunngraber and Steve Mileski were married in July and Ann Mulzer and H. J. LaHaie's marriage was in August. If you are going to the Copper Country on U.S. 41 pay attention to the sign on the left as you come to Calumet. It shows a 9,393 pound copper boulder and has recently been dedicated to make it a part of the Copper-town display. The copper was found in 1970 beneath a foot of soil on the Emil Paulson farm about four miles southwest of Calumet. It was purchased for $6,000 by the late J.A. Lizzadro, founder of the Lizzadro Museum of Lapidary Art in Elmhurst, Illinois and who decided it should remain in the copper country and therefore presented it to the Copper-town Development Corporation. The Jaspilite, first published in October 1954 will be 20 years old next month. The Jackson Mine Memorial honoring the discovery of iron in Marquette County has been moved to its new location in the small park in Negaunee on U.S. 41. A large boulder with a drill still embedded is displayed near the monument. A rustic information booth completes the new additions to this park which can be enjoyed daily by all who pass by. Helen and Arne Nelson, former club members, visited with friends in the county and Arne attended his 50th class reunion in Escanaba. Since their return to Lake, Michigan, Helen suffered a heart attack and is hospitalized. We hope that her hospital stay will not be long. Diminutive Delights: Life's Little Pleasures On our recent Labor Day collecting trip to the Keweenaw Peninsula, I sensed a groundswell of interest in micro minerals from a significant minority of collectors. To fan this flickering flame of awareness, I propose to do a series of articles that hopefully will prepare all concerned for next year's attack on the area's poor rock piles. In the 2nd issue of the Jaspilite of 1973 (April-June), I wrote an introduction to micro mineral collecting. If you can get past the purple prose, it is worth your efforts to refer back to this article as a lead-in to our present discourse. Supplementing the written work will also be some demonstrations on micro-mounting at future club meetings—mark your calendar for these exciting events! Let's start in the comfort of your arm-chair within easy reach of snacks and research library. The quest at hand is successfully securing those tiny crystals--intact--snuggled in a vug somewhere on a decrepit-looking rock rattling around under foot on one of those unnatural hillocks that you are gingerly traversing. Not just any minute crystalline mineral nor any dump. No, we are looking for a particular micro mineral in a specific rock pile. This is the basis, the root, the core. To go hunting, you must know the quarry. There are a number of ways to approach this search. You could start with a mineral that you know occurs in a certain locale, then zero in on exactly where it was found. Or, you could determine the name and location of major mining activities and disclose what was unearthed at each place. Either way, it will take some diligence on your part, but the research will be both fun and educational provided you take the attitude of wanting to learn more about your hobby. Certainly, there has been a surfeit of material generated on the classic mining—and collecting—locales. And we are rich in resources in both the Iron and Copper Countries that will assist you in your studies. Books, pamphlets, monographs, professional papers; mining reports et al repose in our fine municipal, university and historical society libraries. They are there for your use, so please do avail yourself of their services. Consider, too, club members as possible sources of knowledge what with their personal experience and libraries. As a recommendation, I would heartily suggest making an inventory of the mines in your favorite collecting locale and index the minerals to be found at each site. This would make a superb club activity. A complement to your list would be a topographic map for determining terrain and natural plus man-made features, a plat book to disclose property ownership, and a current road map so that you can discover how to get to your destination. For an organized field trip, I submit that a club/organization sponsoring the sojourn should present a program on the spots to be visited at a meeting preceding the outing. Efforts should be made to give the historical background of the area, tips on collecting, obtain permission for trespass and collecting, learn the responsibilities of club...next page... Diminutive Delights continued... and individual and display minerals that can realistically still be found. The latter is of utmost importance. All too often we go plunging into a dump looking for exquisite, delicately crystalline specimens with the full expectation of finding exactly that. Sometimes it happens, but usually a battered sample is the response to our prospecting. Since we are concentrating on micro minerals, the fine example is still obtainable--not, however, without much research and sweaty work. Observing what the minerals look like that you are after, their associations and the host country rock/matrix is the best way to learn. Again, university, historical society, and club member collections are prime resources to draw upon. Familiarize yourself with this physical mineralogy, it will repay you on the piles. Armed with the knowledge of the mining history of your selected collecting site, where the piles are, how to get there, what minerals can be found in the vicinity and what the minerals look like, you are now prepared to sally forth and blithely smash the rocks with aplomb. Our next episode will concern itself with collecting, paraphernalia, preservation of specimens on site and more homilies. Carlton W. Gutman WARNING! WARNING! WARNING! The consumer product safety commission is attempting to remove from the market thousands of tubes of SUPER GLUE. This glue was originally developed for use during surgery in place of stitches. These cyanocrylics are sold under many different brand names. The glue is so strong it can cement fingers and hands together, requiring medical help to free them. Along with being super stick, they are also speedy drying. Some brands do not carry label warnings about this glue causing eye irritations. WASHING THE EYE WITH WATER, a common remedy, WOULD MAKE THIS GLUE SET FASTER!! Acetone can dissolve the glue, but acetone cannot be used in the eye! Many in our hobby have marveled at the drying speed and holding power of this type glue. It is sold in very, very small quantities, in plastic containers at about $2.00. If you have this glue on hand and continue to use it, PLEASE BE AWARE OF THE COMMISSION'S CONCERN AND HEED THE WARNING!!! (From Rocky Echoes via The Pyriter..From The Federations) "Happiness is to be found along the way, not at the end of the road for then the journey is over." The Pyriter "To make mistakes is human; to stumble is commonplace; to be able to laugh at yourself is maturity." The Viewer THE ZEOLITES Zeolites (from the Greek words, 'zein', meaning "to boil" and lithos, meaning "stone", because of the bubbling of fragments in the torch flame as water is drawn off) are a well defined group of closely related minerals, some 26 to 30 in number. They are hydrous silicates, in which aluminum is always present in a greater quantity than any other metal. All are white or colorless when free of impurities, but are sometimes stained by iron or other foreign mineral matter. Their luster is feeble, lacking any "fire" or brilliance and giving the crystals a delicate, etherial quality. Their specific gravity is low, the average of 27 species is 2.2. All the zeolites can be scratched by the steel of a good knife. The most striking property is their rapid dehydration or water loss, and the ability to reabsorb almost all the water again without change in crystal structure. The home of the zeolites is in the basalts; fine-grained volcanic rocks, which are called traprocks. The traprock is formed by molten lava. As it reaches the surface the confining pressure is lost, and the water and volatile constituents that kept it molten escape rapidly. As these gasses bubble out, some are trapped by the quickly solidifying lava, producing rock that contains many cavities like swiss cheese. Heated waters rising from below and surface waters percolating downward along fractures and openings dissolve sodium, calcium, potassium, aluminum and silica from the traprock. In the cavities are then deposited new minerals from these solutions, the minerals of the traprock suite. Some zeolites occur in vast quantities as alteration of volcanic glass. These are massive and have little appeal to the collector. But in their traprock home, the zeolites are usually found in beautifully formed crystals. Some of the more common zeolites are: natrolite, stilbite, chabazite, mesolite, thomsonite, scolecite, heulandite, laumontite and analcime. Zeolites are rarely found alone, other non-zeolite minerals are their characteristic and frequent associates. The entire suite of minerals so frequently occurs together that the association is called the traprock suite. Non-zeolite members found almost exclusively in traprock are prehnite, datolite, apophyllite and pectolite. Other minerals such as amethyst, calcite, native copper, native silver, epidote, babinzontite, chlorite and quartz, although characteristic of the suite, are frequently found in other associations as well. (By Joyce Hanschu in The Rockpile) Reference: Minerals and Man by C.S. Hurlbut, Jr. Getting Acquainted With Minerals by English "Inflation has't ruined everything. A dime can still be used as a screwdriver." Mark Harris reports on the Lincoln show June 13-16, Lincoln, Nebraska, were the dates for one of the largest shows ever seen among the rockhounds in America. Hundreds of exhibits, both competitive and non-competitive, covered the space of the main exhibit hall and overflowed into the dealers hall. There were about fifty dealers on hand offering just about every kind of jewelry and cutting material and mineral specimens from many countries of the world. As great as the show was, there were more important things for some of us. On June 12, the American Federation met. The most controversial item on the agenda was a dues increase voted. The new increase was five cents per member. It was understood at the time that it would not take effect until after all the regional federations had met and voted either to accept it or reject it. Later it was decided by the Board of Directors, Midwest delegation not being present, to hold a mail ballot to start it beginning in 1975. Your representatives, President and First Vice President, voted against the measure as had been advocated by the Advisory Committee and Long Range Planning Committee. I am sure that no club in the Midwest Federation would object to a moderate dues increase if it had been explained that all reasonable attempts had been made to cut some expenses not deemed necessary by your representatives. It was not apparent that any attempt had been made to cut what many believe to be unnecessary expenses. On the same day, AFMS voted that the president appoint a committee consisting of one member from each federation under the chairmanship of Cliff Anthes of Tucson, Arizona. At this writing, a Midwest Federation member has not been appointed. It is hoped this will be done by the middle of July. This committee will look into the matter of the clubs which decide to join a federation outside its territory. The event which raised this question was the announcement that the 1977 National Show and Convention will be held in Ogden, Utah, a Northwestern Federation Club located in the Rocky Mountain Federation Territory. The same year about seven weeks earlier the Rocky Mountain Federation has scheduled its Federation Convention at Salt Lake City, about thirty miles from Ogden. The Midwest Federation met on June 15th. Fifty-two per cent of the clubs were represented by delegates or alternates. Minutes of the meeting will be published by the secretary. A few of the highlights were a discussion of the dues increase and a report that Rocky Mountain Federation had selected a representative to negotiate with Midwest on a boundary dispute which has been in the minds of the federation officers for about twelve to fourteen years. The Council Members voted to appoint the Report...please turn to page 2 Welcome new members Baraga County Gem and Lapidary Club, Bernard O. Brockett, President - Aura Road, L'Anse, Michigan 49946 Mineralogical Society of Cleveland, Paul C. Clifford, President - 2955 Berkshire Road, Cleveland Heights, Ohio 44118 Hiawatha Gem and Mineral Society, Herman E. Lacy, President - 433 Draper Road, McHenry, Illinois Belvidere Gem and Mineral Society, Howard A. Curry, President - Route #1, Box 139, Belvidere, Illinois 61108 Heights Gem and Mineral Society, Mari Poss, President - 3565 Lytel Road, Shaker Heights, Ohio 44122 Michigan Geology and Gemcraft Society, Lee M. Kirby, President - 3660 Embracadero, Drayton Plains, Michigan 48020 Lea Area Petra (Rock) Society, Charles O. Ehler, President - 151 - 5th Street S.E., Glenville, Minnesota 56036 Edwards River Earth Science Club, Robert Hoffman, President - 509 N.E. 5th Avenue, Aledo, Illinois 61231 New slide program We would like to announce that we have a new program - "1972 Ispeming Convention and Field Trip" - 100 slides. At this time, we are retiring the "1962 Des Moines Exposition" program. As you know, "Stones in Religion" is retired due to age and "Field Trip to Tri-State Area" was lost in the mail. Very recently we discovered that half a program is lost. Anyone who has seen "Life Revealed in the Rocks", we need the other half. Check your projector. The slides may be in there. We have gained one program but lost three. How about a club project to give the federation a program? We'd like it. * * * * * * * Please note: All requests for programs should be sent directly to the Program Chairman Donald Stinnett, 29462 Aspen Drive, Flat Rock, Michigan 48134. Please be sure to include the program fee and the exact and complete address to which you want the program shipped. Also, give a choice of programs and alternate dates so that you will be sure to have a program for your meeting. Order at least 30 days in advance as programs are popular and are booked well in advance. Fall Executive Committee meeting planned for Nov. 2 The Midwest Federation will hold the annual fall meeting of the Executive Committee on Saturday, Nov. 2 at the Howard Johnson Motor Lodge, Hammond, Ind. Those planning to attend are urged to make reservations early. Special room discounts will be available at the Howard Johnson Motor Lodge. Welcome New Members Stone Head Lapidary and Mineral Club, Leslie Baker, Pres., Lakeview Drive, Ontonagon, Mich. Bloomington Gem and Mineral Society, Ms. Kathryn Lott, Pres., 3141 Kingsley Drive, Bloomington, Ind. 47401 Anoka County Gem and Mineral Club, R. C. Dunn, Pres., 6417 Georgia Ave. No., Minneapolis, Minn. 55428 Sales will benefit Scholarship Foundation Fund Specimen file cards available Frank Sadelik, a long time member of Central Iowa Mineral Society, Des Moines, Iowa, died some months ago in his early nineties. For many years Frank had been associated with a local printing and stationary firm and had originated a specimen file card of which he sold hundreds throughout the nation through advertisements in various newspapers and magazines. The administrator of his estate discovered a quantity of the cards and contacted some Des Moines rock and mineral collectors to determine what disposition should be made of them. It was suggested that they be sold to rock and mineral collectors and that the money from the sales be contributed to the American Scholarship Foundation fund in Frank's name. The administrator approved the suggestion and turned them over to the Midwest Federation for the sale. The cards will be sold in lots of 100 at a cost of $1.75 postpaid anywhere in the United States. When placing an order, include check made payable to the Midwest Federation, complete name and address to where the cards are to be mailed. Send your order to Clinton Heckert, Midwest Federation Director of Supplies, 725 Stewart Street, Elgin, Ill. 60102 Scholarship award 1974 is the tenth year it has been possible for the Scholarship Foundation to grant earth science scholarships. From a modest beginning in 1965 when one $300 scholarship was offered for two years of graduate study, the Foundation is now in its third year of granting six - one in each of the six Regions of the American Federation. The Honorary Plaque winner in the Midwest Federation was Dr. Paul Edwin Potter, Professor of Geology, University of Cincinnati. Dr. Potter is a native of Springfield, Ohio and received his degrees in geology at the University of Chicago. He was professor of geology at Indiana University and has been professor of geology at Cincinnati since 1971. An outstanding authority on sedimentary geology, he has co-authored a number of books, several of which are widely used in college courses. Dr. Potter has selected Wayne R. Goodman to receive the grant. Goodman was born Oct. 10, 1951 in Elyria, Ohio. He received his B.S. degree at Ashland College in 1972 with nearly straight A's. Since the fall of 1972 he has been at the University of Cincinnati working on his Ph. D. JUNIOR MEMBERS from Diane Dare chairman, MWF Junior Activities Committee Where will your future members come from? The active involvement of Junior Members depends on the activities of your club, but if the youngsters are involved NOW, when they "graduate" and become adult members, they will remain active and involved. The Juniors are your club's lifeline! What about 1980?... and 79? by B. F. Parr Back in 1968, the National Show at Normal had been over less than two months when the Lincoln Gem and Mineral Club made a firm bid for 1974. Those of you who were at Lincoln in June saw what almost six years of planning and work can produce. What club would like to make a name for itself by hosting the next American Federation Convention and National Show in the Midwest in 1980? We hope some clubs have been thinking about it. Sure, there is a lot of work involved but it is a real challenge and can be a great unifying and strengthening force to a club. We will also need a host for the 1979 Midwest Federation Convention and Show. Cedar Rapids, Iowa is, at present, the only bidder for 1978 and this will be decided at the 1975 Council Meeting in Detroit during the show there October 9-12. St. Louis is host in 1976 on July 22-25 and we will be in Dayton, Ohio in 1977 with the dates not fixed as yet. It has been customary to select the MWF Convention and Show site three years in advance. However, a bid for the AFMS Convention and National Show, if suitable, may be approved earlier due to the larger size and extra features. The Convention and Show Advisory Committee will answer questions and furnish information to any club interested in either a Federation show or the big one in 1980. Write to the Chairman - B. F. Parr, 1488 Marion Avenue Road, Mansfield, Ohio 44906. Announce 1975 bulletin contest For the 1975 MWF Bulletin Contest, two issues will be used for judging. It will be necessary to send three copies of each of the issues chosen. It has been suggested by many of the MWF editors that two copies be used in judging. This, I believe, will be a more fair way to judge because what is left out in one issue may be printed in the second one. This should give a better "overall picture" of what the editor has printed, by using the two issues. May I suggest that you save now three copies of each issue printed from March 1974 to Dec. 1974. It seems that so many editors do not save a copy and put it into a folder to keep for the contest. Several editors who entered the 1974 contest had to "dig some up" from members in their club. This seems very strange to me that the editors do not print extra copies of their bulletin. I always print at least 25 extra copies of each issue published. The cost is very small, and it saves a lot of time and trouble. Quite often, someone will write and desire a copy of Vol. No. . . . I am still receiving subscriptions to the BEN., asking for the first issue of Vol.2. The issues to be judged will be announced later this year. One issue will be picked from the months of March, April or May 1974, and one from September, October, November and December, 1974. - Paul Good New fossil list available A new manual, the "Approved Reference List of Classifications and Common Names for Fossils" is now available. In April 1974, each Club, State Director, Assistant Director and chairman of all MWF committees were mailed a copy. This new booklet is a must for anyone who collects and exhibits fossils. It is available from the Director of Supplies, Clinton, Iowa, 725 Stewart St., Eight Mile, 50120. Price is 50 cents per copy plus 20 cents for postage and handling. 11 of 21 MWF trophies awarded in Regional competition by B. F. Parr Eleven of the twenty-one available Midwest Federation Trophies were awarded for exhibits in Regional Competition at the National Gem and Mineral Show, Lincoln, Nebraska June 13-16. This is rather disappointing to the Uniform Rules Committee but one reason, perhaps, is that many regular exhibitors have already qualified for direct entry into AFMS competition. There were no entries for six trophies and the one entry for another trophy had to be disqualified because the exhibitor's name was left in the case. There were 151 competitive exhibits and 48 of these were for Direct Entry in AFMS Trophy Competition. These winners were presented with their trophies by Barney Parr, MWF Uniform Rules Chairman, at the banquet, Saturday, June 15. They are to be congratulated as competition was tough. 1. Minerals - Glenn R. Bolick, Hickory, North Carolina - Catawba Valley Gem and Mineral Club 2. Thumbnail Minerals - Kathleen Bolick, Hickory, North Carolina - Catawba Valley Gem and Mineral Club 3. Minerals, Junior Group - Ernest A. Holloway, Jr., Wichita Falls, Texas - North Texas Gem and Mineral Society 4. Lapidary - A. S. Bryant, Hanland, Kansas - Southwest Kansas Gem and Mineral Society 5. Cabochons - Kenneth A. Boulter, Glen Burnis, Maryland - Chesapeake Gem and Mineral Society 6. Specialized Lapidary - Raymond A. Karr, Warren, Ohio East Ohio Lapidary Club 7. Fossils - Bessie G. Hall, Sarasota, Florida - Tampa Bay Mineral and Science Club, Inc. 8. Jewelry and Metalcraft - Marion J. Packer, Sparks, Nevada - Reno Gem and Mineral Society 9. Educational - Harold J. Harder, Wauwatosa, Wisconsin Wisconsin Geological Society 10. Educational, Junior Group - Bruce Lauer, Villa Park, Illinois - East Side Gem Club of Northern Illinois 11. Archaeology - Dr. A. H. Schoondermark, Fort Collins, Colorado Cheyenne Mineral and Gem Society All American Merit Award winners by June Zeinser Congratulations to the Midwest Mary and AFMS All American winners, and thanks to the 58 Eastern Midwest Clubs which entered their names in the federation logs on the list of participants. With almost a quarter of our clubs participating and many of all the entries well done, we thank the Velda H. Montgomery and Earl Cornwell for their difficult, hours of interesting work. We are indebted to them for the time and effort they spent on this. Topping our honors list at AFMS is the number one All American Club, the Cedar Valley Rocks and Minerals Society of Cedar Rapids, Iowa. The Cedar Valley Mayor is proud of the most outstanding service project went to West River Earth Science Society of Murdo, South Dakota. Runner up for this award was the Michigan Gem and Mineral Society of Jackson. Certificates were presented at the Midwest Council Meeting in Lincoln by June Zeinser, Chairman and Mark R. Smith, Midwest President. La Delellis, AFMS Education Chairman congratulated the Midwest District Achievement winners were presented at the Awards Banquet. Misses, Ellis for AFMS and Mrs. Zeinser for Midwest, assisted by Dorothy Lee and Mark R. Smith respectively. As usual the Midwest winners were cited for specific achievements as well as judged all around All American Clubs. Following are the winners and the judges comments. Thanks again to all who entered. We are proud of these winners. (Except for Cedar Valley there is no significance in the order.) CEDAR VALLEY ROCKS AND MINERALS, Cedar Rapids, Iowa - A very successful year for this successful club revealed that this club has apparently earned itself an excellent reputation in its community by the various services it has rendered. The club has been active in the community by lectures at the University of Iowa, presenting magazine subscriptions to the library, sponsoring field trips for children and adults, sponsoring field trips for children and adult courses for children and adults. The club showed good will toward other clubs by initiating a program to exchange displays of stones and swap dates with other clubs. The variety of displays and bulletins items testifies to the high degree of membership participation. BLOOMINGTON MINERAL CLUB, Bloomington, Minnesota The presentation was a complete success. Edges rated the club cooperative with St. Olaf College Science Museum highly from the standpoint of furthering earth science education. Services to Children's Hospital's Museum of Science and Medicine, Judge of gemstone awards for children but nurtured the self-esteem of the children out of which a club feels to achieve its highest potential in the AFMS tradition. WEST RIVER EARTH SCIENCE SOCIETY, Murdo, S. Dakota President reports that progress is being made in the negotiation of the boundary between RMF and MWF. President elect Terry Huizing is attempting to work out a solution with South Central Federation concerning Midwest Clubs located in Arkansas. The following slate of officers was elected: President, president to negotiate with Rocky Mountain representative on the matter and to place the fine note on the dues increase in the hands of the Board of Directors and the elected officers. A study will be made prior to raising the AFMS dues. The president reports that progress is being made in the negotiation of the boundary between RMF and MWF. President elect Terry Huizing will be seeking committee chairman to fill vacancies that will occur. Also, he or his new director will be in opposition to the execution of fines and resolutions. If Terry calls on any of you to fill one of these jobs, please consider very carefully the call to serve your hobby to the extent of your ability. If you have been selected, it is sure that someone has convinced you because he or she feels that you can do that job. DEARBORN, Dearborn, Michigan. Despite a tendency towards overenthusiasm in presentation, this club demonstrated very real interest, energy, notable gifts of minerals of all the great lakes region to various schools and organizations, the public papers, establishment of study group, wide participation in federation activities and activities. The educational curiosity fostered by the club results in a high degree of versatility among members interest and accomplishments. CENTRAL MICHIGAN LARDARY AND MINERAL SOCIETY Lansing, Michigan. This club is well established, with strong support from the community. Under the direction of a competent chairman, members expert in a particular branch of lapidary or earth science taught the skills of other members on a regularly scheduled basis. The club undertakes half a dozen field trips each year for members who enrolled in a special geology course or Michigan State University. The club has further demonstrated by the award of scholarships to the S.U. and Lansing Community College. A novel and imaginative item in the clubs service program was rock and mineral specimen gifts sent to host families in foreign countries by Youth for Understanding students. HONORABLE MENTION - Lincoln Gem and Mineral Club, Lincoln, Nebraska; McDonell Observatory, Grand Island, Nebraska; St. Louis, Mo., Michigan Gem and Mineral Society, Jackson, Mich.; Ozark Earth Science Club, Mountain Home, Arkansas; Fox County Rock Club, Green Bay, Wisconsin; and Northwest Wisconsin Gem and Mineral Club, Rice Lake, Wis. Midwest Federation Merit Award WEST RIVER EARTH SCIENCE SOCIETY, Murdo, South Dakota. The club showed in yeast, the other collectors and the public. The club displays and gems within the framework of federal regulations by erecting a recreation Forest Service sign on National Grasslands where the club meets. Legally be collected. The club officers and members also provided field guidance and information for the National Geographic article "The Glittering World of Rocks and Minerals" and gave publicity to the hobby of rock and fossil collecting by amateurs. Runner up: MICHIGAN GEM AND MINERAL SOCIETY, Jackson, Michigan. Although the '73 activities of the club did not include many down or up events, the budget were important the extraneous energy and time which members expended in lecturing and demonstrating to schools, hospitals, museums, scouts and other organizations and groups. A great and coordinated educational effort. The holotype display is composed of 9 marble panels, aluminum framed, easily detachable, and each 32" x 32". This holotype display is under the jurisdiction of the Special Display Committee. It is the responsibility of the club to choose by club by contacting the new committee member, Richard T. Johnson, Curator of Holotype Display, 1508 W. 38th St., Davenport, Iowa, 52802, by paying the freight both ways. We do hope club clubs will make use of it! - Mary McNamara, Special Displays Chairman Junior activities News from the Junior Activities Committee A pat on the back from the Junior Activities Committee to Jane Anne and Sandra of the Lincoln Gem and Mineral Society of Michigan who arranged for a special Children's Table at their club's big annual swing. Biddle was open only to those 12 and under to give younger ones a chance to listen how to bid and find out what fun it is getting into a Silent Auction! Edward Wilder, Junior Adviser for Roxine (Wisc) Geologicl Society, Instructor of Lapidary at Wuston Museum of Fine Arts, conducted a mineralogy class in lapidary for students of elementary and inner city schools. He provided portable equipment and directed classes during which children cut and polished several stones in different shapes and materials. A new book, "Minerals", is now available. Copies will be sent to all clubs with dues remitters unless on the Directory. If you or your club would like a copy and have not received one, contact Clinton Heckert, Director of Supplies, 725 Stuart Street, Elgin, Illinois 60120. The first copy is $1.00, additional copies $0.50. The book is a program and project suggestion, sample agenda, etc., are given. Bulletin winners As the National Show in Lincoln, Nebraska, the Midwest Federation announced thirteen winners in their annual bulletin contest. 1. THE GEODE, Willis D. Smith, Editor - McDonnell - Douglas Gem & Mineral Society, St. Louis, Mo. 2. MAGMA, Miss. Eleanor Lewickie, Editor - Lake Erie Gem and Mineral Society, Lorain, Ohio 3. THE PYRITE, John Larsen, Editor - Delta County Rock-Club, Adel, Iowa 4. S.L.S. (South SEWS), Diane Dow, Editor - Southern Illinois Earth Science Club, Benton, Illinois 5. FLINT ROCK & GEM JOURNAL, Betty Fought, Editor - Flint Rock & Gem Club, Flint, Michigan 6. OZARK EARTH SCIENCE NEWS, Benice Revin, Editor - Ozark Earth Science Club, Mountain Home, Arkansas 7. GEM CITY NEWS, Helen C. Hoehnmeier, Editor - Gem City Rock Club, Quincy, Illinois 8. THE GLASSY DRIFTER, Arthur A. Ferguson, Editor - Glassy Drifter Rock Club, Ann Arbor, Michigan 9. THE ROCKPILE, Joyce Hanschu, Editor - Midwest Mineralogical & Lapidary Society, Des Moines, Mich. 10. TULLIVER'S CONGLOMERATE, Sam Smith, Editor - Tulip City Gem & Mineral Club, Holland, Michigan 11. FLINT'S PEG, Paul Editor - West Central Ohio Rock Club, Lima, Ohio 12. PICK OF THE NEBS, Roberta L. Smith, Editor - Pick 'N' Pellet Club, Houghton Lake, Michigan 13. FACETS, John Larsen, Editor - Huron Hills Lapidary & Mineral Society, Ypsilanti, Michigan Walter H. Steinbrenner It is with deep regret that we note the passing of Walter H. Steinbrenner in this issue. "Walt" was the husband of Katherine Steinbrenner, former president of AFMS, and well known to hundreds of rockhounds throughout the country. Services were held on May 16 at Merle Hoy Funeral Home in Des Moines, Iowa. Walt will be sorely missed by his numerous friends. Mrs. Helen Greer We express our deepest sympathy to Rosmar Greer, former state director of Michigan, on the loss of his wife, Mrs. Helen M. Greer, former secretary of the federation, passed away on June 23rd and was buried on June 27th. COLOR IN MINERALS Minerals are colored because certain wavelengths of light are absorbed, and the color results from a combination of those wavelengths that reach the eye. If the light suffers no absorption, the mineral is colorless. Some minerals have characteristic colors which are always the same because the light-absorbing atoms are the principal constituents of their structure. Other minerals exhibit a range of colors caused by impurities, structural defects and variation in chemical composition. For those minerals with characteristic color, that color serves as an important means of identification. Non-metallic minerals with characteristic colors are: BLUE - azurite, chalcantnite, lazurite, lazulite and linarite; GREEN - malachite, antlerite and diopside; YELLOW - sulfur, orpiment and carnotite; ORANGE-RED - crocoite and realgar; RED - cuprite and cinnabar. The color of most metallic minerals is also characteristic: chalcopyrite - DEEP, BRASS-YELLOW; marcasite and pyrite - PALE BRASS-YELLOW; pyrrhotite - BRONZE; copper and nicolite - COPPER-RED; silver and mercury - SILVER. On the other hand, quartz may be transparent and colorless, also PINK, RED, BLUE, GREEN, VIOLET, PURPLE, YELLOW-BROWN or BLACK. Fluorite, calcite, beryl, apatite, sphalerite, corundum and the tourmaline group of minerals are some others which occur in a range of color. In some cases the color is directly related to the amount of iron, or other such element that has a strong pigmenting power. Sphalerite, $(\text{Zn},\text{Fe})_2$, ranges from almost colorless or pale yellow when pure through brown, reddish brown to black as ferrous iron partially replaces zinc in its structure. As the iron content rises, the color deepens. Another example is tremolite, $\text{Ca}_2\text{Mg}(\text{Si}_2\text{O}_7)_2(\text{OH})_2$, which is white when pure, but as $\text{Fe}_2$ substitutes for $\text{Mg}$, the mineral changes from pale to dark green to nearly black. Iron is responsible for red, green and brown coloring in many species of minerals. Other elements which cause color are chromium, manganese, cobalt, nickel, copper and vanadium. The deep green of emerald results from small amounts of chromium in beryl and the purple of amethyst is caused by trace amounts of iron in quartz. Zoisite, normally white or gray, was found in 1967 in gem quality crystals of a rich sapphire blue due to the presence of vanadium. Color in minerals with structural defects may be changed or introduced by heat or by exposure to high energy radiation. X-radiation turns some colorless quartz smoky, but heating it to $400^\circ C$ will return it to its colorless state. Not all colorless quartz reacts this way. Colorless diamonds Color in Minerals Exposed to the proper radiation can be colored either green or blue, and green diamond will turn yellow with heat. In general, the simpler the crystal structure, the less light is likely to be absorbed. Therefore many isometric minerals such as fluorite, halite and others, where very symmetrical arrangements are the rule, tend to be colorless. Some elements such as aluminum, barium, calcium, potassium, sodium and lithium tend to be colorless also. (by Joyce Hanschu in The Rockpile) References: Mineralogy for Amateurs by Sinkankas and Dana's Manual of Mineralogy by Hurlbut. FROSTED GLASS A simple way to decorate a glass, vase or window for a holiday or other occasion - Add epsom salts to a saucepan holding two cupfuls of boiling water until no more of the salts will dissolve. In other words, you will have a saturated solution. Add a few drops of liquid glue to help make the "frost" adhere to the glass. With a brush apply the mixture to the outside of the glass, vase or window in whatever design you like. You can make all-over frosting, holly leaves, flowers, animals, initials or whatever you like. The liquid will begin to evaporate almost at once, and the crystals of the salts will look just like frost, but can be washed off. (From The Napalite via The Geode) SELECTING SPECIMENS AND THE VALUE OF SPECIMENS (May 1974-MAGN., from A. Love's talk) The first thing to look for in a specimen is its overall pleasing appearance with no fractures or broken crystals. However, sometimes a broken crystal point may be excusable if the mineral itself is rare or has some very unusual quality. A specimen does not always have to be large to be of value. If it is very rare its size does not matter. Even some of our very common minerals such as fluorite, calcite, or quartz may be valuable because of their coloring, crystal formation, or occurrence in a locality not usually associated with them. The more different minerals found in a given specimen increase its value. When a locality for mineral specimens is worked out, the specimens from that locality increase in value." (The above quote should encourage us to be more selective in the field, to protect crystals from damage and to catalog the choice specimens not only naming the specimen but also where it was found.) From the AMERICAN FEDERATION Newsletter Pete Dunn of the U.S. Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institute, came up with a new mineral discovered in a bag of material from a trip at Loudville, Massachusetts lead mine. One little blue crystal that didn't look familiar started the long process of identification and steps that must be taken legally to qualify the naming of a new mineral. The following is a resume of a talk given by John White of the Mineralogical Record on this very subject. "Minerals down through the ages have been named in a rather hit-or-miss fashion. There have been no guidelines for naming minerals. Most were named for some obvious property they possessed, the place where they were found, or for a noted mineralogist of the time. The name 'pyrite' comes from the Latin word for 'fire', 'apatite' from the Greek word for 'to deceive', the two roots of the name 'orthoclase' mean 'squares' and 'cleavage', while 'franklinite' is named for the place of origin." A Russian mineralogist, A.S.Povarenkh, has proposed an entirely new system of rational nomenclature whereby each name would be an acronym of the elements contained in that mineral. It would involve throwing out nearly all of the names we now use and does not appear to stand much chance for adoption. Some of the suggested new names include calcibistitophyllite, stibstibioxite and dimagsililitilite!! All the reader has to do is figure out where they belong! There is no complete agreement among the experts as to the definition of a mineral which, in most earth science texts, includes the phrase "inorganically produced". If this is applied, many familiar minerals would not qualify. Most sulfur, for example, has been produced through the action of bacteria. A brand new species was found in the ash of a burned tree. Pannikins lost in the James River, when recovered, were covered with an oxidized material which became two new species. Another new species was found in a drawer in a museum which had come about because of a reaction between another mineral in the drawer and the oak wood of the drawer. This, of course, opens up all kinds of possibilities, so there has been a general agreement that these new species are not to be something that man deliberately tried to bring about. They are not recognized if man's deliberate intervention caused them to form. We are not to confuse species with specimen. All specimens of a species may not satisfy the definition. Goethite, for example, is a widespread mineral of unquestioned natural origin, but the rust on your car is also goethite. Just because the latter is not really a mineral, we cannot dispute the status of all goethite. Synthetics have in the past been distinguishable from the naturally-formed gems largely because of the imperfections in the natural. Now the growers of the synthetics are including imperfections in them to "cloud the issue". In 1973 there were some 65 new species designated. This was a record year for new species and even some varieties have crept into the literAFNewsletter continued..... ature. Tanzanite is not a new mineral species. It is simply a new gem variety of zoisite. There have been so many discoveries because there are more people looking for new species with much better equipment and in totally new environments. The electron microprobe, for example, does not destroy the specimen. A tiny grain of a mineral can be chemically analyzed and not destroyed in the process. There is quite a complicated and thorough process that a discoverer of a new mineral must go through before the mineral is accepted. This is adhered to by most mineralogists all over the world and is coordinated through the International Mineralogical Association. The I.M.A. once received two reports of the same mineral on the same day from two different countries, Russia and the United States. In this case, the Russians deferred to the Americans who came up with a Polish name--posnjakite. One discoverer wanted to name his mineral for a favorite professor, D. Jerome Fisher. Since there already was a "fisherite", he came up with "djerfisherite". The same situation existed for a man named Joseph Smith -- that one came out "joesmithite". The manganese analog of "adamite" was named "eveite" as a kind of gag. (May-June 1974 --AFMS Newsletter) JASPER....(via Rockatier) A good test for jasper is to wet it. If it absorbs water and dries rapidly, throw it away, it will no polish. If it stays wet and does not dry right away, it contains a high amount of chalcedony (quartz) and will take a good polish. Like agate, jasper comes in a variety of patterns. ORBICULAR..is any jasper showing round spots or circular patterns in contrasting colors. Sometimes called 'Peanut' jasper. RIBBON .. jasper, as the name suggests is striped or banded with coarse bands of contrasting colors. PASTELLITE .. is a name given to a delicately hued variety of jasper from southern California and Arizona. The Arizona variety is found in the vicinity of Burro Creek. MOSS .. is a jasper containing a dendrite pattern. JASPILITE .. is a mixture of hematite and jasper in thin bands, found in the iron regions of Minnesota and Michigan. (Many jaspers are named by locality, people, etc: Sunrise, Mary Ellen, Biggs Canyon, Morrison, Tennessee and Owahoe are but a few.) PRESERVATION OF PYRITE AND MARCASITE Marcasite is probably the hardest sulphide to keep. Some specimens will be all right for years without any special care while others begin to deteriorate as soon as removed from the earth, and will continue to break down despite any treatment. Probably this difference is tied up with the atomic structure of the mineral. The decay of marcasite is the result of oxidation which reduces the iron disulphide to a grayish-white fuzz of ferrous sulphate (Melanterite) crystals. The decay is accompanied by the formation of both sulphuric acid and sulphur dioxide gas. The former of these turns labels brown and brittle while the latter is noticeable as a sharp acid smell. This decay is speeded up by moisture, so marcasite should never be washed; dry brushing is the only safe method. After dry brushing the specimen, if it does not show an acid reaction when tested with litmus paper, it may be covered with a protective dry coating such as lacquer or plastic. The specimen should be examined every month to see if the coating is intact or if decay is proceeding in spite of the coating. If the specimen is badly decomposed, it and its container should be thrown away to avoid contamination of other specimens. If the specimen does show a trace of acid when tested with litmus paper, and it is one you want very much to save, try the following: 1. Immerse in 1 part concentrated ammonia to 20 parts of water for $\frac{1}{2}$ hour. 2. Wash in running water, dry with a towel. 3. Baths in alcohol to remove the water. 4. Dry with a towel and put in an oven for 1 hour at $150^\circ - 170^\circ$. 5. Apply a protective coating thoroughly. Pyrite will also decompose if moistened frequently, so do not wash often. Both minerals can be made bright by soaking overnight in a solution of oxalic acid, using two ounces of oxalic acid crystals to a quart of water. The specimen should then be washed in running water, dried carefully, and then given a protective coating. The protective coating is used to keep the air from contacting the mineral. To further prolong its life, it can be put in a sealed container to keep out both air and moisture. Marcasite and Pyrite should never be stored in white paper or boxes because of chemicals used in its manufacture. Brown paper or boxes should be used. (From Earth Science News, via The Fox Rox News) If you are wondering what to do with oxalic or muriatic acid you have finished using instead of pouring it down the drain pour it in a plastic pail or an earthenware crock. Add a chunk or two of limestone to the acid. The limestone will neutralize the acid so it can be poured down the drain and almost anywhere without causing pollution. BE ECOLOGY MINDED................ HELP PROTECT OUR ENVIRONMENT Return Postage guaranteed 3rd issue, 1974 JASPILETE Ishpeming Rock and Mineral Club, Inc. Laurence and Olive Sain, editors 818 West Kaye Avenue Marquette, Michigan 49855 Mr. & Mrs. C. Robert Markert P.O. 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Water is the most important resource we have. We drink it, fish in it, clean with it, swim in it, and travel across it. Water makes up sixty percent of the human body. It powers our homes and factories. Every living thing on Earth needs water. Water has always been critical for our survival. As people have tried to manage water resources, they have made many changes to waterways. Many of these changes have benefitted people; other changes, though, have not. The Great Lakes region is home to one of the largest freshwater resources on the planet. All of that water helped to shape the landscape, history, and communities of our state. Did you know? The Great Lakes contain twenty percent of Earth’s surface fresh water. Wisconsin alone has more than 860 miles of Great Lakes shoreline, 44,000 miles of rivers and streams, and 13,949 lakes larger than fifty acres! How has water shaped Wisconsin, and how have we shaped our water? Long ago, oceans and glaciers created many of the waterways and geological features in and around our state. Millions of years ago, Wisconsin was covered with a shallow sea of saltwater. This huge ocean was filled with life! Over time, some of these creatures, like corals and clams, died and sank to the bottom. There, they cemented together to form limestone. Today, geologists study limestone to find fossils and learn more about this ancient ocean. About one million years ago, the climate grew colder. More snow fell in the winters than could melt in the summers. The ice and snow eventually formed glaciers across what is now Canada and the Upper Midwest. As the glaciers moved across Wisconsin, they changed the land beneath them. Glaciers created the Great Lakes and many other lakes and rivers in our state. Did You Know? The Wisconsin Dells were formed by rushing water from melting glaciers. How have Wisconsin’s waterways provided a home for plants and animals? Wisconsin’s waters and wetlands provide habitats for many unique species of plants and animals. Wisconsin is home to more than 2,400 species of native plants and animals. Many of them rely on water as a vital part of their habitat. Wetlands are areas where the soil is frequently wet or covered in water. Wetlands are home to many plants and animals, such as yellow water lilies, great blue herons, and boreal chorus frogs. Some organisms spend their entire lives in the water, while others only need wetlands for part of their lifecycle. Wetlands once covered one third of Wisconsin. Over time, people have changed and damaged nearly half of this land. Lakes, rivers, and streams are called aquatic communities. These communities are home to many different species, like lake sturgeon, mudpuppies, and muskellunge. Many species in these communities get all they need to survive directly from the water. In 2014, there were 233 species of endangered or threatened plants and animals in Wisconsin. How have people inhabited the land and used its waterways? Native people were the first to use the natural resources of the Great Lakes region. Native nations and tribes began using Wisconsin’s waterways as early as 12,000 years ago. These original residents made their homes near streams, lakes, and rivers. They used waterways and wetlands to fish, hunt, and gather plants. Wisconsin’s Native people made much of what they needed from nearby resources, but they also depended on other materials that came from farther away. Native people used the water highways of Wisconsin to travel all over the Great Lakes region. They built canoes to carry large amounts of food, trade goods, and other supplies. Waterways were often the best and fastest way to travel. Did You Know? It was often easier to trade with someone three hundred miles away by water than with someone thirty miles away across land! How did water use change when Europeans arrived in Wisconsin? Explorers and fur traders used the Great Lakes and their connecting waterways to gather resources and ship them back to Europe. European explorers and fur traders began to arrive in North America in the early 1600s. River systems carried people and goods across Wisconsin from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi River. From there, explorers and traders could go anywhere the Mississippi would take them! The fur trade dominated Wisconsin for the next two hundred years. Traders provided guns, steel knives, and other items to Native people. In return, Native people hunted otter, mink, and beaver for their fur. Traders packed these pelts into canoes and sent them to Montreal and eventually to Europe. Traders often exploited their fur suppliers as Native people became dependent on the fur trade. Beaver pelts were the most valuable pelt in the fur trade era. They were made into waterproof hats that were fashionable in Europe. How did waterways shape the settlement of Wisconsin? As people began to shape the land and waterways to make travel easier, settlement in Wisconsin expanded rapidly. Even though Wisconsin was a crossroads for Native people, explorers, and fur traders, it was still far from larger settlements out east. Traveling over land was difficult and slow. The Erie Canal was completed in 1825. For the first time, people could travel by water from the northeastern United States to the Great Lakes region. Over the next twenty years, more than 40,000 boats traveled through the canal. The first white settlements in the Great Lakes region began along waterways. These communities were often in the same places where Indian villages and trading posts once stood. The American government forced many tribes to sign treaties giving up their lands in the area to further settlement. Did You Know? Wisconsin’s population grew from 11,000 in 1836 to one million by 1870! How did Wisconsinites use water to make a living? Wisconsin’s natural waterways and dams provided resources and power for industrial development. Wisconsin’s waterways were ideal for shipping. Settlers built docks and canals and dredged river bottoms to allow larger boats to travel in and out of port. Even after railways were developed, shipping heavy goods over water was often more economical! Settlers also built dams and water wheels along rivers to harness the power of water. Water power served many of the state’s growing industries, such as milling, lumbering, and paper making. By 1860, the port city of Milwaukee had become a center of modern manufacturing. Today, agriculture and the production of heavy machinery, tools, and engines dominate Wisconsin’s economy. All of these industries, then and now, rely on water! Early Wisconsin industries also included cranberry harvesting, collecting pearls, shipbuilding, ice harvesting, brewing, tanning, and meat packing. How did settlement and industry affect waterways? The ways people use natural resources can harm the environment. Many of the changes we make to the environment have immediate benefits. Increasing fuel and food production, improving transportation, and removing waste are all good things. Sometimes, though, these same changes have long-term negative effects as well. In the 1800s, people started burning large amounts of fossil fuels to power everyday life. This released carbon dioxide, a heat-trapping gas, into the atmosphere and started a period of climate change that continues today. Glacial melt, rising sea levels, and random and severe weather like floods and droughts are only some of the results of climate change. When people overuse natural resources without thinking about the risks, they harm the environment. People affect water resources in lasting and damaging ways when they don’t consider the full impact of their actions. Even though carbon dioxide occurs naturally in the atmosphere, it has gone up about thirty-five percent since the beginning of the Industrial Age! How have people negatively affected Wisconsin’s waterways? Pollution can have far-reaching and unexpected effects. Pollution is caused by many things. Storm water and overflowing sewers are two major sources of water pollution. Even life-saving drugs that enter the water supply become a form of pollution! The most common source of water pollution in Wisconsin is runoff. Runoff happens when rain or melting snow cause water to flow across land into places where water collects. Runoff can carry pollutants such as road salt or pesticides throughout watersheds, areas of land that drain into the same waterway. In the 1940s and 1950s, an insecticide called DDT was widely used to control pests. By the 1960s, evidence emerged that DDT was damaging the environment and wildlife. Through testimony before the Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources, much of the nation heard the full scientific case against DDT for the first time. Although DDT was banned nationwide in 1972, other pesticides still contribute to water pollution. How can dirty water harm people? The Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources has identified almost 1,700 bodies of water in the state that don't meet water quality standards. Clean water is critical to our health, but not everyone has access to safe water. In many places, water is taken straight from rivers or lakes for cooking, cleaning, and drinking. This water can be contaminated with bacteria, waste, and chemicals. Unclean water is a major cause of illnesses such as typhoid fever and cholera. Even in Wisconsin, unclean water can be dangerous. In April 1993, Milwaukee suffered outbreaks of cryptosporidium, a parasite that causes severe diarrhea. An estimated 403,000 people became ill. Sixty-nine people died. The outbreak came from contaminated tap water from a local water treatment plant. After the outbreak, Milwaukee improved its water treatment processes. It now has some of the safest drinking water in the world. There are still many places in the world, even in the United States, that struggle to provide safe water to their people. Diarrhea caused by drinking or having contact with dirty water kills as many as 1.8 million young children worldwide every year. How does the introduction of organisms affect waterways? Invasive species threaten our native organisms and cultural resources. An invasive species is a non-native plant or animal that threatens an ecosystem. Invasive species often out-compete local species for resources like food and habitat. Invasive species may also prey on another species as a food source. This decreases the population of the native plants or animals. Aquatic non-native species are often brought to new waterways in the ballast water of ships. Wisconsin’s common aquatic invasive species include rusty crayfish, sea lampreys, alewives, and zebra mussels. Quagga mussels are closely related to zebra mussels, but they are even more harmful. Quagga mussels are extreme water filterers. They can remove large amounts of phytoplankton and other particles from lakes and streams. This disrupts the food web and can even make lakes clearer. That can result in higher lake temperatures, which are harmful to native species. Some researchers believe that Lake Erie’s dead zone may be caused by mussels’ nonstop feeding! How can researching our water resources inspire change? Wisconsin has a long history of environmental research, continued today to ensure the responsible use of our water resources. People began researching the environment early in Wisconsin’s history. For example, Increase Lapham was Wisconsin’s first great scientist. He spent his life studying the climate, biology, and geology of the state. Edward Asahel Birge was a professor of zoology and later president of UW-Madison. He helped found the field of limnology, the study of lakes and rivers. Wisconsin is still known as a center for water research. UW-Milwaukee’s School of Freshwater Sciences focuses on Great Lakes research. Scientists there study the connection between humans and our water resources. This includes everything from how freshwater systems work, to looking at health and using technology to study fish. The Water Council works to bring together the freshwater research community and water-related industries. This allows for greater collaboration in developing new ways to address water issues worldwide. How can we encourage the conservation of water resources? Wisconsin believes that raising awareness about the environment is crucial to the conservation of our water resources. Wisconsin has long been a center of conservation thinking and activity. UW-Madison professor Aldo Leopold published A Sand County Almanac in 1949. He believed that people needed moral rules to tell them how to treat the environment. This “land ethic” would help preserve nature for future generations. Today, there are many local, national, and international organizations working on environmental issues. The Milwaukee Water Commons and Milwaukee Riverkeeper work to protect our local watersheds so they can be enjoyed by all people. At the Urban Ecology Center and Schlitz Audubon Nature Center, you can wade into the Milwaukee River or Lake Michigan to test water quality or examine wildlife. Programs like these help teach us about our impact on the environment. What changes can restore and protect Wisconsin’s waterways? Wisconsin strives to change how we affect our environment so we can protect our water resources. The efforts of conservationists have led to many changes. Wilhelmine La Budde introduced conservation education in all Wisconsin public schools. Former Wisconsin Senator Gaylord Nelson was the founder of Earth Day. His Outdoor Recreation Act inspired the federal government to pass laws that improved water and air quality nationally. Now, changes are being made to restore and protect Wisconsin waterways. Dams have been removed from many rivers to help restore natural wildlife. The greenspace that is reclaimed after dam removal is helping revitalize waterfront communities. Cities are doing their part to help the environment, too. The Milwaukee Metropolitan Sewerage District’s Fresh Coast project combines changes both big and small. They install rain barrels, plant rain gardens, and use porous pavement in alleys, streets, and parking lots to conserve water and prevent runoff. These projects help ensure the future of water quality. What can we do to reverse the damage we have inflicted on our water resources? Water’s importance to life here and everywhere cannot be measured. Businesses, organizations, and individuals will need to work together to address the challenges facing our water resources. We have the power to make simple changes in our daily lives that can add up to real progress, too! Take a short shower instead of a bath. Fix a leaky faucet. Use the washing machine and dishwasher only when they’re full. Turn off the tap while brushing your teeth. And never pour paint, oil, or bleach down the drain—always take them to a recycling center instead. These small changes can add up to a big impact! With the Great Lakes nearby, it can be hard to remember that fresh, clean water is a finite and valuable resource. We are all responsible for protecting our water resources, both for ourselves and for the plants and animals sharing our planet. We must make changes now to preserve our water resources for future generations. The Wisconsin Historical Society gratefully acknowledges the Herzfeld Foundation, Wisconsin Humanities Council, and Ralph Evinrude Foundation for their generous support of this exhibit. Most photographs and manuscripts shown in the exhibit are housed at the Wisconsin Historical Society. Thank you to the following individuals and organizations for their help contributing and developing content: Aldo Leopold Foundation Bobbie Malone John Gurda Milwaukee Metropolitan Sewerage District Milwaukee Public Library Milwaukee Public Museum Milwaukee Public Schools Milwaukee Riverkeeper Milwaukee Water Commons River Alliance of Wisconsin Schlitz Audubon Nature Center Urban Ecology Center UWM School of Freshwater Sciences Water Council Wisconsin Department of Natural Resources Wisconsin Geological & Natural History Survey Wisconsin Media Lab Great Lakes SMALL STREAMS HOW WATER SHAPES WISCONSIN Funded in part by a grant from the Wisconsin Humanities Council, with funds from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Any views, findings, conclusions or recommendations expressed in this project do not necessarily represent those of the National Endowment for the Humanities. 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Macau University of Science & Technology Admission/Placement Examination 2014/2015 《ENGLISH》- Question Paper Name of Student: ___________________________ ID No.: ________________________________ Application No.: 1409AP______-B____________ Program applied for 1st choice (Please ☑ the appropriate) ☐ Bachelor of Science ☐ Bachelor of Laws ☐ Bachelor of Biomedicine ☐ Bachelor of International Tourism Management ☐ Bachelor of Food and Beverage Management ☐ Bachelor of Arts in Journalism and Communication ☐ Bachelor of Business Administration ☐ Bachelor of Traditional Chinese Medicine ☐ Bachelor of Pharmacy in Chinese Medicine ☐ Bachelor of Hotel Management ☐ Bachelor of Arts in Art Design ☐ Bachelor of Arts in Foreign Language Studies Date: ___________________________ Time allowed: ___________________________ Instructions: 1. Each student is provided with the following documents: 1.1 Question paper - 8 pages including this cover page 1.2 Answer sheet - 2 pages 1.3 Rough paper - 2 pages 2. Please fill in Name, ID No., Application No., Seat No. on 1.1 and 1.2. 3. Put all your answers in the answer sheet provided. Answers put elsewhere will not be marked. 4. Students are not allowed to use dictionary. 5. Don’t use pencil or red-pen to write the answers, they will not be marked. 6. The above documents (1.1 to 1.3) must be returned at the end of the examination. I. Reading Comprehension (40 marks) Passage 1 Winners Club You choose to be a winner! The Winners Club is a bank account specially designed for teenagers. It has been made to help you better manage your money. The Winners Club is a transaction account where you receive a key-card so you can get to your money 24/7—that’s 24 hours a day, 7 days a week! It’s a club with impressive features for teenagers: - No account keeping fees! You’re no millionaire so we don’t expect you to pay large fees. In fact, there are no account-keeping or transaction fees! - Excellent interest rates! You want your money to grow. The Winners Club has a good rate of interest which gets even better if you make at least two deposits (储蓄) without taking them out in a month. - Convenient Teenagers are busy—we get that. You may never need to come to a bank at all. With the Winners Club you can choose to use handy tellers and to bank from home using the phone and the Internet...You can have money directly deposited into your Winners Club account. This could be your pocket money or your pay from your part-time job! - Mega magazine included Along with your regular report, you will receive a FREE magazine full of good ideas to make even more of your money. There are also fantastic offers and competitions only for Winners Club members. The Winners Club is a great choice for teenagers. And it is so easy to join. Simply fill in an application form. You will have to get permission from your parent or guardian (so we can organize that cool key-card) but it is easy. We can’t wait to hear from you. It’s the best way to choose to be a winner! 1. The Winners Club is a bank account intended for_______. A. parents B. teenagers C. winners D. adults 2. Which of the following is TRUE about the Winners Club? A. Special gifts are ready for parents. B. The bank opens only on work days. C. Services are convenient for its members. D. Fees are necessary for the account keeping. 3. The Winners Club provides magazines which________. A. encourage spending B. are free to all teenagers C. are full of adventure stories D. help to make more of your money 4. If you want to be a member of the Club, you must________. A. be an Internet user B. be permitted by your parent C. have a big sum of money D. be in your twenties 5. What is the purpose of this text? A. To set up a club. B. To provide part-time jobs. C. To organize key-cards. D. To introduce a new banking service. Passage 2 Everyone has got two personalities — the one that is shown to the world and the other that is secret and real. You don’t show your secret personality when you’re awake because you can control your behaviour, but when you’re asleep, your sleeping position shows the real you. In a normal night, of course, people frequently change their position. The important position is the one that you go to sleep in. If you go to sleep on your back, you’re a very open person. You normally trust people and you are easily influenced by fashion or new ideas. You don’t like to upset people, so you never express your real feelings. You’re quite shy and you aren’t very confident. If you sleep on your stomach, you are a rather secretive (不坦率的) person. You worry a lot and you’re always easily upset. You’re very stubborn, but you aren’t very ambitious. You usually live for today not for tomorrow. This means that you enjoy having a good time. If you sleep curled up (蜷曲), you are probably a very nervous person. You have a low opinion of yourself and so you’re often defensive. You’re shy and you don’t normally like meeting people. You prefer to be on your own. You’re easily hurt. If you sleep on your side, you have usually got a well-balanced personality. You know your strengths and weaknesses. You’re usually careful. You have a confident personality. You sometimes feel anxious, but you don’t often get depressed. You always say what you think even if it annoys people. 1. According to the writer, you naturally show your secret and real personality __________. A. only in a normal night B. only when you go to sleep C. only when you refuse to show yourself to the world D. only when you change sleeping position 2. Which is NOT mentioned in the second paragraph about a person’s personality? A. He or she is always open with others. B. He or she always likes new ideas earlier than others. C. He or she is always easily upset. D. He or she tends to believe in others. 3. Point out which sentence is used to show the personality of a person who is used to sleeping on his or her stomach? A. He or she is always optimistic. B. He or she doesn’t want to stick to his or her opinion. C. He or she always enjoys his or her life. D. He or she often dreams to be a big person. 4. Maybe you don’t want to make friends with a person who sleeps curled up. Why? A. He or she would rather be alone than communicate with you. B. He or she is rarely ready to help you. C. He or she tends to be very stubborn. D. He or she wouldn’t like to get help from you. 5. It appears that the writer tends to think highly of the person who sleeps on one side because ________________. A. he or she always shows sympathy for people B. he or she is confident, but not stubborn C. he or she has more strengths than weaknesses D. he or she often considers annoying people Passage 3 The use of the word imitation (模仿) reminds me that we ought to make some more comments on the risk of people imitating what they see on the screen in the way of crime or violence. First there was always a risk of children acting out scenes which could be dangerous. For example, I remember a woman who was head of a middle school telling me that she had happened to look out of her window when the children were on the playground and had seen them putting a small boy on a chair with a rope round his neck and the rope over the branch of a tree; fortunately she was in time to get there before the child was hanged. I remember a film in particular in which the hero who was imprisoned had escaped by electrocuting (通電觸死) his guard, the technique of doing this being shown in detail. This was the kind of scene which we could cut for these reasons. In films for young people and adults we always tried to keep off the screen the details of criminal techniques, such as how to open a locked door with a piece of hard plastic or how to open a safe; if we were consulted before production, I used to advise that the details should not be shown. When I gave talks in prisons about film checking I had full support for this, since fathers who were in prison for criminal offences did not want their children to get on crime. Every time I gave a talk in a prison someone used to mention the French film Rififi made by Jules Dassin in 1954. This remarkable film showed in great detail a robbery of a jeweler’s shop, the robbery lasting about half an hour and being backed by only natural sound — one of the most brilliant film sequences (連續鏡頭) of all time. I remember our discussion at the time. We thought that the robbery was finished only with the use of advanced and obviously expensive equipment and that only the most experienced and skilled criminals could possibly imitate it; we believed therefore that it was relatively safe. When talking in prisons some years later I learned that there had been several robberies in which the techniques had been copied, so perhaps we were wrong. 1. The writer thinks that ____________. A. the details of the criminal technique should be kept B. the details of the crime should not be shown on the screen C. children should not imitate what they see on the screen D. it is dangerous to imitate what they see on the screen 2. What is the writer’s attitude towards the film in which the hero had escaped by electrocuting the guard? A. The writer likes it very much. B. The writer is strongly against it. C. The writer thinks the film has some value. D. The writer does not show his/her attitude. 3. Parents in prison agreed to film checking because______. A. they did not want their children to follow them B. the crime on screen could be imitated without difficulty C. they had given a talk on it D. they had made mistakes 4. All the following statements about “Rififi” are true EXCEPT______. A. that the robbery shown needs experience and skills B. that some very good tools were used in the robbery C. that the film showed the technique in detail D. that the technique of the robbery was not imitated 5. It can be inferred from the passage that______. A. it is hard for children to tell the differences between real life and the imaginary B. only people in prison support film checking C. only children imitate what they have seen on the screen D. the writer used to advise the details of crime should be shown Passage 4 Read the following text and choose the most suitable heading from A-F for each paragraph. There is one extra heading which you do not need. A. Healthy way of life giving way to overuse of medicine B. Different findings as to taking additional vitamin C. EU’s response to overuse of health products D. Worrying increase in multivitamin advertising E. EU directive for the benefit of individuals F. EU directive against prediction in novels 1.______ The use of health supplements such as multivitamin tablets has increased greatly in the western world. People take these supplements because advertising suggests that they prevent a range of medical conditions from developing. However, there is concern that people are consuming worryingly high doses of these supplements and the European Union (EU) has issued a directive that will ban the sale of a wide range of them. This EU directive should be supported. 2.______ Research suggests that people who take Vitamin C supplements of over 5000 milligrams a day are more likely to develop cancer. This shows how much damage these health supplements do to people’s health. A spokesman for the health supplement industry has argued that other research shows that Vitamin C supplements help prevent heart disease, but we can dismiss this evidence as it is from a biased source. 3.______ Science fiction of the 1960s and 1970s predicted that pills would replace meals as the way in which people would get the fuel they needed. This, it was argued, would mean a more efficient use of time as people wouldn’t have to waste it preparing or eating meals. The EU directive would help prevent this nightmare of pills replacing food becoming a reality. 4.______ People already take too many pills instead of adopting a healthier lifestyle. For example, the consumption of painkillers in Britain in 1998 was 21 tablets per year for every man, woman and child in the country. People do not need all these pills. 5.______ Some might argue that the EU directive denies people’s right to freedom of choice. However, there are many legal examples for such intervention when it is in the individual’s best interests. We now make people wear seatbelts rather than allowing them to choose to do so. Opposing the EU directive would mean beneficial measures like this would be threatened. IIa. Vocabulary and Grammar (30 marks) Choose the answer that best completes each sentence 1. Losing ______ eye is ______ very frightening experience. A. an; a B. a, a C. the, a D. an; / 2. Some earlier studies have shown that this area of the brain is important for ______ many things in mind at the same time. A. kept B. keeping C. to keep D. keep 3. The girl has a great interest in sport and ______ badminton classes twice a week over the last three years. A. took B. is taking C. takes D. has been taking 4. Scientists say African elephants ______ live in the forest and ______ that live in grasslands are different species. A. that; those B. those; those C. that; these D. these; those 5. One genetic researcher said the difference between the two groups of African elephants is ______ the difference between a lion and a tiger. A. as larger than B. as large than C. as large as D. as larger as 6. A lie detector is a machine that ______ to show if a person is telling the truth or not. A. design B. is designed C. designed D. designs 7. As the world’s population continues to grow, the ______ of food becomes more and more of a concern. A. worth B. supply C. package D. list 8. To stay awake, he finished a cup of coffee and ordered ______. A. the other B. other C. the others D. another 9. To be great, you must be smart, confident, and, ______, honest. A. therefore B. above all C. however D. after 10. You can change your job, you can move house, but friendship is meant to be ______ life. A. of B. on C. to D. for 11. Anyone, whether he is an official or a bus driver, should be ______ respected. A. especially B. equally C. naturally D. normally 12. Maria has written two novels, both of ______ have been made into television series. A. them B. that C. which D. what 13. Team leaders must ensure that all members ______ their natural desire to avoid the embarrassment associated with making mistakes. A. get over B. look over C. take over D. come over 14. When we saw the road ______ with snow, we decided to spend the holiday at home. A. block B. to block C. blocking D. blocked 15. --- Excuse me, but could I trouble you for some change? --- __________. Will pennies do? A. I know B. Never mind C. I am sure D. Let me see 16. Most doctors have long believed that ______ salt can decrease blood pressure. A. reduce B. reduces C. reducing D. reduced 17. A group responsible for world food safety has agreed ______ the first international rules ______ the safety of foods made with genetic engineering. A. to; govern B. on; to govern C. for; governing D. of; govern 18. ______ which university to attend, the girl asked her teacher for advice. A. Not knowing B. Knowing not C. Not known D. Known not 19. --- When was the last time you went shopping? --- __________. A. Near the Station B. Tomorrow C. Yesterday D. Twice a week 20. I didn’t think I’d like the movie, but actually it _______ pretty good. A. has been B. was C. had been D. would be 21. ______ some basic first-aid techniques will help you respond quickly to emergencies. A. Known B. Having known C. Knowing D. Being known 22. Around two o’clock every night, Sue __________ in her dream. It somewhat bothers us. A. would start talking B. will start talking C. starts talking D. will be starting talking 23. The city government is planning to build a new factory to deal with rubbish, but when and where to start ______ yet. A. hasn’t been decided B. haven’t decided C. isn’t being decided D. aren’t decided 24. The water supply has been cut off temporarily because the workers ______ one of the main pipes. A. had repaired B. have repaired C. repaired D. are repairing 25. --- Oh no! We’re too late. The train ______. ---That’s Ok. We’ll catch the next train to London. A. was leaving B. had left C. has left D. has been leaving 26. During the last three decades, the number of people participating in physical fitness programs ______ sharply. A. was increasing B. has increased C. had increased D. will be increasing 27. Harry is feeling uncomfortable. He ______ too much at the party last night. A. could drink B. should drink C. would have drunk D. must have drunk 28. It was not until I came here ______I realized this place was famous for not only its beauty but also its weather. A. who B. that C. where D. before 29. --- The trip shouldn’t take more than an hour. --- _______. It is at least two hours. A. I guess so B. That’s it C. You must be joking D. It depends 30. --- Which one of these do you want? --- _______. Either will do. A. I don’t mind B. I’m sure C. No problem D. Go ahead IIb. Cloze (10 marks) In Britain, people have different attitudes to the police. Most people generally dislike them and the job they do – although there are certain people who do not believe that the police ___1___ have the power that they do. What does a policeman actually do? It is not an easy job to describe. After all, a policeman has a number of jobs in ___2___. A policeman often has to control traffic, either ___3___ foot in the centre of a town, or in a police car on the roads. Indeed, in Britain, he might be in the Traffic Police and spend all, or a lot of, his time ___4___ up and down main roads and motorways. A traffic policeman has to help ___5___ the traffic moving, stop resting motorists and help when there is an accident? A policeman has to help keep the ___6___, too. If there is a fight or some other disturbance, we ___7___ the police to come and restore order. And they often have to turn to situations at great risk to their own safety. We expect the police to solve crimes, of course, so an ordinary policeman, ___8___ he is not a detective(侦探), will often have to help look for and arrest criminals. And who do we call when there is an emergency – an air crash, a fire, a road accident, or a robbery? We call the police. So a policeman has to be ___9___ to face any unpleasant emergency that may happen in the modern world. The police do an absolutely necessary job, they do it extremely well and I support them, but I do not envy policemen. I do not think that I could ___10___do the job of a policeman. 1. A. might B. would C. could D. should 2. A. it B. one C. his D. them 3. A. under B. by C. on D. with 4. A. to drive B. driving C. to wander D. wandering 5. A. make B. keep C. create D. improve 6. A. peace B. silence C. situation D. condition 7. A. predict B. expect C. think of D. look at 8. A. even if B. as if C. if D. however 9. A. provided B. promised C. presented D. prepared 10. A. hardly B. forever C. never D. ever III. Composition (20 marks) Write an essay of about 150 words on ONE of the following topics. 1. Do you support men paying much attention to makeup(化裝)? Why or why not? 2. If you were to have the opportunity to make a movie, what theme(主題) would you choose for your movie and how would you make sure the movie could attract a large audience?	<urn:uuid:fcda73ae-e141-4b31-b2a8-5cf37a764ab0>	CC-MAIN-2018-47	http://aecm.org.mo/wp-content/uploads/14-15%E8%8B%B1%E8%AA%9E1.pdf	2018-11-18T06:15:48Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039743968.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20181118052443-20181118074443-00531.warc.gz	13,343,050	4,775	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995062	eng_Latn	0.999446	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1394, 3777, 6555, 9797, 12743, 14940, 17430, 20070 ]	[ 1.7109375, 4.1875 ]	1	0
Then - You learned about experiments, outcomes, and events. You also found probabilities of simple events. Now - In this chapter, you will: - Represent sample spaces. - Use permutations and combinations with probability. - Find probabilities by using length and area. - Find probabilities of compound events. Why? - GAMES Probability can be used to predict the likelihood of different outcomes of the games that we play. 1 Textbook Option Take the Quick Check below. Refer to the Quick Review for help. \| QuickCheck \| QuickReview \| \|------------\|-------------\| \| Simplify. \| \| \| 1. $\frac{1}{2} + \frac{3}{8}$ \| Example 1 \| \| 2. $\frac{7}{9} + \frac{2}{6}$ \| Simplify $\frac{6}{9} \cdot \frac{1}{2}$. \| \| 3. $\frac{2}{5} + \frac{7}{8}$ \| $\frac{6}{9} \cdot \frac{1}{2} = \frac{6 \cdot 1}{9 \cdot 2}$. \| \| 4. $\frac{2}{9} \cdot \frac{4}{8}$ \| Multiply the numerators and denominators. \| \| 5. $\frac{3}{7} \cdot \frac{21}{24}$ \| $= \frac{6}{18}$ or $\frac{1}{3}$. \| \| 6. $\frac{3}{10} \cdot \frac{2}{9}$ \| Simplify. \| \| 7. SOCCER A soccer team brings a 4.5-gallon cooler of water to their games. How many 4-ounce cups can the team drink per game? \| Example 2 \| \| A die is rolled. Find the probability of each outcome. \| Suppose a die is rolled. What is the probability of rolling less than a five? \| \| 8. $P(\text{greater than } 1)$ \| $P(\text{less than } 5) = \frac{\text{number of favorable outcomes}}{\text{number of possible outcomes}}$. \| \| 9. $P(\text{odd})$ \| $= \frac{4}{6}$ or $\frac{2}{3}$. \| \| 10. $P(\text{less than } 2)$ \| The probability of rolling less than a five is $\frac{2}{3}$ or 67%. \| \| 11. $P(1 \text{ or } 6)$ \| Example 3 \| \| 12. GAMES Two friends are playing a game with a 20-sided die that has all of the letters of the alphabet except for Q, U, V, X, Y, and Z. What is the probability that the die will land on a vowel? \| A spinner numbered 1–6 was spun. Find the experimental probability of landing on a 5. \| \| The table shows the results of an experiment in which a spinner numbered 1–4 was spun. \| \| Outcome \| Tally \| Frequency \| \| --- \| --- \| --- \| \| 1 \| III \| 3 \| \| 2 \| IIII II \| 7 \| \| 3 \| III I \| 6 \| \| 4 \| IIII \| 4 \| 13. What is the experimental probability that the spinner will land on a 4? 14. What is the experimental probability that the spinner will land on an odd number? 15. What is the experimental probability that the spinner will land on an even number? $P(5) = \frac{\text{number of times a 5 is spun}}{\text{total number of outcomes}}$ or $\frac{2}{30}$ The experimental probability of landing on a 5 is $\frac{2}{30}$ or 7%. 2 Online Option Take an online self-check Chapter Readiness Quiz at connectED.mcgraw-hill.com. You will learn several new concepts, skills, and vocabulary terms as you study Chapter 13. To get ready, identify important terms and organize your resources. You may wish to refer to Chapter 0 to review prerequisite skills. Foldables Study Organizer Probability and Measurement Make this Foldable to help you organize your Chapter 13 notes about probability. Begin with one sheet of paper. 1. Fold a sheet of paper lengthwise. 2. Fold in half two more times. 3. Cut along each fold on the left column. 4. Label as shown. \| English \| Español \| \|--------------------------\|-----------------------\| \| sample space \| espacio muestral \| \| tree diagram \| diagrama de árbol \| \| permutation \| permutación \| \| factorial \| factorial \| \| circular permutation \| permutación circular \| \| combination \| combinación \| \| geometric probability \| probabilidad geométrica \| \| probability model \| modelo de la probabilidad \| \| simulation \| simulacro \| \| random variable \| variable aleatoria \| \| expected value \| valor esperado \| \| compound events \| eventos compuestos \| \| independent events \| eventos independientes \| \| dependent events \| eventos dependientes \| \| conditional probability \| probabilidad condicional \| \| probability tree \| árbol de la probabilidad \| \| mutually exclusive \| mutuamente exclusivos \| \| complement \| complemento \| Review Vocabulary - event evento one or more outcomes of an experiment - experiment experimento a situation involving chance such as flipping a coin or rolling a die 1 Represent a Sample Space You have learned the following about experiments, outcomes, and events. \| Definition \| Example \| \|------------\|---------\| \| An experiment is a situation involving chance that leads to results called outcomes. \| In the situation above, the experiment is tossing the coin. \| \| An outcome is the result of a single performance or trial of an experiment. \| The possible outcomes are landing on heads or tails. \| \| An event is one or more outcomes of an experiment. \| One event of this experiment is the coin landing on tails. \| The sample space of an experiment is the set of all possible outcomes. You can represent a sample space by using an organized list, a table, or a tree diagram. Example 1 Represent a Sample Space A coin is tossed twice. Represent the sample space for this experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. For each coin toss, there are two possible outcomes, heads H or tails T. Organized List Pair each possible outcome from the first toss with the possible outcomes from the second toss. H, H H, T T, T T, H Table List the outcomes of the first toss in the left column and those of the second toss in the top row. \| Outcomes \| Heads \| Tails \| \|----------\|-------\|-------\| \| Heads \| H, H \| H, T \| \| Tails \| T, H \| T, T \| Tree Diagram First Toss Second Toss Sample Space: H, H, H, T, T, H, T, T, T Guided Practice 1. A coin is tossed and then a number cube is rolled. Represent the sample space for this experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. The experiment in Example 1 is an example of a two-stage experiment, which is an experiment with two stages or events. Experiments with more than two stages are called multi-stage experiments. Real-World Example 2 Multi-Stage Tree Diagrams HAMBURGERS To take a hamburger order, Keandra asks each customer the questions from the script shown. Draw a tree diagram to represent the sample space for hamburger orders. The sample space is the result of four stages. - Burger size (K, R, or L) - Cheese (C or NC) - Tomato (T or NT) - Pickles (P or NP) Draw a tree diagram with four stages. \| Outcomes \| Size \| Cheese \| Tomato \| Pickles \| Sample Space \| \|----------\|------\|--------\|--------\|---------\|--------------\| \| \| K \| C \| T \| P \| K, C, T, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| K, C, T, NP \| \| \| \| NT \| T \| P \| K, C, NT, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| K, C, NT, NP \| \| \| R \| C \| T \| P \| R, C, T, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| R, C, T, NP \| \| \| \| NT \| T \| P \| R, C, NT, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| R, C, NT, NP \| \| \| NC \| C \| T \| P \| R, NC, T, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| R, NC, T, NP \| \| \| \| NT \| T \| P \| R, NC, NT, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| R, NC, NT, NP\| \| \| L \| C \| T \| P \| L, C, T, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| L, C, T, NP \| \| \| \| NT \| T \| P \| L, C, NT, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| L, C, NT, NP \| \| \| \| NC \| T \| P \| L, NC, T, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| L, NC, T, NP \| \| \| \| NT \| T \| P \| L, NC, NT, P \| \| \| \| \| NP \| P \| L, NC, NT, NP\| Guided Practice 2. MUSIC Yoki can choose a small MP3 player with a 4- or 8-gigabyte hard drive in black, teal, sage, or red. She can also get a clip and/or a dock to go with it. Make a tree diagram to represent the sample space for this situation. 2 Fundamental Counting Principle For some two-stage or multi-stage experiments, listing the entire sample space may not be practical or necessary. To find the number of possible outcomes, you can use the Fundamental Counting Principle. KeyConcept Fundamental Counting Principle \| Words \| The number of possible outcomes in a sample space can be found by multiplying the number of possible outcomes from each stage or event. \| \|-------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| In a $k$-stage experiment, let $n_1 =$ the number of possible outcomes for the first stage. $n_2 =$ the number of possible outcomes for the second stage after the first stage has occurred. $\vdots$ $n_k =$ the number of possible outcomes for the $k$th stage after the first $k - 1$ stages have occurred. Then the total possible outcomes of this $k$-stage experiment is $n_1 \cdot n_2 \cdot n_3 \cdot \ldots \cdot n_k$. \| Real-World Example 3 Use the Fundamental Counting System CLASS RINGS Haley has selected a size and overall style for her class ring. Now she must choose from the ring options shown. How many different rings could Haley create in her chosen style and size? \| Ring Options \| Number of Choices \| \|--------------------\|-------------------\| \| metals \| 10 \| \| finishes \| 2 \| \| stone colors \| 12 \| \| stone cuts \| 5 \| \| side 1 activity logos \| 20 \| \| side 2 activity logos \| 20 \| \| band styles \| 2 \| Use the Fundamental Counting Principle. \[ \text{metals} \times \text{finishes} \times \text{stone colors} \times \text{stone cuts} \times \text{side 1 logos} \times \text{side 2 logos} \times \text{band styles} = \text{possible outcomes} \] \[ 10 \times 2 \times 12 \times 5 \times 20 \times 20 \times 2 = 960,000 \] So, Haley could create 960,000 different rings. Guided Practice 3. Find the number of possible outcomes for each situation. A. The answer sheet shown is completed. B. A die is rolled four times. C. SHOES A pair of women’s shoes comes in whole sizes 5 through 11 in red, navy, brown, or black. They can be leather or suede and are available in three different widths. Check Your Understanding Example 1 Represent the sample space for each experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. 1. For each at bat, a player can either get on base or make an out. Suppose a player bats twice. 2. Quinton sold the most tickets in his school for the annual Autumn Festival. As a reward, he gets to choose twice from a grab bag with tickets that say “free juice” or “free notebook.” Example 2 TUXEDOS Patrick is renting a prom tuxedo from the catalog shown. Draw a tree diagram to represent the sample space for this situation. Example 3 Find the number of possible outcomes for each situation. 4. Marcos is buying a cell phone and must choose a plan. Assume one of each is chosen. \| Cell Phone Options \| Number of Choices \| \|--------------------\|-------------------\| \| phone style \| 15 \| \| minutes package \| 5 \| \| Internet access \| 3 \| \| text messaging \| 4 \| \| insurance \| 2 \| 5. Desiree is creating a new menu for her restaurant. Assume one of each item is ordered. \| Menu Titles \| Number of Choices \| \|-------------\|-------------------\| \| appetizer \| 8 \| \| soup \| 4 \| \| salad \| 6 \| \| entree \| 12 \| \| dessert \| 9 \| Practice and Problem Solving Example 1 REASONING Represent the sample space for each experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. 6. Gina is a junior and has a choice for the next two years of either playing volleyball or basketball during the winter quarter. 7. Two different history classes in New York City are taking a trip to either the Smithsonian or the Museum of Natural History. 8. Simeon has an opportunity to travel abroad as a foreign exchange student during each of his last two years of college. He can choose between Ecuador or Italy. 9. A new club is formed, and a meeting time must be chosen. The possible meeting times are Monday or Thursday at 5:00 or 6:00 p.m. 10. An exam with multiple versions has exercises with triangles. In the first exercise, there is an obtuse triangle or an acute triangle. In the second exercise, there is an isosceles triangle or a scalene triangle. 11. PAINTING In an art class, students are working on two projects where they can use one of two different types of paints for each project. Represent the sample space for this experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. Example 2 Draw a tree diagram to represent the sample space for each situation. 12. BURRITOS At a burrito stand, customers have the choice of beans, pork, or chicken with rice or no rice, and cheese and/or salsa. 13. TRANSPORTATION Blake is buying a vehicle and has a choice of sedan, truck, or van with leather or fabric interior, and a CD player and/or sunroof. 14. TREATS Ping and her friends go to a frozen yogurt parlor which has a sign like the one at the right. Draw a tree diagram for all possible combinations of cones with peanuts and/or sprinkles. Example 3 PERSEVERANCE In Exercises 15–18, find the number of possible outcomes for each situation. 15. In the Junior Student Council elections, there are 3 people running for secretary, 4 people running for treasurer, 5 people running for vice president, and 2 people running for class president. 16. When signing up for classes during his first semester of college, Frederico has 4 class spots to fill with a choice of 4 literature classes, 2 math classes, 6 history classes, and 3 film classes. 17. Niecy is choosing one each of 6 colleges, 5 majors, 2 minors, and 4 clubs. 18. Evita works at a restaurant where she has to wear a white blouse, black pants or skirt, and black shoes. She has 5 blouses, 4 pants, 3 skirts, and 6 pairs of black shoes. 19. ART For an art class assignment, Mr. Green gives students their choice of two quadrilaterals to use as a base. One must have sides of equal length, and the other must have at least one set of parallel sides. Represent the sample space by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. 20. BREAKFAST A hotel restaurant serves omelets with a choice of vegetables, ham, or sausage that come with a side of hash browns, grits, or toast. a. How many different outcomes of omelet and one side are there if a vegetable omelet comes with just one vegetable? b. Find the number of possible outcomes for a vegetable omelet if you can get any or all vegetables on any omelet. 21. COMPOSITE FIGURES Carlito is calculating the area of the composite figure at the right. List six different ways he can do this. 22. TRANSPORTATION Miranda got a new bicycle lock that has a four-number combination. Each number in the combination is from 0 to 9. a. How many combinations are possible if there are no restrictions on the number of times Miranda can use each number? b. How many combinations are possible if Miranda can use each number only once? Explain. 23. GAMES Cody and Monette are playing a board game in which you roll two dice per turn. a. In one turn, how many outcomes result in a sum of 8? b. How many outcomes in one turn result in an odd sum? 24. MULTIPLE REPRESENTATIONS In this problem, you will investigate a sequence of events. In the first stage of a two-stage experiment, you spin Spinner 1 below. If the result is red, you flip a coin. If the result is yellow, you roll a die. If the result is green, you roll a number cube. If the result is blue, you spin Spinner 2. a. Geometric Draw a tree diagram to represent the sample space for the experiment. b. Logical Draw a Venn diagram to represent the possible outcomes of the experiment. c. Analytical How many possible outcomes are there? d. Verbal Could you use the Fundamental Counting Principle to determine the number of outcomes? Explain. ### H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 25. CHALLENGE A box contains $n$ different objects. If you remove three objects from the box, one at a time, without putting the previous object back, how many possible outcomes exist? Explain your reasoning. 26. OPEN ENDED Sometimes a tree diagram for an experiment is not symmetrical. Describe a two-stage experiment where the tree diagram is asymmetrical. Include a sketch of the tree diagram. Explain. 27. WRITING IN MATH Explain why it is not possible to represent the sample space for a multi-stage experiment by using a table. Example 3 28. ARGUMENTS Determine if the following statement is sometimes, always, or never true. Explain your reasoning. \[ \text{When an outcome falls outside the sample space, it is a failure.} \] 29. REASONING A multistage experiment has $n$ possible outcomes at each stage. If the experiment is performed with $k$ stages, write an equation for the total number of possible outcomes $P$. Explain. 30. WRITING IN MATH Explain when it is necessary to show all of the possible outcomes of an experiment by using a tree diagram and when using the Fundamental Counting Principle is sufficient. 31. PROBABILITY Alejandra can invite two friends to go out to dinner with her for her birthday. If she is choosing among four of her friends, how many possible outcomes are there? A 4 B 6 C 8 D 9 32. SHORT RESPONSE What is the volume of the triangular prism shown below? ![Triangular Prism](image) 33. Brad’s password must be five digits long, use the numbers 0–9, and the digits must not repeat. What is the maximum number of different passwords that Brad can have? F 15,120 G 30,240 H 59,049 J 100,000 34. SAT/ACT A pizza shop offers 3 types of crust, 5 vegetable toppings, and 4 meat toppings. How many different pizzas could be ordered by choosing 1 crust, 1 vegetable topping, and 1 meat topping? A 12 B 23 C 35 D 60 E infinite 35. ARCHITECTURE To encourage recycling, the people of Rome, Italy, built a model of Basilica di San Pietro from empty beverage cans. The model was built to a 1:5 scale and was a rectangular prism that measured 26 meters high, 49 meters wide, and 93 meters long. Find the dimensions of the actual Basilica di San Pietro. (Lesson 12-8) Using spherical geometry, name each of the following on sphere $W$. (Lesson 12-7) 36. two lines containing point $F$ 37. a segment containing point $G$ 38. a triangle Find the lateral area and surface area of each cylinder. Round to the nearest tenth. (Lesson 12-2) 39. ![Cylinder 1](image) 40. ![Cylinder 2](image) 41. ![Cylinder 3](image) 42. TELECOMMUNICATIONS The signal from a tower follows a ray that has its endpoint on the tower and is tangent to Earth. Suppose a tower is located at sea level as shown. Determine the measure of the arc intercepted by the two tangents. (Lesson 10-6) COORDINATE GEOMETRY Determine whether the figure with the given vertices has line symmetry and/or rotational symmetry. (Lesson 9-5) 43. $Q(2, 2), R(7, 2), S(6, 6), T(3, 6)$ 44. $J(-2, 2), K(-5, -1), L(-2, -4), M(1, -1)$ Skills Review Find each quotient. 45. $\frac{5^2}{2}$ 46. $\frac{3^3}{3 \cdot 2}$ 47. $\frac{2^4 \cdot 6}{8}$ 48. $\frac{2^3 \cdot 12}{6}$ 49. $\frac{4^4 \cdot 3}{24}$ 1 Probability Using Permutations A permutation is an arrangement of objects in which order is important. One permutation of the four friends above is Troy, Davian, Mary, and then Lina. Using the Fundamental Counting Principle, there are $4 \cdot 3 \cdot 2 \cdot 1$ or 24 possible ordered arrangements of the friends. The expression $4 \cdot 3 \cdot 2 \cdot 1$ used to calculate the number of permutations of these four friends can be written as $4!$, which is read 4 factorial. KeyConcept Factorial \| Words \| The factorial of a positive integer $n$, written $n!$, is the product of the positive integers less than or equal to $n$. \| \|-------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| $n! = n \cdot (n - 1) \cdot (n - 2) \cdot \ldots \cdot 2 \cdot 1$, where $0! = 1$ \| Example 1 Probability and Permutations of $n$ Objects SPORTS Chanise and Renee are members of the lacrosse team. If the 20 girls on the team are each assigned a jersey number from 1 to 20 at random, what is the probability that Chanise’s jersey number will be 1 and Renee’s will be 2? Step 1 Find the number of possible outcomes in the sample space. This is the number of permutations of the 20 girls’ names, or 20!. Step 2 Find the number of favorable outcomes. This is the number of permutations of the other girls’ names given that Chanise’s jersey number is 1 and Renee’s is 2: $(20 - 2)!$ or 18!. Step 3 Calculate the probability. $$P(\text{Chanise 1, Renee 2}) = \frac{18!}{20!} = \frac{1}{20 \cdot 19 \cdot 18!} = \frac{1}{380}$$ Guided Practice 1. PHOTOGRAPHY In the opening paragraph, what is the probability that Troy is chosen to stand on the far left and Davian on the far right for the photograph? In the opening paragraph, suppose 6 friends were available, but the photographer wanted only 4 people in the picture. Using the Fundamental Counting Principle, the number of permutations of 4 friends taken from a group of 6 friends is $6 \cdot 5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3$ or 360. Another way of describing this situation is the number of permutations of 6 friends taken 4 at a time, denoted $\binom{6}{4}$. This number can also be computed using factorials. $$\binom{6}{4} = 6 \cdot 5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3 = \frac{6 \cdot 5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3 \cdot 2 \cdot 1}{2 \cdot 1} = \frac{6!}{2!} = \frac{6!}{(6 - 4)!}$$ This suggests the following formula. KeyConcept Permutations \| Symbols \| The number of permutations of $n$ distinct objects taken $r$ at a time is denoted by $\binom{n}{r}$ and given by $\binom{n}{r} = \frac{n!}{n - r!}$. \| \|---------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Example \| The number of permutations of 5 objects taken 2 at a time is $\binom{5}{2} = \frac{5!}{(5 - 2)!} = \frac{5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3!}{3!}$ or 20. \| Example 2 Probability and $\binom{n}{r}$ A class is divided into teams each made up of 15 students. Each team is directed to select team members to be officers. If Sam, Valencia, and Deshane are on a team, and the positions are decided at random, what is the probability that they are selected as president, vice president, and secretary, respectively? Step 1 Since choosing officers is a way of ranking team members, order in this situation is important. The number of possible outcomes in the sample space is the number of permutations of 15 people taken 3 at a time, $\binom{15}{3}$. $$\binom{15}{3} = \frac{15!}{(15 - 3)!} = \frac{15 \cdot 14 \cdot 13 \cdot 12!}{12!}$$ or 2730 Step 2 The number of favorable outcomes is the number of permutations of the 3 students in their specific positions. This is 1!, or 1. Step 3 So the probability of Sam, Valencia, and Deshane being selected as the three officers is $\frac{1}{2730}$. Guided Practice 2. A student identification card consists of 4 digits selected from 10 possible digits from 0 to 9. Digits cannot be repeated. A. How many possible identification numbers are there? B. Find the probability that a randomly generated card has the exact number 4213. In a game, you must try to create a word using randomly selected letter tiles. Suppose you select the tiles shown. If you consider the letters O and O to be distinct, then there are 5! or 120 permutations of these letters. Four of these possible arrangements are listed below. POOL SPOOL POOL SPOOL Notice that unless the Os are colored, several of these arrangements would look the same. Since there are 2 Os that can be arranged in 2! or 2 ways, the number of permutations of the letters O, P, O, L, and S can be written as $\frac{5!}{2!}$. KeyConcept Permutations with Repetition The number of distinguishable permutations of $n$ objects in which one object is repeated $r_1$ times, another is repeated $r_2$ times, and so on, is $$\frac{n!}{r_1! \cdot r_2! \cdot \ldots \cdot r_k!}.$$ --- Example 3 Probability and Permutations with Repetition GAME SHOW On a game show, you are given the following letters and asked to unscramble them to name a U.S. river. If you selected a permutation of these letters at random, what is the probability that they would spell the correct answer of MISSISSIPPI? Step 1 There is a total of 11 letters. Of these letters, I occurs 4 times, S occurs 4 times, and P occurs 2 times. So, the number of distinguishable permutations of these letters is $$\frac{11!}{4! \cdot 4! \cdot 2!} = \frac{39,916,800}{1152} \text{ or } 34,650.$$ Use a calculator. Step 2 There is only 1 favorable arrangement—MISSISSIPPI. Step 3 The probability that a permutation of these letters selected at random spells Mississippi is $\frac{1}{34,650}$. Guided Practice 3. TELEPHONE NUMBERS What is the probability that a 7-digit telephone number with the digits 5, 1, 6, 5, 2, 1, and 5 is the number 550-5211? So far, you have been studying objects that are arranged in linear order. Notice that when the spices below are arranged in a line, shifting each spice one position to the right produces a different permutation—curry is now first instead of salt. There are 5! distinct permutations of these spices. In a circular permutation, objects are arranged in a circle or loop. Consider the arrangements of these spices when placed on a turntable. Notice that rotating the turntable clockwise one position does not produce a different permutation—the order of the spices relative to each other remains unchanged. Since 5 rotations of the turntable will produce the same permutation, the number of distinct permutations on the turntable is $\frac{1}{5}$ of the total number of arrangements when the spices are placed in a line. $$\frac{1}{5} \cdot 5! = \frac{5 \cdot 4!}{5} \text{ or } 4!, \text{ which is } (5 - 1)!$$ KeyConcept Circular Permutations The number of distinguishable permutations of $n$ objects arranged in a circle with no fixed reference point is $$\frac{n!}{n} \text{ or } (n - 1)!. $$ If the $n$ objects are arranged relative to a fixed reference point, then the arrangements are treated as linear, making the number of permutations $n!$. Example 4 Probability and Circular Permutations Find the indicated probability. Explain your reasoning. a. JEWELRY If the 6 charms on the bracelet shown are arranged at random, what is the probability that the arrangement shown is produced? Since there is no fixed reference point, this is a circular permutation. So, there are $(6 - 1)!$ or $5!$ distinguishable permutations of the charms. Thus, the probability that the exact arrangement shown is produced is $\frac{1}{5!}$ or $\frac{1}{120}$. b. DINING You are seating a party of 4 people at a round table. One of the chairs around this table is next to a window. If the diners are seated at random, what is the probability that the person paying the bill is seated next to the window? Since the people are seated around a table with a fixed reference point, this is a linear permutation. So there are $4!$ or 24 ways in which the people can be seated around the table. The number of favorable outcomes is the number of permutations of the other 3 diners given that the person paying the bill sits next to the window, $3!$ or 6. So, the probability that the person paying the bill is seated next to the window is $\frac{6}{24}$ or $\frac{1}{4}$. Guided Practice 4. FOOTBALL A team’s 11 football players huddle together before a play. A. What is the probability that the fullback stands to the right of the quarterback if the team huddles together at random? Explain your reasoning. B. If a referee stands directly behind the huddle, what is the probability that the referee stands directly behind the halfback? Explain your reasoning. Study Tip Permutations and Combinations Use permutations when the order of an arrangement of objects is important and combinations when order is not important. 2 Probability Using Combinations A combination is an arrangement of objects in which order is not important. Suppose you need to pack 3 of your 8 different pairs of socks for a trip. The order in which the socks are chosen does not matter, so the $3!$ or 6 groups of socks shown below would not be considered different. So, you would use combinations to determine the number of possible different sock choices. A combination of $n$ objects taken $r$ at a time, or $nC_r$, is calculated by dividing the number of permutations $nP_r$ by the number of arrangements containing the same elements, $r!$. Key Concept Combinations Symbols The number of combinations of $n$ distinct objects taken $r$ at a time is denoted by $nC_r$ and is given by $nC_r = \frac{n!}{(n - r)! \cdot r!}$. Example The number of combinations of 8 objects taken 3 at a time is $8C_3 = \frac{8!}{(8 - 3)! \cdot 3!} = \frac{8!}{5!3!} = \frac{8 \cdot 7 \cdot 6 \cdot 5!}{5! \cdot 6 \cdot 5!} = 56$. Example 5 Probability and $nC_r$ INVITATIONS For her birthday, Monica can invite 6 of her 20 friends to join her at a theme park. If she chooses to invite friends at random, what is the probability that friends Tessa, Guido, Brendan, Faith, Charlotte, and Rhianna are chosen? Step 1 Since the order in which the friends are chosen does not matter, the number of possible outcomes in the sample space is the number of combinations of 20 people taken 6 at a time, $20C_6$. $$20C_6 = \frac{20!}{(20 - 6)! \cdot 6!} = \frac{20 \cdot 19 \cdot 18 \cdot 17 \cdot 16 \cdot 15 \cdot 14!}{14! \cdot 6 \cdot 5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3 \cdot 2} = 38,760$$ Step 2 There is only 1 favorable outcome—that the six students listed above are chosen. The order in which they are chosen is not important. Step 3 So the probability of these six friends being chosen is $\frac{1}{38,760}$. Guided Practice 5. GEOMETRY If three points are randomly chosen from those named on the rectangle shown, what is the probability that they all lie on the same line segment? 1. GEOMETRY Five students are asked to randomly select and name a polygon from the group shown below. What is the probability that the first two students choose the triangle and quadrilateral, in that order? 2. PLAYS A high school performs a production of A Raisin in the Sun with each freshman English class of 18 students. If the three members of the crew are decided at random, what is the probability that Chase is selected for lighting, Jaden is selected for props, and Emelina for spotlighting? 3. DRIVING What is the probability that a license plate using the letters C, F, and F and numbers 3, 3, 3, and 1 will be CFF3133? 4. CHEMISTRY In chemistry lab, you need to test six samples that are randomly arranged on a circular tray. a. What is the probability that the arrangement shown at the right is produced? b. What is the probability that test tube 2 will be in the top middle position? 5. Five hundred boys, including Josh and Sokka, entered a drawing for two football game tickets. What is the probability that the tickets were won by Josh and Sokka? 6. CONCERTS Nia and Chad are going to a concert with their high school’s key club. If they choose a seat on the row below at random, what is the probability that Chad will be in seat C11 and Nia will be in C12? 7. FAIRS Alfonso and Colin each bought one raffle ticket at the state fair. If 50 tickets were randomly sold, what is the probability that Alfonso got ticket 14 and Colin got ticket 23? 8. CCSS MODELING The table shows the finalists for a floor exercises competition. The order in which they will perform will be chosen randomly. a. What is the probability that Cecilia, Annie, and Kimi are the first 3 gymnasts to perform, in any order? b. What is the probability that Cecilia is first, Annie is second, and Kimi is third? 9. JOBS A store randomly assigns their employees work identification numbers to track productivity. Each number consists of 5 digits ranging from 1–9. If the digits cannot repeat, find the probability that a randomly generated number is 25938. 10. GROUPS Two people are chosen randomly from a group of ten. What is the probability that Jimmy was selected first and George second? Example 3 11. MAGNETS Santiago bought some letter magnets that he can arrange to form words on his fridge. If he randomly selected a permutation of the letters shown below, what is the probability that they would form the word BASKETBALL? ![Magnet Letters](image) 12. ZIP CODES What is the probability that a zip code randomly generated from among the digits 3, 7, 3, 9, 5, 7, 2, and 3 is the number 39372? Example 4 13. GROUPS Keith is randomly arranging desks into circles for group activities. If there are 7 desks in his circle, what is the probability that Keith will be in the desk closest to the door? 14. AMUSEMENT PARKS Sylvie is at an amusement park with her friends. They go on a ride that has bucket seats in a circle. If there are 8 seats, what is the probability that Sylvie will be in the seat farthest from the entrance to the ride? Example 5 15. PHOTOGRAPHY If you are randomly placing 24 photos in a photo album and you can place four photos on the first page, what is the probability that you choose the photos at the right? 16. ROAD TRIPS Rita is going on a road trip across the U.S. She needs to choose from 15 cities where she will stay for one night. If she randomly pulls 3 city brochures from a pile of 15, what is the probability that she chooses Austin, Cheyenne, and Savannah? 17. COSS SENSE-MAKING Use the figure below. Assume that the balls are aligned at random. ![Pool Balls](image) a. What is the probability that in a row of 8 pool balls, the solid 2 and striped 11 would be first and second from the left? b. What is the probability that if the 8 pool balls were mixed up at random, they would end up in the order shown? c. What is the probability that in a row of seven balls, with three 8 balls, three 9 balls, and one 6 ball, the three 8 balls would be to the left of the 6 ball and the three 9 balls would be on the right? d. If the balls were randomly rearranged and formed a circle, what is the probability that the 6 ball is next to the 7 ball? 18. How many lines are determined by 10 randomly selected points, no 3 of which are collinear? Explain your calculation. 19. Suppose 7 points on a circle are chosen at random, as shown at the right. a. Using the letters A through E, how many ways can the points on the circle be named? b. If one point on the circle is fixed, how many arrangements are possible? 20. RIDES A carousel has 7 horses and one bench seat that will hold two people. One of the horses does not move up or down. a. How many ways can the seats on the carousel be randomly filled by 9 people? b. If the carousel is filled randomly, what is the probability that you and your friend will end up in the bench seat? c. If 6 of the 9 people randomly filling the carousel are under the age of 8, what is the probability that a person under the age of 8 will end up on the horse that does not move up or down? 21. LICENSES A camera positioned above a traffic light photographs cars that fail to stop at a red light. In one unclear photograph, an officer could see that the first letter of the license plate was a Q, the second letter was an M or an N and the third letter was a B, P, or D. The first number was a 0, but the last two numbers were illegible. How many possible license plates fit this description? 22. MULTIPLE REPRESENTATIONS In this problem, you will investigate permutations. a. Numerical Randomly select three digits from 0 to 9. Find the possible permutations of the three integers. b. Tabular Repeat part a for four additional sets of three integers. You will use some digits more than once. Copy and complete the table below. \| Integers \| Permutations \| Average of Permutations \| Average of Permutations \| \|----------\|--------------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\| \| 1, 4, 7 \| 147, 174, 417, 471, 714, 741 \| 444 \| 12 \| c. Verbal Make a conjecture about the value of the average of the permutations of three digits between 0 and 9. d. Symbolic If the three digits are $x$, $y$, and $z$, is it possible to write an equation for the average $A$ of the permutations of the digits? If so, write the equation. If not, explain why not. H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 23. CHALLENGE Fifteen boys and fifteen girls entered a drawing for four free movie tickets. What is the probability that all four tickets were won by girls? 24. CHALLENGE A student claimed that permutations and combinations were related by $r! \cdot _nC_r = _nP_r$. Use algebra to show that this is true. Then explain why $_nC_r$ and $_nP_r$ differ by the factor $r!$. 25. OPEN ENDED Describe a situation in which the probability is given by $\frac{1}{7C_3}$. 26. CCSS ARGUMENTS Is the following statement sometimes, always, or never true? Explain. $$_nP_r = _nC_r$$ 27. PROOF Prove that $_nC_n - r = _nC_r$. 28. WRITING IN MATH Compare and contrast permutations and combinations. 29. PROBABILITY Four members of the pep band, two girls and two boys, always stand in a row when they play. What is the probability that a girl will be at each end of the row if they line up in random order? A $\frac{1}{24}$ B $\frac{1}{12}$ C $\frac{1}{6}$ D $\frac{1}{2}$ 30. SHORT RESPONSE If you randomly select a permutation of the letters shown below, what is the probability that they would spell GEOMETRY? OGYREMT 31. ALGEBRA Student Council sells soft drinks at basketball games and makes $1.50 from each. If they pay $75 to rent the concession stand, how many soft drinks would they have to sell to make $250 profit? F 116 G 117 H 167 J 217 32. SAT/ACT The ratio of 12:9 is equal to the ratio of $\frac{1}{3}$ to A $\frac{1}{4}$ B 1 C $\frac{5}{4}$ D 2 E 4 33. SHOPPING A women’s coat comes in sizes 4, 6, 8, or 10 in black, brown, ivory, and cinnamon. How many different coats could be selected? (Lesson 13-1) 34. Two similar prisms have surface areas of 256 square inches and 324 square inches. What is the ratio of the height of the small prism to the height of the large prism? (Lesson 12-8) Find $x$. Round to the nearest tenth, if necessary. (Lesson 10-7) 35. 36. 37. 38. CHESS The bishop shown in square f8 can only move diagonally along dark squares. If the bishop is in c1 after two moves, describe the translation. (Lesson 9-2) Skills Review Use the number line to find each measure. 39. $DF$ 40. $AE$ 41. $EF$ 42. $BD$ 43. $AC$ 44. $CF$ 1 Probability with Length The probability of winning the carnival game depends on the area of the target. Probability that involves a geometric measure such as length or area is called geometric probability. KeyConcept Length Probability Ratio \| Words \| If a line segment (1) contains another segment (2) and a point on segment (1) is chosen at random, then the probability that the point is on segment (2) is \| \|-------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Example \| If a point $E$ on $\overline{AD}$ is chosen at random, then $P(E \text{ is on } \overline{BC}) = \frac{BC}{AD}$. \| Example 1 Use Lengths to Find Geometric Probability Point $X$ is chosen at random on $\overline{JM}$. Find the probability that $X$ is on $\overline{KL}$. $$P(X \text{ is on } \overline{KL}) = \frac{KL}{JM}$$ $$= \frac{7}{14}$$ $$= \frac{1}{2}, 0.5, \text{ or } 50\%$$ Guided Practice Point $X$ is chosen at random on $\overline{JM}$. Find the probability of each event. 1A. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{LM})$ 1B. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{KM})$ Geometric probability can be used in many real-world situations that involve an infinite number of outcomes. Real-World Example 2 Model Real-World Probabilities TRANSPORTATION Use the information at the left. Assuming that you arrive at Addison on the Red Line at a random time, what is the probability that you will have to wait 5 or more minutes for a train? We can use a number line to model this situation. Since the trains arrive every 15 minutes, the next train will arrive in 15 minutes or less. On the number line below, the event of waiting 5 or more minutes is modeled by $\overline{BD}$. Find the probability of this event. $$P(\text{waiting 5 or more minutes}) = \frac{\overline{BD}}{\overline{AD}}$$ Length probability ratio $$= \frac{10}{15} \text{ or } \frac{2}{3} \quad \overline{BD} = 10 \text{ and } \overline{AD} = 15$$ So, the probability of waiting 5 or more minutes for the next train is $\frac{2}{3}$ or about 67%. Guided Practice 2. TEA Iced tea at a cafeteria-style restaurant is made in 8-gallon containers. Once the level gets below 2 gallons, the flavor of the tea becomes weak. A. What is the probability that when someone tries to pour a glass of tea from the container, it is below 2 gallons? B. What is the probability that the amount of tea in the container at any time is between 2 and 3 gallons? --- Probability with Area Geometric probability can also involve area. The ratio for calculating geometric probability involving area is shown below. KeyConcept Area Probability Ratio \| Words \| If a region $A$ contains a region $B$ and a point $E$ in region $A$ is chosen at random, then the probability that point $E$ is in region $B$ is $\frac{\text{area of region } B}{\text{area of region } A}$. \| \|-------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Example \| If a point $E$ is chosen at random in rectangle $A$, then $P(\text{point } E \text{ is in circle } B) = \frac{\text{area of region } B}{\text{area of region } A}$. \| When determining geometric probabilities with targets, we assume - that the object lands within the target area, and - it is equally likely that the object will land anywhere in the region. Real-World Example 3 Use Area to Find Geometric Probability SKYDIVING Suppose a skydiver must land on a target of three concentric circles. If the diameter of the center circle is 2 yards and the circles are spaced 1 yard apart, what is the probability that the skydiver will land in the red circle? You need to find the ratio of the area of the red circle to the area of the entire target. The radius of the red circle is 1 yard, while the radius of the entire target is $1 + 1 + 1$ or 3 yards. $$P(\text{skydiver lands in red circle}) = \frac{\text{area of red circle}}{\text{area of target}}$$ $$= \frac{\pi(1)^2}{\pi(3)^2}$$ $$= \frac{\pi}{9\pi} \text{ or } \frac{1}{9}$$ Area probability ratio $$A = \pi r^2$$ Simplify. The probability that the skydiver will land in the red circle is $\frac{1}{9}$ or about 11%. Guided Practice 3. SKYDIVING Find each probability using the example above. A. $P(\text{skydiver lands in the blue region})$ B. $P(\text{skydiver lands in white region})$ You can also use an angle measure to find geometric probability. The ratio of the area of a sector of a circle to the area of the entire circle is the same as the ratio of the sector’s central angle to 360. You will prove this in Exercise 27. Example 4 Use Angle Measures to Find Geometric Probability Use the spinner to find each probability. a. $P(\text{pointer landing on yellow})$ The angle measure of the yellow region is 45. $$P(\text{pointer landing on yellow}) = \frac{45}{360} \text{ or } 12.5\%$$ b. $P(\text{pointer landing on purple})$ The angle measure of the purple region is 105. $$P(\text{pointer landing on purple}) = \frac{105}{360} \text{ or about } 29\%$$ c. $P(\text{pointer landing on neither red nor blue})$ The combined angle measures of the red and blue region are $50 + 70$ or 120. $$P(\text{pointer landing on neither red nor blue}) = \frac{360 - 120}{360} \text{ or about } 67\%$$ Guided Practice 4A. $P(\text{pointer landing on blue})$ 4B. $P(\text{pointer not landing on green})$ Check Your Understanding Example 1 Point $X$ is chosen at random on $\overline{AD}$. Find the probability of each event. 1. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{BD})$ 2. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{BC})$ Example 2 CARDS In a game of cards, 43 cards are used, including one joker. Four players are each dealt 10 cards and the rest are put in a pile. If Greg doesn’t have the joker, what is the probability that either his partner or the pile have the joker? Examples 3–4 ARCHERY An archer aims at a target that is 122 centimeters in diameter with 10 concentric circles whose diameters decrease by 12.2 centimeters as they get closer to the center. Find the probability that the archer will hit the center. 5. NAVIGATION A camper lost in the woods points his compass in a random direction. Find the probability that the camper is heading in the N to NE direction. Practice and Problem Solving Example 1 CCSS REASONING Point $X$ is chosen at random on $\overline{FK}$. Find the probability of each event. 6. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{FH})$ 7. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{GJ})$ 8. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{HK})$ 9. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{FG})$ 10. BIRDS Four birds are sitting on a telephone wire. What is the probability that a fifth bird landing at a randomly selected point between birds 1 and 4 will sit at some point between birds 3 and 4? Example 2 TELEVISION Julio is watching television and sees an ad for a CD that he knows his friend wants for her birthday. If the ad replays at a random time in each 3-hour interval, what is the probability that he will see the ad again during his favorite 30-minute sitcom the next day? Example 3 Find the probability that a point chosen at random lies in the shaded region. Assume that figures that seem to be regular and congruent are regular and congruent. 12. 13. 14. Example 4 Use the spinner to find each probability. If the spinner lands on a line it is spun again. 15. $ P(\text{pointer landing on yellow}) $ 16. $ P(\text{pointer landing on blue}) $ 17. $ P(\text{pointer not landing on green}) $ 18. $ P(\text{pointer landing on red}) $ 19. $ P(\text{pointer landing on neither red nor yellow}) $ Describe an event with a 33% probability for each model. 20. 21. 22. Find the probability that a point chosen at random lies in the shaded region. 23. 24. 25. 26. FARMING The layout for a farm is shown with each square representing a plot. Estimate the area of each field to answer each question. a. What is the approximate combined area of the spinach and corn fields? b. Find the probability that a randomly chosen plot is used to grow soybeans. 27. ALGEBRA Prove that the probability that a randomly chosen point in the circle will lie in the shaded region is equal to $ \frac{x}{360} $. 28. COORDINATE GEOMETRY If a point is chosen at random in the coordinate grid shown at the right, find each probability. Round to the nearest hundredth. a. $ P(\text{point inside the circle}) $ b. $ P(\text{point inside the trapezoid}) $ c. $ P(\text{point inside the trapezoid, square, or circle}) $ CCSS SENSE-MAKING Find the probability that a point chosen at random lies in a shaded region. 29. 30. 31. 32. COORDINATE GEOMETRY Consider a system of inequalities, $1 \leq x \leq 6$, $y \leq x$, and $y \geq 1$. If a point $(x, y)$ in the system is chosen at random, what is the probability that $(x - 1)^2 + (y - 1)^2 \geq 16$? 33. VOLUME The polar bear exhibit at a local zoo has a pool with the side profile shown. If the pool is 20 feet wide, what is the probability that a bear that is equally likely to swim anywhere in the pool will be in the incline region? ![Pool Side Profile](image) 34. DECISION MAKING Meleah’s flight was delayed and she is running late to make it to a national science competition. She is planning on renting a car at the airport and prefers car rental company A over car rental company B. The courtesy van for car rental company A arrives every 7 minutes, while the courtesy van for car rental company B arrives every 12 minutes. a. What is the probability that Meleah will have to wait 5 minutes or less to see each van? Explain your reasoning. (Hint: Use an area model.) b. What is the probability that Meleah will have to wait 5 minutes or less to see one of the vans? Explain your reasoning. c. Meleah can wait no more than 5 minutes without risking being late for the competition. If the van from company B should arrive first, should she wait for the van from company A or take the van from company B? Explain your reasoning. ### H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 35. CHALLENGE Find the probability that a point chosen at random would lie in the shaded area of the figure. Round to the nearest tenth of a percent. ![Shaded Area](image) 36. COSS REASONING An isosceles triangle has a perimeter of 32 centimeters. If the lengths of the sides of the triangle are integers, what is the probability that the area of the triangle is exactly 48 square centimeters? Explain. 37. WRITING IN MATH Can athletic events be considered random events? Explain. 38. OPEN ENDED Represent a probability of 20% using three different geometric figures. 39. WRITING IN MATH Explain why the probability of a randomly chosen point falling in the shaded region of either of the squares shown is the same. 40. PROBABILITY A circle with radius 3 is contained in a square with side length 9. What is the probability that a randomly chosen point in the interior of the square will also lie in the interior of the circle? A $\frac{1}{9}$ B $\frac{1}{3}$ C $\frac{\pi}{9}$ D $\frac{9}{\pi}$ 41. ALGEBRA The area of Miki’s room is $x^2 + 8x + 12$ square feet. A gallon of paint will cover an area of $x^2 + 6x + 8$ square feet. Which expression gives the number of gallons of paint that Miki will need to buy to paint her room? F $\frac{x + 6}{x + 4}$ G $\frac{x - 4}{x - 6}$ H $\frac{x + 4}{x + 6}$ J $\frac{x - 4}{x + 6}$ 42. EXTENDED RESPONSE The spinner is divided into 8 equal sections. a. If the arrow lands on a number, what is the probability that it will land on 3? b. If the arrow lands on a number, what is the probability that it will land on an odd number? 43. SAT/ACT A box contains 7 blue marbles, 6 red marbles, 2 white marbles, and 3 black marbles. If one marble is chosen at random, what is the probability that it will be red? A 0.11 B 0.17 C 0.33 D 0.39 E 0.67 44. PROM Four friends are sitting at a table together at the prom. What is the probability that a particular one of them will sit in the chair closest to the dance floor? (Lesson 13-2) Represent the sample space for each experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. (Lesson 13-1) 45. Tito has a choice of taking music lessons for the next two years and playing drums or guitar. 46. Denise can buy a pair of shoes in either flats or heels in black or navy blue. STAINED GLASS In the stained glass window design, all of the small arcs around the circle are congruent. Suppose the center of the circle is point $O$. (Lesson 10-4) 47. What is the measure of each of the small arcs? 48. What kind of figure is $\triangle AOC$? Explain. 49. What kind of figure is quadrilateral $BDFH$? Explain. 50. What kind of figure is quadrilateral $ACEG$? Explain. Find the area of the shaded region. Round to the nearest tenth. 51. 52. 53. 1. LUNCH A deli has a lunch special, which consists of a sandwich, soup, dessert, and a drink for $4.99. The choices are in the table below. (Lesson 13-1) \| Sandwich \| Soup \| Dessert \| Drink \| \|----------------\|-----------------\|-----------\|-----------\| \| chicken salad \| tomato \| cookie \| tea \| \| ham \| chicken noodle \| pie \| coffee \| \| tuna \| vegetable \| \| cola \| \| roast beef \| \| \| diet cola \| \| \| \| \| milk \| a. How many different lunches can be created from the items shown in the table? b. If a soup and two desserts were added, how many different lunches could be created? 2. FLAGS How many different signals can be made with 5 flags from 8 flags of different colors? (Lesson 13-1) 3. CLOTHING Marcy has six colors of shirts: red, blue, yellow, green, pink, and orange. She has each color in short-sleeved and long-sleeved styles. Represent the sample space for Marcy’s shirt choices by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. (Lesson 13-1) 4. SPELLING A bag contains one tile for each letter of the word TRAINS. If you selected a permutation of these letters at random, what is the probability that they would spell TRAINS? (Lesson 13-2) 5. CHANGE Augusto has 3 pockets and 4 different coins. In how many ways can he put one coin in each pocket? (Lesson 13-2) 6. COINS Ten coins are tossed simultaneously. In how many of the outcomes will the third coin turn up a head? (Lesson 13-2) 7. Find the probability that a point chosen at random lies in the shaded region. (Lesson 13-3) 8. EXTENDED RESPONSE A 320 meter long tightrope is suspended between two poles. Assume that the line has an equal chance of breaking anywhere along its length. (Lesson 13-3) a. Determine the probability that a break will occur in the first 50 meters of the tightrope. b. Determine the probability that the break will occur within 20 meters of a pole. Point $ A $ is chosen at random on $ \overline{BE} $. Find the probability of each event. (Lesson 13-3) \[ B \quad C \quad D \quad E \] 9. $ P(A \text{ is on } \overline{CD}) $ 10. $ P(A \text{ is on } \overline{BD}) $ 11. $ P(A \text{ is on } \overline{CE}) $ 12. $ P(A \text{ is on } \overline{DE}) $ Use the spinner to find each probability. If the spinner lands on a line, it is spun again. (Lesson 13-3) 13. $ P(\text{pointer landing on yellow}) $ 14. $ P(\text{pointer landing on blue}) $ 15. $ P(\text{pointer landing on red}) $ 16. GAMES At a carnival, the object of a game is to throw a dart at the board and hit region III. (Lesson 13-3) a. What is the probability that it hits region I? b. What is the probability that it hits region II? c. What is the probability that it hits region III? d. What is the probability that it hits region IV? 1 Design a Simulation A probability model is a mathematical model used to match a random phenomenon. A simulation is the use of a probability model to recreate a situation again and again so that the likelihood of various outcomes can be estimated. To design a simulation, use the following steps. KeyConcept Designing a Simulation - Step 1 Determine each possible outcome and its theoretical probability. - Step 2 State any assumptions. - Step 3 Describe an appropriate probability model for the situation. - Step 4 Define what a trial is for the situation and state the number of trials to be conducted. An appropriate probability model has the same probabilities as the situation you are trying to predict. Geometric models are common probability models. Example 1 Design a Simulation by Using a Geometric Model BASKETBALL Allen made 70% of his free throws last season. Design a simulation that can be used to estimate the probability that he will make his next free throw this season. Step 1 Possible Outcomes - Allen makes a free throw. → 70% - Allen misses a free throw. → (100 – 70)% or 30% Step 2 Our simulation will consist of 40 trials. Step 3 One device that could be used is a spinner divided into two sectors, one containing 70% of the spinner’s area and the other 30%. To create such a spinner, find the measure of the central angle of each sector. \| Make Free Throw \| Miss Free Throw \| \|-----------------\|-----------------\| \| 70% of 360° = 252° \| 30% of 360° = 108° \| Step 4 A trial, one spin of the spinner, will represent shooting one free throw. A successful trial will be a made free throw and a failed trial will be a missed free throw. The simulation will consist of 40 trials. Guided Practice 1. RESTAURANTS A restaurant attaches game pieces to its large drink cups, awarding a prize to anyone who collects all 6 game pieces. Design a simulation using a geometric model that can be used to estimate how many large drinks a person needs to buy to collect all 6 game pieces. In addition to geometric models, simulations can also be conducted using dice, coin tosses, random number tables, and random number generators, such as those available on graphing calculators. Example 2 Design a Simulation by Using Random Numbers EYE COLOR A survey of East High School students found that 40% had brown eyes, 30% had hazel eyes, 20% had blue eyes, and 10% had green eyes. Design a simulation that can be used to estimate the probability that a randomly chosen East High student will have one of these eye colors. Step 1 Possible Outcomes Theoretical Probability \| Outcome \| Represented by \| \|-------------\|----------------\| \| Brown eyes \| → \| \| Hazel eyes \| → \| \| Blue eyes \| → \| \| Green eyes \| → \| Step 2 We assume that a student’s eye color will fall into one of these four categories. Step 3 Use the random number generator on your calculator. Assign the ten integers 0–9 to accurately represent the probability data. The actual numbers chosen to represent the outcomes do not matter. \| Outcome \| Represented by \| \|-------------\|----------------\| \| Brown eyes \| 0, 1, 2, 3 \| \| Hazel eyes \| 4, 5, 6 \| \| Blue eyes \| 7, 8 \| \| Green eyes \| 9 \| Step 4 A trial will represent selecting a student at random and recording his or her eye color. The simulation will consist of 20 trials. Guided Practice 2. SOCCER Last season, Yao made 18% of his free kicks. Design a simulation using a random number generator that can be used to estimate the probability that he will make his next free kick. Summarize Data from a Simulation After designing a simulation, you will need to conduct the simulation and report the results. Include both numerical and graphical summaries of the simulation data, as well as an estimate of the probability of the desired outcome. Example 3 Conduct and Summarize Data from a Simulation BASKETBALL Refer to the simulation in Example 1. Conduct the simulation and report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. Make a frequency table and record the results after spinning the spinner 40 times. \| Outcome \| Tally \| Frequency \| \|------------------\|-------\|-----------\| \| Make Free Throw \| ⚪️⚪️⚪️⚪️⚪️ \| 26 \| \| Miss Free Throw \| ⚪️⚪️⚪️ \| 14 \| \| Total \| \| 40 \| Based on the simulation data, calculate the probability that Allen will make his next free throw. \[ \frac{\text{number of made free throws}}{\text{number of free throws attempted}} = \frac{26}{40} \approx 0.65 \] This is an experimental probability. The probability that Allen makes his next free throw is 0.65 or 65%. Notice that this is close to the theoretical probability, 70%. So, the experimental probability of his missing the next free throw is $1 - 0.65$ or 35%. Make a bar graph of these results. Guided Practice 3. EYE COLOR Use a graphing calculator to conduct the simulation in Example 2. Then report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. A random variable is a variable that can assume a set of values, each with fixed probabilities. For example, in the experiment of rolling two dice, the random variable $X$ can represent the sums of the potential outcomes on the dice. The table shows some of the $X$-values assigned to outcomes from this experiment. \| Outcome \| $X$-Value \| \|---------\|-------------\| \| (1, 1) \| 2 \| \| (1, 2) \| 3 \| \| (2, 1) \| 3 \| \| (4, 5) \| 9 \| \| (6, 6) \| 12 \| Expected value, also known as mathematical expectation, is the average value of a random variable that one expects after repeating an experiment or simulation a theoretically infinite number of times. To find the expected value $E(X)$ of a random variable $X$, follow these steps. KeyConcept Calculating Expected Value - Step 1 Multiply the value of $X$ by its probability of occurring. - Step 2 Repeat Step 1 for all possible values of $X$. - Step 3 Find the sum of the results. Since it is an average, an expected value does not have to be equal to a possible value of the random variable. Example 4 Calculate Expected Value DARTS Suppose a dart is thrown at the dartboard. The radius of the center circle is 1 centimeter and each successive circle has a radius 4 centimeters greater than the previous circle. The point value for each region is shown. a. Let the random variable $Y$ represent the point value assigned to a region on the dartboard. Calculate the expected value $E(Y)$ from each throw. First calculate the geometric probability of landing in each region. \[ \text{Region 5} = \frac{\pi(1)^2}{\pi(1 + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4)^2} = \frac{1}{289} \] \[ \text{Region 3} = \frac{\pi(4 + 5)^2 - \pi(5)^2}{\pi(17)^2} = \frac{56}{289} \] \[ \text{Region 1} = \frac{\pi(4 + 13)^2 - \pi(13)^2}{\pi(17)^2} = \frac{120}{289} \] \[ \text{Region 4} = \frac{\pi(4 + 1)^2 - \pi(1)^2}{\pi(17)^2} = \frac{24}{289} \] \[ \text{Region 2} = \frac{\pi(4 + 9)^2 - \pi(9)^2}{\pi(17)^2} = \frac{88}{289} \] \[E(Y) = 1 \cdot \frac{120}{289} + 2 \cdot \frac{88}{289} + 3 \cdot \frac{56}{289} + 4 \cdot \frac{24}{289} + 5 \cdot \frac{1}{289} \text{ or about } 1.96\] The expected value of each throw is about 1.96. b. Design a simulation to estimate the average value, or the average of the results of your simulation, of this game. How does this value compare with the expected value you found in part a? Assign the integers 0–289 to accurately represent the probability data. - Region 1 = integers 1–120 - Region 2 = integers 121–208 - Region 3 = integers 209–264 - Region 4 = integers 265–288 - Region 5 = integer 289 Use a graphing calculator to generate 50 trials of random integers from 1 to 289. Record the results in a frequency table. Then calculate the average value of the outcomes. \| Outcome \| Frequency \| \|---------\|-----------\| \| Region 1 \| 16 \| \| Region 2 \| 13 \| \| Region 3 \| 13 \| \| Region 4 \| 8 \| \| Region 5 \| 0 \| average value = $1 \cdot \frac{16}{50} + 2 \cdot \frac{13}{50} + 3 \cdot \frac{13}{50} + 4 \cdot \frac{8}{50} + 5 \cdot \frac{0}{50} = 2.26$ The average value 2.26 is greater than the expected value 1.96. Guided Practice 4. DICE If two dice are rolled, let the random variable $X$ represent the sum of the potential outcomes. A. Find the expected value $E(X)$. B. Design and run a simulation to estimate the average value of this experiment. How does this value compare with the expected value you found in part A? The difference in the average value from the simulation and the expected value in Example 4 illustrates the Law of Large Numbers: as the number of trials of a random process increases, the average value will approach the expected value. Examples 1, 3 1. GRADES Clara got an A on 80% of her first semester Biology quizzes. Design and conduct a simulation using a geometric model to estimate the probability that she will get an A on a second semester Biology quiz. Report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. Examples 2–3 2. FITNESS The table shows the percent of members participating in four classes offered at a gym. Design and conduct a simulation to estimate the probability that a new gym member will take each class. Report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. \| Class \| Sign-Up % \| \|-------------\|-----------\| \| tae kwon do \| 45% \| \| yoga \| 30% \| \| swimming \| 15% \| \| kick-boxing \| 10% \| Example 4 3. CARNIVAL GAMES The object of the game shown is to accumulate points by using a dart to pop the balloons. Assume that each dart will hit a balloon. a. Calculate the expected value from each throw. b. Design a simulation and estimate the average value of this game. c. How do the expected value and average value compare? Practice and Problem Solving Examples 1, 3 Design and conduct a simulation using a geometric probability model. Then report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. 4. BOWLING Bridget is a member of the bowling club at her school. Last season she bowled a strike 60% of the time. 5. VIDEO GAMES Ian works at a video game store. Last year he sold 95% of the new-release video games. 6. MUSIC Kadisha is listening to a CD with her CD player set on the random mode. There are 10 songs on the CD. 7. BOARD GAMES Pilar is playing a board game with eight different categories, each with questions that must be answered correctly in order to win. Examples 2–3 MODELING Design and conduct a simulation using a random number generator. Then report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. 8. MOVIES A movie theater reviewed sales from the previous year to determine which genre of movie sold the most tickets. The results are shown at the right. \| Genre \| Ticket % \| \|---------\|----------\| \| drama \| 40% \| \| mystery \| 30% \| \| comedy \| 25% \| \| action \| 5% \| 9. BASEBALL According to a baseball player’s on-base percentages, he gets a single 60% of the time, a double 25% of the time, a triple 10% of the time, and a home run 5% of the time. 10. VACATION According to a survey done by a travel agency, 45% of their clients went on vacation to Europe, 25% went to Asia, 15% went to South America, 10% went to Africa, and 5% went to Australia. 11. TRANSPORTATION A car dealership’s analysis indicated that 35% of the customers purchased a blue car, 30% purchased a red car, 15% purchased a white car, 15% purchased a black car, and 5% purchased any other color. Example 4 DARTBOARDS The dimensions of each dartboard below are given in inches. There is only one shot per game. Calculate the expected value of each dart game. Then design a simulation to estimate each game’s average value. Compare the average and expected values. In each figure, $\square = 25$, $\Box = 50$, and $\blacksquare = 100$ points. 12. ![Image of dartboard with sections labeled 6, 1.5, and 30°] 13. ![Image of dartboard with sections labeled 5, 30°, and 13] 14. ![Image of dartboard with sections labeled 4] 15. CARDS You are playing a team card game where a team can get 0 points, 1 point, or 3 points for a hand. The probability of your team getting 1 point for a hand is 60% and of getting 3 points for a hand is 5%. a. Calculate your team’s expected value for a hand. b. Design a simulation and estimate your team’s average value per hand. c. Compare the values for parts a and b. 16. DECISION MAKING The object of the game shown is to win money by rolling a ball up an incline into regions with different payoff values. The probability that Susana will get $0 in a roll is 55%, $1 is 20%, $2 is 20%, and $3 is 5%. a. Suppose Susana pays $1 to play. Calculate the expected payoff, which is the expected value minus the cost to play, for each roll. b. Design a simulation to estimate Susana’s average payoff for this game after she plays 10 times. c. Should Susana play this game? Explain your reasoning. 17. BASEBALL Of his pitches thrown for strikes, a baseball pitcher wants to track which areas of the strike zone have a higher probability. He divides the strike zone into six congruent boxes as shown. a. If a strike is equally likely to hit each box, what is the probability that he will throw a strike in each box? b. Design a simulation to estimate the probability of a strike being thrown in each box. c. Compare the values for parts a and b. 18. CCSS MODELING Cynthia used her statistics from last season to design a simulation using a random number generator to predict what she would score each time she got possession of the ball. a. Based on the frequency table, what did she assume was the theoretical probability that she would score two points in a possession? b. What is Cynthia’s average value for a possession? her expected value? c. Would you expect the simulated data to be different? If so, explain how. If not, explain why. \| Integer Values \| Points Scored \| Frequency \| \|----------------\|---------------\|-----------\| \| 1–14 \| 0 \| 31 \| \| 15 \| 1 \| 0 \| \| 16–28 \| 2 \| 17 \| \| 29–30 \| 3 \| 2 \| 19. MULTIPLE REPRESENTATIONS In this problem, you will investigate expected value. a. Concrete Roll two dice 20 times and record the sum of each roll. b. Numerical Use the random number generator on a calculator to generate 20 pairs of integers between 1 and 6. Record the sum of each pair. c. Tabular Copy and complete the table below using your results from parts a and b. \| Trial \| Sum of Die Roll \| Sum of Output from Random Number Generator \| \|-------\|-----------------\|-------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| \| \| \| 2 \| \| \| \| ... \| \| \| \| 20 \| \| \| d. Graphical Use a bar graph to graph the number of times each possible sum occurred in the first 5 rolls. Repeat the process for the first 10 rolls and then all 20 outcomes. e. Verbal How does the shape of the bar graph change with each additional trial? f. Graphical Graph the number of times each possible sum occurred with the random number generator as a bar graph. g. Verbal How do the graphs of the die trial and the random number trial compare? h. Analytical Based on the graphs, what do you think the expected value of each experiment would be? Explain your reasoning. --- H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 20. ARGUMENTS An experiment has three equally likely outcomes $A$, $B$, and $C$. Is it possible to use the spinner shown in a simulation to predict the probability of outcome $C$? Explain your reasoning. 21. REASONING Can tossing a coin sometimes, always, or never be used to simulate an experiment with two possible outcomes? Explain. 22. DECISION MAKING A lottery consists of choosing 5 winning numbers from 31 possible numbers (0–30). The person who matches all 5 numbers, in any sequence, wins $1 million. a. If a lottery ticket costs $1, should you play? Explain your reasoning by computing the expected payoff value, which is the expected value minus the ticket cost. b. Would your decision to play change if the winnings increased to $5 million? if the winnings were only $0.5 million, but you chose from 21 numbers instead of 31 numbers? Explain. 23. REASONING When designing a simulation where darts are thrown at targets, what assumptions need to be made and why are they needed? 24. OPEN ENDED Describe an experiment in which the expected value is not a possible outcome. Explain. 25. WRITING IN MATH How is expected value different from probability? 26. PROBABILITY Kaya tosses three coins at the same time and repeats the process 9 more times. Her results are shown below where H represents heads and T represents tails. Based on Kaya’s data, what is the probability that at least one of the group of 3 coins will land with heads up? \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| H \| H \| H \| \| T \| T \| T \| \| H \| H \| T \| \| H \| T \| T \| \| T \| T \| H \| \| T \| T \| H \| \| T \| H \| T \| \| H \| T \| H \| \| H \| H \| H \| \| H \| H \| T \| A 0.1 B 0.2 C 0.3 D 0.9 27. ALGEBRA Paul collects comic books. He has 20 books in his collection, and he adds 3 per month. In how many months will he have a total of 44 books in his collection? F 5 G 6 H 8 J 15 28. SHORT RESPONSE Alberto designed a simulation to determine how many times a player would roll a number higher than 4 on a die in a board game with 5 rolls. The table below shows his results for 50 trials. What is the probability that a player will roll a number higher than 4 two or more times in 5 rolls? \| Number of Rolls Greater Than 4 \| Frequency \| \|-------------------------------\|-----------\| \| 0 \| 8 \| \| 1 \| 15 \| \| 2 \| 18 \| \| 3 \| 9 \| \| 4 \| 0 \| \| 5 \| 0 \| 29. SAT/ACT If a jar contains 150 peanuts and 60 cashews, what is the approximate probability that a nut selected from the jar at random will be a cashew? A 0.25 C 0.33 E 0.71 B 0.29 D 0.4 --- Spiral Review Point X is chosen at random on $\overline{QT}$. Find the probability of each event. (Lesson 13-5) 30. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{QS})$ 31. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{RT})$ 32. BOOKS Paige is choosing between 10 books at the library. What is the probability that she chooses 3 particular books to check out from the 10 initial books? (Lesson 13-2) Find the surface area of each figure. Round to the nearest tenth. (Lesson 12-6) 33. 34. 35. --- Skills Review 36. RECREATION A group of 150 students was asked what they like to do during their free time. a. How many students like going to the movies or shopping? b. Which activity was mentioned by 37 students? c. How many students did not say they like movies? 1 Independent and Dependent Events A compound event or composite event consists of two or more simple events. In the example above, James and Arturo being chosen to give their presentations first is a compound event. It consists of the event that James is chosen and the event that Arturo is chosen. Compound events can be independent or dependent. - Events $A$ and $B$ are independent events if the probability that $A$ occurs does not affect the probability that $B$ occurs. - Events $A$ and $B$ are dependent events if the probability that $A$ occurs in some way changes the probability that $B$ occurs. Consider choosing objects from a group of objects. If you replace the object each time, choosing additional objects are independent events. If you do not replace the object each time, choosing additional objects are dependent events. Example 1 Identify Independent and Dependent Events Determine whether the events are independent or dependent. Explain your reasoning. a. One coin is tossed, and then a second coin is tossed. The outcome of the first coin toss in no way changes the probability of the outcome of the second coin toss. Therefore, these two events are independent. b. In the class presentation example above, one student’s name is chosen and not replaced, and then a second name is chosen. After the first person is chosen, his or her name is removed and cannot be selected again. This affects the probability of the second person being chosen, since the sample space is reduced by one name. Therefore, these two events are dependent. c. Wednesday’s lottery numbers and Saturday’s lottery numbers. The numbers for one drawing have no bearing on the next drawing. Therefore, these two events are independent. Guided Practice 1A. A card is selected from a deck of cards and put back. Then a second card is selected. 1B. Andrea selects a shirt from her closet to wear on Monday and then a different shirt to wear on Tuesday. Suppose a coin is tossed and the spinner shown is spun. The sample space for this experiment is \{(H, B), (H, R), (H, G), (T, B), (T, R), (T, G)\}. Using the sample space, the probability of the compound event of the coin landing on heads and the spinner on green is $P(H \text{ and } G) = \frac{1}{6}$. Notice that this same probability can be found by multiplying the probabilities of each simple event. \[ P(H) = \frac{1}{2} \quad P(G) = \frac{1}{3} \quad P(H \text{ and } G) = \frac{1}{2} \cdot \frac{1}{3} \text{ or } \frac{1}{6} \] This example illustrates the first of two Multiplication Rules for Probability. KeyConcept Probability of Two Independent Events \| Words \| The probability that two independent events both occur is the product of the probabilities of each individual event. \| \|-------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| If two events $A$ and $B$ are independent, then $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B)$. \| This rule can be extended to any number of events. Real-World Example 2 Probability of Independent Events TRANSPORTATION Marisol and her friends are going to a concert. They put the slips of paper shown below into a bag. If a person draws a yellow slip, he or she will ride in the van to the concert. A blue slip means he or she rides in the car. Suppose Marisol draws a slip. Not liking the outcome, she puts it back and draws a second time. What is the probability that on each draw her slip is blue? These events are independent since Marisol replaced the slip that she removed. Let $B$ represent a blue slip and $Y$ a yellow slip. \[ P(B \text{ and } B) = P(B) \cdot P(B) \] \[ = \frac{3}{8} \cdot \frac{3}{8} \text{ or } \frac{9}{64} \quad P(B) = \frac{3}{8} \] So, the probability of Marisol drawing two blue slips is $\frac{9}{64}$ or about 14%. Guided Practice Find each probability. 2A. A coin is tossed and a die is rolled. What is the probability that the coin lands heads up and the number rolled is a 6? 2B. Suppose you toss a coin four times. What is the probability of getting four tails? The second of the Multiplication Rules of Probability addresses the probability of two dependent events. KeyConcept Probability of Two Dependent Events \| Words \| The probability that two dependent events both occur is the product of the probability that the first event occurs and the probability that the second event occurs after the first event has already occurred. \| \|-------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| If two events $A$ and $B$ are dependent, then $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B\|A)$. \| This rule can be extended to any number of events. The notation $P(B\|A)$ is read the probability that event $B$ occurs given that event $A$ has already occurred. This is called conditional probability. Example 3 Probability of Dependent Events TRANSPORTATION Refer to Example 2. Suppose Marisol draws a slip and does not put it back. Then her friend Christian draws a slip. What is the probability that both friends draw a yellow slip? These events are dependent since Marisol does not replace the slip that she removed. $$P(Y \text{ and } Y) = P(Y) \cdot P(Y\|Y)$$ $$= \frac{5}{8} \cdot \frac{4}{7} \text{ or } \frac{5}{14}$$ Probability of dependent events After the first yellow slip is chosen, 7 total slips remain, and 4 of those are yellow. So, the probability that both friends draw yellow slips is $\frac{5}{14}$ or about 36%. CHECK You can use a tree diagram with probabilities, called a probability tree, to verify this result. Calculate the probability of each simple event at the first stage and each conditional probability at the second stage. Then multiply along each branch to find the probability of each outcome. \[ \begin{align} Y & \quad Y \quad P(Y \text{ and } Y) = \frac{5}{8} \cdot \frac{4}{7} \text{ or } \frac{20}{56} \\ & \quad B \quad P(Y \text{ and } B) = \frac{5}{8} \cdot \frac{3}{7} \text{ or } \frac{15}{56} \\ B & \quad Y \quad P(B \text{ and } Y) = \frac{3}{8} \cdot \frac{5}{7} \text{ or } \frac{15}{56} \\ & \quad B \quad P(B \text{ and } B) = \frac{3}{8} \cdot \frac{2}{7} \text{ or } \frac{6}{56} \end{align} \] The sum of the probabilities should be 1. $$\frac{20}{56} + \frac{15}{56} + \frac{15}{56} + \frac{6}{56} = \frac{56}{56} \text{ or } 1 \checkmark$$ Guided Practice 3. Three cards are selected from a standard deck of 52 cards. What is the probability that all three cards are diamonds if neither the first nor the second card is replaced? Conditional Probabilities In addition to its use in finding the probability of two or more dependent events, conditional probability can be used when additional information is known about an event. Suppose a die is rolled and it is known that the number rolled is odd. What is the probability that the number rolled is a 5? There are only three odd numbers that can be rolled, so our sample space is reduced from \{1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6\} to \{1, 3, 5\}. So, the probability that the number rolled is a 5 is $P(5\|\text{odd}) = \frac{1}{3}$. Standardized Test Example 4 Conditional Probability Ms. Fuentes’ class is holding a debate. The 8 students participating randomly draw cards numbered with consecutive integers from 1 to 8. - Students who draw odd numbers will be on the Proposition Team. - Students who draw even numbers will be on the Opposition Team. If Jonathan is on the Opposition Team, what is the probability that he drew the number 2? A $\frac{1}{8}$ B $\frac{1}{4}$ C $\frac{3}{8}$ D $\frac{1}{2}$ Read the Test Item Since Jonathan is on the Opposition Team, he must have drawn an even number. So you need to find the probability that the number drawn was 2 given that the number drawn was even. This is a conditional probability problem. Solve the Test Item Let $A$ be the event that an even number is drawn. Let $B$ be the event that the number 2 is drawn. Draw a Venn diagram to represent this situation. There are only four even numbers in the sample space, and only one out of these numbers is a 2. Therefore, the $P(B\|A) = \frac{1}{4}$. The answer is B. Guided Practice 4. When two dice are rolled, what is the probability that one die is a 4, given that the sum of the two die is 9? F $\frac{1}{6}$ G $\frac{1}{4}$ H $\frac{1}{3}$ J $\frac{1}{2}$ Since conditional probability reduces the sample space, the Venn diagram in Example 4 can be simplified as shown, with the intersection of the two events representing those outcomes in $A$ and $B$. This suggests the following formula. \[P(B\|A) = \frac{P(A \text{ and } B)}{P(A)}\] Key Concept Conditional Probability The conditional probability of $B$ given $A$ is $P(B\|A) = \frac{P(A \text{ and } B)}{P(A)}$, where $P(A) \neq 0$. Determine whether the events are independent or dependent. Explain. 1. Jeremy took the SAT on Saturday and scored 1350. The following week he took the ACT and scored 23. 2. Alita’s basketball team is in the final four. If they win, they will play in the championship game. A card is randomly chosen from a deck of 52 cards, replaced, and a second card is chosen. What is the probability of choosing both of the cards shown at the right? Isaiah is getting on the bus after work. It costs $0.50 to ride the bus to his house. If he has 3 quarters, 5 dimes, and 2 nickels in his pocket, find the probability that he will randomly pull out two quarters in a row. Assume that the events are equally likely to occur. Every Saturday, 10 friends play dodgeball at a local park. To pick teams, they randomly draw cards with consecutive integers from 1 to 10. Odd numbers are on Team A, and even numbers are Team B. What is the probability that a player on Team B has drawn the number 10? Determine whether the events are independent or dependent. Then find the probability. 6. In a game, you roll an even number on a die and then spin a spinner numbered 1 through 5 and get an odd number. 7. An ace is drawn, without replacement, from a deck of 52 cards. Then, a second ace is drawn. 8. In a bag of 3 green and 4 blue marbles, a blue marble is drawn and not replaced. Then, a second blue marble is drawn. 9. You roll two dice and get a 5 each time. 10. In a game, the spinner at the right is spun and a coin is tossed. What is the probability of getting an even number on the spinner and the coin landing on tails? Tisha’s class is having a gift exchange. Tisha will draw first and her friend Brandi second. If there are 18 students participating, what is the probability that Brandi and Tisha draw each other’s names? A work survey found that 8 out of every 10 employees went on vacation last summer. If 3 employees’ names are randomly chosen, with replacement, what is the probability that all 3 employees went on vacation last summer? The table shows the number of each color of Student Council campaign buttons Clemente has to give away. If given away at random, what is the probability that the first and second buttons given away are both red? 14. A red marble is selected at random from a bag of 2 blue and 9 red marbles and not replaced. What is the probability that a second marble selected will be red? 15. A die is rolled. If the number rolled is greater than 2, find the probability that it is a 6. 16. A quadrilateral has a perimeter of 12 and all of the side lengths are odd integers. What is the probability that the quadrilateral is a rhombus? 17. A spinner numbered 1 through 12 is spun. Find the probability that the number spun is an 11 given that the number spun was an odd number. 18. CLASSES The probability that a student takes geometry and French at Satomi’s school is 0.064. The probability that a student takes French is 0.45. What is the probability that a student takes geometry if the student takes French? 19. TECHNOLOGY At Bell High School, 43% of the students own a CD player and 28% own a CD player and an MP3 player. What is the probability that a student owns an MP3 player if he or she also owns a CD player? 20. PROOF Use the formula for the probability of two dependent events $ P(A \text{ and } B) $ to derive the conditional probability formula for $ P(B\|A) $. 21. TENNIS A double fault in tennis is when the serving player fails to land their serve “in” without stepping on or over the service line in two chances. Kelly’s first serve percentage is 40%, while her second serve percentage is 70%. a. Draw a probability tree that shows each outcome. b. What is the probability that Kelly will double fault? c. Design a simulation using a random number generator that can be used to estimate the probability that Kelly double faults on her next serve. 22. VACATION A random survey was conducted to determine where families vacationed. The results indicated that $ P(B) = 0.6 $, $ P(B \cap M) = 0.2 $, and the probability that a family did not vacation at either destination is 0.1. a. What is the probability that a family vacations in the mountains? b. What is the probability that a family visiting the beach will also visit the mountains? 23. DECISION MAKING You are trying to decide whether you should expand a business. If you do not expand and the economy remains good, you expect $2 million in revenue. If the economy is bad, you expect $0.5 million. The cost to expand is $1 million, but the expected revenue after the expansion is $4 million in a good economy and $1 million in a bad economy. You assume that the chances of a good and a bad economy are 30% and 70%, respectively. Use a probability tree to explain what you should do. ### H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 24. ARGUMENTS There are $ n $ different objects in a bag. The probability of drawing object $ A $ and then object $ B $ without replacement is about 2.4%. What is the value of $ n $? Explain. 25. REASONING If $ P(A \| B) $ is the same as $ P(A) $, and $ P(B \| A) $ is the same as $ P(B) $, what can be said about the relationship between events $ A $ and $ B $? 26. OPEN ENDED Describe a pair of independent events and a pair of dependent events. Explain your reasoning. 27. WRITING IN MATH A medical journal reports the chance that a person smokes given that his or her parent smokes. Explain how you could determine the likelihood that a person’s smoking and their parent’s smoking are independent events. 28. PROBABILITY Shannon will be assigned at random to 1 of 6 P.E. classes throughout the day and 1 of 3 lunch times. What is the probability that she will be in the second P.E. class and the first lunch? - A $\frac{1}{18}$ - B $\frac{1}{9}$ - C $\frac{1}{6}$ - D $\frac{1}{2}$ 29. ALGEBRA Tameron downloaded 2 videos and 7 songs to his digital media player for $10.91. Jake downloaded 3 videos and 4 songs for $9.93. What is the cost of each video? - F $0.99 - H $1.42 - G $1.21 - J $1.99 30. GRIDDED RESPONSE A bag of jelly beans contains 7 red, 11 yellow, and 13 green. Victoro picks two jelly beans from the bag without looking. What is the probability as a percent rounded to the nearest tenth that Victoro picks a green one and then a red one? 31. SAT/ACT If the probability that it will snow on Tuesday is $\frac{4}{13}$, then what is the probability that it will not snow? - A $\frac{4}{9}$ - B $\frac{9}{13}$ - C $\frac{13}{9}$ - D $\frac{13}{5}$ - E $\frac{13}{4}$ 32. SOFTBALL Zoe struck out during 10% of her at bats last season. Design and conduct a simulation to estimate the probability that she will strike out at her next at bat this season. (Lesson 13-4) Use the spinner to find each probability. The spinner is spun again if it stops on a line. (Lesson 13-3) 33. $P$(pointer landing on red) 34. $P$(pointer landing on blue) 35. $P$(pointer landing on green) 36. $P$(pointer landing on yellow) Determine whether each pair of solids is similar, congruent, or neither. If the solids are similar, state the scale factor. (Lesson 12-8) 37. 38. 39. FIREWORKS Fireworks are shot from a barge on a river. There is an explosion circle inside which all of the fireworks will explode. Spectators sit outside a safety circle 800 feet from the center of the fireworks display. (Lesson 10-1) a. Find the approximate circumference of the safety circle. b. If the safety circle is 200 to 300 feet farther from the center than the explosion circle, find the range of values for the radius of the explosion circle. c. Find the least and maximum circumferences of the explosion circle to the nearest foot. Find the number of possible outcomes for each situation. 40. Blanca chooses from 5 different flavors of ice cream and 3 different toppings. 41. Perry chooses from 6 colors and 2 seat designs for his new mountain bike. 42. A rectangle has a perimeter of 12 and integer side lengths. 43. Three number cubes are rolled simultaneously. A two-way frequency table or contingency table is used to show the frequencies of data from a survey or experiment classified according to two variables, with the rows indicating one variable and the columns indicating the other. Activity 1 Two-Way Frequency Table PROM Michael asks a random sample of 160 upperclassmen at his high school whether or not they plan to attend the prom. He finds that 44 seniors and 32 juniors plan to attend the prom, while 25 seniors and 59 juniors do not plan to attend. Organize the responses into a two-way frequency table. Step 1 Identify the variables. The students surveyed can be classified according to class and attendance. Since the survey included only upperclassmen, the variable class has two categories: senior or junior. The variable attendance also has two categories: attending or not attending the prom. Step 2 Create a two-way frequency table. Let the rows of the table represent class and the columns represent attendance. Then fill in the cells of the table with the information given. \| Class \| Attending the Prom \| Not Attending the Prom \| Totals \| \|---------\|--------------------\|------------------------\|--------\| \| Senior \| 44 \| 32 \| 76 \| \| Junior \| 25 \| 59 \| 84 \| \| Totals \| 69 \| 91 \| 160 \| The frequencies reported in the Totals row and Totals column are called marginal frequencies, with the bottom rightmost cell reporting the total number of observations. The frequencies reported in the interior of the table are called joint frequencies. These show the frequencies of all possible combinations of the categories for the first variable with the categories for the second variable. Analyze the Results 1. How many seniors were surveyed? 2. How many of the students that were surveyed plan to attend the prom? A relative frequency is the ratio of the number of observations in a category to the total number of observations. Activity 2 Two-Way Relative Frequency Table PROM Convert the table from Activity 1 to a table of relative frequencies. Step 1 Divide the frequency reported in each cell by the total number of respondents, 160. \| Class \| Attending the Prom \| Not Attending the Prom \| Totals \| \|---------\|--------------------\|------------------------\|--------\| \| Senior \| 44/160 \| 32/160 \| 76/160 \| \| Junior \| 25/160 \| 59/160 \| 84/160 \| \| Totals \| 69/160 \| 91/160 \| 160/160\| Step 2 Write each fraction as a percent rounded to the nearest tenth. \| Class \| Attending the Prom \| Not Attending the Prom \| Totals \| \|---------\|--------------------\|------------------------\|--------\| \| Senior \| 27.5% \| 20% \| 47.5% \| \| Junior \| 15.6% \| 36.9% \| 52.5% \| \| Totals \| 43.1% \| 56.9% \| 100% \| You can use joint and marginal relative frequencies to approximate conditional probabilities. Activity 3 Conditional Probabilities PROM Using the table from Activity 2, find the probability that a surveyed upperclassman plans to attend the prom given that he or she is a junior. The probability that a surveyed upperclassman plans to attend the prom given that he or she is a junior is the conditional probability $P(\text{attending the prom} \mid \text{junior})$. $$P(\text{attending the prom} \mid \text{junior}) = \frac{P(\text{attending the prom and junior})}{P(\text{junior})}$$ $$\approx \frac{0.156}{0.525} \text{ or } 29.7\%$$ Conditional Probability $$P(\text{attending the prom and junior}) = 15.6\%$$ or $0.156$, $P(\text{junior}) = 52.5\%$ or $0.525$ Analyze and Apply Refer to Activities 2 and 3. 3. If there are 285 upperclassmen, about how many would you predict plan to attend the prom? 4. Find the probability that a surveyed student is a junior and does not plan to attend the prom. 5. Find the probability that a surveyed student is a senior given that he or she plans to attend the prom. 6. What is a possible trend you notice in the data? When survey results are classified according to variables, you may want to decide whether these variables are independent of each other. Variable $A$ is considered independent of variable $B$ if $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B)$. In a two-way frequency table, you can test for the independence of two variables by comparing the joint relative frequencies with the products of the corresponding marginal relative frequencies. Activity 4 Independence of Events PROM Use the relative frequency table from Activity 2 to determine whether prom attendance is independent of class. Calculate the expected joint relative frequencies if the two variables were independent. Then compare them to the actual relative frequencies. For example, if 47.5% of respondents were seniors and 43.1% of respondents plan to attend the prom, then one would expect $47.5\% \cdot 43.1\%$ or about 20.5% of respondents are seniors who plan to attend the prom. Since the expected and actual joint relative frequencies are not the same, prom attendance for these respondents is not independent of class. COLLECT DATA Design and conduct a survey of students at your school. Create a two-way relative frequency table for the data. Use your table to decide whether the data you collected indicate an independent relationship between the two variables. Explain your reasoning. 7. student gender and whether a student’s car insurance is paid by the student or the student’s parent(s) 8. student gender and whether a student buys or brings his or her lunch 1 Mutually Exclusive Events In Lesson 13-4, you examined probabilities involving the intersection of two or more events. In this lesson, you will examine probabilities involving the union of two or more events. \[ P(A \text{ and } B) \quad P(A \text{ or } B) \] Indicates an intersection of two sample spaces. Indicates a union of two sample spaces. To find the probability that one event occurs or another event occurs, you must know how the two events are related. If the two events cannot happen at the same time, they are said to be mutually exclusive. That is, the two events have no outcomes in common. Real-World Example 1 Identify Mutually Exclusive Events ELECTIONS Refer to the application above. Determine whether the events are mutually exclusive or not mutually exclusive. Explain your reasoning. a. a junior winning the election or a senior winning the election These events are mutually exclusive. There are no common outcomes—a student cannot be both a junior and a senior. b. a sophomore winning the election or a female winning the election These events are not mutually exclusive. A female student who is a sophomore is an outcome that both events have in common. c. drawing an ace or a club from a standard deck of cards. Since the ace of clubs represents both events, they are not mutually exclusive. Guided Practice Determine whether the events are mutually exclusive or not mutually exclusive. Explain your reasoning. 1A. selecting a number at random from the integers from 1 to 100 and getting a number divisible by 5 or a number divisible by 10 1B. drawing a card from a standard deck and getting a 5 or a heart 1C. getting a sum of 6 or 7 when two dice are rolled One way of finding the probability of two mutually exclusive events occurring is to examine their sample space. When a die is rolled, what is the probability of getting a 3 or a 4? From the Venn diagram, you can see that there are two outcomes that satisfy this condition, 3 and 4. So, \[ P(3 \text{ and } 4) = \frac{2}{6} \text{ or } \frac{1}{3}. \] Notice that this same probability can be found by adding the probabilities of each simple event. \[ P(3) = \frac{1}{6} \quad P(4) = \frac{1}{6} \quad P(3 \text{ and } 4) = \frac{1}{6} + \frac{1}{6} = \frac{2}{6} \text{ or } \frac{1}{3}. \] This example illustrates the first of two Addition Rules for Probability. KeyConcept Probability of Mutually Exclusive Events \| Words \| If two events $ A $ and $ B $ are mutually exclusive, then the probability that $ A $ or $ B $ occurs is the sum of the probabilities of each individual event. \| \|-------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Example \| If two events $ A $ or $ B $ are mutually exclusive, then $ P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B) $. \| This rule can be extended to any number of events. Real-World Example 2 Mutually Exclusive Events MUSIC Ramiro makes a playlist that consists of songs from three different albums by his favorite artist. If he lets his MP3 player select the songs from this list at random, what is the probability that the first song played is from Album 1 or Album 2? These are mutually exclusive events, since the songs selected cannot be from both Album 1 and Album 2. Let event $ A1 $ represent selecting a song from Album 1. Let event $ A2 $ represent selecting a song from Album 2. There are a total of $ 10 + 12 + 13 $ or 35 songs. \[ P(A1 \text{ or } A2) = \frac{P(A1)}{35} + \frac{P(A2)}{35} \quad \text{Probability of mutually exclusive events} \] \[ = \frac{10}{35} + \frac{12}{35} \quad P(A1) = \frac{10}{35} \text{ and } P(A2) = \frac{12}{35} \] \[ = \frac{22}{35} \quad \text{Add.} \] So, the probability that the first song played is from Album 1 or Album 2 is $ \frac{22}{35} $ or about 63%. Guided Practice 2A. Two dice are rolled. What is the probability that doubles are rolled or that the sum is 9? 2B. CARNIVAL GAMES If you win the ring toss game at a certain carnival, you receive a stuffed animal. If the stuffed animal is selected at random from among 15 puppies, 16 kittens, 14 frogs, 25 snakes, and 10 unicorns, what is the probability that a winner receives a puppy, a kitten, or a unicorn? When a die is rolled, what is the probability of getting a number greater than 2 or an even number? From the Venn diagram, you can see that there are 5 numbers that are either greater than 2 or are an even number: 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. So, \[ P(\text{greater than 2 or even}) = \frac{5}{6}. \] Since it is possible to roll a number that is greater than 2 and an even number, these events are not mutually exclusive. Consider the probabilities of each individual event. \[ P(\text{greater than 2}) = \frac{4}{6} \quad \quad P(\text{even}) = \frac{3}{6} \] If these probabilities were added, the probability of two outcomes, 4 and 6, would be counted twice—once for being numbers greater than 2 and once for being even numbers. You must subtract the probability of these common outcomes. \[ P(\text{greater than 2 or even}) = P(\text{greater than 2}) + P(\text{even}) - P(\text{greater than 2 and even}) \] \[ = \frac{4}{6} + \frac{3}{6} - \frac{2}{6} \text{ or } \frac{5}{6} \] This leads to the second of the Addition Rules for Probability. KeyConcept Probability of Events That Are Not Mutually Exclusive \| Words \| If two events $ A $ and $ B $ are not mutually exclusive, then the probability that $ A $ or $ B $ occurs is the sum of their individual probabilities minus the probability that both $ A $ and $ B $ occur. \| \|-------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| If two events $ A $ and $ B $ are not mutually exclusive, then $ P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B) - P(A \text{ and } B) $. \| Real-World Example 3 Events That Are Not Mutually Exclusive ART The table shows the number and type of paintings Namiko has created. If she randomly selects a painting to submit to an art contest, what is the probability that she selects a portrait or an oil painting? \| Media \| Still Life \| Portrait \| Landscape \| \|---------\|------------\|----------\|-----------\| \| watercolor \| 4 \| 5 \| 3 \| \| oil \| 1 \| 3 \| 2 \| \| acrylic \| 3 \| 2 \| 1 \| \| pastel \| 1 \| 0 \| 5 \| Since some of Namiko’s paintings are both portraits and oil paintings, these events are not mutually exclusive. Use the rule for two events that are not mutually exclusive. The total number of paintings from which to choose is 30. \[ P(\text{oil or portrait}) = P(\text{oil}) + P(\text{portrait}) - P(\text{oil and portrait}) \] \[ = \frac{1 + 3 + 2}{30} + \frac{5 + 3 + 2 + 0}{30} - \frac{3}{30} \quad \text{Substitution} \] \[ = \frac{6}{30} + \frac{10}{30} - \frac{3}{30} \text{ or } \frac{13}{30} \quad \text{Simplify.} \] The probability that Namiko selects a portrait or an oil painting is $ \frac{13}{30} $ or about 43%. Guided Practice 3. What is the probability of drawing a king or a diamond from a standard deck of 52 cards? 2 Probabilities of Complements The complement of an event $A$ consists of all the outcomes in the sample space that are not included as outcomes of event $A$. When a die is rolled, the probability of getting a 4 is $\frac{1}{6}$. What is the probability of not getting a 4? There are 5 possible outcomes for this event: 1, 2, 3, 5, or 6. So, $P(\text{not } 4) = \frac{5}{6}$. Notice that this probability is also $1 - \frac{1}{6}$ or $1 - P(4)$. KeyConcept Probability of the Complement of an Event \| Words \| The probability that an event will not occur is equal to 1 minus the probability that the event will occur. \| \|-------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Symbols \| For an event $A$, $P(\text{not } A) = 1 - P(A)$. \| Example 4 Complementary Events RAFFLE Francisca bought 20 raffle tickets, hoping to win the $100 gift card to her favorite clothing store. If a total of 300 raffle tickets were sold, what is the probability that Francisca will not win the gift card? Let event $A$ represent selecting one of Francisca’s tickets. Then find the probability of the complement of $A$. $$P(\text{not } A) = 1 - P(A)$$ $$= 1 - \frac{20}{300}$$ $$= \frac{280}{300} \text{ or } \frac{14}{15}$$ The probability that one of Francisca’s tickets will not be selected is $\frac{14}{15}$ or about 93%. Guided Practice 4. If the chance of rain is 70%, what is the probability that it will not rain? --- ConceptSummary Probability Rules \| Types of Events \| Words \| Probability Rule \| \|-----------------\|-------\|------------------\| \| Independent Events \| The outcome of a first event does not affect the outcome of the second event. \| If two events $A$ and $B$ are independent, then $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B)$. \| \| Dependent Events \| The outcome of a first event does affect the outcome of the other event. \| If two events $A$ and $B$ are dependent, then $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B\|A)$. \| \| Conditional \| Additional information is known about the probability of an event. \| The conditional probability of $A$ given $B$ is $P(A\|B) = \frac{P(A \text{ and } B)}{P(B)}$. \| \| Mutually Exclusive Events \| Events do not share common outcomes. \| If two events $A$ or $B$ are mutually exclusive, then $P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B)$. \| \| Not Mutually Exclusive Events \| Events do share common outcomes. \| If two events $A$ and $B$ are not mutually exclusive, then $P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B) - P(A \text{ and } B)$. \| \| Complementary Events \| The outcomes of one event consist of all the outcomes in the sample space that are not outcomes of the other event. \| For an event $A$, $P(\text{not } A) = 1 - P(A)$. \| Real-World Example 5 Identify and Use Probability Rules SEAT BELTS Refer to the information at the left. Suppose two people are chosen at random from a group of 100 American motorists and passengers. If this group mirrors the population, what is the probability that at least one of them does not wear a seat belt? Understand You know that 81% of Americans do use a seat belt. The phrase at least one means one or more. So, you need to find the probability that either - the first person chosen does not use a seat belt or - the second person chosen does not use a seat belt or - both people chosen do not use a seat belt. Plan The complement of the event described above is the event that both people chosen do use a seat belt. Find the probability of this event, and then find the probability of its complement. Let event $A$ represent choosing a person who does use a seat belt. Let event $B$ represent choosing a person who does use a seat belt after the first person has already been chosen. These are two dependent events, since the outcome of the first event affects the probability of the outcome of the second event. Solve $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B\|A)$ $$= \frac{81}{100} \cdot \frac{80}{99}$$ $$= \frac{6480}{9900} \text{ or } \frac{36}{55}$$ Probability of dependent events $$P(A) = \frac{0.81(100)}{100} \text{ or } \frac{81}{100}$$ Multiply. $P[\text{not } (A \text{ and } B)] = 1 - P(A \text{ and } B)$ $$= 1 - \frac{36}{55}$$ Substitution $$= \frac{19}{55}$$ Subtract. So, the probability that at least one of the passengers does not use a seat belt is $\frac{19}{55}$ or about 35%. Check Use logical reasoning to check the reasonableness of your answer. The probability that one person chosen out of 100 does not wear his or her seat belt is $(100 - 81)\%$ or 19%. The probability that two people chosen out of 100 wear their seat belt should be greater than 19%. Since $35\% > 19\%$, the answer is reasonable. Guided Practice 5. CELL PHONES According to an online poll, 35% of American motorists routinely use their cell phones while driving. Three people are chosen at random from a group of 100 motorists. What is the probability that A. at least two of them use their cell phone while driving? B. no more than one use their cell phone while driving? Check Your Understanding Example 1 Determine whether the events are mutually exclusive or not mutually exclusive. Explain your reasoning. 1. drawing a card from a standard deck and getting a jack or a club 2. adopting a cat or a dog Example 2 JOBS Adelaide is the employee of the month at her job. Her reward is to select at random from 4 gift cards, 6 coffee mugs, 7 DVDs, 10 CDs, and 3 gift baskets. What is the probability that an employee receives a gift card, coffee mug, or CD? Example 3 CLUBS According to the table, what is the probability that a student in a club is a junior or on the debate team? \| Club \| Soph. \| Junior \| Senior \| \|--------\|-------\|--------\|--------\| \| Key \| 12 \| 14 \| 8 \| \| Debate \| 2 \| 6 \| 3 \| \| Math \| 7 \| 4 \| 5 \| \| French \| 11 \| 15 \| 13 \| Example 4 Determine the probability of each event. 5. If you have a 2 in 10 chance of bowling a spare, what is the probability of missing the spare? 6. If the chance of living in a particular dorm is 75%, what is the probability of living in another dorm? Example 5 PROM In Armando’s senior class of 100 students, 91% went to the senior prom. If two people are chosen at random from the entire class, what is the probability that at least one of them did not go to prom? Practice and Problem Solving Extra Practice is on page R13. Examples 1–3 Determine whether the events are mutually exclusive or not mutually exclusive. Then find the probability. Round to the nearest tenth of a percent, if necessary. 8. drawing a card from a standard deck and getting a jack or a six 9. rolling a pair of dice and getting doubles or a sum of 8 10. selecting a number at random from integers 1 to 20 and getting an even number or a number divisible by 3 11. tossing a coin and getting heads or tails 12. drawing an ace or a heart from a standard deck of 52 cards 13. rolling a pair of dice and getting a sum of either 6 or 10 14. SPORTS The table includes all of the programs offered at a sports complex and the number of participants aged 14–16. What is the probability that a player is 14 or plays basketball? \| Age \| Soccer \| Baseball \| Basketball \| \|-----\|--------\|----------\|------------\| \| 14 \| 28 \| 36 \| 42 \| \| 15 \| 30 \| 26 \| 33 \| \| 16 \| 35 \| 41 \| 29 \| 15. CCSS MODELING An exchange student is moving back to Italy, and her homeroom class wants to get her a going away present. The teacher takes a survey of the class of 32 students and finds that 10 people chose a card, 12 chose a T-shirt, 6 chose a video, and 4 chose a bracelet. If the teacher randomly selects the present, what is the probability that the exchange student will get a card or a bracelet? Example 4 Determine the probability of each event. 16. rolling a pair of dice and not getting a 3 17. drawing a card from a standard deck and not getting a diamond 18. flipping a coin and not landing on heads 19. spinning a spinner numbered 1–8 and not landing on 5 20. RAFFLE Namid bought 20 raffle tickets. If a total of 500 raffle tickets were sold, what is the probability that Namid will not win the raffle? 21. JOBS Of young workers aged 18 to 25, 71% are paid by the hour. If two people are randomly chosen out of a group of 100 young workers, what is the probability that exactly one is paid by the hour? Example 5 22. RECYCLING Suppose 31% of Americans recycle. If two Americans are chosen randomly from a group of 50, what is the probability that at most one of them recycles? CARDS Suppose you pull a card from a standard 52-card deck. Find the probability of each event. 23. The card is a 4. 24. The card is red. 25. The card is a face card. 26. The card is not a face card. 27. MUSIC A school carried out a survey of 265 students to see which types of music students would want played at a school dance. The results are shown in the Venn Diagram. Find each probability. a. $P(\text{country or R&B})$ b. $P(\text{rock and country or R&B and rock})$ c. $P(\text{R&B but not rock})$ d. $P(\text{all three})$ H.O.T. Problems Use Higher-Order Thinking Skills 28. CRITIQUE Tetsuya and Mason want to determine the probability that a red marble will be chosen out of a bag of 4 red, 7 blue, 5 green, and 2 purple marbles. Is either of them correct? Explain your reasoning. \[ \begin{align} \text{Tetsuya} & \quad P(R) = \frac{4}{17} \\ \text{Mason} & \quad P(R) = 1 - \frac{4}{18} \end{align} \] 29. CHALLENGE You roll 3 dice. What is the probability that the outcome of at least two of the dice will be less than or equal to 4? Explain your reasoning. REASONING Determine whether the following are mutually exclusive. Explain. 30. choosing a quadrilateral that is a square and a quadrilateral that is a rectangle 31. choosing a triangle that is equilateral and a triangle that is equiangular 32. choosing a complex number and choosing a natural number 33. OPEN ENDED Describe a pair of events that are mutually exclusive and a pair of events that are not mutually exclusive. 34. WRITING IN MATH Explain why the sum of the probabilities of two mutually exclusive events is not always 1. 35. PROBABILITY Customers at a new salon can win prizes during opening day. The table shows the type and number of prizes. What is the probability that the first customer wins a manicure or a massage? \| Prize \| Number \| \|---------\|--------\| \| manicure \| 10 \| \| pedicure \| 6 \| \| massage \| 3 \| \| facial \| 1 \| A 0.075 B 0.35 C 0.5 D 0.65 36. SHORT RESPONSE A cube numbered 1 through 6 is shown. If the cube is rolled once, what is the probability that a number less than 3 or an odd number shows on the top face of the cube? 37. ALGEBRA What will happen to the slope of line $p$ if it is shifted so that the $y$-intercept stays the same and the $x$-intercept approaches the origin? F The slope will become negative. G The slope will become zero. H The slope will decrease. J The slope will increase. 38. SAT/ACT The probability of choosing a peppermint from a certain bag of candy is 0.25, and the probability of choosing a chocolate is 0.3. The bag contains 60 pieces of candy, and the only types of candy in the bag are peppermint, chocolate, and butterscotch. How many butterscotch candies are in the bag? A 25 B 27 C 30 D 33 E 45 Spiral Review Determine whether the events are independent or dependent. Then find the probability. (Lesson 13-5) 39. A king is drawn, without replacement, from a standard deck of 52 cards. Then, a second king is drawn. 40. You roll a die and get a 2. You roll another die and get a 3. 41. SPORTS A survey at a high school found that 15% of the athletes at the school play only volleyball, 20% play only soccer, 30% play only basketball, and 35% play only football. Design a simulation that can be used to estimate the probability that an athlete will play each of these sports. (Lesson 13-4) Copy the figure and point $P$. Then use a ruler to draw the image of the figure under a dilation with center $P$ and the scale factor $r$ indicated. (Lesson 9-6) 42. $r = \frac{1}{2}$ 43. $r = 3$ 44. $r = \frac{1}{5}$ Mathematical structures can be used to model relationships in a set. The study of these graphs is called graph theory. These vertex-edge graphs are not like graphs that can be seen on a coordinate plane. Each graph, also called a network, is a collection of vertices, called nodes, and segments, called edges, that connect the nodes. The bus route in the figure is an example of a network. The school, each stop, and the garage are nodes in the network. The connecting streets, such as Long Street, are edges. This is an example of a traceable network because all of the nodes are connected, and each edge is used once in the network. Activity 1 The graph represents the streets on Ava’s newspaper route. To complete her route as quickly as possible, how can Ava ride her bike down each street only once? Step 1 Copy the graph onto your paper. Step 2 Beginning at Ava’s home, trace over her route without lifting your pencil. Remember to trace each edge only once. Step 3 Describe Ava’s route. --- Analyze 1. Is there more than one traceable route that begins at Ava’s house? If so, how many? 2. If it does not matter where Ava starts, how many traceable routes are possible? Is each graph traceable? Write yes or no. Explain your reasoning. 3. 4. 5. 6. The campus for Centerburgh High School has five buildings built around the edge of a circular courtyard. There is a sidewalk between each pair of buildings. a. Draw a graph of the campus. Is the graph traceable? b. Suppose there are no sidewalks between pairs of adjacent buildings. Is it possible to reach all five buildings without walking down any sidewalk more than once? 7. REASONING Write a rule for determining whether a graph is traceable. In a network, routes from one vertex to another are also called paths. Weighted vertex-edge graphs are graphs in which a value, or weight, is assigned to each edge. The weight of a path is the sum of the weights of the edges along the path. The efficient route is the path with the minimum weight. Activity 2 The edges of the network have different weights. Find the efficient route from $A$ to $B$. Step 1 Find all of the possible paths from $A$ to $B$. Label each path with the letters of the nodes along the path. Step 2 Trace each path and add the weights of each edge. The path with the least weight is the efficient route: $A-U-I-X-Y-Z-B$. The weight is 54. Pay attention to the weights when determining the efficient route. It may not be the path with the fewest edges. --- Model and Analyze 8. What is the longest path from $A$ to $B$ that does not cover any edges more than once? Determine the efficient route from $A$ to $B$ for each network. 9. ![Graph 1](image) 10. ![Graph 2](image) 11. ![Graph 3](image) 12. OPEN ENDED Create a network with 8 nodes and an efficient route with a value of 25. 13. WRITING IN MATH Explain your method for determining the efficient route of a network. 14. TRAVEL Use the graph at the right to find each efficient route. a. from Phoenix to New York b. from Seattle to Atlanta 15. Six Degrees of Separation is a well-known example of graph theory. In this case, each person is a node and people are linked by an edge when they know each other. a. Make a graph of the situation. Directly connect yourself to three other people that you know personally. This represents the first degree of separation. b. Expand the graph to show the first three degrees of separation. Name a person who is within 3 degrees of you, and list the path. Study Guide Key Concepts Representing Sample Spaces (Lesson 13-1) - The sample space of an experiment is the set of all possible outcomes. It can be determined by using an organized list, a table, or a tree diagram. Permutations and Combinations (Lesson 13-2) - A permutation of $n$ objects taken $r$ at a time is given by \[ nP_r = \frac{nr}{(n - r)!} \] - A combination of $n$ objects taken $r$ at a time is given by \[ nC_r = \frac{nr}{(n - r)!r!} \] - Permutations should be used when order is important, and combinations should be used when order is not important. Geometric Probability (Lesson 13-3) - If a region $A$ contains a region $B$ and a point $E$ in region $A$ is chosen at random, then the probability that point $E$ is in region $B$ is \[ \frac{\text{area of region } B}{\text{area of region } A}. \] Simulations (Lesson 13-4) - A simulation uses a probability model to recreate a situation again and again so that the likelihood of various outcomes can be estimated. Probabilities of Compound Events (Lessons 13-5 and 13-6) - If event $A$ does not affect the outcome of event $B$, then the events are independent and $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B)$. - If two events $A$ and $B$ are dependent, then $P(A \text{ and } B) = P(A) \cdot P(B\|A)$. - If two events $A$ and $B$ cannot happen at the same time, they are mutually exclusive and $P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B)$. - If two events $A$ and $B$ are not mutually exclusive, then $P(A \text{ or } B) = P(A) + P(B) - P(A \text{ and } B)$. Key Vocabulary circular permutation (p. 925) combination (p. 926) complement (p. 959) compound events (p. 947) conditional probability (p. 949) dependent events (p. 947) expected value (p. 941) factorial (p. 922) Fundamental Counting Principle (p. 917) geometric probability (p. 931) independent events (p. 947) mutually exclusive events (p. 956) permutation (p. 922) probability model (p. 939) probability tree (p. 949) random variable (p. 941) sample space (p. 915) simulation (p. 939) tree diagram (p. 915) Vocabulary Check State whether each sentence is true or false. If false, replace the underlined term to make a true sentence. 1. A tree diagram uses line segments to display possible outcomes. 2. A permutation is an arrangement of objects in which order is NOT important. 3. Determining the arrangement of people around a circular table would require circular permutation. 4. Tossing a coin and then tossing another coin is an example of dependent events. 5. Geometric probability involves a geometric measure such as length or area. 6. $6! = 6 \cdot 5 \cdot 4 \cdot 3 \cdot 2 \cdot 1$, is an example of a factorial. 7. The set of all possible outcomes is the sample space. 8. Combining a coin toss and a roll of a die makes a simple event. 9. Grant flipped a coin 200 times to create a probability tree of the experiment. 10. Drawing two socks out of a drawer without replacing them are examples of mutually exclusive events. Lesson-by-Lesson Review 13–1 Representing Sample Spaces 11. POPCORN A movie theater sells small (S), medium (M), and large (L) size popcorn with the choice of no butter (NB), butter (B), and extra butter (EB). Represent the sample space for popcorn orders by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. 12. SHOES A pair of men’s shoes comes in whole sizes 5 through 13 in navy, brown, or black. How many different pairs could be selected? Example 1 Three coins are tossed. Represent the sample space for this experiment by making an organized list. Pair each possible outcome from the first toss with the possible outcomes from the second toss and third toss. HHH, HHT, HTH, HTT, THH, THT, TTH, TTT 13–2 Probability with Permutations and Combinations 13. DINING Three boys and three girls go out to eat together. The restaurant only has round tables. Fred does not want any girl next to him and Gena does not want any boy next to her. How many arrangements are possible? 14. DANCE The dance committee consisted of 10 students. The committee will select three officers at random. What is the probability that Alice, David, and Carlene are selected? 15. COMPETITION From 32 students, 4 are to be randomly chosen for an academic challenge team. In how many ways can this be done? Example 2 For a party, Lucita needs to seat four people at a round table. How many combinations are possible? Since there is no fixed reference point, this is a circular permutation. \[ P_n = (n - 1)! \] \[ P_4 = (4 - 1)! \] \[ = 3! \text{ or } 6 \] So, there are 6 ways for Casey to seat four people at a round table. 13–3 Geometric Probability 16. GAMES Measurements for a beanbag game are shown. What is the probability of each event? a. $ P(\text{hole}) $ b. $ P(\text{no hole}) $ 17. POOL Morgan, Phil, Callie, and Tyreese are sitting on the side of a pool in that order. Morgan is 2 feet from Phil. Phil is 4 feet from Callie. Callie is 3 feet from Tyreese. Oscar joins them. a. Find the probability that Oscar sits between Morgan and Phil. b. Find the probability that Oscar sits between Phil and Tyreese. Example 3 A carnival game is shown. a. If Khiana threw 10 beanbags at the board, what is the probability that the beanbag went in the hole? Area of hole = $ 4 \cdot 4 = 16 $ Area of board = $ (8 \cdot 8) - 16 = 64 - 16 $ or 48 \[ P(\text{hole}) = \frac{16}{64} \text{ or about 25%} \] b. What is the probability that the beanbag did not go in the hole? \[ P(\text{no hole}) = \frac{48}{64} \text{ or about 75%} \] 13–4 Simulations For each of the following, describe how you would use a geometric probability model to design a simulation. 18. POLO Max scores 35% of the goals his team earns in each water polo match. 19. BOOKS According to a survey, people buy 30% of their books in October, November, and December, 22% during January, February, and March, 23% during April, May, and June, and 25% during July, August, and September. 20. OIL The United States consumes 17.3 million barrels of oil a day. 63% is used for transportation, 4.9% is used to generate electricity, 7.8% is used for heating and cooking, and 24.3% is used for industrial processes. Example 4 Darius made 75% of his field goal kicks last season. Design a simulation that can be used to estimate the probability that he will make his next field goal kick this season. Use a spinner that is divided into 2 sectors. Make one sector red containing 75% of the spinner’s area and the other blue containing 25% of the spinner’s area. Spin the spinner 50 times. Each spin represents kicking a field goal. A successful trial will be a made field goal, and a failed trial will be a missed field goal. 13–5 Probabilities of Independent and Dependent Events 21. MARBLES A box contains 3 white marbles and 4 black marbles. What is the probability of drawing 2 black marbles and 1 white marble in a row without replacing any marbles? 22. CARDS Two cards are randomly chosen from a standard deck of cards with replacement. What is the probability of successfully drawing, in order, a three and then a queen? 23. PIZZA A nationwide survey found that 72% of people in the United States like pizza. If 3 people are randomly selected, what is the probability that all three like pizza? Example 5 A bag contains 3 red, 2 white, and 6 blue marbles. What is the probability of drawing, in order, 2 red and 1 blue marble without replacement? Since the marbles are not being replaced, the events are dependent events. \[ P(\text{red, red, blue}) = P(\text{red}) \cdot P(\text{red}) \cdot P(\text{blue}) \] \[ = \frac{3}{11} \cdot \frac{2}{10} \cdot \frac{6}{9} \] \[ = \frac{2}{55} \text{ or about } 3.6\% \] 13–6 Probabilities of Mutually Exclusive Events 24. ROLLING DICE Two dice are rolled. What is the probability that the sum of the numbers is 7 or 11? 25. CARDS A card is drawn from a deck of cards. Find the probability of drawing a 10 or a diamond. 26. RAFFLE A bag contains 40 raffle tickets numbered 1 through 40. a. What is the probability that a ticket chosen is an even number or less than 5? b. What is the probability that a ticket chosen is greater than 30 or less than 10? Example 6 Two dice are rolled. What is the probability that the sum is 5 or doubles are rolled? These are mutually exclusive events because the sum of doubles can never equal 5. \[ P(\text{sum is 5 or doubles}) = P(\text{sum is 5}) + P(\text{doubles}) \] \[ = \frac{4}{36} + \frac{6}{36} \] \[ = \frac{5}{18} \text{ or about } 27.8\% \] Point $X$ is chosen at random on $\overline{AE}$. Find the probability of each event. 1. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{AC})$ 2. $P(X \text{ is on } \overline{CD})$ 3. BASEBALL A baseball team fields 9 players. How many possible batting orders are there for the 9 players? 4. TRAVEL A traveling salesperson needs to visit four cities in her territory. How many distinct itineraries are there for visiting each city once? Represent the sample space for each experiment by making an organized list, a table, and a tree diagram. 5. A box has 1 red ball, 1 green ball, and 1 blue ball. Two balls are drawn from the box one after the other, without replacement. 6. Shinsuke wants to adopt a pet and goes to his local humane society to find a dog or cat. While he is there, he decides to adopt two pets. 7. ENGINEERING An engineer is analyzing three factors that affect the quality of semiconductors: temperature, humidity, and material selection. There are 6 possible temperature settings, 4 possible humidity settings, and 6 choices of materials. How many combinations of settings are there? 8. SPELLING How many distinguishable ways are there to arrange the letters in the word “bubble”? 9. PAINTBALL Cordell is shooting a paintball gun at the target. What is the probability that he will shoot the shaded region? 10. SHORT RESPONSE What is the probability that a phone number using the numbers 7, 7, 7, 2, 2, 2, and 6 will be 622-2777? 11. TICKETS Fifteen people entered the drawing at the right. What is the probability that Jodi, Dan, and Pilar all won the tickets? Determine whether the events are independent or dependent. Then find the probability. 12. A deck of cards has 5 yellow, 5 pink, and 5 orange cards. Two cards are chosen from the deck with replacement. Find $P(\text{the first card is pink and the second card is pink})$. 13. There are 6 green, 2 red, 2 brown, 4 navy, and 2 purple marbles in a hat. Sadie picks 2 marbles from the hat without replacement. What is the probability that the first marble is brown and the second marble is not purple? Use the spinner to find each probability. If the spinner lands on a line, it is spun again. 14. $P(\text{pointer landing on purple})$ 15. $P(\text{pointer landing on red})$ 16. $P(\text{pointer not landing on yellow})$ 17. FOOTBALL According to a football team’s offensive success rate, the team punts 40% of the time, kicks a field goal 30% of the time, loses possession 5% of the time, and scores a touchdown 25% of the time. Design a simulation using a random number generator. Report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. Determine whether the events are mutually exclusive or not mutually exclusive. Explain your reasoning. 18. a person owning a car and a truck 19. rolling a pair of dice and getting a sum of 7 and 6 on the face of one die 20. a playing card being both a spade and a club 21. GRADES This quarter, Todd earned As in his classes 45% of the time. Design and conduct a simulation using a geometric probability model. Then report the results using appropriate numerical and graphical summaries. Organize Data Sometimes you may be given a set of data that you need to analyze in order to solve items on a standardized test. Use this section to practice organizing data and to help you solve problems. Strategies for Organizing Data Step 1 When you are given a problem statement containing data, consider: - making a list of the data. - using a table to organize the data. - using a data display (such as a bar graph, Venn diagram, circle graph, line graph, box-and-whisker plot, etc.) to organize the data. Step 2 Organize the data. - Create your table, list, or data display. - If possible, fill in any missing values that can be found by intermediate computations. Step 3 Analyze the data to solve the problem. - Reread the problem statement to determine what you are being asked to solve. - Use the properties of geometry and algebra to work with the organized data and solve the problem. - If time permits, go back and check your answer. Standardized Test Example Read the problem. Identify what you need to know. Then use the information in the problem to solve. Of the students who speak a foreign language at Marie’s school, 18 speak Spanish, 14 speak French, and 16 speak German. There are 8 students who only speak Spanish, 7 who speak only German, 3 who speak Spanish and French, 2 who speak French and German, and 4 who speak all three languages. If a student is selected at random, what is the probability that he or she speaks Spanish or German, but not French? A $\frac{7}{12}$ B $\frac{9}{16}$ C $\frac{2}{5}$ D $\frac{5}{18}$ Read the problem carefully. The data is difficult to analyze as it is presented. Use a Venn diagram to organize the data and solve the problem. Step 1 Draw three circles, each representing a language. Step 2 Fill in the data given in the problem statement. Step 3 Fill in the missing values. For example, you know that 18 students speak Spanish and 14 students speak French. \[ 18 - 8 - 3 - 4 = 3 \text{ (Spanish and German)} \] \[ 14 - 3 - 4 - 2 = 5 \text{ (only French)} \] Step 4 Solve the problem. You are asked to find the probability that a randomly selected student speaks Spanish or German, but not French. From the Venn diagram, you can see that there are 32 total students. Of these, $8 + 3 + 7$, or 18 students speak Spanish or German, but not French. So, the probability is $\frac{18}{32}$ or $\frac{9}{16}$. So, the correct answer is B. ### Exercises Read the problem. Identify what you need to know. Then organize the data to solve the problem. 1. Alana has the letter tiles A, H, M, and T in a bag. If she selects a permutation of the tiles at random, what is the probability she will spell the word MATH? A $\frac{1}{4}$ B $\frac{1}{12}$ C $\frac{3}{50}$ D $\frac{1}{24}$ 2. The table below shows the number of freshmen, sophomores, juniors, and seniors involved in basketball, soccer, and volleyball. What is the probability that a randomly selected student is a junior or plays volleyball? \| Sport \| Fr \| So \| Jr \| Sr \| \|-------\|----\|----\|----\|----\| \| Basketball \| 7 \| 6 \| 5 \| 6 \| \| Soccer \| 6 \| 4 \| 8 \| 7 \| \| Volleyball \| 9 \| 2 \| 4 \| 6 \| F $\frac{4}{21}$ G $\frac{5}{21}$ H $\frac{5}{17}$ J $\frac{17}{35}$ 3. Find the probability that a point chosen at random lies in the shaded region. A 0.22 B 0.25 C 0.28 D 0.32 4. There are 10 sophomore, 8 junior, and 9 senior members in student council. Each member is assigned to help plan one school activity during the year. There are 4 sophomores working on the field day and 6 working on the pep rally. Of the juniors, 2 are working on the field day and 5 are working on the school dance. There are 2 seniors working on the pep rally. If each activity has a total of 9 students helping to plan it, what is the probability that a randomly selected student council member is a junior or is working on the field day? F $\frac{1}{5}$ G $\frac{4}{18}$ H $\frac{5}{9}$ J $\frac{2}{3}$ Multiple Choice Read each question. Then fill in the correct answer on the answer document provided by your teacher or on a sheet of paper. 1. A machine is making steel washers by cutting out 10-millimeter circular disks from 34-millimeter circular disks as shown below. What is the area of each washer to the nearest tenth? A 75.4 mm² B 829.4 mm² C 986.5 mm² D 3317.5 mm² 2. How much paper is needed to make the drinking cup below? Round to the nearest tenth. F 73.4 cm² G 70.7 cm² H 67.9 cm² J 58.8 cm² 3. Which of the following properties of real numbers justifies the statement below? \[ \text{If } 3x - 2 = 7x + 12, \text{ then } 3x - 2 + 2 = 7x + 12 + 2. \] A Addition Property of Equality B Reflection Property of Equality C Subtraction Property of Equality D Symmetric Property of Equality Test-Taking Tip Question 4 What is the probability of rolling doubles with two number cubes? Multiply this by the number of trials. 4. What is the expected number of times Clarence will roll doubles with two number cubes in 90 trials? (Doubles occur when both number cubes show the same number in a trial.) F 6 G 9 H 10 J 15 5. The Venn diagram shows the states in the U.S. in which the population is greater than 10,000,000 and the population density is greater than 200 people per square mile. Which statement is false? A In California (CA), the population is greater than 10,000,000, and the density is greater than 200. B In Maryland (MD), the density is greater than 200. C 14 states have a density greater than 200. D 8 states have a population greater than 10,000,000. 6. Which of the following correctly shows the relationship between the angle measures of triangle $ RST $? F $ m\angle S < m\angle R < m\angle T $ G $ m\angle T < m\angle S < m\angle R $ H $ m\angle R < m\angle S < m\angle T $ J $ m\angle T < m\angle R < m\angle S $ Short Response/Gridded Response Record your answers on the answer sheet provided by your teacher or on a sheet of paper. 7. GRIDDED RESPONSE What is $ m\angle S $ in the figure below? Express your answer in degrees. 8. Does the figure have rotational symmetry? If so, give the order of symmetry. 9. GRIDDED RESPONSE Segment $ AD $ bisects $ \angle CAB $ in the triangle below. What is the value of $ x $? 10. GRIDDED RESPONSE Armando leans an 18-foot ladder against the side of his house to clean out the gutters. The base of the ladder is 5 feet from the wall. How high up the side of the house does the ladder reach? Express your answer in feet, rounded to the nearest tenth. 11. Solve for $ x $ in the triangle below. 12. What effect does doubling the dimensions of the rectangle below have on its area and perimeter? Extended Response Record your answers on a sheet of paper. Show your work. 13. A bag contains 3 red chips, 5 green chips, 2 yellow chips, 4 brown chips, and 6 purple chips. One chip is chosen at random, the color noted, and the chip returned to the bag. a. Suppose two trials of this experiment are conducted. Are the events independent or dependent? Explain. b. What is the probability that both chips are purple? c. 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GEOMETRY (Common Core) Tuesday, June 2, 2015 — 1:15 to 4:15 p.m., only Student Name: ____________________________________________ School Name: ____________________________________________ The possession or use of any communications device is strictly prohibited when taking this examination. If you have or use any communications device, no matter how briefly, your examination will be invalidated and no score will be calculated for you. Print your name and the name of your school on the lines above. A separate answer sheet for Part I has been provided to you. Follow the instructions from the proctor for completing the student information on your answer sheet. This examination has four parts, with a total of 36 questions. You must answer all questions in this examination. Record your answers to the Part I multiple-choice questions on the separate answer sheet. Write your answers to the questions in Parts II, III, and IV directly in this booklet. All work should be written in pen, except for graphs and drawings, which should be done in pencil. Clearly indicate the necessary steps, including appropriate formula substitutions, diagrams, graphs, charts, etc. Utilize the information provided for each question to determine your answer. Note that diagrams are not necessarily drawn to scale. The formulas that you may need to answer some questions in this examination are found at the end of the examination. This sheet is perforated so you may remove it from this booklet. Scrap paper is not permitted for any part of this examination, but you may use the blank spaces in this booklet as scrap paper. A perforated sheet of scrap graph paper is provided at the end of this booklet for any question for which graphing may be helpful but is not required. You may remove this sheet from this booklet. Any work done on this sheet of scrap graph paper will not be scored. When you have completed the examination, you must sign the statement printed at the end of the answer sheet, indicating that you had no unlawful knowledge of the questions or answers prior to the examination and that you have neither given nor received assistance in answering any of the questions during the examination. Your answer sheet cannot be accepted if you fail to sign this declaration. Notice... A graphing calculator, a straightedge (ruler), and a compass must be available for you to use while taking this examination. DO NOT OPEN THIS EXAMINATION BOOKLET UNTIL THE SIGNAL IS GIVEN. 1 Which object is formed when right triangle $RST$ shown below is rotated around leg $\overline{RS}$? (1) a pyramid with a square base (3) a right triangle (2) an isosceles triangle (4) a cone 2 The vertices of $\triangle JKL$ have coordinates $J(5,1)$, $K(-2,-3)$, and $L(-4,1)$. Under which transformation is the image $\triangle J'K'L'$ not congruent to $\triangle JKL$? (1) a translation of two units to the right and two units down (2) a counterclockwise rotation of 180 degrees around the origin (3) a reflection over the $x$-axis (4) a dilation with a scale factor of 2 and centered at the origin 3 The center of circle $Q$ has coordinates $(3,-2)$. If circle $Q$ passes through $R(7,1)$, what is the length of its diameter? (1) 50 (3) 10 (2) 25 (4) 5 4 In the diagram below, congruent figures 1, 2, and 3 are drawn. Which sequence of transformations maps figure 1 onto figure 2 and then figure 2 onto figure 3? (1) a reflection followed by a translation (2) a rotation followed by a translation (3) a translation followed by a reflection (4) a translation followed by a rotation 5 As shown in the diagram below, the angle of elevation from a point on the ground to the top of the tree is $34^\circ$. If the point is 20 feet from the base of the tree, what is the height of the tree, to the nearest tenth of a foot? (1) 29.7 (2) 16.6 (3) 13.5 (4) 11.2 6 Which figure can have the same cross section as a sphere? (1) (3) (2) (4) 7 A shipping container is in the shape of a right rectangular prism with a length of 12 feet, a width of 8.5 feet, and a height of 4 feet. The container is completely filled with contents that weigh, on average, 0.25 pound per cubic foot. What is the weight, in pounds, of the contents in the container? (1) 1,632 (2) 408 (3) 102 (4) 92 8 In the diagram of circle $A$ shown below, chords $\overline{CD}$ and $\overline{EF}$ intersect at $G$, and chords $\overline{CE}$ and $\overline{FD}$ are drawn. Which statement is not always true? (1) $\overline{CG} \cong \overline{FG}$ (2) $\angle CEG \cong \angle FDG$ (3) $\frac{CE}{EG} = \frac{FD}{DG}$ (4) $\triangle CEG \sim \triangle FDG$ 9 Which equation represents a line that is perpendicular to the line represented by $2x - y = 7$? (1) $y = -\frac{1}{2}x + 6$ (2) $y = \frac{1}{2}x + 6$ (3) $y = -2x + 6$ (4) $y = 2x + 6$ 10 Which regular polygon has a minimum rotation of $45^\circ$ to carry the polygon onto itself? (1) octagon \hspace{2cm} (3) hexagon (2) decagon \hspace{2cm} (4) pentagon 11 In the diagram of $\triangle ADC$ below, $\overline{EB} \parallel \overline{DC}$, $AE = 9$, $ED = 5$, and $AB = 9.2$. What is the length of $\overline{AC}$, to the nearest tenth? (1) 5.1 \hspace{2cm} (3) 14.3 (2) 5.2 \hspace{2cm} (4) 14.4 12 In scalene triangle $ABC$ shown in the diagram below, $\text{m}\angle C = 90^\circ$. Which equation is always true? (1) $\sin A = \sin B$ (3) $\cos A = \sin C$ (2) $\cos A = \cos B$ (4) $\sin A = \cos B$ 13 Quadrilateral $ABCD$ has diagonals $\overline{AC}$ and $\overline{BD}$. Which information is not sufficient to prove $ABCD$ is a parallelogram? (1) $\overline{AC}$ and $\overline{BD}$ bisect each other. (2) $\overline{AB} \equiv \overline{CD}$ and $\overline{BC} \equiv \overline{AD}$ (3) $\overline{AB} \equiv \overline{CD}$ and $\overline{AB} \parallel \overline{CD}$ (4) $\overline{AB} \equiv \overline{CD}$ and $\overline{BC} \parallel \overline{AD}$ 14 The equation of a circle is $x^2 + y^2 + 6y = 7$. What are the coordinates of the center and the length of the radius of the circle? (1) center $(0,3)$ and radius 4 (2) center $(0,-3)$ and radius 4 (3) center $(0,3)$ and radius 16 (4) center $(0,-3)$ and radius 16 15 Triangles $ABC$ and $DEF$ are drawn below. If $AB = 9$, $BC = 15$, $DE = 6$, $EF = 10$, and $\angle B \cong \angle E$, which statement is true? (1) $\angle CAB \cong \angle DEF$ (2) $\frac{AB}{CB} = \frac{FE}{DE}$ (3) $\triangle ABC \sim \triangle DEF$ (4) $\frac{AB}{DE} = \frac{FE}{CB}$ 16 If $\triangle ABC$ is dilated by a scale factor of 3, which statement is true of the image $\triangle A'B'C'$? (1) $3A'B' = AB$ (2) $B'C' = 3BC$ (3) $m\angle A' = 3(m\angle A)$ (4) $3(m\angle C') = m\angle C$ 17 Steve drew line segments $ABCD$, $EFG$, $BF$, and $CF$ as shown in the diagram below. Scalene $\triangle BFC$ is formed. Which statement will allow Steve to prove $\overline{ABCD} \parallel \overline{EFG}$? (1) $\angle CFG \cong \angle FCB$ (2) $\angle ABF \cong \angle BFC$ (3) $\angle EFB \cong \angle CFB$ (4) $\angle CBF \cong \angle GFC$ 18 In the diagram below, $\overline{CD}$ is the image of $\overline{AB}$ after a dilation of scale factor $k$ with center $E$. Which ratio is equal to the scale factor $k$ of the dilation? (1) $\frac{EC}{EA}$ (2) $\frac{BA}{EA}$ (3) $\frac{EA}{BA}$ (4) $\frac{EA}{EC}$ 19 A gallon of paint will cover approximately 450 square feet. An artist wants to paint all the outside surfaces of a cube measuring 12 feet on each edge. What is the least number of gallons of paint he must buy to paint the cube? (1) 1 (2) 2 (3) 3 (4) 4 20 In circle $O$ shown below, diameter $\overline{AC}$ is perpendicular to $\overline{CD}$ at point $C$, and chords $\overline{AB}$, $\overline{BC}$, $\overline{AE}$, and $\overline{CE}$ are drawn. Which statement is not always true? (1) $\angle ACB \cong \angle BCD$ (2) $\angle ABC \cong \angle ACD$ (3) $\angle BAC \cong \angle DCB$ (4) $\angle CBA \cong \angle AEC$ 21 In the diagram below, $\triangle ABC \sim \triangle DEC$. If $AC = 12$, $DC = 7$, $DE = 5$, and the perimeter of $\triangle ABC$ is 30, what is the perimeter of $\triangle DEC$? (1) 12.5 (2) 14.0 (3) 14.8 (4) 17.5 22 The line $3y = -2x + 8$ is transformed by a dilation centered at the origin. Which linear equation could be its image? (1) $2x + 3y = 5$ (2) $2x - 3y = 5$ (3) $3x + 2y = 5$ (4) $3x - 2y = 5$ 23 A circle with a radius of 5 was divided into 24 congruent sectors. The sectors were then rearranged, as shown in the diagram below. To the nearest integer, the value of $x$ is (1) 31 (2) 16 (3) 12 (4) 10 24 Which statement is sufficient evidence that $\triangle DEF$ is congruent to $\triangle ABC$? (1) $AB = DE$ and $BC = EF$ (2) $\angle D \cong \angle A$, $\angle B \cong \angle E$, $\angle C \cong \angle F$ (3) There is a sequence of rigid motions that maps $\overline{AB}$ onto $\overline{DE}$, $\overline{BC}$ onto $\overline{EF}$, and $\overline{AC}$ onto $\overline{DF}$. (4) There is a sequence of rigid motions that maps point $A$ onto point $D$, $\overline{AB}$ onto $\overline{DE}$, and $\angle B$ onto $\angle E$. 25 Use a compass and straightedge to construct an inscribed square in circle $T$ shown below. [Leave all construction marks.] 26 The diagram below shows parallelogram $LMNO$ with diagonal $\overline{LN}$, $m\angle M = 118^\circ$, and $m\angle LNO = 22^\circ$. Explain why $m\angle NLO$ is 40 degrees. 27 The coordinates of the endpoints of $\overline{AB}$ are $A(-6,-5)$ and $B(4,0)$. Point $P$ is on $\overline{AB}$. Determine and state the coordinates of point $P$, such that $AP:PB$ is 2:3. [The use of the set of axes below is optional.] 28 The diagram below shows a ramp connecting the ground to a loading platform 4.5 feet above the ground. The ramp measures 11.75 feet from the ground to the top of the loading platform. Determine and state, to the nearest degree, the angle of elevation formed by the ramp and the ground. 29 In the diagram below of circle $O$, the area of the shaded sector $AOC$ is $12\pi$ in$^2$ and the length of $OA$ is 6 inches. Determine and state $\text{m}\angle AOC$. 30 After a reflection over a line, $\triangle A'B'C'$ is the image of $\triangle ABC$. Explain why triangle $ABC$ is congruent to triangle $A'B'C'$. 31 A flagpole casts a shadow 16.60 meters long. Tim stands at a distance of 12.45 meters from the base of the flagpole, such that the end of Tim’s shadow meets the end of the flagpole’s shadow. If Tim is 1.65 meters tall, determine and state the height of the flagpole to the nearest tenth of a meter. 32 In the diagram below, $\overline{EF}$ intersects $\overline{AB}$ and $\overline{CD}$ at $G$ and $H$, respectively, and $\overline{GI}$ is drawn such that $GH \cong IH$. If $m\angle EGB = 50^\circ$ and $m\angle DIG = 115^\circ$, explain why $\overline{AB} \parallel \overline{CD}$. 33 Given: Quadrilateral $ABCD$ is a parallelogram with diagonals $\overline{AC}$ and $\overline{BD}$ intersecting at $E$ Prove: $\triangle AED \cong \triangle CEB$ Describe a single rigid motion that maps $\triangle AED$ onto $\triangle CEB$. 34 In the diagram below, the line of sight from the park ranger station, $P$, to the lifeguard chair, $L$, on the beach of a lake is perpendicular to the path joining the campground, $C$, and the first aid station, $F$. The campground is 0.25 mile from the lifeguard chair. The straight paths from both the campground and first aid station to the park ranger station are perpendicular. If the path from the park ranger station to the campground is 0.55 mile, determine and state, to the nearest hundredth of a mile, the distance between the park ranger station and the lifeguard chair. Gerald believes the distance from the first aid station to the campground is at least 1.5 miles. Is Gerald correct? Justify your answer. 35 The water tower in the picture below is modeled by the two-dimensional figure beside it. The water tower is composed of a hemisphere, a cylinder, and a cone. Let $C$ be the center of the hemisphere and let $D$ be the center of the base of the cone. Source: http://en.wikipedia.org Question 35 is continued on the next page. Question 35 continued If $AC = 8.5$ feet, $BF = 25$ feet, and $\text{m}\angle EFD = 47^\circ$, determine and state, to the nearest cubic foot, the volume of the water tower. The water tower was constructed to hold a maximum of 400,000 pounds of water. If water weighs 62.4 pounds per cubic foot, can the water tower be filled to 85% of its volume and not exceed the weight limit? Justify your answer. 36 In the coordinate plane, the vertices of $\triangle RST$ are $R(6,-1)$, $S(1,-4)$, and $T(-5,6)$. Prove that $\triangle RST$ is a right triangle. [The use of the set of axes on the next page is optional.] State the coordinates of point $P$ such that quadrilateral $RSTP$ is a rectangle. Question 36 continued Prove that your quadrilateral $RSTP$ is a rectangle. [The use of the set of axes below is optional.] \| High School Math Reference Sheet \| \|-------------------------------------\| \| 1 inch = 2.54 centimeters \| 1 kilometer = 0.62 mile \| 1 cup = 8 fluid ounces \| \| 1 meter = 39.37 inches \| 1 pound = 16 ounces \| 1 pint = 2 cups \| \| 1 mile = 5280 feet \| 1 pound = 0.454 kilogram \| 1 quart = 2 pints \| \| 1 mile = 1760 yards \| 1 kilogram = 2.2 pounds \| 1 gallon = 4 quarts \| \| 1 mile = 1.609 kilometers \| 1 ton = 2000 pounds \| 1 gallon = 3.785 liters \| \| \| \| 1 liter = 0.264 gallon \| \| \| \| 1 liter = 1000 cubic centimeters \| \| Triangle \| $A = \frac{1}{2}bh$ \| \|--------------\|---------------------\| \| Parallelogram \| $A = bh$ \| \| Circle \| $A = \pi r^2$ \| \| Circle \| $C = \pi d$ or $C = 2\pi r$ \| \| General Prisms \| $V = Bh$ \| \| Cylinder \| $V = \pi r^2 h$ \| \| Sphere \| $V = \frac{4}{3} \pi r^3$ \| \| Cone \| $V = \frac{1}{3} \pi r^2 h$ \| \| Pyramid \| $V = \frac{1}{3} Bh$ \| \| Pythagorean Theorem \| $a^2 + b^2 = c^2$ \| \|-------------------------\|-------------------\| \| Quadratic Formula \| $x = \frac{-b \pm \sqrt{b^2 - 4ac}}{2a}$ \| \| Arithmetic Sequence \| $a_n = a_1 + (n - 1)d$ \| \| Geometric Sequence \| $a_n = a_1 r^{n-1}$ \| \| Geometric Series \| $S_n = \frac{a_1 - a_1 r^n}{1 - r}$ where $r \neq 1$ \| \| Radians \| 1 radian = $\frac{180}{\pi}$ degrees \| \| Degrees \| 1 degree = $\frac{\pi}{180}$ radians \| \| Exponential Growth/Decay \| $A = A_0 e^{k(t - t_0)} + B_0$ \| \| Date \| Time \| Location \| Event Description \| \|------------\|--------\|-----------\|-------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| Tear Here Tear Here Scrap Graph Paper — This sheet will not be scored. 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Preface This book: - is for first-time users of CUBLOC. - avoided the usual manual approach: it has many figures and photos to make it fun and easy to approach CUBLOC. rather than listing commands as in dictionary entries, provides a thematic learning scenario where the reader learns the usage of a command. - begins with a simple example of turning on an LED and gradually advances to a rather sophisticated example. - One will especially begin with studying the basics of BASIC and Ladder Logic languages, then how to use them in specific programming situations. It is the wish of the author that as many people as possible will become able CUBLOC programmers. This book was written for: 1. Beginners of CUBLOC 2. Those who are familiar with PLC (Programmable Logic Controller) but new to BASIC 3. Who has been interested in Embedded Control 4. Those who are versed in electric circuits but weak at software programming 5. Who wants to control something Some Notes from the Author: You need not know a thing about CUBLOC before you read this book; but you should be familiar with using PCs or Windows environment. Since this book covers quite a lot about electronic circuits and components, those who are not familiar with those can easily read this book. Most of the examples of this book assume you have the CUBLOC Start Kit 280. Thus, we recommend that you purchase the Start Kit with this book. You may not need to prepare other things before you dive into this book. But you must be prepared with passion to dig in. Now, let us lead you to the "World of CUBLOC" Chapter 1: What is CUBLOC? 006 CUBLOC? Chapter 2: BASIC Programming 014 Lab 1: Twinkle, Twinkle, Little LED Setting up CUBLOC Studio ................................................................. 14 How to use CUBLOC Studio ............................................................... 16 Troubleshooting: When downloading does not work ...................... 19 026 Lab 2: Turning on LED with a switch CUBLOC Study Board 1: Circuit diagram ........................................... 29 In-depth Analysis: How to use CUBLOC Studio ................................. 35 036 Lab 3: Sequential On-Off of LEDs 046 Lab 4: Digital Piano 058 Lab 5: Analog Input 070 Lab 6: Keypad Input 078 Lab 7: Counter Input 088 Lab 8: RS232 Communication 098 Lab 9: 7-segment Display 104 Lab 10: LCD Display CUBLOC is an acronym for Comfile U(micro) BASIC Ladder On Chip, which means it is Comfile's micro-chip with BASIC and Ladder Logic built in. Part 1: What is CUBLOC? This chapter explains what CUBLOC is and why we should study it. Chapter 1: What is CUBLOC? CUBLOC? It is a micro-computer developed by Comfile Technology, Inc. for embedded control. The PCs we use in daily life is fit for home and office uses; but not for embedded control. For instance, just imagine one would have to have a PC built into a microwave oven!! It would not only be too big, but it would be too expensive to sell. So we need a much smaller computer than a PC, which has the minimal features to control devices such as microwaves and cars. CUBLOC is such a micro-computer packed with control features. CUBLOC supports Ladder Logic control language popularly used for internal control of devices, and also supports BASIC language to implement expanded functions. Does that mean I have to study both? (whining :-) No. Of course, it would be wonderful if you know both. But even if you know just one of these, you can use CUBLOC in many ways. What is Embedded Control? Embedded control is a CPU (Central Processing Unit) that is hidden inside a device/machine or under a hood to control every part of the device. Most electronic devices we use everyday has such an internal control device inside. For example, products such as cell phones, washer and remote controls have an internal control device called Micro Controller or MCU (Micro Controller Unit). Internal Control using an MCU MCUs are used inside mass-produced home appliances and communication devices. Though their price is relatively low, they are very difficult to develop. Conventionally, to develop an MCU, one has to know Assembly Language and C Language, and needs equipments such as an ICE (In-Circuit Emulator) Programmer. Above all, one has to spend very many hours to understand the innards of an MCU. And even if one understands how an MCU works, to develop a working application source, one has to undergo numerous trials and errors. This is NOT a good way to develop something quick and easy. Internal Control using an MCU PLC (Programmable Logic Controller) is an internal control device commonly used for factory automation and industrial machines. As shown in the figure below, a PLC has a terminal to connect sensors or motors to control relatively large equipments. Also in elevators PLCs are used. The PLC in an elevator control all sorts of mechanical elements (e.g., motor and door) and collects various kinds of sensory inputs to move the users to wanted floors and open/close the door. PLCs use a programming language called Ladder Logic, where through an RS-232 communication port a Ladder Logic program can be downloaded to a PLC from a PC and the PLC monitored on the PC. Internal Control using a CUBLOC CUBLOC is an embedded controller that lies between PLC and MCU in terms of features. It is small like an MCU that it can be installed on a PCB (Printed Circuit Board), and like a PLC a PC and download a program to it and monitor it. It by default supports the Ladder Logic language as a PLC does, and in addition supports BASIC which is a sequentially processed programming language. Thus, it can be seen as a new kind of embedded controller that took only the advantages from MCU and PLC. Chapter 1: What is CUBLOC? The Background behind CUBLOC's Birth Long time ago (1996), we at Comfile Technology was making development equipments for MCUs. Since MCU is difficult to use and it was a controller only for experts, we created a product called PICBASIC. (1997) PICBASIC spread like a wildfire throughout the automation field. Some of the PICBASIC users wanted a micro controller that could be controlled by Ladder Logic codes; so we made a product called TinyPLC. (1999) Since the TinyPLC users were mostly who worked in the factory automation field using PLCs, they wanted to use only Ladder Logic codes to implement complicated functions such as key input, display and communication. But such functions were not implementable using Ladder Logic codes only. On the other hand, PICBASIC users envied the Ladder Logic’s capability to do real-time logic control. Thus, our company, Comfile Technology, finally came up with CUBLOC which combines the merits of the two sides: implementation of sophisticated functions and real-time control. (2004) Application Areas of CUBLOC CUBLOC can be used anywhere automatic control is needed because CUBLOC has all features of an MCU plus features of a PLC. Yet, since it is not as cheap as an MCU, it cannot be used in mass-produced home appliances. In general, it better be used for single product manufacture and low-volume production of products such as industrial machines, automation controllers, lab controllers, test jigs, etc. In fact, using an MCU for such purpose is very cumbersome. (Of course, one will still have to use an MCU if there were no modular processor such as CUBLOC.) But now with CUBLOC one can carry out the development in an easy and speedy manner. Development Environment You don’t need special equipments to develop a CUBLOC application. As with general PLCs, one just needs an RS232 cable to connect to a PC. If your notebook computer does not have an RS232 port, you can use an RS232-to-USB adapter cable. On your PC, you should install CUBLOC Studio, an integrated development environment (freeware) downloadable from Comfile Technology’s website www.comfiletech.com. When a PC and a CUBLOC are connected, they enter a mode where download and debugging become possible; when not connected, they enter the standalone mode. Application Example This is a real application made with CUBLOC. a Perm Machine at a beauty parlor For different perm styles, CUBLOC provides control for different perm temperatures and perm durations, respectively. Since this deals with a field sensitive to the latest fad, the product allows for users to download the latest hairstyle program from the Internet. For the development of this product, CB280, XPort and GHLCD were used. Chapter 1: What is CUBLOC? How CUBLOC Works The program (i.e., source code whether in BASIC or Ladder Logic) composed with CUBLOC Studio on the PC by the user is compiled into an intermediate language format. We call this middle language, Token. This Token is downloaded through the RS232 cable to CUBLOC’s flash memory. The main CPU (Central Processing Unit) on CUBLOC interprets this Token and carries out the commands. The Token downloaded to a flash memory does not disappear even when the power is turned off because of the nature of flash memories. (We say that the flash memories are not volatile-i.e., its contents do not disappear when the power is turned off.) So the RS232 cable needs connect the PC and the CUBLOC; but once the application development is over, the cable can be removed. One can use the final version of the downloaded Token on the CUBLOC. And when the application needs to be modified or updated, one can then re-connect the PC and CUBLOC with the RS232 cable for modification of the source code and re-compilation. Source Code ``` Const DOORSSENSOR = 1 Const BMODESENSOR = 2 Const ACCON = 3 Const EIREN = 8 Const EIRF = 9 Const DOOROPEN = 10 Const DOORCLOSE = 11 Const MODE = 12 Dim FLAGBUSU As Integer Dim KEITZIMER As Integer Dim LEUTZIMER As Integer Dim DOORCLOSE_TIMER As Integer Dim DOORCLOSE_TIMER As Integer Dim CHIME_TIMER As Integer Dim SIREN_TIMER As Integer Dim LIGHT_TIMER As Integer Dim DANGER_TIMER As Integer Dim MODE As Byte CLS MODE = 1 Input ACCON Input DOORSSENSOR Input BMODESENSOR Low T.AN S ``` Smart Note: Compiling a source code means translating the source code (which makes sense to human users) into a computer-understandable format (which is readily executable by the computer). The Structure of CUBLOC Please see the pictures on the right. CB220 is the core module. And the big chip in the middle is the CUBLOC’s main chip. This chip is a “one-chip microcomputer” (meaning it has most components of a PC so it can run as a self-sufficient computer) which includes the OS (operating system) and the interpreter (which interprets the Token so that the commands can be carried out). The flash memory is also included in the main chip. Other chips on the core module are the oscillator, the power regulator (which stabilizes the voltage), resistances, condensers, etc. Most functions of CUBLOC comes from the main chip and other chips help the main chip carry out these functions. To the power pin, 5V voltage is connected; and to the I/O pins the chips the user needs are connected, e.g., switch, relay, LED, etc. Other CUBLOC modules (CB280 and CB290) differ only in terms of number of I/O pins and memory size. Their inner structures are either similar or the same. CB220 I/O: 16 FLASH: 80K RAM: 3K CB280 I/O: 49 FLASH: 80K RAM: 3K CB290 I/O: 91 FLASH: 80K RAM: 28K There are other models, too! This book mainly uses CB280. CUBLOC Studio is an integrated development environment software. One can download the CUBLOC Studio program from Comfile Technology's website www.comfiletech.com in the download section. If you have purchased the Start Kit, you can install the Studio program from the included CD-ROM. CUBLOC Studio is a freeware, which can be freely used and distributed. (Check back once in a while at the website for an updated version.) Since CUBLOC Studio integrates BASIC compiler, Ladder Logic compiler, editor and debugger, without other programs one can use CUBLOC. Part 02 BASIC Programming In this chapter you will learn how to program in CUBLOC BASIC language (to control CUBLOC) through entry-level examples. One who would like to start with Ladder Logic can read Chapter 3 first. Setting up CUBLOC Studio 1. Start setting up by double-clicking the Setup file. 2. You may change the installation folder if you want; if not, just click Next. 3. You can choose the name of the CUBLOC Studio folder that will be included in the PC's Startup menu. 4. If you check the checkbox, a shortcut icon of CUBLOC Studio will be installed on the desktop. 5 Installation is in progress. 6 Installation is completed. 7 If you double-click the CUBLOC Studio icon on the desktop screen ... 8 Ta-dah! CUBLOC Studio window appears! How to use CUBLOC Studio Let's learn the basics of using CUBLOC Studio. It is very easy to learn how to use CUBLOC Studio to do BASIC programming. Just think it as a word-processing program. You first compose the source program, compile it and then you run it. Let's first learn how to compose a source program. If you have finished practicing, now type in a source program as below: ``` Const Device = CB280 Do High 0 Delay 200 Low 0 Delay 200 Loop ``` If you finished typing it in, you should now save it. Did you confirm that what you write is what you see? Think of CUBLOC Studio as a "word processor" and input any word. If you just practice a little bit using the DEL key to delete characters and practice moving the cursor around using the arrow keys, you will soon be able to draft a wanted document (i.e., source program). The BASIC program you just composed is called a "source program?" Type in "Step1" as the name of the file where the source program will be saved. Then, if you click here, the file will be saved. If you look at the top of the screen, its labeling has been changed to step1.cul. This means the SAVE has been completed. For this experiment, Port 0 of the CUBLOC has to be connected to LED's Port 0 with a wire. The Study Board provides an environment where one can connect any two ports with a wire without soldering, which makes it really easy to do the experiments. Next, we will check the hardware connection. CUBLOC is installed here. Do not install it upside down. RS232 cable DC 9V adapter Use the one whose center has the + polarity Is your hardware (i.e., CUBLCO) ready as shown above? After you power on the Study Board, check that the LED is turned on. Once the hardware connection is ready, one needs to set up the PC interface. Usually people use COM1 port, but if you would like to use another port, you can simply replace COM1 with your choice in the menu below. If you are using Windows 98 or ME you should adjust the "Wait Time" so that downloading would work. Since there are 10 levels of Wait Time, one should try them all to find the one that enables downloading. Windows XP and Vista users need not worry further about Wait Time. If you click the PLAY icon, download will begin. Once the file name is determined and file saved, the next time you press the PLAY button you don’t have to give the file name again. If the LED blinks, it indicates a success. Yet, if the LED does not blink, do not get disappointed but look for the cause. Wrong wire-connection would be most likely, but there could be other reasons. If it still does not work, try it again after a firmware upgrade. After you installed CUBLOC Studio, as shown below sometimes a popup window appears and asks whether you would like to upgrade your firmware. If you would like to upgrade, you should click “YES” and wait for the upgrade process to finish. Firmware Upgrade is... a process of replacing the interpreter program and the OS (operating system) stored inside CUBLOC to improve its functions or make up for some of its lacking aspects. Troubleshooting Download would not work? Then first check Windows' communication port driver by taking the following steps: 1. Click "My Computer" icon on the Desktop with the right mouse-button and when the menu window appears, select the Properties menu item. 2. Select the "Hardware" tab on the pop-up window. 3. Click the "Device Manager". 4. On the Device Manager window, click "COM & LPT", and click the "COM1" port under it with the right mouse-button. On the pop-up window, click "Properties". 5. On the pop-up window's "General" tab, if it says "This device is working properly." Now, let's learn how to check an RS232 cable to see if it works properly. First, you should always use a 1:1 RS232 cable. There won't be a problem if you are using the cable that came with the Start Kit; but if you are using one made by you or one used with another equipment, you should check to make sure it is a 1:1 cable. Look at the DSUB connector that connects to the Study Board. If you look at the inside carefully, you will see small numbers next to the holes. While connected with a PC, when the 5th (GND) and the 3rd (TX) terminals the voltage difference should be -10 to -12 V. If it is a wrong cable or there is a breach inside, a wrong voltage will be produced. The first line declares the Model number of the CUBLOC being used. You just need to write down the model number of the CUBLOC model you are using. Since we are running an experiment with CB280, you should write: CONST DEVICE = CB280 Next comes the DO-LOOP structure. This is a conditional loop structure. Since there is no condition to satisfy, it repeats the enclosed commands indefinitely. There are HIGH and LOW commands within the loop. The HIGH command puts a port in a high state, and the LOW command puts a port in a low state. As the commands are executed, the ports take on the specified output states. Lastly there is a DELAY command. As its name says, it adds a time delay. Since the execution speed of CUBLOC is so fast that, if one specifies only HIGH and LOW commands, it will not give enough time for a person to see the LED’s blinking. Therefore, we need to extend the time of both HIGH and LOW states by giving small delays. The number given after the DELAY command is the amount of delay given in milliseconds. Most of the pins on CB280 are I/O pins. For CUBLOC, the I/O pins handle the communication with the external devices. If the CPU were man’s brain, the I/O pins correspond to man’s limbs. The I/O ports can deal with either inputs or outputs, which is why they are called "I/O", an abbreviation of "Input/Output". When CUBLOC is initially powered on, all I/O ports become input ports. Only after a BASIC command such as HIGH or LOW is used, any specified port is readied with an output value. Port O is somewhat special. When it is made high using the "HIGH 0" BASIC command, it becomes (internally) connected to $V_{dd}$ (5V). On the other hand, if a "LOW 0" command is issued, Port 0 is connected to Gnd ($V_0$). High High port This command makes the output of the specified port high. Example: High 8 'Port 8 outputs high state.' Low Low port This command makes the output of the specified port low. Example: Low 8 'Port 8 outputs low state.' Delay Delay time This command delays the execution of CUBLOC by specified time. Since the execution speed of CUBLOC is very fast, sometimes its execution needs to be delayed deliberately. The time is in milliseconds. For example, if 500 is specified, it denotes a delay time of 500 milliseconds. But, since this does not mean exactly 500 milliseconds will be delayed, this is not an appropriate command for rigorous time control. Example: Delay 500 '500 milliseconds, i.e., the execution is delayed by 0.5 second.' One can use the PAUSE command instead of DELAY. Pause is synonymous to Delay. Example: Pause 100 '100 milliseconds, i.e., the execution is delayed by 0.1 second.' Let's get some Hardware Basics! For those who are newbies in electronics, everything will be unfamiliar. But if you progress step by step, nothing will be too difficult. Don't worry because the electronics knowledge dealt with in this book is very elementary. Voltage, Current & Resistance Commonly, electric current is compared to water flow. The above figure shows water flowing out through a hose at the bottom of a container. The more the water in the container, faster the water flow is. This is why more current flows when the voltage is higher. If something hinders the flow of the water, the water will not flow as freely without the hindrance. Such hindrance is resistance (or load). If resistance hinders the electric flow, some might think, 'Then why do we need it?' Some chips of an electric circuit should only get specified current. If they get more than needed, they burn out or become dysfunctional. Resistance comes handy in such situation to regulate the maximum current that can be supplied to such chips. Therefore, resistance is an indispensable element of a circuit. Resistance hinders the flow of the current. Thus, bigger the resistance, worse the current flows. When electric current is put on a resistance element, difference of voltage occurs between the two ends of the resistance. This can be explained by the famous Ohm's Law. \[ R = \frac{E(V)}{I(A)} \] Resistance value is denoted by color bands. The 3 colors of the 4 colors (excluding the gold color) denote resistance values. The first two colors denote assigned digits and the third color denotes the exponent of 10. \| First \| Second \| Third \| Fourth \| \|-------\|--------\|-------\|--------\| \| Black \| 0 \| 0 \| $10^0$ \| \| Brown \| 1 \| 1 \| $10^1$ \| \| Red \| 2 \| 2 \| $10^2$ \| \| Orange\| 3 \| 3 \| $10^3$ \| \| Yellow\| 4 \| 4 \| $10^4$ \| \| Green \| 5 \| 5 \| $10^5$ \| \| Blue \| 6 \| 6 \| $10^6$ \| \| Violet\| 7 \| 7 \| $10^7$ \| \| Grey \| 8 \| 8 \| $10^8$ \| \| White \| 9 \| 9 \| $10^9$ \| \| Gold \| 0.1 \| ± 5% \| \| Silver\| 0.2 \| ± 10% \| Example: If the band colors were brown, black, red and gold from the left, this will denote $10 \times 10^2 = 1K$ Ohms. "It is convenient to memorize the colors in order as BBRO YGBV GWGS." Obtaining 5 Volts To use CUBLOC, one needs 5-volt current. To get it, one should first obtain 9V DC (Direct Current) current from 220V AC (Alternating Current) by using an adaptor; then the 9-volt current should be lowered to 5-volt current using a voltage regulator. Aren't you curious as to why the voltage is not lowered from 220 to 5 directly, but done so via 9 volts? The reason is to have a buffering stage in the middle to get a stable voltage. The 9-volt DC adaptor often outputs voltages varying from 8 to 12 volts. When the unstable voltage passes through the regulator, it is converted to a stable 5-volt current. One of the representative 5-volt regulators is a chip called 7805. When a circuit is configured as shown in the next figure, one can obtain a stable 5-volt output. Since the 7805 chip generates heat in this process, one needs to heat sink. There are other 5-volt fixed-voltage generators besides 7805 chip. Since the Study Board also has a fix-voltage current circuit to supply stable 5-volt current. The Identity of a Ground GND (as an abbreviation of Ground) denotes the base voltage, i.e., 0-volt state. When we talk about a mountain's height, we say "elevation XX meters". Here the "elevation" means "elevated from the sea-water surface level." Similarly, when we say "5 volts", it means "5 volts from ground voltage". The ground on batteries is the terminal denoted by the - (minus) sign. Here is the 0V terminal, i.e., GND. 7805 chip can be called an "electronics dam" LED (pronounced L.E.D.) stands for light-emitting diode. One can easily find LEDs such as an LED lamp or a "7-segment" LED which displays an alphanumeric figure. Its operating principle is very simple. When one applies 2 volts to the + terminal (called "anode") and GND to the - terminal (called "cathode"), the LED turns on. Then what should one do to operate an LED with a 5-volt current? This is when a resistance plays an important role, since an LED only needs 2 volts. When one serially connects a resistance to a 5-volt current, the resistance will consume 3 volts and convey the remaining 2 volts to the LED. In this case, a resistance of about 330 ohms is appropriate. Since CUBLOC's Study board already has resistances and LEDs built-in as in the next figure, one only needs to connect the LED terminals to a voltage source using wires. The Study Board has 8 LEDs. Change the wire connection to turn on different LEDs. (Refer to p. 17.) "Seven segments" is a device consisting of 7 LEDs deployed in an 8 shape. Imagine which LED segments should be turned on to depict each digit (0 to 9). Well done! There is a saying: To begin is half done. If you have succeeded in the first CUBLOC project, this means you have resolved many issues by yourself. I hope you run all the way to the "finish line" at the current pace. TIPS If you choose a device model from the DEVICE menu, a corresponding "CONST DEVICE = ..." statement will be inserted at the beginning of the source code you are composing. If there is a CONST DEVICE statement already, just its device name will be replaced with the one you chose. APPLIED TASK How about modifying the given source program by yourself? Here I pose some tasks for you. Are you ready for the challenges! 1. Change the source code so that the flashing period of the LED is shortened or lengthened. 2. What should you do to turn on and off the LED every 1 second? 3. Make 2 LEDs flash at the same time. 4. Make 2 LEDs flash alternately. (i.e., one should be on when the other is off, and vice versa.) COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER - CONST DEVICE - DO, LOOP - HIGH, LOW - DELAY Circuit Configuration Connect the CUBLOC's I/O Port 1 to the switch and I/O Port 0 to an LED. Circuit Diagram The circuit configuration, when drawn as a circuit diagram, looks like the next figure. Only 2 I/O ports of CB280 are used; the rest are not used. Make the wire connection as the red line indicates in the next figure! Inputting the Source Program We will input the source program. Do you by any chance see the previous program loaded in your programming window? If so, click the NEW button to completely delete the previous program and input the new code. Now enter the source code. It is important that you do not make any typos while entering the code. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer Do I = In(1) If I = 0 Then Low 0 Else High 0 End If Loop ``` If you have finished inputting the source code, click the RUN button! A pop-up window will appear! Type in STEP2 as the new file name, under which the program file will be saved. Whenever you push the RUN button, automatically the current program code will be saved with the given file name. Only when a file name is not given would you be asked for a file name for saving! When saving is completed, the program will be automatically downloaded and run. Confirmation Run Let us confirm whether the program runs correctly. This LED lights on ▲ When the switch is pushed, the LED is turned on. ▲ When the switch is released, the LED is turned off. PARTS STORY Switch There are two kinds of switches on the Study Board. One is push switch, where the contact is made only while the switch is pushed down. The Study Board is designed so that a voltage of HIGH (5 V) will be applied only during the switch is pushed down. The other kind is toggle switch, where the changed state is maintained once the switch is toggled, i.e., either in contact or separated. The Study Board is designed so that a HIGH (5 V) voltage state is maintained when a toggle switch is switched on; and a LOW (0 V) state is maintained when the toggle switch is switched off. Depending on the situation, a push switch is needed or a toggle switch is necessary. The push switch is also called "tact switch." CUBLOC Study Board-1 Circuit Diagram To experiment with only the core module of CUBLOC, one needs a board equipped with a basic circuit. And one also needs I/O devices such as LEDs and switches. A single board that meets all these basic requirements is a Study Board. Explanation of the Source Program-1 Const Device = CB280 \hspace{1cm} \text{All programs should start with a "Const Device" statement.} Dim I As Integer \hspace{1cm} \text{Declare variable I as an integer.} Do I = In(1) \hspace{1cm} \text{Store the value of Port 1's input state at variable I. (0 or 1 will be stored.)} If I = 0 Then \hspace{1cm} \text{If I value is 0 (LOW)...} Low 0 \hspace{1cm} \text{Make Port 0's state LOW (0).} Else High 0 \hspace{1cm} \text{Otherwise, i.e., if I=1 (which means Port 1 value was HIGH)} End If Loop In BASIC programming language, a variable is used to store a value temporarily. But to start using a variable as a storage place, one has to secure its storage space first! It is the DIM command that is used for such purpose. When the DIM command is used to declare a variable's name and its type, CUBLOC allocates an appropriate storage space for the variable. Please use the DIM command before you keep a value with us! Dim DIM Format: DIM <variable> AS <variable type> This command declares a new variable. With CUBLOC, one can declare one of the 5 variable types. - BYTE: 8-bit unsigned integer (represents 0 to 255) - INTEGER: 16-bit unsigned integer (represents 0 to 65535) - LONG: 32-bit signed integer (-2147483648 to +2147483647) - SINGLE: 32-bit real number (-3.4 x 10^{-38} to +3.4 x 10^{38}) - STRING: a series of characters (up to 127 characters (bytes)) An integer is a number without the fraction part. E.g., 12 is an integer. A real number is a number with the fraction part. E.g., 3.14 is a real number. A string is a train of characters. E.g., "ABCDE" is a string. The only variable types that can store negative numbers are: LONG and SINGLE. BYTE and INTEGER can only store positive numbers. A variable name must start with an Alphabet character. Example: Dim ABC as Integer When declaring a string type, the maximum storage capacity should be specified. Example: Dim STR as String * 12 '12-byte storage space is secured. If the maximum storage capacity is not specified when declaring a string type, by default 64 bytes will be allocated. Example: Dim STR as String '64 bytes of storage space is allocated. Q&A Q: Can infinitely many variables be declared with CUBLOC? A: No. As CUBLOC's storage space is finite, variables cannot be declared infinitely. The memory size differs among different CUBLOC models. CB280 has the maximum storage space of 1948 bytes. Byte and Bit The smallest unit of information storage is called bit, which can store 0 or 1. 8 bits are called a Byte, and though not used frequently, 4 bits are called a nibble. 16 bits are called a Word and 32 bits are called a Double Word. Decimals(Digits) and Hexadecimals The numbers we use in everyday life is decimals. The units we use for counting money is decimal system and we also use it when we say, "The height is 182 centimeters, and the weight is 80 kilograms." Decimals consist of numbers from 0 to 9. But the numbers computers use are 0 and 1, i.e., computers use binary counting system. They use only 0s and 1s to make a number. A binary number looks like: 101011110101010. Since binary numbers are too hard for humans to grasp, people came up with a new scheme to read 4 binary places as one chunk. A 4-place binary number makes a one-place hexadecimal (16) number. Hexadecimal consist of numbers from 0 to 9 and alphabets A to F, a total of 16 symbols. Examples of hexadecimal numbers are: 1AEF and FFFF. \| Decimal \| Binary \| Hexadecimal \| \|---------\|--------\|-------------\| \| 0 \| 0000 \| 0 \| \| 1 \| 0001 \| 1 \| \| 2 \| 0010 \| 2 \| \| 3 \| 0011 \| 3 \| \| 4 \| 0100 \| 4 \| \| 5 \| 0101 \| 5 \| \| 6 \| 0110 \| 6 \| \| 7 \| 0111 \| 7 \| \| 8 \| 1000 \| 8 \| \| 9 \| 1001 \| 9 \| \| 10 \| 1010 \| A \| \| 11 \| 1011 \| B \| \| 12 \| 1100 \| C \| \| 13 \| 1101 \| D \| \| 14 \| 1110 \| E \| \| 15 \| 1111 \| F \| I = IN(1) If I = 0 Then Low 0 Else High 0 End If IF statement checks a condition and, depending on the result, selects a statement or statements to run. For example, in the above IF statement, if the I value is 0, Low 0 is executed; otherwise, High 0 is executed. That is, if the condition is tested to be true, the code between THEN and ELSE is executed; if false, the code between ELSE and END IF is executed. Since I stored the value of In(1), either Low 0 or High 0 is executed depending on the In(1) value. In is a function that changes a specified pin to be in input state and reads the state of that I/O pin. Thus, the result is either 0 or 1. In the case of the previous circuit, since a switch is connected to Pin 1, In(1) eventually means reading the value of the switch's state. Consequently, the above code sets Pin 0 to LOW or HIGH depending on the switch's state. NEW COMMANDS IF Depending on the truth value of the conditional expression, which statement(s) should be executed is determined. IF statements can be expressed in many forms. IF statement format 1 ``` IF <condition> THEN <statement> ``` If `<condition>` is true `<statement>` is executed. If not, nothing happens. IF statement format 2 ``` IF <condition> THEN <statement1> ELSE <statement2> ``` If `<condition>` is true, `<statement1>` is executed. If not, `<statement2>` is executed. IF statement format 3 ``` IF <condition> THEN <statement> END IF ``` If `<condition>` is true `<statement>` is executed. If not, nothing happens. "END IF" must be used, and nothing should be written after THEN. IF statement format 4 ``` IF <condition> THEN <statement1> ELSE <statement2> END IF ``` If `<condition>` is true, `<statement1>` is executed. If not, `<statement2>` is executed. "END IF: must be used, and nothing should be written after THEN. IF statement format 5 ``` IF <condition> THEN <statement1> ElseIf <conditions2> THEN <statement2> END IF ``` If `<condition1>` is true, `<statement1>` is executed. If `<condition1>` is true, `<statement2>` is executed. One can use multiple ELSEIFS. In() <Variable> = In(<Port no.>) This function makes the specified port into an input port, reads the state of the I/O pin of the Input port, and stores it in the <Variable>. Example: A = In(1) 'Read the state of I/O port 1 and store it in variable A. The variable to store the result (state) should be of one of integer types: Byte, Integer or Long. The state value can't be stored in SINGLE or STRING type variable. The result value is either 0 or 1. APPLIED TASK 1. Last time, you have made a program that turns on an LED when a push switch is pushed. This time, make a program that does the opposite, i.e., turns on an LED when the switch is released and turns off while the switch is pushed down. 2. Make an LED flash while the switch is pushed down. 3. Make all 8 LEDs turn on when the switch is pushed down. 4. Do the above [1], [2] and [3] this time using a toggle switch. A job well done We have studied about digital inputs after covering digital outputs. Also, we covered declaration and usage of a variable, which is important in BASIC language. We even cover IF Statement. Since these commands are frequently used in BASIC, make sure you master it before you go to the next section. COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER DIM IF IN In the previous chapter, we have learned how to secure memory space to store variable values. How should we do so for a series of values? If we do so as above, we will soon face a limit because we will have to type in 100 declarations for 100 variables! Thus, in BASIC language, there is a feature called Array to secure multiple, contiguous memory space. The above declares A(0) through A(11) with one statement, where each array element, e.g., A(0), can be used like a variable. Other merit of an array is that a variable can be used as the index of the array. E.g., in A(0), a variable can be used instead of 0. For example, ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A(12) as Integer Dim B as Integer B = 0 A(0) = 12 A(B) = 12 ``` Thus, the use of an array can greatly facilitate storing or reading a series of values into or out of variables. When the declaration "Dim A(12) as Integer" is made, array elements A(0) to A(11) are created. Beware that A(12) is not created and does not exist. One can also declare a 2-dimensional array such as in ``` Dim A(12, 8) as Integer ``` In that sense, "Dim A(12) as Integer" declared a one-dimensional array. In a similar manner, one can also declare a 3-dimensional array, e.g., "Dim A(12, 8, 6) as Integer" In CUBLOC, one can declare up to 8-dimensional arrays! Let us learn how to use CUBLOC Studio more in detail. Frequently used features are gathered at the Tool bar as icons. One can use each feature by clicking the pertinent icon. Shortcut keys that can be used during BASIC source editing are as follows: \| Shortcut Key \| Operation \| \|--------------\|-----------\| \| CTRL-Z \| Undo \| \| CTRL-O \| Open \| \| CTRL-S \| Save (It is best to save for backup frequently during editing.) \| \| CTRL-C \| Copy \| \| CTRL-X \| Cut \| \| CTRL-V \| Paste \| \| CTRL-F \| Find \| \| CTRL-HOME \| Move to the beginning of the file \| \| CTRL-END \| Move to the beginning of the file \| In the Setup menu, if you select the Studio Option menu item, a popup window such as below will appear. This popup window can be used as follows: CUBLOC Studio's Ladder source input method is dealt with in detail in Chapter 3: Ladder Logic Programming. For specific use of the menu, please refer to the CUBLOC User's Manual. This book consists of contents which one can follow if he/she knows just how to use the icons on the tool bar. Circuit Configuration Connect all 8 I/O ports (from port 8 to port 15) to the 8 LEDs. Circuit Diagram When you do the wiring, first make sure the board is power OFF. After the wiring is finished, then power ON the CUBLOC again. Step 1 Shall we warm up before we enter the main subject? Let's rerun the program we created in Lab 1 by just changing the port number. One LED will flash. ``` Const Device = CB280 Do High 8 Delay 200 Low 8 Delay 200 Loop ``` Step 2 Now, let's make all 8 LEDs flash. ``` Const Device = CB280 Do High 8 High 9 High 10 High 11 High 12 High 13 High 14 High 15 Delay 200 Low 8 Low 9 Low 10 Low 11 Low 12 Low 13 Low 14 Low 15 Delay 200 Loop ``` Step 3 If we use the BYTEOUT command, we can express the same operation much more compactly. ``` Const Device = CB280 Do Byteout 1,255 Delay 200 Byteout 1,0 Delay 200 Loop ``` Step 4 Shall we flash 4 LEDs at a time in turn? By changing the numbers (i.e., arguments) of the BYTEOUT command, it can be implemented easily. ``` Const Device = CB280 Do Byteout 1,&HF0 Delay 200 Byteout 1,&H0F Delay 200 Loop ``` Experiment by changing the numbers coming after the BYTEOUT command. You will see how the flashing pattern of the LEDs change! Source Program Let's get back to the main track and compose a program that sequentially flashes the 8 LEDs. Now look at the screen below and type in the source program accordingly. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer Do I=I+1 Byteout 1,I Delay 200 Loop ``` Confirm the Run Result Click the RUN button and confirm the result. If the LEDs are flashed sequentially, that means the program was composed correctly. It seems that the LEDs are flashed in an orderly fashion following some rule, right? Why would that be? Think about the reason. Source Program Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Byte ' Declare variable I as a Byte type. Do I=I+1 ' Increment I value by 1. Byteout 1,I ' Output variable I value to Block 1 ports. Delay 200 Loop ' Infinitely repeat the contents between Do and Loop. Most of the program is what we have learned already and only Byteout would be a new command. Byteout outputs a value to 8 ports at the same time. In CUBLOC, 8 ports are bundled together to be called a Port Block. See the figure in the right column. In CB280, there are 5 port blocks. Ports 8 through 15 belong to Port Block 1. Therefore, "BYTEOUT 1, I" outputs I value to Port Block 1. Since variable I is declared as a Byte type, it has an 8-bit information. The 8-bit information will be seen at the 8 ports of Port Block 1. The arithmetic expression "I = I + 1" adds 1 to I and stores the value in I. As a result, the value stored in variable I is increased by 1. NEW COMMANDS Byteout BYTEOUT <Port Block No.> <Value> This command outputs <Value> to the ports of <Port Block No.>. All the ports of the <Port Block No.> turn into output ports. In place of the <Value>, an Integer type variable or a constant should be used. Integer type variable: Byte, Integer and Long types. Integer type constant: a directly written number such as "1234". Real constant: a number with the decimal point. Integer constant: a number without the decimal point. HELPFUL TIPS Many ways to express Integer type Constants Besides expressing an Integer type Constant in usual decimal (10) system, it can be expressed as a binary (2) number or a hexadecimal (16) number. Decimal: 1234, 7573 Hexadecimal: &H12AB, &HABCD, 0xABCD, 0x123 Binary: &B10101111, 0b1010101 Run a program after you inserted a Debug command! A popup window labeled "Debug Terminal" will appear and some values will be shown inside it. This is how you do debugging with CUBLOC. Debugging is to catch a "bug" in a program and correcting it. Since bugs are not easily seen, one has to examine value(s) of variable(s) of a running program. For this purpose, the command DEBUG is used. When a Debug statement is used, the CUBLOC Studio pops up a Debug Terminal window and displays the debugged variable values inside the window. Looking at the terminal, the user makes a judgment as to whether the program he/she composed is working properly as the user intended. The "Dec" after the Debug command means the number following is a decimal number. And the CR at the end of the Debug statement stands for "Carriage Return," meaning after outputting a value, the next value should be outputted on a new line. Using DELAY before DEBUG Before the first DEBUG command is used, a DELAY 500 statement must be used. Since CUBLOC's execution speed is faster than a normal PC, a Debug statement will be executed even before the PC displays a Debug Terminal popup window. If that happens, the Debug Terminal window will have nothing displayed. Therefore, we need to delay the CUBLOC a little bit so that the PC can catch up with the CUBLOC. --- NEW COMMANDS Debug Debug <data> This command outputs a variable value to the Debug Terminal window. It has many usages as shown below. Examples; \| Command \| Description \| \|---------------\|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Debug Dec A \| Display variable A's value as a decimal number. \| \| Debug Hex A \| Display variable A's value as a hexadecimal number. \| \| Debug "Result :",Dec A \| Display variable A's value following the character string "Result: ". \| \| Debug Dec5 A \| Display variable A's value as a 5-place decimal number. \| \| Debug Hex8 A \| Display variable A's value as a 8-place hexadecimal number. \| \| Debug Dec ? A \| Display variable A's value as a decimal number preceded by "A=". \| \| Debug Float A \| Display variable A's value as a real number. \| \| Debug Clr \| Clear the Debug Terminal window. \| \| Debug Goxy,4,3\| Set the cursor position on the Debug Terminal window. \| Arithmetic Expressions Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer, B as Integer Delay 500 A = 5 B = 300 A = A * B Debug Dec A, CR If this program is run, as a result 1500 will be displayed on the Debug Terminal. The "Delay 500" statement is there to prevent the faster CUBLOC running the Debug statement before the slower PC brings up the popup Debug Terminal window. In BASIC language many kinds of arithmetic operations are possible. Besides the common addition, subtraction, multiplication and division, operations such as Mod, << and >> are also possible. The following are the arithmetic operators that can be used with CUBLOC. ^ * / MOD + - << >> From the left to right in the above sequence, more an operator is on the left hand side, its operation precedence is higher. That is, when many operator types are mixed, the operations are carried out in accordance with their precedences: from higher to lower. ^ is the exponential operator, Mod is the remainder operator, << and >> are bit-shift operators, left and right, respectively. A = 3 + 5 * 4 In this case, the result is 23 because 5 * 4 is carried out first and then 3 is added to the resulting 20. Mod operator returns a remainder, not the result of division. A = 12 MOD 5 In the above operation, 2 is stored in A. << and >> are bit-shift operators, which are not commonly used. But in CUBLOC BASIC they are very useful operators. For example, "A << 1" means "to left bit-shift the variable A value in binary by 1 bit place." Here the newly shifted in bit value is 0 and the shifted out value disappears. On the contrary, "A >> 1" means "to right bit-shift the variable A value in binary by 1 bit place." "A >> 3" means "to right bit-shift the variable A value in binary by 3 bit places." Applied Programming Did you figure out the principle behind the flashing sequence of the LEDs on p. 38? The changing flashing pattern denoted a binary number increased by 1. This time we will compose a program that flashes an LED from left to right in turn. The same operation can be programmed alternatively like this: ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Byte Dim J As Byte Do J = 1 For I = 0 To 7 Byteout 1, J J = J << 1 Delay 200 Next Loop ``` Though it performs the same operation, the program looks quite different from the former one. This program especially used the FOR-NEXT loop! FOR-NEXT loop repeats the loop only for the pre-specified times. The variable I that comes after the keyword FOR is called parameter, which is used for counting how many times the loop will be executed. Also, the I value can be used inside the loop. The above is a program composed to help one understand how the FOR-NEXT loop works. As one sees the numbers output on the Debug Terminal, one can easily understand how the FOR-NEXT loop works. For, Next FOR <Variable> = <Initial Value> to <Final Value> [<Step>] <statement> ... [EXIT FOR] NEXT This is a command structure that repeats a contents for the pre-specified times. One gives the parameter variable the initial value and provides the contents to be repeated. When the execution point reaches NEXT, the parameter variable is incremented. If its value reaches the <Final Value>, looping stops. When there is no <Step> specified, the parameter is incremented by 1 by default; if <Step> is specified, the parameter value is incremented by the <Step> value. If there is an EXIT FOR in the middle of the loop, the looping can be exited at that point. ``` Dim A as Long For A = 10 TO 0 Step -1 Debug Dec A,cr Next ``` If one wants to specify a negative <Step> value, the parameter <Variable> must be declared as a LONG integer. ``` Dim K as Byte For K = 0 to 300 Debug Dec K,cr Next ``` Since the K value has to be incremented up to 300, if K is declared as BYTE, this program will not work properly and will repeated infinitely. In this kind of a case, K must be declared either as INTEGER or LONG. --- TRY THIS! 1. Make the LEDs flash one at a time from left to right and then right to left, indefinitely. 2. Do the same as above but this time 2 LEDs at a time. 3. Make the left and right flashing above faster. - No model answers are separately provided - --- A job well done As you watch the LED outputs, you would have understood how binary numbers are represented with bits. You would have also learned the operators of BASIC and how to use the Debug command. Since these will be used frequently in the future, please make sure you understand them completely. --- COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER Debug Byteout For-Next Operators: +, , /, <<, >>, Mod Let us study more on FOR-NEXT. Create a program that outputs 1 to 10 on the Debug Terminal. Of course, this kind will be too easy for you, right? ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Delay 500 For A=1 to 10 Debug Dec A,cr Next ``` Now, let us display the 6's column of the Multiplication Table. ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Delay 500 For A=1 To 9 Debug "6 x ",Dec A," = ", Dec 6 A,cr Next ``` If a comma (,) is used in the Debug statement, one can display multiple characters or numbers. A character string should be surrounded by double quotes. This time let us do the same except that the parameter value will be incremented by 2 each time. ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Dim A as Integer Delay 500 For A=1 to 10 Step 2 Debug Dec A,cr Next ``` Now, let us display 1 to 10 but make the program exit the loop when the parameter value reaches 8. ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Delay 500 For A=1 To 10 Debug Dec A,cr If A=8 Then Exit For Next ``` I believe now you have a better grasp of FOR-NEXT’s diverse usages. As seen, diverse combination of FOR-NEXT’s parameter, Step value and Exit condition can produce many kinds of results. With CUBLOC, besides arithmetic operations such as addition and subtraction, there are logical operation and comparison operation. These kinds can be distinguished by the operator used. - Arithmetic operators: Commonly used mathematical operations such as addition and subtraction: +, -, etc. - Comparison operator: Operators used with commands such as If, While: <, >, =, etc. - Logical operators: Operators used for logical operation between two binary numbers: AND, OR, etc. In an arithmetic operation, many operators can be used. Since each operator has its own precedence relative to other operators, no matter how complicated an operation may be, its computation is carried out from the operation of the highest precedence at the time. Step 1: Expression within parentheses Step 2: A sign preceding a number Step 3: Exponentiation (^) Step 4: Multiplication, Division and Mod (remainder) (, /, MOD) Step 5: Addition and Subtraction (+, -) Step 6: Shift-left and Shift-right (<<, >> When there are multiple operators with same precedence, the operation flows from left to right. Expression of Fractions Since a fraction cannot be expressed in its conventional notation in BASIC language, in BASIC it is denoted using the division operator (/). When the numerator or the denominator is an arithmetic expression, it should be surrounded by parentheses. \[ \frac{1}{2} \quad \Rightarrow \quad 1/2 \\ \frac{5}{3+4} \quad \Rightarrow \quad 5/(3+4) \\ \frac{2+6}{3+4} \quad \Rightarrow \quad (2+6)/(3+4) \] Let's make a digital piano with CUBLOC. Let me calm down those who begin to aspire, 'Wow! I'm gonna get a digital piano!!' You will be able to play a single scale of Do, Re, Mi, Fa, Sol, La, Ti, Do, and that using a piezoelectric speaker ("piezo" in short from now on). We will be studying the tone generation principle, how to use PWM port, and how to use SELECT and CASE statements. Circuit Configuration Connect all of I/O ports 8 to 15 to the Push Switch, and connect I/O port 5 to the piezo. Make sure you leave both of CUNET use jumpers JP1 and JP2 open! Source Program-1 Enter the source program as shown below: ``` Const Device = CB280 Const SoundCh = 0 Dim A As Byte Low 5 Do A = Bytein(1) Select Case A Case 1 Freqout SoundCh,4403 '도 Case 2 Freqout SoundCh,3923 '레 Case 4 Freqout SoundCh,3495 '미 Case 8 Freqout SoundCh,3299 '파 Case &h10 Freqout SoundCh,2939 '솔 Case &h20 Freqout SoundCh,2618 '라 Case &h40 Freqout SoundCh,2333 '시 Case &h80 Freqout SoundCh,2202 '도 Case Else Pwmonoff 0 End Select Loop ``` Confirmation Run After you click the RUN button to download the source program, push any of the push buttons! If you can hear a sound through the piezo, that means the program works. If you can't hear any sound, check the wire connections one more time! Make sure you left both of CUNET use jumpers JP1 and JP2 open! Explanation of the Source Program-1 In the beginning part of the source program, you can see a statement for declaring a constant "Const SoundCh = 0". Constant is a "number whose value is fixed" in the source program. A constant can be directly written in a statement; but to enhance the understanding of those who read the program later (e.g., to describe the meaning of the constant in this case), usually even constants are declared separately. NEW COMMANDS Const* Const <Constant Name> = <Constant Value> This is a command that declares a constant. If one writes, ``` Const Relay = 5 ``` from then on in that source program the word Relay means constant 5. The same command can be expressed as ``` Relay Con 5 ``` A device declaration such as "Const Device = CB280" is a statement that assigns a device name (character string constant) "CB280" to a system constant DEVICE. That is, CUBLOC Studio recognizes which model it is using by checking the DEVICE constant. How are sounds generated? Sound is a resonance that is being conveyed in the form of a wave in the air. Our voices and speaker sounds are also resonance in the air being delivered to our ears. With the same principle, we can generate sound using a piezo. Piezo consists of two thin metal films put together. When electric current is run to these two films, the two films begin to stick together and separate, creating waves in the air. This is how speakers work, too. There are two types of pulse signals. With Type A pulse, one can generate diverse sounds such as human voice or musical sounds. This is too much to be implemented in CUBLOC. Therefore, CUBLOC generates simple square pulses such as Type B. STEP 1 Currently the piezo is connected to Port 5. A pulse can be generated if high and low voltages are outputted at Port 5. Let’s do it! ``` Const Device = CB280 Low 5 Do Reverse 5 Delay 1 Loop ``` NEW COMMANDS Reverse Reverse <Port No.> This command reverses the state of a specified port. If it was already HIGH, it is made LOW; and vice versa. Since this command does not make the port into an output port automatically, before this command is used a HIGH or a LOW command should be used to make the port into an output port. ``` Low 5 Reverse 5 'Port 5 takes on HIGH state. ``` STEP 2 With the above experiment, one may simply hear a continuing, single beep. CUBLOC has a more sophisticated way to generate a pulse signal. That is to use the PWM. ``` Const Device = CB280 Low 5 Pwm 0,200,5000 ``` You probably are not familiar with the term PWM, which stands for Pulse Width Modulation. One can simply think it as a pulse generation device. Shall we see the difference between the previous two programs? Step 1 program has the disadvantage that it has to keep looping during pulse generation. That is, CUBLOC cannot do anything else during pulse generation. On the other hand, if one uses the PWM, just issuing the PWM command makes the specified port generate the wanted waveform, CUBLOC can do other work. Purely automatic! In addition, the PWM can also adjust the width of the pulses. The PWM statement "PWM 0, 10, 1000" makes just 10 out of 1000 waveform points HIGH (while the other 990 points remain LOW). On the other hand, "PWM 0, 900, 1000" makes just 900 out of 1000 waveform points HIGH (while the remaining 10 points remain LOW). As can be seen, though the above two output pulses have the same frequencies, their high pulse widths can be different, resulting in two distinguished output waves. PWM can be used in many areas. It can control the brightness of LEDs and lamps, and control the speed of motors. In the next example, it will be used to generate sound. NEW COMMANDS PWM PWM <Channel No.> <Duty> <Pulse Period> This command begins outputting a pulse-type waveform. For the <Channel No.> one has to specify the PWM channel number. Note that it is not a port number. Since the PWM channel number is different for each CUBLOC model, refer to the pinout diagram of each model. Before you use the PWM command, you must turn the port connected to the PWM channel into an output state. <Pulse Period> is any number with the maximum value being 65535. The larger this value, the lower the frequency of the resulting wave. The <Duty> value cannot be bigger than the <Pulse Period> because it is the width of the HIGH state portion of the pulse wave. ``` PWM 0, 200, 1024 Within the pulse period of 1024, make 200 HIGH ``` PWM channels 0, 1 and 2 should use the same pulse period because their share the same timer internally. The same goes with PWM channels 3, 4 and 5. But the periods of PWM channel group 0, 1 and 2, and group 3, 4 and 5 may differ. Once you initiated a PWM wave generation using the PWM command, as long as the CUBLOC is on the pulses will keep generating. You can stop the PWM pulse generation using the command PWMOFF. But when you see the "Digital Piano" source program on p. 47, there is no PWM command but only FreqOut commands. FreqOut can be seen as a command similar to PWM, a simplified version. It's just that the "duty ratio" is 50% such that the HIGH and LOW edges have the same 1:1 width ratio. As can be seen in the figure above, a waveform where the HIGH and the LOW width are the same are said to have the 50% duty ratio. Since waves with 50% duty ratio are used for sound generation, we have used FreqOut instead of PWM for convenience' sake. Then how do we generate different sounds such as "Do Re Mi Fa Sol La Ti Do"? That is very simple. The A tone of the 4th Octave (on the piano) has the frequency of 440 Hz (Hertz). And similarly each sound has its own frequency. When these frequencies are inserted into the formula described in the FreqOut command explanation, we can build a table that gives the specification of each sound. Multi-function Port Each I/O port of CUBLOC has the other port besides the usual I/O port such that the other port can accept PWM or ADC input. Such port is called a Multifunction Port. At the same time, this means Port 5 can no more be used as an I/O port once it is used as a PWM port. That is, for a multifunction port, one has to choose between the I/O function, and the extra function. There is no explicit command to make the choice but one implicitly does so by making the I/O port into an input or output state depending on the functional situation. --- NEW COMMANDS Pwmoff PWMOFF <Channel No.> This command stops outputting a PWM wave at <Channel No.>. This command is used to stop a wave generation started by the FREQOUT command. ``` Low 5 Pwm 0, 50, 100 ' Start generating a PWM wave Delay 2000 Pwmo ff 0 ' Stop the wave 2 seconds after it started generating ``` Freqout FreqOut <Channel No.> <Freq> This command generates a different wave depending on the given<Freq>. You do not directly write the actual frequency at <Freq> but insert a value there, which is computed by the following formula. \[ F_{req} = \frac{230400}{F_{req}} \] This formula computes an accurate value only when Freq value is equal to or greater than 100. ``` Freqout 0, 5236 ' This generates a frequency of 440 Hz ``` Wow! This is a rather long program. The "Freqout SoundCh, 4403" statement generates the Do sound. Before this command is executed, there is a "Select Case A" conditional statement. "Select Case ..." is useful when one would like to execute different options depending on a variable value. The same can be implemented using IF ... ELSEIF, but using Select Case is much more crisp and compact. Bytein command does the opposite of the ByteOut command. It reads the values of an entire port block, i.e., 8 bits. Since all ports of Port Block 1 are connected to the PUSH switch in this example, using a single command A = Bytein(1) reads all states of the PUSH switch. Since only that switch is turned on (i.e., bit status = 1) when a switch is pressed, a Case statement can be used to simulate such situation. NEW COMMANDS Select, Case ``` Select Case <variable> Case <value 1> <statement 1> Case <value 2> <statement 2> Case <value 3> <statement 3> Case Else <statement else> End Select ``` When the <variable> value is equal to <value 1>, <statement 1> is executed; if equal to <value 2>, <statement 2> is executed, and so on. When there is no match, <statement else> after <Case Else> is executed. Also Is and an inequality (< or >) can be used to make a value comparison ``` Select Case K Case Is <value 1> R = Case Is <value 2> R = Case Is <value 3> R = Case Is <value 4> R = Case else R = End Select ``` Applied Programming-1 Shall we alter the program a bit to make it more fun? Now we shall change the program so that pressing a key will create a "Ding-Dong" chime. ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Const SoundCh = 0 Dim A As Byte Low 5 Do A = Bytein(1) Select Case A Case 1 Freqout SoundCh,4403 'Do Delay 200 Freqout SoundCh,3495 'Mi Delay 200 Freqout SoundCh,2202 'Do Delay 200 Case 2 Freqout SoundCh,3923 'Re Case 4 Freqout SoundCh,3495 'Mi Case 8 Freqout SoundCh,3299 'Fa Case &H10 Freqout SoundCh,2939 'Sol Case &H20 Freqout SoundCh,2618 'La Case &H40 Freqout SoundCh,2333 'Ti Case &H80 Freqout SoundCh,2202 'Do Case Else Pwmonoff 0 End Select Loop ``` When this portion is added, whenever Switch 1 is pressed, a "Ding-Dong-Ding" sound will be made. Modify the program in your own way to produce many other kinds of sounds! Bytein <Variable> = Bytein(<Port Block No.>) This command changes a port block into an input state, and reads the 8 bits of values from the 8 input ports into a Byte variable. Here the variable must be of an Integer type. Note that all the 8 ports of the port block change into the input state. If one of the ports to be affected was being used as an output port, that port will no longer be able to function as an output port after this command is executed. Applied Programming-2 Let us think about how we can input the frequency values of Do, Re and Mi more conveniently. In the previous example, we replaced the variables such as Do and Re with numbers such as 4403 and 3923, respectively. But if we use the Const command, things can be done more conveniently. If one assigns frequency values to mnemonic words such as Do and Re using the Const command, from then on one can compose the source code using those meaningful words instead of manually inputting the respective frequencies. ```vbnet Const Device = CB280 Const SoundCh = 0 Const 도 = 4403 Const 레 = 3923 Const 미 = 3495 Const 솔 = 3299 Const 솔 = 2939 Const 라 = 2618 Const 시 = 2333 Const #도 = 2202 Dim A As Byte Low 5 Do A = Bytein(1) Select Case A Case 1 Freqout SoundCh,도 Case 2 Freqout SoundCh,레 Case 4 Freqout SoundCh,미 Case 8 Freqout SoundCh,솔 Case &H10 Freqout SoundCh,솔 Case &H20 Freqout SoundCh,라 Case &H40 Freqout SoundCh,시 Case &H80 Freqout SoundCh,#도 Case Else Pwmonoff 0 End Select Loop ``` We used Do, Re, Mi ... instead of numbers. Next is a program that performs a Korean children's song "School Bell Rings". The melody is played in a manner where, after playing one sound, there is a delay, and then the next sound is played. The program may be somewhat long; but type it in. You can listen to the music using CUBLOC. When you are inputting the source, it can be tedious to input the same or similar portions more than once, right? Copy and Paste come handy in such a situation. Place the cursor at the beginning of the repeated part, press the SHIFT key (and keep it pressed down), and move the cursor to the end of the repeated part. Then the repeated part will be highlighted as it is selected. If you press CTRL + C (i.e., while pressing the CTRL key down, press the c key), the selected portion is copied into the PC’s system memory, usually called buffer. Now, move the cursor to the position where you would like to paste the copied part. Then press CTRL + V and the copied part will be copied into the new location. Now you can simply modify the slightly differing part(s)! If you see the above program, a new command appears: #define. This command facilitates inputting of frequently repeated commands. Using this feature, one can just say "SoundOut Sol" without having to type in a FreqOut lengthy command each time. Since the new compact expression conveys the meaning of performing the Sol sound more clearly, it makes both programming and later understanding it easier. At a glance, it may look similar to the Const command; but Const deals only with constants no characters and blanks. The source program may look even after using #define. If we abbreviate the repeating parts as subroutines, the source can be expressed even more compactly. Now, look at the source code on the right hand side. It is far shorter than the previous version. The "Sub SoundOut ..." portion is where a subroutine is declared. When such a subroutine is defined, whenever the program execution hits the name "SoundOut," the execution point jumps to the subroutine, to execute the subroutine, and then returns to previous execution point in the "main" program. And since one can also pass along a parameter (or parameters) when a subroutine is called, the subroutine can be run with different parameters. NEW COMMANDS Sub, Endsub ``` SUB <Subroutine Name> ([<Parameter1> As <Type1>] [<Parameter2> As <Type2>] ...) <statement1> ... END SUB ``` This command declares a subroutine, which takes on an independent form. The subroutine’s parameter(s) can be passed along and their types (Byte, Integer, etc.) can also be declared. The code for subroutine must be placed after the main routine of the BASIC program. The end of the main routine is marked by the END command. When you call a subroutine, you just need to write its name as if you are using a command with some parameter(s) optionally following it in parentheses. ``` SoundOut Do,W2 ' as if using a regular command End ' There must be an END command at the end of the main routine. Sub SoundOut(Fr As Integer, Wt As Integer) Freqout soundch,Fr Delay wt Pwmoff 0 Delay 50 End Sub ' There must be an END SUB command at the end of a subroutine. ``` One can also write a subroutine without any parameter as below. ``` Sub Delay End Sub ``` As above, if one specifies nothing inside the parentheses, it becomes a parameterless subroutine. One just needs to call this subroutine by writing its name `DelayLong` to run it. Don’t forget! To start defining a subroutine, you should first end the main routine with the END command. The CUBLOC compiler distinguishes the main routine and a subroutine by detecting the END command. Thus, the END command is very important. --- APPLIED TASK 1. Change the program so that it will perform a different song. 2. Make it so that pressing a key will produce a touch sound. 3. Make the program sound an alarm (as an ambulance does). --- Job well done! You have learned the principle of how a sound is output along with how to use the PWM and FREQOUT commands. Make sure you master the subroutine part so that you can compose compact source programs from now on. This technique will be used frequently. --- COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER - REVERSE - #DEFINE - CONST - BYTEIN - PWM - FREQOUT - PWMOFF - SUB - SELECT..CASE The `Sub` command defines a subroutine. Function is a similar command that defines a function. The difference is that a function has a return value while a subroutine does not. We call the source codes of subroutines and functions are subprograms. Subprograms can define their own variables. Variable defined only in subprograms are called local variables while as variables defined in the main routine are called global variables. They are used in a similar manner; but their respective scopes (i.e., the range of their effectiveness) are different. Some value can be stored in the function name within the function’s definition. Then that value becomes the function’s return value. In fact, the return value is passed along when the last statement of the function definition, i.e., `END FUNCTION`, is executed. One can also declare the type of the return value as below. All types (Byte, Integer, Long, Single and String) can be used, and when omitted the type defaults to Long. A global variable can be used all over the source program. It can be used even within a subprogram. On the other hand, a local variable can only be used within its own subprogram where it was defined. Memo www.comfiletech.com Source Program Type in the source program as below. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer Do I = Adin(0) Debug Dec I, CR Delay 200 Loop ``` Confirmation Run Click the RUN button to download and run the source program. Now turn the first volume dial. You will see how the numbers displayed on the Debug Terminal change. Analog and Digital In digital system, binary notation is used to express only two states: on or off. As in the right-hand side figure, binary notation usually expresses two states: on or off (or bright or dark). On the other hand, as in the second right-hand side figure, if a variable-resistance is used to do the "dimmer" control of the light bulb's brightness, the result can no more be expressed by mere two states of on or off. We need some way to accurately express all levels of brightness between 100% on and off. Analog is a quantity (as in this situation) which has to be represented by a continuous-state variable. Information we access in everyday life are in general analog: temperature, weight, height, etc. Since computers are based on digital processing, they cannot direct use analog input; so analog input has to be converted to digital input. Analog-to-Digital Converter (A/D Converter or ADC in short) handles this task. CUBLOC's ADC reads a certain voltage and converts it to a digital number. For example, it reads a voltage in the 0 to 5 volts range and outputs a number between 0 and 1023. 0 V is converted to 0, 2.5 V is converted to 511, and 5 V to 1023. CUBLOC's ADC "converted voltage into a number." Differing from usual resistance whose resistance value is fixed, a variable resistance can vary its resistance value. As can be seen in the picture below, there is a handle (or a dial) on a variable resistance. In a circuit as shown, if two different resistances are serially connected and voltage is applied to its two ends, between the two resistances, an intermediate voltage occurs related to the ratio of the two resistances. If one wants to produce a voltage between 0 and 5 volts, one just needs to find two appropriate resistances to produce such a divided voltage. If one does not want to pick two different resistances every time but would like to have a varying voltage value, then you need a variable resistance. A variable resistance is used when a third voltage, i.e., a divided voltage, is necessary. Explanation of the Source Program Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer Do I = Adin(0) Debug Dec I, CR Delay 200 Loop ADIN command performs the A/D conversion. In the parentheses the A/D channel number is specified. The location of A/D channel's ports is different among different CUBLOC models. In case of CB280, A/D Channel 0 is Port 24. More Stable A/D Conversion When you run the previous program, you will see that the numbers displayed on the Debug Terminal slightly varies even when you did not make any changes. This is caused by the minor errors occurring during the A/D conversion and the minute change of the voltage. To reduce such errors, people use the technique of displaying the average value over multiple converted values. With CUBLOC, when the TADIN command is executed, automatically the average of 10 converted values is returned. In the program above, one can see that more stable values will be displayed by simply replacing ADIN with TADIN. NEW COMMANDS Adin <variable> = ADIN(<channel>) After performing A/D conversion at a specified channel, its value is stored in the variable. Since the A/D channel number and the port number can differ among different CUBLOC models, one should check the pinout diagram. The I/O pin to be used must be left in an input state for later A/D usage. Since the default state of CUBLOC’s I/O pins are input state after CUBLOC powers on, unless they are changed to output state in the middle all channels are ready for A/D input after the CUBLOC is powered on. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A as Integer Input 24 ' Channel 0 is Port 24 A = Adin(0) ' A/D conversion at Channel 0 and store the value in variable A. ``` TAdin <variable> = TADIN(<channel>) After performing A/D conversion at a specified channel, its value is stored in the variable. This command performs almost the same as the ADIN command. The only difference is that the average of 10 converted values are returned for better stability. This technique is effective when the input values sway due to noise, etc. Note that the conversion time takes a bit longer with this method. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A as Integer Input 24 ' Channel 0 is Port 24 A = TAdin(0) ' Perform A/D conversion at Channel 0 and store the value in variable A. ``` The previous program displayed the A/D converted value of only one volume dial. What if one wants to see the converted values of all 4 volume dials? ```plaintext Const Device = CB280 Dim I As Integer Do I = Adin(0) Debug goxy,3,2 Debug Dec5 I I = Adin(1) Debug goxy,13,2 Debug Dec5 I I = Adin(2) Debug goxy,23,2 Debug Dec5 I I = Adin(3) Debug goxy,33,2 Debug Dec5 I Delay 200 Loop ``` When one inputs the program on the left-hand side, 4 numbers will be displayed on the Debug Terminal as below. And when the 4 volume dials are turned, the numbers will change on the screen. DEC is a "converter" that converts a number into a decimal number. E.g., "DEBUG DEC A" outputs the value in variable A as a decimal number. \| Debug Dec A 'A=10 \| 10 \| \|-------------------\|----\| \| Debug Dec A 'A=100\| 100\| In the above, if the number to be outputted is 10, it takes up 2 places; if 100, it takes up 3 places. Since the number of places a number occupies when outputted can vary, this may create an awkward situation. Thus, CUBLOC provides a way to format the outputted numbers. "Formatted Output" means a number will take up a pre-specified number of places no matter how big or small the number is. \| Debug Dec5 A 'A=10 \| 10 \| \|--------------------\|----\| \| Debug Dec5 A 'A=100\| 100\| \| Debug Dec5 A 'A=100\| 10000\| By simply attaching a total number of places to "Dec" without any blank, the outputted numbers are displayed in right-adjusted fashion. If you would like to display the numbers in a right-adjusted manner, you can use "Dec10". There are many applications where an analog quantity is A/D converted and then D/A converted before its output. E.g., the CD (Compact Disc) we use to listen to music is digital recording of analog sounds. To listen to this digital recording, we need D/A conversion. Let's conduct an experiment after we configure the Study Board as below. Let us use a breadboard to connect a condenser and a resistance. Also connect to an LED to visually confirm the result. Remember the PWM command, we learned before? The PWM command can be used as a D/A converter. Shall we create a program that D/A-converts A/D-converted values using the PWM? With CUBLOC one can implement D/A conversion using only minimal components such as resistances and condensers. Now, input this program, run it, and turn the volume dial. The LED should light up as you turn the dial. After you A/D-converted the dialed volume value (which was initially analog), that converted value is outputted using a PWM, and then this value is smoothed using a condenser and a resistance, finally to light up the LED. Condenser is an electric part that temporarily stores electricity. There are condensers that store electricity for a very long time, too, which are called "rechargeable batteries." Most condensers store electricity for a short period of time: several microseconds or nanoseconds. Then some may think, 'What use could it be if it can store it for such a short time?' But that is the very point of its usefulness! Condensers are useful because they can hold up only a very small amount of current. In the previous circuit, to convert the PWM signal into a constant voltage signal, a condenser is needed to store electricity. But if one uses a condenser with too small a capacity, a waveform on the right-hand side will be produced. If a condenser with too large a capacity is used, the output wave will go on even after the input PWM signal is stopped as shown on the right-hand side. Therefore, when a condenser of an appropriate capacity is used, the PWM wave (i.e., signal) will be converted to a stable voltage, and when the PWM wave is stopped, the output wave will also soon stop, as the electricity stored in the condenser depletes in a timely manner, thus making a useful D/A converter. There are many kinds of condensers: Mylar condenser, ceramic condenser, electrolyte condenser, monolithic condenser, multilayer ceramic condenser, etc. In the digital circuit that deals with CUBLOC, ceramic, electrolyte and multilayer ceramic condensers are used. The rest you need not know, as they are used in very complicated, high-frequency, RF (radio frequency) or analog circuits. (Knowing them can only be a headache.) On the left-hand side are condensers that can usually be seen in power circuits. Since they have polarity (i.e., they have distinguished + and - terminals), make sure you connect them correctly. Since these kinds have bigger capacity than ceramic condensers, they are used in power circuits. On the left-hand side is a condenser that has a relatively small capacity and has no polarity. It is used as a "bypass condenser" which is attached close to a semiconductor's power terminal. Bypass condenser is a condenser that is used in preparation for an instantaneous power consumption. It has a capacity of about 0.01 microfarad and is attached somewhere near the power pin. Though the Studyboard has many components such as switches and LEDs already built in, if you would like to carry out an experiment which requires components that are not already included, you will need to create a separate circuit using something like a universal board. But using a universal board is cumbersome, as one needs to manually solder and it is difficult to revise if one makes a mistake. Therefore, the Studyboard has a built-in breadboard instead. On a breadboard's many holes one can insert components such as resistances, condensers and other chips. Inside the breadboard are lines running vertically and horizontally that are invisible from the outside as illustrated below. One can create a circuit considering this line connections. 1. Create a program where the 8 LEDs display the A/D-converted value when the volume dial is turned. 2. Create a program where the pitch of the piezo's sound changes when the volume dial is turned. Job well done! You have learned the difference between analog and digital, also the methods to convert one into the other. CUBLOC is a "microcomputer" based on the digital principles. Analog is like everyday quantities such as temperature, humidity, voice, brightness, etc. It is very important to know the difference between analog and digital to use CUBLOC well. COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER - ADIN - TADIN - DEBUG CLR - DEBUG GOXY - DEC5 The Debug command comes very handy in CUBLOC Basic, as it has many usages. One should NOT think it merely displays a variable's value on the PC screen! It confirms whether some part of the program was executed or not If one places a Debug statement among a piece of source code, which is never run, naturally the Debug statement will display nothing on the Debug Terminal. ``` Do Byteout 1,A Loop Debug "END" ' This Debug command is not executed. ``` If you are not sure whether a certain part of a source code is executed or not, place a Debug command there and have anything displayed. If that part of the code is executed, it will be displayed; and if not, nothing will be displayed. It is utilized as the program’s display window For those who do not have an LCD or a 7-segment display, the Debug Terminal can be used as your display instead. To specify your display position, you can use "Debug goxy, x, y" where x and y are x and y coordinates, respectively. To clear the screen, you can use "Debug Clr". This way, you can freely output characters and numbers on a screen larger than a usual LCD. As you create CUBLOC programs, you get to use the Debug command here and there. But after you complete the program, you won’t need them anymore. At this time, you don’t need to go after all occurrences of Debug to delete them. You just need to write the statement "Set Debug Off" at the beginning of the program, which cancels the effects of all Debug commands. It is as if they don’t exist anymore. Later, when you need its effect again, you can just delete this one statement. ``` Const Device = CB280 Set Debug off 'All Debug commands stop working ``` How to use the Debug Terminal - Change of Baud rate, Parity, Number of Data Bits (Do not touch these unless for special occasions.) - Change of COM port - Transmission/Reception status indicators - Clear Debug Terminal - Pause/Restart - Transmission window: What is input here is transmitted to CUBLOC. (This area is not used by the Debug command) - Main Debug Window: Data from CUBLOC are displayed here - Close Debug Terminal If you check here, the Debug Terminal moves to the right side of the source edit window. Basic Grammar for BASIC & Its libraries CUBLOC BASIC language has over 140 commands. As seen in several of the previous examples, some commands are closely related to the hardware configuration. For instance, ADIN and PWM do not belong to standard BASIC language. We call these kinds of commands "Libraries." Libraries are such that one does not need to memorize all of them because they can be used by simply reading their user guide when they are needed. The commands you should know are the ones like IF, THEN, FOR, NEXT, etc., which are part of the standard BASIC language. Below is a table summarizing the basic commands that one must know. Most of them were already covered. If you can conceive that these basic commands form the backbone of BASIC and actual operations happen through libraries, you will be able to learn BASIC more easily. \| Variable Declaration \| Dim, Byte, Integer, Long, Single, String \| \|----------------------\|------------------------------------------\| \| Branch Command \| Goto \| \| Subprogram \| Gosub, Return, Sub, Function \| \| Loop Control \| For, Next, Do, Loop, While, Until \| \| Conditionals \| If, Then, Select \| \| Constant Declaration \| Const, \| \| Operators \| +, -, /, , Mod \| \| Interrupts \| On Gosub, Set \| These commands secure appropriate memory space for specified variable types. These commands change the point of program execution. These commands call subroutines and define/declare them. These commands manage repeated execution within the program. Depending on whether the given condition is met, these commands execute one of the optional source code. These commands give often-used numbers a name/label. These commands perform arithmetic and other operations. These commands declare the kind of interrupt (i.e., a sudden event) and subroutine that will handle the interrupt, or change a setting. CUBLOC's BASIC Language CUBLOC's BASIC Language has a grammar very similar to Microsoft's Visual BASIC. Yet, since there is no 100% compatibility between the two, not all Visual BASIC programs will run on CUBLOC. In fact, CUBLOC BASIC is not as complicated as Visual BASIC. This is because Visual BASIC has numerous commands to control all kinds of PC components while there is not much to control on CUBLOC. Since CUBLOC is an embedded controller, it is equipped only with necessary commands. CUBLOC BASIC is easier to learn than other versions of BASIC languages because it has a compact vocabulary (i.e., commands). Let's use Oscilloscopes! Most software programmers and PLC (Programmable Logic Controller) users are not familiar with using oscilloscopes. Oscilloscope is a device that makes wave changes visible and is indispensable to electronic engineers. The vertical axis of the screen indicates voltage and the horizontal axis represents time. If you see the screen, you can tell how much quantity each grid represents. The above is a photograph is a Tektronix oscilloscope. Beside this company's, there are many other brands and kinds. It is very simple to use. Shall we measure the PWM wave we generated with one of the previous programs? If we adjust the voltage knob and the seconds knob to make the waveform more understandable, waveforms as shown on the left-hand side below will show. First, have the big foot of the probe clutched at GND (i.e., ground the big foot), and put the end of the probe to a spot where you would like to make a measurement. In the previous program, when the volume dial was turned the duty ratio of the wave changed, right? Now, let's try that right now. If we use an oscilloscope, we can witness the changing duty ratio right in front of our eyes! Such changes and waveforms cannot be seen using a tester; an oscilloscope must be used for such purpose. Make it a habit to use an oscilloscope to see the waveform. How to use an Oscilloscope-Summary This is a summary of how to operate frequently used components of an oscilloscope. Oscilloscopes made by other makers (other than Tektronix) can be operated in a similar manner. The sky-blue line is channel 2’s waveform. The yellow line is channel 1’s waveform. This knob adjusts the vertical position of channel 1 wave. This knob adjusts the vertical position of channel 2 wave. This knob adjusts the time unit. This button turns on or off the automatic setting, which provides optimal viewing of the current waveform. Temporarily stops or resumes the wave. Adjusts the horizontal position of the overall (channels 1 & 2) waves. Trigger menu. (Refer to the explanation on the right-hand side column.) Test signal output Probe for external trigger Channel 1 Channel 2 There’s a limit as to what a tester can do. To become an advance user, an oscilloscope is a must have! Trigger point One vertical unit is 2 volts. One horizontal unit is 250 microseconds. This means this oscilloscope samples at a 1 gigahertz rate. Trigger point Channel 2’s frequency (The display item can be adjusted using the Measure button.) This means the trigger point is currently on Channel 2’s rising edge at the 4.08 V position. Fun Trip to the CUBLOC World Trigger? “Trigger” is a small lever which can be pulled to fire a gun. Here in this context it refers to a point from which a signal is detected. For a repeating sine wave with a fixed period, trigger does not take on a significant meaning. Yet, if you would like to capture a point where a signal in low state suddenly rises to a high pulse, you need to specify a trigger point. You need to specify which position on which channel, and whether it is on the rising edge or the falling edge. To set up a trigger point, one needs to push the Trigger Menu button and set the details. When the oscilloscope finds a trigger point, it pauses the screen for a short time so that the user can confirm it, or the screen can be stopped indefinitely. Though oscilloscope is a useful device to observe waveform directly, if one cannot accurately pinpoint the point one needs to look at, it will be of no use. Thus, it is important to familiarize oneself with the Trigger Menu so that the exact point of interest can be accurately located. Circuit Configuration Connect a 4x4 keypad to the breadboard and connect 8 pins to Port Block 0 in order. Ports 0, 1, 2 and 3 should be pulled up using 10 kOhm resistances, respectively. Since a 4x4 keypad is not included in the Start Kit, one needs to separately acquire it at www.comfiletech.com. Circuit Diagram CB280 Operational Summary What must be done to receive 16 inputs simultaneously? Should one attach a switch to each I/O port as in the "Digital Piano" example? Doing so would be inefficient, as too many ports are used. In this lab, we will study multi-switch input circuit and program that utilizes the Key-Matrix feature. Source Program Input the source program as in the screen below. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Do A = Keypad(0) Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug Dec4 a Delay 100 Loop ``` Explanation of the Source Program ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Do A = Keypad(0) Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug Dec4 a Delay 100 Loop ``` Read key matrix from Port Block 0. Move the output (x, y) position on the Debug Terminal to (10, 2). Display variable A’s value as a 4-place decimal number. Delay execution for 100 milliseconds. KEYPAD command reads the states from a key matrix (i.e. keypad). Key matrix is a configuration where multiple keys are meshed in a matrix formation as in the next figure. To use the KEYPAD command, one has to use only one port block and the input ports (i.e., the lower 4 bits) have to be connected to individual pull-up resistances. When a key is pushed on the keypad, the “scan code” corresponding to that key is outputted. Keypad <Variable> = KEYPAD(<Port Block no.>) This command reads a key code value from a key matrix connected to one of the port blocks. If no key is pressed on the key matrix, value 255 is returned. If there is a key pressed, the scan code of the corresponding key is returned. The input side ports (i.e., the lower 4 bits) must be connected to pull-up resistances, respectively. Up to a key matrix of 4x4 size can be connected. If a 3x4 or 2x3 matrix is connected, any unused input port must be connected to a pull-up resistance, and any unused output port must be left in the current “open” state. Then how would one connect a 8x8 key matrix? CUBLOC is equipped with a command to accommodate matrices larger than 4x4: EKEYPAD. Its functions are very similar to the KEYPAD command. But to accommodate an 8x8 matrix, one needs to use 2 port blocks. EKeypad <Variable> = EKEYPAD(<Input Port Block no.>, <Output Port Block no.>) This command reads a key code from a key matrix as large as 8x8. To use this command at least 2 port blocks (i.e., 16 ports) should be used. The input port blocks, whether used or unused, must be connected to pull-up resistances. And unused output ports can be left in the current open state. Example: A = EKEYPAD(0, 1) Let us create a program which will This has the same numbers arrangement as on the phone's dial-pad. One has to match the numbers and scan code values, respectively. If one uses IF statements to accomplish this goal, it will be too inefficient. ScanCode = Keypad(0) If ScanCode = 0 then A = 1 If ScanCode = 1 then A = 4 If ScanCode = 2 then A = 7 Could there be a simpler, easier way? One could use a constant array. Now let us use a constant array to create a program that displays the corresponding keypad key when a key scan code is pressed. ``` Const Device = CB280 Const Byte Ktbl = (1,4,7,11,2,5,8,0,3,6,9,12,13,14,15,16) Dim A As Integer Dim K As Integer Do A = Keypad(0) If a = 255 Then k = 255 Else k = Ktbl(a) End If Debug goxy,10,2 Debug Dec4 k Delay 100 Loop ``` The statement beginning with "Const Byte" is where the constant array is defined. As such, a constant array is used when one needs tabular translation. Constant arrays can be used like general (i.e., variable) arrays with the exception that its content cannot be changed. Const Array* `Const <Type> <Array Name> = (<a list of constants>, [<a list of constants>])` “Constant” is a value that does not change during the program’s execution. Defining multiple constants in an array form is called “Constant array.” Constant arrays are used for table lookups or conversion of mass data. The elements of a constant array can be used in the same manner as those of a variable array except that the value of each element cannot be altered. ```vbnet Dim A as Long, B as Long Const Byte data1 = (31,25,102,34,1) A = datel(0) '31 is stored in A. B = datal(1) '25 is stored in B. Const Byte data2 = (" CUBLOC SYSTEM") A = Data2(0) 'The ASCII value of "C", &h43, is stored in A. ``` If one stores a (character) string as a Byte type constant array, one can reach each character as an element of the array. In the above situation, “C” is in `data2(0)` and “U” is in `data2(1)`. When declaring the type of the constant array, one should keep the data size in mind. When elements include a negative number, the array type should be Long. When there is a value larger than 255, the array type should be Integer or Long. ```vbnet Dim A as Long, B as Long Const Integer data3 = (1234, 342, 1, 12000, 21) Const Long data4 = (1238238, -128328, -1, 0, 12323) Const Single Data5 = (32.1, 3.14, 0.12) ``` Each element of the constant array can be a string. This is different from the case above where each element was a character. In this case, the maximum length among the string elements should be specified. Any string element longer than the specified maximum length will be truncated. ```vbnet Const String * 6 data6 = ("COMFILE", "BASIC", "ERROR") ``` We have just converted the key scan codes into the values we want, respectively; we have not completed the program, yet. For a number to be stored at a variable, the number on the pressed should be displayed continuously and when the Enter key is pressed the number should be stored at the variable. We see that multiple keys are placed in a matrix form, and each key when pressed are designed to trigger a special function. ### The Differences between the Constant Array and General Array \| Items \| Array \| Const Array \| \|------------------------------\|------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------\| \| Storage place \| Data Memory(SRAM) \| Program Memory(Flash memory) \| \| When the value is recorded \| When the program is run\| When downloaded \| \| May be changed while the \| yes \| no \| \| program runs \| \| \| \| Use Purpose \| Storage of data that \| Storage of constants that does not change \| \| \| may change during \| during execution \| \| \| execution \| \| \| What happen when power is \| The information is \| The information is preserved \| \| off \| lost \| \| After the program is started, when a key is pressed a number is displayed on the Debug Terminal, and when the ENTER key is pressed “Result is ” and the same resulting number is outputted on the next line. ``` Const Device = CB280 Const Byte Ktbl = (1, 4, 7, 11, 2, 5, 8, 0, 3, 6, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16) Dim A As Integer Dim K As Integer Dim Res As Long Dim M As Long Ramclear Do A = Keypad(0) If A < 10 Then ' Only number keys are handled here. k = Ktbl(A) M = M << 4 M = M + k ' Stand by until the key is released. Do While Keypad(0) < 255 Loop Res = Bcd2bin(M) Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug Dec5 Res ElseIf A = 15 Then ' Display the result when the ENTER key is pressed. Debug goxy, 10, 4 Debug "Result is ", Dec5 Res End If Loop ``` This command resets all variable values to 0 (zero). On the other hand the Dim command only secures the memory space for variables being declared, and does not clear their values as the RAMCLEAR command does. This is a comment. If you start a statement with an ‘ (apostrophe), everything following on that line is treated as a comment, i.e., its content is not interpreted as part of the program, thus not affecting the program’s running. While the condition after the WHILE command is true, the statement(s) between the DO and the LOOP are repeated. In this case, since there is no statement between the two, this simply pauses the execution very briefly. This is to prevent further key input until the key scan code result is 255, i.e., the currently pressed key is released. While the key is being inputted, it is recorded in the BCD (binary-coded decimal) format. Since BCD format represents one decimal place (i.e., 0 to 9) with 4 bits, it is easier to process. The final result should be converted to a binary value using the BCD2BIN function before it is stored on the memory so that it can be used with other binary values in binary operations! NEW COMMANDS Ramclear RamClear This command clears all variables' value to be 0 (zero). Bcd2bin ``` <variable> = BCD2Bin(<BCD code>) ``` This command is a function that converts a BCD-coded number to its binary value. (Binary value is its usual format as it would be stored in a CUBLOC variable.) That is, in A = 100, 100 is stored as a binary number in variable A. That way, its value can be used readily in any binary operation. BCD code is a representation that expresses one decimal place with 4 bits, a Nibble. Converting a binary number into a decimal number needs a separate procedure; but doing so with a BCD number is very simple, as one just needs to read groups of 4 bits (i.e., one nibble unit). Expressing a decimal number 3451 as a binary number is as follows. If you look at its binary representation, it is hard to tell it is 3451 in decimal. You will have to do the binary to decimal conversion. But if 3451 is represented in BCD format as below, one can tell the 4-bit groups represent 3, 4, 5, 1 rather easily. For such easy readability we use BCD representation. There is a reverse function of BCD2Bin, call Bin2BCD, also, which converts a binary number into a BCD representation. --- APPLIED TASK 1. To number keys 0 to 9, add A, B, C, D, E and F so that a hexadecimal number can be inputted. 2. Make pressing a key produce a beep sound. 3. Implement a “repeat” feature, where keep pressing a key will result in repeated input of the same key. --- Job well done! Keypad input is the most primitive and basic user interface used in many devices. Make sure you understand the principle of key input and its implementation method. --- COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER - KEYPAD - EKEYPAD - CONST BYTE - CONST LONG - CONST INTEGER - CONST STRING - RAMCLEAR - BD2BIN - BIN2BCD Memo www.comfiletech.com What should one do to count externally generated pulses? You can count them using the commands you have learned so far. But such method requires checking the I/O ports all the time and CUBLOC won't be able to do anything else. If CUBLOC is just counting pulses and can't do anything else, what an inefficient use of CUBLOC would it be? Therefore, CUBLOC has a feature that automatically counts the pulses. If one uses this feature, CUBLOC can do other tasks, too. In LAB7, we will learn issues related to the count feature. Connect the 15th I/O pin to the push switch. The 15th I/O is the High Count 1 terminal. Source Program Enter the source program as shown below. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Input 15 Do A = Count(1) Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug dec5 A Delay 100 Loop ``` Explanation of the Source Program CUBLOC’s internal counter is keeping the number of pulses coming in from high-speed counter channel 1. When function COUNT is executed, the internal counter returns the count it has kept so far. The program displays such return value on the Debug Terminal. Confirmation Run If you see the number displayed on the Debug Terminal increasing when you push the PUSH switch, your program has been correctly created. Applied Programming-1 Let's create a program that counts the pulses incoming from outside. But wait a second. Previously we said CUBLOC has a feature that automatically generates pulses, right? After we generate pulses using the FREQOUT command, let count them, and display the result. Connect Port 15 (i.e., the counter) and Port 5 (i.e., the PWM). Making each loop's period 1 second is the most important goal in this program. Setting the delay to 1000 will not make the period exactly 1 second. Thus, we need to have Port 0 output a reversed voltage on each loop, and adjust the delay value while measuring the period between each loop. In this case, it seems that the period becomes 1 second when the delay is set to 1150. Enter this program and run it. Since it is written at the bottom of the oscilloscope's screen that each horizontal grid represents 500 milliseconds, 2 grids represent 1000 milliseconds, i.e., 1 second. Now on the Debug Terminal 1150 is displayed. This means that 1150 pulses have been inputted during one second. That is, the pulse has a frequency of 1.15 KHz. If you read the FREQOUT's description, the frequency is 1.15 KHz when "Freq 0, 2000" command is issued. Wow! We have made a frequency counter using CUBLOC! Frequency of a pulse generated outside CUBLOC can also be measured. Experiment what values are outputted when the arguments to Freqout command are changed! See if Freqout 0, 5236 outputs 440 Hz. We see that we can implement a frequency counter merely by reading off value of the CUBLOC's built-in counter every one second. NEW COMMANDS Count ``` <variable> = COUNT(<Channel No.>) ``` This command returns a value stored in the counter. The <channel no.> can be either 0 or 1. Since the port at which the counter channel is located differs among different CUBLOC models, one needs to check out the model's pinout. In case of CB280, channel 1 is at Port 15. Is there any other way to enforce the period to be 1 second besides adjusting the delay value? When you used Delay command for this purpose, how was it inconvenient? That's right. Since DELAY does not enforce an accurate timing, to calibrate exact time i.e.g., 1 second (trial-and-error method has to be used. And during the delay CUBLOC cannot do anything else! Enter the following program and run it. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Input 15 Low 5 Freqout 0, 2000 Low 0 On Timer(100) Gosub GetFreq Do Loop GetFreq: A = Count(1) 'Read the current counter value. Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug dec5 A Countreset(1) 'Clear the counter for next use. Reverse 0 'Adjust the delay value so that each loop will have a 1-second period. Return 'When one measures Port 0 with an oscilloscope, one can see if loops happen every second. ``` The following program shows the same run result but it uses the Timer interrupt to run the GetFreq subroutine every 1 second, which measures the frequency of the incoming pulse. ```plaintext Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Input 15 Low 5 Freqout 0, 2000 Low 0 On Timer(100) Gosub GetFreq Do Loop GetFreq: A = Count(1) Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug dec5 A Countreset(1) Reverse 0 Return ``` If some commands were included in the DO-LOOP, this program will carry out those commands while running the GetFreq routine every one second. That is, CUBLOC need not hold its breath while measuring the frequency; such can be done while handling other tasks. This is what makes the timer interrupt attractive. Yet, one precaution one has to take is that the timer interrupt routine must finish within the specified timer interval. For example, just imagine what would happen if there were a command such as “Delay 2000” inside the GetFreq routine! Since the routine execution will take 2 seconds, raising an interrupt every 1 second would become meaningless. As a result, this program will keep running the interrupt routine. When such a mishap happens, the behavior of the program deviates from its original purpose, the interrupt routine must finish with in the timer interval. NEW COMMANDS On Timer On Timer(<Interval>) Gosub <Routine Label> This command generates an interrupt for every <interval> to execute the specified routine. The <interval> unit is 10 msec. E.g., 1 stands for 10 msec. The maximum interval value is 65535. When this command is specified more than once, only the last one becomes effective (while the previous ones lose their effects). Previously, we have learned that On Timer is a declaration that begins a Timer interrupt and that the Gosub statement is carried out once the Timer interrupt starts. Gosub is a simple subroutine call command. When the program execution hits the command “Gosub ABC”, the execution jumps to the ABC routine code, executes the routine code, and goes back to the original execution point from which it jumped when it hits the Return statement at the end of the routine definition. NEW COMMANDS Gosub, Return ``` Gosub <label> <label>: <statement> ... Return ``` The Gosub command is a subroutine call command that can be used within a main routine. One can use Sub-End Sub to make it a subroutine, or it can be made subroutine simply by just using a label within the main routine. With Gosub, one cannot pass along parameters as in Sub, or declare local variables for later use. ``` Const Device = CB280 Delay 500 Gosub ABC // Call the ABC subroutine. Do Loop ABC: // Declare the ABC routine. Debug "Done" Return // RETURN must be used at the end of a subroutine. ``` Label Names Labels are used as one way to indicate a location within a program. A label can be used with a GOTO or a GOSUB command. A label name can be either in English or Korean, and must be followed by a colon `:)`. As a label, one cannot use names such as Dim or For, for these reserved names are already used by BASIC. Good labels: ABC:, Lab1: Bad labels: 123:, Goto:, For: The order of program creation When one creates a source program, in general the main routine is written first, and then subroutine(s) are written. And if there is a subprogram, put an END command at the end of the subprogram. ``` main routine Const Device = CB280 DelayLong Gosub ABC Do Loop subroutine ABC: Debug "Done" Return End Sub DelayLong() Delay 500 End Sub ``` Timer Interrupt Application Source To better understand timer interrupt, let us create a program that implements a timer. ```basic Const Device = CB280 Dim SS As Byte Dim MM As Byte Dim HH As Byte Ramclear On timer(100) Gosub Timeup Do Loop Timeup: SS=SS+1 If SS > 59 Then SS = 0 MM=MM+1 If MM>59 Then MM = 0 HH = HH + 1 End If End If Debug goxy, 10, 2 Debug Dec2 hh,":",Dec2 mm,":",dec2 ss Return ``` Once you enter the above program and run it, currently lapsed time is displayed on the Debug Terminal. This can happen, as the timer interrupt happens every 1 second to increment some of the variables' values and display them. What is an Interrupt? Since BASIC is a “sequential language,” which processes its program from the beginning to the end in the order it is written, it is difficult for it to handle emergency situations where something out of the order has to be taken care of. Interrupt is a concept that was born in response to such need. While you were doing a homework, if you get a phone call, you stop doing the homework and take the call. And, when you finish the call, you resume doing the homework. Interrupt has a similar concept. Beside the timer interrupt just explained, CUBLOC is equipped with other type of interrupt capabilities. The next table summarizes the interrupts that are possible in CUBLOC. \| Name of the Interrupt \| Description \| \|-----------------------\|-------------\| \| On Timer \| generates interrupts periodically at a set interval. \| \| On Int \| generates an interrupt based on state changes happening at an external pin. \| \| On Recv \| generates an interrupt when there is an incoming signal on an RS232 interface. \| \| On LadderInt \| generates an interrupt when there is an interrupt request from a LadderLogic program. \| \| On Pad \| generates an interrupt when there is a pad communication request from, say, a keypad. \| If you want to suppress the use of interrupts entirely, use the command SET ONGLOBAL OFF. If you would like to allow interrupts again, use the command SET ONGLOBAL ON. The initial default state is ON. About The Counter Input Channel CUBLOC has 2 high-speed counter input channels. We have created a program that used Counter Channel 1. But what should we do to use Counter Channel 0? Besides changing the source code from Count(1) to Count(0), there is one more thing to do. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim R as Integer Set Count0 on 'Activate Counter Channel 0. R = Count(0) ``` In CUBLOC, the high-speed Counter Channel 1 is always available; but it is not so with Counter Channel 0. To use it, one has to activate it using the command SET COUNT0 ON because initially (by default) COUNT0 is set to OFF. There are things you have to give up. Those are three PWM channels: 0, 1 and 2. CUBLOC usually has 6 PWM channels which are used in PWM or FREQOUT commands. Since the first 3 channels share common resources with Counter Channel 0, one can use only one of the two options at one time; i.e., either PWM channels 0, 1 and 2, or Counter Channel 0. As shown above, initially, PWM channels 0, 1 and 2 are available to the CUBLOC core. By issuing the command SET COUNT0 ON, the availability of PWM channels 0, 1 and 2 is cancelled and now COUNT0 becomes available to the CUBLOC core. When command SET COUNT0 OFF is issued, PWM channels 0, 1 and 2 become available again. Thus, one has to choose between the two: either PWM channels 0, 1 and 2, or Counter Channel 0. But note that even when you give up the first 3 PWM channels, still PWM channels 3, 4 and 5 are available. Set <reserved word> ON or OFF Set <reserved word> <parameter(s)> This is a command used to set a certain environment. After the command SET, one has to write a preset <reserved word>. For example, to determine whether COUNT0 is activated or not, after SET one writes COUNT0 and then ON or OFF. E.g., Set Count0 On There are many other reserved words. Below are SET commands related to banning or allowing interrupts. Set Onglobal Off ' Disallow all interrupts. Set OnInt Off ' Disallow all external pin interrupts (INT). Set OnTimer Off ' Disallow timer interrupts. Set Onrecv Off ' Disallow all interrupts based on RS232 reception. Set OnPad Off ' Disallow all pad input interrupts. Set OnLadderInt Off ' Disallow all interrupts from LadderLogic. By changing the OFF to ON in above examples, each type of disallowed interrupts are now allowed. A command that determines the start of LadderLogic is also a SET command: Set Ladder On ' Begin running of a LadderLogic program. The command that blocks running of DEBUG commands is also a SET command: Set Debug Off ' Do not interpret (i.e., process) the DEBUG commands in the source program. Some of the SET command do not use ON or OFF but numbers as parameters. Set Display 2,0,1,50 ' Display-related setting This command is related to LCD display setting, which we will learn later in detail. APPLIED TASK 1. Create a program that displays the counter-inputted number on an LED. Great job!! We have studied how to measure frequency using the counter input and the timer interrupt. Interrupts and timers are frequently used in actual situations. COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER Count OnTimer Gosub, Return Set Count0 Memo www.comfiletech.com Circuit Configuration CB280 has an I/O pin dedicated for RS232 communication. This pin can only be used for RS232 Channel 1’s transmission (TX) and reception (RX). To use CB280’s RS232 Channel 1 on the Study Board, the connection shown below has to be made. And Port 0 has to be connected to Push Switch 0. Once the CB280’s TX and RX are connected as shown above, the RS232 port on the backside of the Study Board can now be used as CB280’s Channel 1 port! Source Program Enter the source program as shown below. Currently PC’s COM port is connected to CUBLOC’s download port. Since most PCs only have one COM port, we will just connect the PC’s COM port with CUBLOC’s Channel 1 port as shown in the above picture. And on the PC, we will open up the HyperTerminal program. HyperTerminal is a program which lets one visually monitor the communication status and it comes with the Window XP as a standard feature. After you choose HyperTerminal under Start > All Programs > Accessories > Communication, set the COM port, Baud rate and other setting options as shown in the next figures. Confirmation Run-1 This is a program that outputs “Hello” via the RS232 Channel 1 when the push switch is pressed. To confirm the run result of this program, one has to connect CUBLOC’s Channel 1 port and PC using an RS232 cable. Confirmation Run-2 If you press the PUSH switch, you will see the character string “Hello” being displayed on HyperTerminal. Explanation of the Source Program-1 ``` Const Device = cb280 Dim A As Byte Opencom 1,115200,3,50,10 Do Do While In(0)=0 Loop Putstr 1,"Hello",cr Do While In(0)=1 Loop Loop ``` This command opens the RS232 Channel 1. This sets the Baud rate to 11520, communication protocol to 3 (i.e., 8 bits, No parity, 1 Stop bit), Reception Buffer capacity to 50 bytes, and Transmission Buffer capacity to 10 bytes. Wait (i.e., Loop) while the I/O Port 0 (i.e. the status of the PUSH switch) is 0 (i.e., Low). That is, wait until the switch is turned ON. Wait (i.e., Loop) while the I/O Port 0 (i.e. the status of the PUSH switch) is 1 (i.e., High). That is, wait until the switch is turned OFF, i.e., until one takes his/her finger off the push switch. With the OPENCOM command one declares the beginning of an RS232 communication. In CUBLOC, RS232 communication is implemented using a buffer. Therefore, one has to declare in advance the sizes of the buffers to be used and the communication protocol. This program outputs a character string “Hello” through the RS232 communication port when the PUSH switch is pressed. Putstr is very the command that outputs a character string via the RS232 port. TIPS Even without the HyperTerminal, one can confirm the same result on CUBLOC’s Debug Terminal. If you click here, the Debug Terminal will be displayed. Explanation of the Source Program-2 Put command sends only one variable value. The previously mentioned 'PutStr 1, “Hello”, CR' can be re-written using PUT as follows: ``` Put 1,asc("H"),1 Put 1,asc("e"),1 Put 1,asc("l"),1 Put 1,asc("l"),1 Put 1,asc("o"),1 Put 1,13,1 Put 1,10,1 ``` The "1" at the end of the PUT commands mean just send 1 byte. The ASC function returns a character's ASCII value. In the HyperTerminal, as character is displayed based on its ASCII value. The same goes with the previous learned Debug Terminal. In ASCII code, character A has the value &h41 and character B has the value &h42. That is, when &h42 is sent, "B" is outputted. (ASCII stands for American Standard Code for Information Interchange, and it is a notation system to represent Alphabets and commonly used special characters such as $, %, #, &, etc.) 13 and 10 are control codes for a carriage return. (In the olden typewriter days, the “carriage return” lever was used to roll up the paper by one line so that the characters will be typed on the next line.) These control codes moves the cursor one line down and at the beginning of the next line so that the next character will be outputted at the beginning of the next line. The way RS232 communication is implemented is by sending information via 1 line of TX (transmission). But how can 8 bits be sent through a 1-bit line? The secret is in time management. By time-slicing, bits of information can be sent via RS232 transmission of a single-bit line. RS232 communication is implemented by analyzing the RS232 waveform from the opposite position. First, the start position is found. Then the status of the transmission line is checked periodically. This period is inversely proportional to the frequency, which is the so-called Baud Rate. The higher the baud rate, the more data can be transmitted. When one examines the RS232 port of a PC, it consists of 9 pins; but only 2 pins (TX and RX) are used to send and receive data, and the rest of the pins are “test pins” used to test the send/receive status and thus frequently not used. CUBLOC supports the use of only the 2 pins: TX and RX. Applied Programming-1 This time let us create an RS232 reception program. After creating the program below, download it to the CUBLOC. Don't forget to switch back the RS232 cable to the DOWNLOAD position. Let's take a close look into the source program. ``` Const Device = cb280 Dim A As Byte Opencom 1,115200,3,50,10 Do A = Get(1,1) If Sys(1) = 1 Then Put 1,A,1 End If Loop ``` The Do-Loop keeps executing the Get function. Get function read a byte of data from the RS232 receive buffer. If there is no incoming data, nothing can be read off the receive buffer. Since "garbage" (i.e., any random value) could be stored at variable A, if the A value is sent out (even when there is no incoming data), random garbage could be transmitted. Therefore, to check whether there was some incoming data, function SYS(1) is used. SYS is one of CUBLOC's built-in system function that monitors CUBLOC's various elements. Right after the GET function is executed, SYS(1) returns the number of incoming data bytes, which lets us know if there was any incoming RS232 data. If there was any incoming data, the same data is sent out using the PUT function. And therefore the COPYING behavior shown on the Debug Terminal described above results. Get <variable> = GET(<channel no.>, <no. of received bytes>) This function reads data from the RS232 receive buffer. After the RS232 channel is activated using the OPENCOM command, all incoming data is automatically accumulated in the receive buffer, which can be read using the GET function. If the incoming data is not read out of the receive buffer before the buffer fills up, the incoming data after that point will be lost. The number of data in the receive buffer can be found out by the BLEN function. A = Blen(1, 0) 'This returns the number of data in Channel 1's receive buffer (0). To indicate the send buffer 1 can be used instead of 0. For the GET function, the number of bytes to be received has to be specified, which can be from 1 to 4. Here variable A should be of the data type that suits the number of bytes to be assigned to A. E.g., for 2-byte data A should be declared as the INTEGER type and for 4-byte data A should be declared as the LONG type. Note that CUBLOC implements the LOW BYTE FIRST policy; therefore, when a data is stored into a LONG type or a BYTE type, it has to be stored starting from the lower bytes. A = Get(1, 2) 'Read 2 bytes of data from Channel 1's receive buffer. Getstr <string variable> = GETSTR(<channel no.>, <no. of received bytes>) This performs a similar function as the earlier GET function; but the result is a character string. Therefore the number of received bytes could be larger than 4. This function is usually used to receive a large quantity data. St1 = Getstr(1, 20) 'Read 20 bytes of data and store it in St1. TIPS What would be the actual shape of RS232 wave? Let take a look using an oscilloscope. The next photos show in what forms RS232 waves are sent or received. The RS232 Waveform of &hAA The RS232 Waveform of &h55 Q&A Q: What does the MAX232 chip do? A: On most print boards that uses RS232 there is a MAX232 chip. This chip is a level converter chip which converts the 5-volt RS232 signal to a +/- 12-volt signal, and vice versa. The RS232 signals out of PCs are all 12-volt signals. If this signal is to be fed into CUBLOC, it has to be converted into a +/- 5 V signal, and that is what MAX232 does. Otherwise, if one feeds the 12 V signal directly into CUBLOC, it will burn! So be careful!!! Applied Programming-2 This time we will create an RS232 reception program using the reception interrupt. As the picture below, connect the RS232 cable to the DOWNLOAD port, and then connect the CB280’s TX and RX together. If you do this, the data transmitted by CB280 is fed into itself again. Now input the source program shown here and run it. Whenever you press the PUSH switch, if the word “Cubloc” is printed on the Debug Terminal, then the program is working correctly. Reception interrupt is a frequently used feature in CUBLOC’s RS232. In the previous program, the RS232 data reception is checked inside the DO-LOOP. But such implementation (or programming) means the CUBLOC cannot do any other work but just keep checking whether some RS232 data has been received until one finally arrives. Therefore we need the RS232 reception interrupt. CUBLOC would be processing other tasks; but when there is an incoming RS232 data, it will stop doing other tasks and GOSUB (i.e., jump) to the label previously specified using the ON RECV command. When the RETURN command is encountered at the end of the reception interrupt routine, the program execution goes back to where it jumped previously, resuming the task CUBLOC was previously processing. ON RECV1 GOSUB <label> This command declares an interrupt should occur when data arrives in the RS232 receive buffer. After this command is issued, an interrupt occurs when any RS232 data is received and the program execution flow “Gosubs” (i.e., jumps) to <label> to execute the interrupt routine. While the interrupt routine is being carried out, even if another piece of data arrives at the RS232 receive buffer, another interrupt is not generated. Only when the current interrupt routine is completed and the program execution returns to the GOSUB place in the source program can another interrupt occur. Now you can use the Receive interrupt; but something seems to be missing. Since a receive interrupt will happen even when one byte of data is received, there is a chance that interrupts may happen too frequently. Therefore, SET UNTIL command can be used after the ON RECV command to prescribe the minimum number of bytes that have to arrive before an interrupt can happen. Usually this number is called the “packet size” which sets the size of a group of data that will be sent or received as a unit. As long as the sender knows the minimum number of bytes to be sent, it is better to process multiple bytes at a time. SET UNTIL <channel no.>, <no. of reception bytes>[, <termination code>] If only ON RECV declaration is available, an interrupt happens even one only one byte of data arrives, which can result in frequent inhibition of the main program execution. Therefore, usually the ON RECV command is used together with the SET UNTIL command. By using this command, one can specify the minimum number of bytes required to cause an interrupt. For instance, if one wrote: SET UNTIL 1, 5 at least 5 bytes of data has to arrive before an interrupt can be generated. If one wrote SET UNTIL 1, 99, “S” an interrupt will occur if either 99 bytes of data arrive or a character string “S” arrives. Dim A(5) As Byte Opencom 1,19200,3,100,50 On Recv1 GotData_rtn Set Until 1,99,"S" The termination byte can only be a single byte, and when it is not a character it can be a number as follows: SET UNTIL 1, 99, 5 ‘An interrupt will occur if either 99 bytes of data arrive or number 5 arrives. Const Device = cb280 Dim A As Byte Dim St1 As String * 6 Opencom 1,115200,3,50,10 On Recv1 Gosub GOTDATA Set Until 1,6 Do Do While In(0)=0 Loop Putstr 1,"Cubloc" Do While In(0)=1 Loop Loop GOTDATA: st1 = Getstr(1,6) Debug st1 Return Since this interrupt deals with a 6-byte buffer, a Getstr command which can read 6 bytes of data at a time is used. The fetched data is stored in the character string st1 and is displayed using a Debug command. The other function that the SET UNTIL has is that it can set the termination code/character. When a special character or number is declared as the termination code and when that code is included in the received data, an interrupt is generated. ```plaintext Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Byte Dim St1 As String * 7 Opencom 1,115200,3,50,10 On Recv1 Gosub GOTDATA Set Until 1,10,"!" Do Do While In(0)=0 Loop Putstr 1,"Cubloc!" Do While In(0)=1 Loop Loop GOTDATA: st1 = Getstr(1,7) Debug st1 Return ``` The exclamation mark is set as the termination character such that an interrupt is generated when it is detected in the incoming input data stream. At this time, the packet size should be set sufficiently large. The exclamation mark (i.e., the termination code) is deliberately placed at the end of the transmitted data. When the termination code is detected in the incoming data stream, an interrupt is generated. Since the data stream up to the termination code is read, it is included when the Debug statement prints the read data. There are more to learn about communications, including how to form a packet, Modbus, etc. Yet, since this book is for beginners, we will stop at just learning the concepts. More in-depth knowledge should be obtained when needed by each reader. APPLIED TASK 1. Create a program that delivers A/D converted value to a PC using the CUBLOC’s RS232 communication feature. 2. And on the PC display the transmitted A/D converted value using the HyperTerminal. Job well-done! Communication connects you to the world. Just like people exchange information with others in different places using phones or the internet, CUBLOC exchanges data with other devices using the RS232 communication interface. If CUBLOC lacks any feature, one can get the help of other devices using the communication interface. COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER \| Command \| Description \| \|-----------\|-------------------\| \| OpenCom \| Open communication port \| \| PutStr \| Send string \| \| Put \| Send byte \| \| Sys \| System command \| \| Get \| Receive byte \| \| GetStr \| Receive string \| \| On Recv \| Interrupt on receive \| \| Set Until\| Set termination code/character \| A 7-segment can be easily found in our daily lives. It is a LED display used for displaying simple numbers. A 7-segment can be driven directly by CUBLOC; but such method requires a rather complicated method called dynamic display. This method requires many I/O pins and the CUBLOC cannot handle any other task because it has to keep syncing during the display. Therefore, we will use a separate hardware called CSG module to implement a 7-segment display. Using a CSG module has multiple benefits: One can save many I/O pins, and the CUBLOC can keep doing its main task, as it needs not be dedicated for the 7-segment display. Circuit Configuration Connect the CSG module to the CSG port located at the left end of the Study Board. Circuit Diagram A-4-threaded cable dedicated to the CSG module The Backside of the CSG Module Before use, let us take a quick look at the backside of the CSG module. There are dip switches, which determine the address of the CSG module. As shown in the picture, if only the 2nd dip switch is turned ON and the rest are OFF, that sets the address to 0. Let’s deal with detailed description of the addressing later; for now, let’s compose a source program with this setting. Source Program ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim B As Integer Set I2c 4,3 B=8 Do Csgdec 0,B Delay 100 Incr B Loop ``` Explanation of the Source Program ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim B As Integer Set I2c 4,3 B=8 Do Csgdec 0,B Delay 100 Incr B Loop ``` This is a command that declares the use of I2C port. This command displays data on the CSG module in the decimal format. This command increments the value of B by 1, i.e., it has the same effect as $ B = B + 1 $. To use a CGS-related command, one has to declare the use of I2C port in advance, using the SET I2C command. The CSGDEC is the actual command that transfers data to the CSG module. The first argument 0 means address 0, and the transferred data is stored at variable B. Set I2C SET I2C <data pin>, <clock pin> This command declares and sets the data pin and clock pin to be used in the I2C communications. In all I2C-related command that follows, no further information on data pin and clock pin need to be provided because the information declared by this command is referred to. Thus, this command does not take any actual effect but retains the information as to which pin will be used as the data pin. All I/O ports (which are bidirectional) of CUBLOC can be used as a clock pin or data pin. And as shown in the figure below, all pins used for the I2C communication should have a pull-up resistance attached to them. --- Csgdec CSGDEC <address>, <data> This command transfers data to the CSG module at the specified address, and displays the value in decimal format on the module. For this command to work properly, the SET I2C command MUST be issued first to declare the data pin and clock pin. In general a pull-up resistance is necessary for using an I/O pin as an I2C communication pin. But, since this command uses an I/O pin only as an output pin, it is not necessary. Yet, for other usages of an I/O pin as an I2C communication pin, think as a MUST to attach a pull-up resistance. --- What is I2C Communication? I2C communication is a communication protocol, where only 2 lines—a clock line and a data line—are used. While RS232 communication protocol is used primarily for computer-to-computer communications and device-to-device communications, I2C communication protocol is frequently used for chip-to-chip communications and board-to-board communications. Customarily, for I2C communication, a master and a slave are designated. The master initiates the communication and sends the data, while the slave receives the sent data and performs pertinent actions in a passive manner. In the example below, a CUBLOC becomes the master and the CSG module becomes the slaves. In general, the slaves have their own unique addresses so that multiple slaves can be connected to a single I2C line. Yet, the master can communicate with only one slave at a time by selecting its address. The I2C communication does not need to set Baud rate, parity or number of bits. Further, while RS232 communication entails some inconvenience because in CUBLOC only the designated communication port can be used; but for I2C communication, all I/O ports can be used bi-directionally. Thus, more devices can be connected with I2C communication than with RS232 protocol. Though the I2C communication protocol seems to be better in all aspects, since CUBLOC supports the I2C communication only in master mode, this means this protocol does not support receiving external data at an arbitrary time point. In this respect, RS232 is better. When CUBLOC becomes the master to send data out I2C communication protocol is better. But to receive data from outside, I2C protocol cannot be used, as a reception data buffer has to be managed and interrupt handling is necessary. Q: Where is the I2C communication protocol used? A: Mainly for chip-to-chip communication. For CUBLOC, I2C protocol is used frequently to make up CUBLOC's missing functions. For example, CUBLOC only has a 4 KB EEPROM. When a much bigger 256 KB EEPROM has to be used, what can be done? One can use CUBLOC’s I2C protocol to hook up an external 256 KB EEPROM for reading and writing data. Also by using the I2C protocol, one can connect to a multi-function chip, e.g., A/D converter, D/A converter, chips that provide supplementary I/O functions. Note that CUBLOC uses I2C protocol to connect CSG and CLCD, too. As seen, CUBLOC frequently uses I2C communication protocol. Applied Programming-1 If one wants to turn on only one LED, what should one do? There is the CSGXPUT command. Though there was the previously introduced CsgDec command, it can only output decimal numbers. For more diverse applications, one needs better control over the seven LCD segments. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim B As Integer Set I2c 4,3 B=0 Do Csgxput 0,0,B Delay 100 Incr b Loop ``` On the 7-segment at 0th place (i.e., leftmost segment) in the CSG module of address 0, display the value of variable B. The 8 LEDs of a 7-segment has a respective number from A to H. As in the previous experiment of turning on and off 8 LEDs, these 8 LEDs can be turned on or off individually. (Note that even though it is called a “7-segment”, it actually has 8 LED segments because a decimal point is also included.) Using this function, one can display even non-numbers, e.g., alphabets or other symbols. NEW COMMANDS Csgxput CSGXPUT <module address>, <7-segment place>, <data> This command makes it possible to turn on any of the 8 LEDs in a 7-segment module in the CSG module. Since individual LEDs can be turned on or off freely, this command is used to display non-number figures that cannot be expressed with CsgDec or CsgHex. Applied Programming-2 There is a command CSGNPUT, which similar to CSGXPUT, but is used for displaying numbers only. By using the CSGNPUT command, one can display an arbitrary number on the wanted place of the CSG module. ``` Const Device = CB280 Dim B As Integer Set I2c 4,3 B=&H30 Do Csgnput 0,0,B Delay 100 Incr b If B>&h3f then B = &h30 Loop ``` On the 7-segment at $0^{th}$ place (i.e., leftmost segment) in the CSG module of address 0, display the value of variable B as a number. Csgnput CSGNPUT <module address>, <7-segment place>, <data> This command displays a number in one of the places in the CSG module. The <7-segment place> is 0 for the leftmost digit and 3 for the rightmost digit. Since the <data> is a number in ASCII code, it ranges from &H30 to &H39 (in hexadecimal), which corresponds to decimal numbers 0 to 9. Yet, as exceptions &H3A to &H3F are expressed simply as A to F, respectively. If other ASCII codes are used as <data>, nothing is displayed. APPLIED TASK 1. Using the CSGXPUT command, display alphabets A, b, E and F. COMMANDS LEARNED IN THIS CHAPTER - SET I2C - CSGDEC - CSGXPUT - CSGNPUT Circuit Configuration Connect the CLCD module to the CUNET port of the CUBLOC's Study Board. As in the case of the 7-segment, we are not going to have CUBLOC drive the LCD directly, but will use a separate CLCD module to drive it. Directly driving an LCD is a burden, as requires at least 7 I/O pins and one has to study the specification of each LCD model. In this lab, we will simply connect the CLCD module to the CUNET port, and then use LOCATE, PRINT and other known commands to operate the LCD. If one looks at the backside of the CLCD module, a small PCB can be seen as the photo below. One can adjust the address using the DIP switches on this board. As in the photo below, set all DIP switches to the OFF position to set the address to 0 (zero). Then short circuit the JP1 jumper (CuNET Use) of the CUBLOC's Study Board. When this source program is inputted and run, a series of increasing numbers will be displayed on the LCD as shown below. Explanation of the Source Program Const Device = CB280 Dim A As Integer Set Display 2,0,0,50 Cls Delay 20 A = 0 Do Locate 5,0 Print Dec a Delay 200 Incr a Loop A text LCD such as CLCD can be comfortably run by a small number of commands such as Cls, Locate and Print. Before using the CLCD, a SET DISPLAY command has to be issued in advance similarly as an OpenCom command has to be issued before using RS232. CLS This command clears the screen. After this command is issued, the CUBLOC has to wait until the screen is actually cleared. If the next command such as Locate or Print is sent from CUBLOC to CLCD without waiting, CLCD will not be able to receive the next command properly. A delay of about 20 milliseconds (e.g., DELAY 20) is sufficient. Set Display SET DISPLAY type, transmission method, address, buffer size Type: 0 = ALCD, 1 = GHLCD (GHB3224), 2 = CLCD Transmission Method: 0 = CuNET, 1 = RS232 CH1 Address: LCD's address when CUNET, Baud Rate when RS232 Buffer Size: The size of the transmission buffer, which should range from 50 to 128. For the Type argument, the LCD type is specified. For ALCD, write 0; for GHB3224 series, write 1; and for CLCD, write 2. When a new series of LCDs developed, further numbers such as 3 or 4 could be newly assigned. There are 2 kinds of transmission method: One can use the RS232 Channel 1 or the CuNET port. When RS232 is chosen, one should write the Baud rate as the argument value. Note that when the RS232 Ch. 1 is used for LCD transmission, the RS232 cannot be used for other purpose. Therefore, it may be a good idea to use the CuNET port as the display port. When the CuNET port is used, use the LCD's DIP switches to specify the chosen address. Both the RS232 and CuNET use a transmission buffer to send data. Let me explain why a transmission buffer is needed. While CUBLOC is fast, a display device is slow. If CUBLOC has to wait until a display carries out a command, CUBLOC will be slowed down, too. Therefore, CUBLOC stores a command in a transmission buffer and proceeds to the next line of code. The data(e.g., command) in the buffer is automatically released one byte at a time, matching the pace of the display device until the buffer is empty. This way, CUBLOC can keep its original fast pace while the display runs at its own pace. If the buffer size is too small, it cannot store all the data sent from CUBLOC. 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The Changing Chesapeake: An Introduction to the Natural History and Cultural History of the Chesapeake Bay. Revised. Fish and Wildlife Service (Dept. of Interior), Annapolis, MD.; National Aquarium in Baltimore, MD. Dept. of Education and Interpretation. 1991-00-00 73p.; Designed and illustrated by Cynthia A. Belcher. For the publication "Living in Water," see ED 431 587. Development and printing also supported by the Chesapeake Bay Trust. Education Department, National Aquarium in Baltimore, 501 E. Pratt St., Baltimore, MD 21202 ($3.50). Tel: 410-576-3800; Web site: http://www.aqua.org. Guides - Classroom - Learner (051) MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. American Indians; Change; Conservation (Environment); Ecology; Elementary Secondary Education; Environment; Environmental Education; Natural Resources; Physical Geography; Social Studies; United States History; Water Pollution; Water Resources Chesapeake Bay This book is about changes in the Chesapeake Bay, its animals, plants, and the surrounding land during the last 15,000 years. Some changes were caused by natural forces while others were made by people. "Chesapeake Challenges" tests the student's thinking skills. "Family Action" lists things families can do to learn more about the Chesapeake Bay region. The book tells the reader how to be a component of the Chesapeake Bay's future by understanding why the Bay is in trouble and how each person can help. Sections of the book include: (1) "The Chesapeake Bay before European Settlement"; (2) "The Natural History of the Chesapeake Bay"; (3) "Map of the Chesapeake Bay and Its Watershed"; (4) "Changes in the Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed Caused by European Settlement"; and (5) "The Chesapeake Bay Today." The volume concludes with an information section for parents and teachers. The handbook is designed to complement the National Aquarium's publication, "Living in Water." (EH) THE CHANGING CHESAPEAKE an introduction to the natural history and cultural history of the Chesapeake Bay This booklet was written by Valerie Chase, Ph.D., staff biologist at the National Aquarium in Baltimore, and designed and illustrated by Cynthia A. Belcher, as part of a joint project between Department of Education and Interpretation National Aquarium in Baltimore Chesapeake Bay Estuary Program U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service Development and first printing supported by: The Chesapeake Bay Trust National Aquarium In Baltimore Mrs. Helen Ann Patton Fourth printing funded by The Chesapeake Bay Trust 1991 Revision In Cooperation with National Fish and Wildlife Foundation The manuscript was read by Calvert R. Posey, Sr., Gary Heath (MSDE), Martha Nichols, Britt Slattery (USFWS), Bronwen Lerner and Chris Bennett. Martha Nichols also helped with editorial work. The National Aquarium in Baltimore is not affiliated with the National Aquarium located in Washington, D.C. Any teacher, school or school district may reproduce this for class use without written permission. It may not be sold for profit. The Chesapeake Bay is changing; many of its plants and animals are in danger. Everything changes with time. Many human activities cause change. Some changes happen very fast. A forest fire set by a person destroys thousands of acres of trees in a day. It takes longer to remove a forest by cutting the trees for lumber, but the forest is still lost. Some changes are caused by building. A farm disappears as houses cover its fields. The course of history changes in an instant when a leader like John F. Kennedy or Martin Luther King, Jr. is killed. The actions of people who live around the Chesapeake Bay have changed the Bay. Change may also be caused by natural events. Sometimes it is fast. An earthquake changes land in an instant. A volcanic eruption destroys thousands of acres of forest. A hurricane changes an entire coastline overnight. Other natural changes are so slow that we use special instruments to detect them. The movement of continents and the wearing down of mountains show this very slow change. This book is about changes in the Chesapeake Bay, its animals and plants, and the surrounding land in the last 15,000 years. Some were caused by natural forces while others are made by people. The changes that endanger the Chesapeake Bay are a part of our past. The changes that we must make to save the Bay are in our future. This book lets you be a part of the Chesapeake Bay's future by understanding why the Chesapeake Bay is in trouble and how you can help. NOTE TO PARENTS AND TEACHERS* Answers to the thinking skills questions, suggested discussion questions and instructional strategies, and information on ways to use this booklet with Living in Water, an aquatic science curriculum for upper elementary/middle school grades from the National Aquarium in Baltimore, are located on pages 57-60. # TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .......................................................................................................................... 1 The Chesapeake Bay before European Settlement ......................................................... 3 - The End of the Last Ice Age ................................................................................................. 4 - Map of the Chesapeake Bay Shorelines ............................................................................. 5 - Climate Change in the Future .............................................................................................. 6 - The Land Changed as the Bay Formed .............................................................................. 7 - The First Americans: Changing Ways of Life .................................................................... 8 - The Chesapeake Bay as Seen by the Europeans ............................................................... 9 - Native Americans of the Chesapeake Bay Region ........................................................... 10 - Native Americans and their Environment ........................................................................ 11 The Natural History of the Chesapeake Bay .................................................................. 12 - The Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed ........................................................................... 13 - The Chesapeake Bay Watershed ....................................................................................... 14 - The Chesapeake Bay’s Salt Water ..................................................................................... 15 - What is Special About an Estuary? ................................................................................... 16 - Tides in the Chesapeake Bay .............................................................................................. 17 - Chesapeake Habitats .......................................................................................................... 18 - Classifying Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay .................................................................... 19 - Chesapeake Bay Food Chains ............................................................................................ 23 - Zooplankton in the Chesapeake Bay ................................................................................ 24 - Blue Crabs in the Chesapeake Bay .................................................................................... 25 - Map of the Chesapeake Bay .............................................................................................. 26 - Oysters ............................................................................................................................... 27 - Atlantic Menhaden ............................................................................................................ 28 - Striped Bass ....................................................................................................................... 29 Map of the Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed ............................................................ 30 Changes in the Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed Caused by European Settlement .... 32 - European Settlement of the Chesapeake Bay .................................................................. 33 - Growing Tobacco ............................................................................................................... 34 - The Force of Moving Water .............................................................................................. 35 - Using Water Power ............................................................................................................ 36 - Travel and Trade in Early Times ....................................................................................... 37 - Working Boats and Ships of the Chesapeake Bay ........................................................... 38 - Fishing the Bay .................................................................................................................. 42 The Chesapeake Bay Today ............................................................................................. 43 - Habitats in the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Today .......................................................... 44 - Muddy Water ...................................................................................................................... 48 - Too Many Nutrients ........................................................................................................... 49 - Toxic Materials in the Bay ................................................................................................ 50 - Too Many Phytoplankton and No Oxygen ........................................................................ 51 - Lost Underwater Grass Beds ............................................................................................. 52 - The Problem is People ....................................................................................................... 53 - Meeting the Challenge ....................................................................................................... 54 - Forests to Help the Bay ...................................................................................................... 55 - What Can Just One Kid Do? .............................................................................................. 56 Parent/Teacher Information ............................................................................................ 57 The Chesapeake Bay before European Settlement Many changes took place in the Chesapeake Bay and the land surrounding the Bay before Europeans settled here. Some of these changes were caused by natural events. One change was the arrival of the first Americans who came not from Europe, but from Asia. The End of the Last Ice Age Four times during the last million years the great sheets of ice that cover the polar region have slowly grown across Canada and down into the United States. Only 20,000 years ago ice more than 180-200 m (600-700 ft) covered much of New York and Pennsylvania and even extended into parts of Maryland. These periods are called the Ice Ages. In between these Ice Ages the Earth’s climate warmed, and the ice melted. We are living during the warm period that followed the last Ice Age. Earth scientists (geologists) do not know for sure what caused these changes between warm and cold climates. The water that formed the ice came from the ocean. When so much water was locked up as ice, sea level was much lower. Twenty thousand years ago sea level was 100 m (330 ft) lower than it is today. Where the Chesapeake Bay is now, there was a valley created by the Susquehanna River which flowed down the valley and into the Atlantic Ocean. Eighteen thousand years ago the Earth’s climate began to warm slowly. As the ice melted, sea level rose. By 10,000 years ago the ocean began to flood the lower Susquehanna Valley. By 3,000 years ago, the shores of the Chesapeake Bay were almost where they are today. Even today sea level is still rising, but very slowly. Over the last 100 years it has gone up at the rate of about 1 mm per year or about 4 inches in 100 years. Map of the Chesapeake Bay Shorelines Current land area 0 5 10 15 20 miles 0 10 20 30 kilometers Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use the estimate given here to calculate how much sea level may rise in 60 years, during your life. Family Action 1. Working together, list all the ways that you and your family make carbon dioxide. Can you think of some ways that you and your family could change your way of life to decrease the amount of carbon dioxide you make? 2. In addition to reducing the fossil fuel you use, your family can help reduce the carbon dioxide in the atmosphere by planting trees in your yard. Growing trees use carbon dioxide which they get from the atmosphere. Climate Change in the Future Scientists do not know what caused the changing pattern of cold and warm climates that caused the Ice Ages. The different ideas about the causes of the warming and cooling are called theories. Since it is not possible to test these theories, we may never know for sure. On the other hand, scientists often look to the future with guesses about what will happen based on their observations of current and past events. These guesses are called predictions. One of the most important predictions for future change is increased heating of the Earth caused by increasing amounts of carbon dioxide in the Earth’s atmosphere. People cause this change. We burn fossil fuels such as natural gas, coal, and oil to cook our food, heat our homes, run our cars and make most of our electricity. Wood, the most common fuel for people in poor countries, also releases carbon dioxide when it burns. Cutting and burning forests to clear land adds more. Carbon dioxide gas absorbs the heat from the Sun. It also traps heat that the Earth would lose to space. This trapping of heat is commonly called the “greenhouse effect” because it reminds people of the way a greenhouse warms up on a cold, sunny day. The Earth’s atmosphere is getting warmer. What do we know from the past about warm periods? As the climate heats up, more ice melts at the North and South Poles. Sea level will start rising faster than the current 1 mm per year. Predictions are as much as 2.5 cm (1 in) per year. The Land Changed as the Bay Formed As the climate warmed and sea level rose, the plants and animals on the land around the Chesapeake Bay changed too. During the last Ice Age, the forests were similar to those that are now found in Canada. The trees were mostly spruce, fir and hemlock, whose needles remain green all year (evergreen). There were lush meadows and marshes on the bottom of what is now the Chesapeake Bay and on the continental shelf along the coast of the Atlantic Ocean. Large plant-eating mammals roamed these meadows. They included the elephant-like mammoths and mastodons as well as bison, moose and elk. None of these animals are found in the Chesapeake Bay region today. Elk and moose moved north as the climate warmed. Mastodons and mammoths died out (became extinct). They may not have been able to survive the changing climate. The eastern forest bison survived until Europeans arrived. Then they were hunted to extinction. What evidence do we have that these animals were here? Fossil bones and teeth have been found on the bottom of the Chesapeake Bay and along the continental shelf. Where did the Ice Age forests go? As the climate changed, each generation of seedlings grew a little further north or a little higher in the mountains where it was still cool. These same evergreen trees now grow in Canada and along the tops of the mountains in the eastern United States. They were replaced in most of the Chesapeake Bay region by trees that lose their leaves in winter such as oaks, hickories, beech and chestnuts. This area was covered in vast forests when the first Europeans arrived. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Plants and animals die out or become extinct for many reasons. List two causes of extinction mentioned here. 2. The Ice Age forests moved slowly north to Canada over thousands of years. Predict what might happen to plants and trees in the Chesapeake region in the future if the climate changes rapidly due to the greenhouse effect. Family Action 1. Explore a tiny bit of Maryland that has survived from the Ice Age: Cranesville Sub-Arctic Swamp owned by the Nature Conservancy and located on the border with West Virginia. 2. Discover what those Ice Age animals looked like. The Smithsonian Institution's Museum of Natural History has exhibits on these animals in the Hall of Evolution. The First Americans: Changing Ways of Life The first Americans came to North and South America from Asia by walking across the land bridge exposed by lower sea level that joined Siberia and Alaska during the last Ice Age. Archaeologists are scientists who study human life before recorded history. They are still uncovering new discoveries about these first Americans. They have evidence that people lived along the Susquehanna River as the Bay filled six thousand years ago. These first Americans hunted the mammoths, bison and caribou using throwing sticks (also called atlatls) and spears as weapons. They followed the herds of animals, hunting and gathering nuts, berries and other foods as they moved. Periodically the scattered small bands gathered to trade and socialize. The climate warmed and the herds of large animals disappeared as the forests changed and grew. The people living in the Chesapeake region also changed. They learned to hunt smaller game and work with wood. They gradually came to live in settled villages and to grow and harvest crops. The most important were corn, beans and squash. They also grew strong tobacco which they smoked in pipes. A number of groups lived in scattered villages in the Chesapeake region when the first Europeans reached North America. Thinking they had reached the Indies (a region in Asia) the Europeans called these people Indians. Today they are also called Native Americans. The Chesapeake Bay as Seen by the Europeans The Spanish first settled in the New World in 1494 in the Caribbean. By 1524 they had explored the Chesapeake Bay. It was the English who founded settlements on the Chesapeake Bay, however. In 1607 they founded Jamestown. From that village Captain John Smith led explorations of the Bay and its surrounding land. These are his descriptions of the Bay and the people he found living there. (Spelling was not the same in 1607 as now. It is changed enough for you to read.) Of the Chesapeake Bay he wrote: “There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a goodly Bay, 18 or 20 myles broad.” “Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome land.” “Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, yet grassse there is little or none, but what grow in the low Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees,” Of the Native Americans he wrote: “In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing weires; and feed on fish, Turkies, and Squirrels. In May and June they plant their fields, and live most of Acornes, Walnuts, and fish. But to amend their dyet, some disperse themselves in small companies, and live upon fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Tortoises, strawberries, mulberries, and such like. In June, July, and August, they feed upon roots, berries, fish, and greene corne. “The men bestow their times in fishing, hunting, warres, and such man-like exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise, which is the cause that the woman be very painefull, and the men often idle. The women and children doe the rest of the worke. They make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne, beare all kinds of burdens, and such like.” Chesapeake Challenge 1. What evidence in the writing of Captain Smith can you find for the importance of the Bay in providing food for the Indians? 2. What evidence do you find for Smith’s opinion about the role of Native American women? Do you think the role of women among the European settlers was different? What about the role of women today in your community? 3. Write a page from an imaginary journal written by a member of Captain Smith’s company as they explored the Bay. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use a map of your state to find five Native American names for places near you. Each name had a meaning. For example, Choptank means "it flows in the opposite direction" referring to the tidal nature of the Choptank River. Use the library to find the meaning of the names you found. 2. Have you ever fished using a means similar to one the Indians used? What did you do? Describe it. 3. Make a model of a weir used to trap fish swimming upstream. Family Action 1. Go fishing on the Chesapeake Bay or one of its rivers. 2. Contact a local nature center to see if it sponsors canoe trips. Many museums and nature centers have canoe trips, even for those who do not know how. If you can canoe, look for places to rent canoes or go canoeing in the Audubon Guide to the Mid-Atlantic States. Native Americans of the Chesapeake Bay Region Archaeologists estimate that there were 65-150,000 people living in small villages in the Bay region when Europeans first landed there. Captain John Smith generally recorded only the number of adult males in each group he met. The numbers ranged from 20-300. Most had fewer than 100. Many shared the same language. There were forty or more villages in Delaware and Maryland alone. Rivers and the Bay often formed the dividing line between groups. Today about all that remains of these people are the Native American names we use each day for our streets, towns, schools, rivers and the Bay itself. Chesapeake means great shellfish bay. The Chesapeake Bay provided many kinds of food for the Indians, as you learned from reading Captain John Smith's words. They harvested these animals in ways that showed an understanding of the biology of each species. Many of their ways of fishing are still in use today. Some kinds of fish were caught with baited hooks made of bone attached to lines of deer sinew or grasses. They also shot fish with arrows attached to lines or speared them from log canoes. When fishing at night, they used a small fire in the canoe. Many fish swim into or out of the Bay seasonally in large numbers. Those that swim upstream to lay their eggs were caught in weirs, traps made of poles and fibers that went across the stream. They also made traps of poles along the shore to catch fish swimming up or down the Bay. Fish and other animals were also taken in a hand-held net on a pole. The Indians collected oysters and clams. Blue crabs were caught much the way they are today with bait hung on lines. The crabs held tight to their food as it was lifted to the surface. Mussels in the banks of salt marshes were collected by hand. Native Americans and their Environment The Indians did not do much damage to their environment. There were not very many of them. There may have been no more that 65-150,000 Native Americans in the entire Chesapeake Bay watershed. When their fields were worn out, they could move to a new place and the forest would slowly take over the old fields. Likewise, if the garbage and human waste near a village became too great, they could move. The natural process of decay broke down the harmful parts, leaving only bits behind. Much of what we know about their way of life comes from sifting through the trash they left behind. Animal bones and plant remains tell us what they ate. Broken tools and pieces of pots and baskets tell us about their technology and culture. Their tools were made of natural things: stone, bone and wood. Their fishing nets and lines were made of plant and animal fibers. Some kinds of damage they did actually helped keep the numbers of kinds of plants and animals high. They drove large game to hunters using fire. We now know that regular burning is needed by some kinds of plants and habitats. After years of preventing forest fires, we have lost plants like the longleaf pine which needs fire to compete with other pines. Native Americans were skillful fighters. European settlers learned ways to fight from them that later helped win the Revolutionary War. But they lacked weapons of iron, steel, and gunpowder. Perhaps more important, the Europeans brought many new diseases with them which were deadly for the Indians, such as measles and small pox. By 1756, war, disease and migration had reduced Maryland's Indian population to 140 persons. A few Indians adapted to the European ways. John Rolfe, the man who started growing tobacco in Virginia, married the Indian woman Captain John Smith called Pocahontas. Many of us have Indians among our ancestors. Today there are still a few Native Americans living in the Chesapeake Bay region who preserve their heritage. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Visit the library and research a Native American tribe of the Chesapeake region. The Powhatan, Piscataways, and Nanticokes are several you might look for. Generally, there were villages with names similar to many of the Bay's rivers. Write a short story about one day in the normal life of these people. Include the ways they used the Bay or a river in the story. 2. Compare the way the Native Americans used the Bay with our use of it today. Many of the uses are the same, but we are hurting the Bay while they did not. Can you list two reasons why? Family Action 1. Check the contents of your garbage cans. The paper and other vegetable material will rot in time. What would someone be able to say about your family and your way of life by examining what would remain of your garbage in 1,000 years? The Natural History of the Chesapeake Bay In order to understand and measure the changes in the Chesapeake Bay’s plants and animals, we need to know how they live under natural, undisturbed conditions. The Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed The flooded Susquehanna River valley formed an estuary. An estuary is a somewhat closed body of water where fresh water mixes with salt water. An estuary opens into the ocean which is the source of the salt water. The fresh water comes from rain or snow that falls onto the land and then drains away in streams, or comes from springs that bring groundwater to the surface. Both join to become rivers that flow into the estuary. The Chesapeake Bay is enclosed by Delaware and the eastern parts of Maryland and Virginia. On the western side are rolling hills and, farther away, the Appalachian Mountains. The Bay’s opening to the Atlantic Ocean is in southern Virginia. The fresh water for the Bay comes from many rivers which drain about 64,000 square miles spread over five states. The land which drains into the Chesapeake is called its watershed. Everything that gets into the water anyplace in the watershed of the Chesapeake Bay eventually ends up in the Bay. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Look at the map. List the six states in the watershed of the Bay. 2. On the map on pages 30 and 31 find and write in the names of these rivers that drain into the Bay: - Susquehanna River - Patapsco River - Potomac River - Patuxent River - Rappahannock River - York River - James River - Choptank River - Nanticoke River 3. Do you think more water enters the Chesapeake Bay from the eastern side or the western side? What evidence would you give for your answer? Family Action 1. Locate where you live on a map. Find the stream or river nearest your home that flows into the Chesapeake Bay. Drive, walk, ride a bus or bicycle to it. Sit beside the stream and think about the travels this water will make to the Bay. Imagine yourself floating along for the ride the way a leaf might. Does it look clean or dirty? Can you think of anything your family could do to help it? Later you will know lots of ways to help this stream or river. For now perhaps your family could pick up any trash you see and dispose of it properly. 2. If you live in a city, locate the storm drain nearest your home. This drain carries rain and melted snow to waterways that empty into the Bay. Is there trash in the street? Anything that goes into this drain will end up in the Bay, including all the trash. You can help keep the Bay clean by not throwing trash. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Make a model of a watershed to see how small streams join to become rivers and flow into a bay. You will need: - a baking pan or large plastic tray - a sheet of aluminum foil the length of the pan - blocks, rocks or other objects to be mountains - a sprinkling can or another way to make "rain" such as a paper cup with holes in the bottom - water Put the blocks at one end of the pan for mountains. Lay the foil in the pan on top of the blocks. Press valleys between the mountains which join and form a bay at the end away from the mountains. Use the sprinkling can to make rain in the mountains. (This activity is used with permission and comes from River Times published by the Math and Science Center, 2401 Hartman St., Richmond, Virginia 23223.) 2. Describe the way the water moves in your watershed. 3. Study the way plant nutrients collect in the Bay. Sprinkle 1/4 teaspoon of a dark flavor of Kool-Aid over your watershed to represent plant nutrients. Describe what happens to these plant nutrients when you make it rain. The same things happens to plant nutrients and loose dirt when it rains. The Chesapeake Bay Watershed Two things may happen to the rain and snow that falls on the Chesapeake Bay watershed, the land that drains into the Bay. Some of the water runs over the land directly into streams and rivers and is called runoff. The rest of the water soaks into the soil and moves down through soil and rock until it reaches the groundwater where the spaces in the rock layers are full of water. When the groundwater meets the surface of the earth, the water runs out as springs which also flow into streams and eventually into the Bay. People tap into the groundwater when they dig a well. Both runoff and the water that soaks down through the soil picks up natural chemicals from the soil that dissolve into water. You cannot see them, but they are there in small amounts. Some of these chemicals are things that help plants grow and are called plant nutrients. They are the same things that are in fertilizer used in a vegetable garden or "plant food" for a houseplant. Streams and rivers carry these plant nutrients into the Bay where they help make the Chesapeake Bay a good place for plants that live in water. The Chesapeake Bay’s Salt Water Water that does not taste salty is called fresh water. Water that comes from the ocean tastes salty because it has different kinds of chemicals called salts in it. Ocean water is also called sea water or salt water. When fresh water and sea water mix, the saltiness is lower than that of the ocean. This mix of fresh and salt water is called brackish water. The saltiness of brackish water varies from hardly any salt to almost as much as salt water. Most of the water in the Bay is brackish, but the amount of salt varies from place to place. Because the Bay is partly enclosed by land, fresh water and salt water meet and mix there. Fresh water in the Chesapeake Bay comes from rivers, so the water is less salty at the mouths of rivers. Salt water from the Atlantic Ocean flows into the Bay at its opening in southern Virginia so the Bay is saltier farther south. Because fresh water is lighter than salt water, the fresh water floats above salt water. That means that if you test for the amount of salt in the water (the salinity) in one place from top to bottom, the Bay will be less salty at its surface and more salty on the bottom. All of this means that saltiness or salinity of the Bay’s water varies from north to south and from top to bottom. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Look at the graph that shows the annual rainfall by month in the Chesapeake region. What months is the salinity of the Chesapeake Bay likely to be lowest? What time of year is it likely to be highest? 2. On the map on pages 30 and 31 color the area of lowest salt yellow, somewhat salty green and most salty blue. 3. Arrange these in order from saltiest water to least salty water: - water from the surface of the Bay at its mouth - water from the surface of the Bay at the Susquehanna River - water from the surface at the middle of the Chesapeake Bay - water from the bottom of the Bay at its mouth Average Rainfall in Maryland/Virginia by month FALL SURFACE SALINITY - low (below 10 ppt.) - medium (10-20 ppt.) - high (20-30 ppt.) - ocean water is 35 ppt. What is Special About an Estuary? Estuaries have very high levels of plant nutrients because they are almost enclosed by land. Freshwater runoff carries these nutrients from the land. Any body of water with high levels of plant nutrients has high numbers of plants and algae. Since plants serve as food for all the animals that live in the water, where there are lots of plants, there are many animals. In part because of the large food supply, estuaries are particularly good places for many young animals to get their start. They are nurseries for many species of fish, shrimp and other animals that live in the ocean as adults. Fish like shad, herring and striped bass (rockfish) migrate from the ocean through the estuary and into rivers to spawn, or lay their eggs. The eggs develop into larval (baby) fish which move down into the estuary to feed and grow before leaving to live in the open sea. Other kinds of animals migrate to the estuary from the ocean because of the good supply of food. An abundant fish called menhaden come for the phytoplankton (tiny algae in the water). Bluefish come to feed on menhaden. Waterfowl spend winters there and fly north in the spring to nest. About half of the fish and other sea animals we eat depend on an estuary during some part of their life. When we damage an estuary, we not only hurt the plants and animals that live there. We also destroy part of our food supply. Tides in the Chesapeake Bay The force of gravity from the Moon and, to a lesser extent, the Sun causes the water in the oceans to bulge out in some places on Earth while it is lower in others. If you stay in one place, the water level along the shore appears to rise and fall. These changes in water level are called tides. The tides in the Chesapeake Bay are complicated by the fact that the bulge enters at the mouth of the Bay from the ocean and moves up the Bay. Before it reaches the top of the Bay, a trough of low water is already following it up the Bay. Each 24.8 hours the water at a point in the Bay rises and falls twice. The difference between high and low tide is about 2.5 feet at the mouth of the Bay in Virginia. It is only 1 to 2 feet in Maryland. The water in the rivers of the Chesapeake Bay also rises during particularly heavy rains. When a strong wind blows up the Bay from the south, water tends to "pile up" at the top of the Bay. The combination of a heavy rainstorm with winds from the south and a high tide causes flooding in cities such as Baltimore on rivers near the Bay. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Locate the tide chart in a newspaper. Check the sports section. Pick two locations on the Bay. Estimate how far apart they are with your state map. Use the tide chart to calculate how fast a low or high tide travels up the Bay. Family Action 1. On a family trip to the edge of the Chesapeake Bay such as a trip to a park or Baltimore's Harborplace, note the level of the water at the time you arrive. Check changes during the day. Record your impressions of height and time. Chesapeake Challenge 1. List two habitats found in shallow water. 2. List two habitats where tides are important. Chesapeake Habitats The Chesapeake Bay probably did not change very much after the sea level stopped rising rapidly about 3,000 years ago. A variety of kinds of habitats (or places to live) existed then and still do. These are the kinds of habitats still found in the Chesapeake Bay. Shoreline habitats: Tides affect the habitats along the shores of the Chesapeake Bay. Sometimes they are covered by water and other times they are uncovered. Where waves disturb the shore, sandy beaches form. Where the water is calmer, the bottom is muddy. Large grasses grow in many muddy places along the shore where the tide moves in and out. These form habitats we call marshes, which may cover a very large area. The saltiness of the water in marshes varies, depending on where the marsh is located. Some are even freshwater marshes. Shallow water habitats: Other kinds of plants grow in the shallow water just off shore. There are many different kinds of plants that grow underwater. The areas where they grow are called grass beds even though they are not really grasses. Another name for these plants is submerged aquatic vegetation. (If you check a dictionary, you will find that it is just a fancy way of saying underwater plants.) The kinds of plants in an area depend on how salty the water is in that spot. Some kinds of animals also like shallow water such as oysters which live where the bottom is hard and the water is a certain saltiness. These are called oyster bars. Many places in the Chesapeake Bay have muddy bottom where clams and worms live hidden in the mud. Open water habitats: Away from shore the water gradually gets deeper, although the deepest part of the Bay is only 52 meters (170 feet). Larger fish and schools of fish are more common here. The plants in the open water are tiny algae and cannot be seen without a microscope. They drift in the water in huge numbers, especially during the warmer months. Classifying Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay Classification is a process in which things are grouped with other things that are similar. Here we start with one big group: the natural kinds of habitats in the Chesapeake Bay. This big group is divided into smaller groups which have things in common. Classifying the different kinds of places to live or habitats in the Chesapeake Bay is not easy because of the differences in saltiness from place to place. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use the Chesapeake Bay Habitat Cards on pages 21 and 22. If this is your own book, you might want to cut them out. If you are using this in class, your teacher will give you the cards. Read each card carefully and then use the classification system, or key, on page 20 to identify each habitat. Start with the two choices on the left. Pick the one that matches the card and go to the next pair of choices. Soon you will arrive at the name of your habitat. Can you get all eleven? Check your answers in the back of this book. 2. Pick one of these Chesapeake Bay habitats and research it using books like Life in the Chesapeake by Alice J. and Robert L. Lippsom. Write one page about the kinds of plants and animals you might find there. 3. Using your research, draw a picture of the habitat, showing the plants and animals. Write their names on the back of the picture. 4. Write a travel ad encouraging people to visit the habitat you chose and illustrate it. Key to the Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay on land or not tidal - tall grasses stick out of water - water is salty - SALT MARSH - water has very little or no saltness - TIDAL FRESHWATER MARSH - all or part uncovered when tide is low - no grasses out of water - bottom is sandy - bottom is mud - SANDY BEACH - surface or bottom is hard - ROCKY SHORE - bottom not sandy - MUD FLAT - In water or sometimes covered by tides - Water is shallow (6-10 ft) - has plants growing underwater - water salty - SEAGRASS BEDS - water slightly salty or fresh - WEED BEDS - does not have underwater plants - SHALLOW WATER - always covered with water - water is deeper (more than 6-10 ft) - bottom is soft - OPEN WATER - bottom covered with hard oyster shells - OYSTER BAR 1. Where rocks are in shallow water along the shore, they may be uncovered by the tide. Manmade things like piers also have animals and plants that need hard surfaces as places to attach. Where the water is salty, some seaweeds grow. 2. Things living in shallow water are not uncovered by the tides, but must be able to stand heat and cold, wind and waves which make the water muddy, and even ice in winter. But small fish are safer from the bigger fish that eat them here, and there is lots of food. There may be marshes and grass beds nearby which are places to hide if needed. 3. In the lower part of the Bay where the water is saltier, two kinds of plants may grow under the shallow water. They can only live where it is shallow because they are rooted on the bottom and need light to make food. The plants are eaten by many animals and many more find a safe place to live among the plants. These plants protect the shore and reduce the muddiness of the water by slowing the waves. 4. Tall grasses grow up out of the water. Even though the water has little or no salt, the tides push up the Bay or rivers far enough to cause the water level to change here. Other plants like pond lilies also grow here. The plants provide food for many kinds of invertebrates and fish which also hide among their stems. 5. Fine bits of dirt make mud when they settle out of the water. Where the muddy bottom is very shallow, it is uncovered at low tide. While this area may not look like home to many animals, there are lots of creatures living down in the mud. Watch for shorebirds searching in the mud for some of them. 6. In some places where the saltiness is right and there are dead oyster shells, oysters and many other animals live. The water is deep enough to protect the animals from being uncovered by the tides or disturbed by hard waves. 7. In deep water little light reaches the bottom. Since plants need light, they do not grow here. The water is filled with tiny, drifting algae which use the sunlight near the surface to make food. The bottom is covered with mud which has settled from the water. In this open space large schools of fish swim together. 8. The waves during storms push the grains of sand in ever-changing patterns. During low tide the animals that live among the sand grains feel the summer heat or the winter cold. Shorebirds search along the water’s edge for these animals and for bits of food that wash in from the Bay. 9. In shallow water where there is good light and the water has little salt, underwater plants sometimes grow. Some of these plants are valuable as food for many kinds of waterfowl such as ducks, geese and swans. All make places for little fish and other animals to live and feed. These plants also slow water movement and protect the shore from waves. 10. Along the shore where the water is salty, tall grasses grow out of the water. Tides move in and out, but some places are flooded only during storms and very high tides. These tough plants break down in the water to form little bits of food called detritus which many animals eat by filtering it out of the water. 11. Trees cover the land. Water runs among the trees. Sometimes the trees grow where there is very slowly flowing fresh water around them. Chesapeake Bay Food Chains Bay plants grow rooted to the bottom. Some are marsh grasses. Others are underwater plants like seagrass, pondweed and seaweed. There are also many kinds of tiny algae which drift in the water with tides and currents. They are called phytoplankton, which means wandering plants. To grow they all need energy from sunlight and mineral nutrients from the soil or the water. These nutrients are chemicals that contain nitrogen or phosphorus. When there is not much sunlight or nutrients, plants and tiny algae grow slowly. If there is lots of light and nutrients, the plants grow fast. Many Bay animals depend directly on these plants for food. The algae are filtered out of the water by clams, oysters and a fish called menhaden. The marsh grass is tough, but it is eaten by bacteria when it dies. They break the grass into small bits called detritus which are eaten by many animals. The underwater plants are softer. They are eaten by ducks and geese, and even deer and muskrats. Some animals like snails eat different kinds of algae that grow on the surface of mud or marsh grasses. Many small animals feed on algae and detritus. Some like worms and barnacles live in the bottom or attached to surfaces. Others animals drift through the water, like the drifting algae. Because they are animals, they are called zooplankton (zoo means animal). The small zooplankton may be eaten by larger zooplankton like the jellyfish called sting nettles or they may be eaten by small fish. The small fish become dinner for larger fish or birds. Different kinds of fish and birds specialize in eating the animals that live on or in the bottom. Blue crabs live on the bottom and eat most anything from detritus to other animals. One kind of turtle that lives in the salty part of the Bay, the diamondback terrapin, eats snails and other animals. Even raccoons eat many kinds of Bay animals which they catch at low tide. Chesapeake Challenge 1. The relationship of who eats whom is called a food chain (or food web). Place the following groups of animals in the correct sequence with the food producer (plant) first: a. diamondback terrapin, algae on mud, snail b. zooplankton, small fish, large fish, large fish-eating bird (osprey), phytoplankton 2. Group these together into three pairs based on their place in the food chain: bottom, middle or top. small fish, larger fish, phytoplankton, fish-eating birds, underwater plants, zooplankton Family Action 1. Take a look at your dinner tonight. Where would you fit in the food chain? What other animals might eat the kinds of food on your plate? Chesapeake Challenges 1. How big are they really? The pictures of Chesapeake Bay zooplankton on this page tell you how much bigger the drawing is than the animals are in real life (100x means the picture is 100 times bigger than the real animal.) Use a metric ruler to measure each drawing in millimeters (mm). Then divide by the number of times the drawing was enlarged to find its the real size. 2. Order the kinds of zooplankton shown on this page from smallest to largest. 3. Pick one of the zooplankton on this page and imagine what life would be like at that size, drifting with the water currents, eating and being eaten. Write a paragraph about how it would feel. 4. With your teacher's help, you can see real zooplankton. Ask if she/he can bring some to class. (See Teacher/Parent section.) Zooplankton in the Chesapeake Bay The term zooplankton means wandering (or drifting) animals. They cannot swim strongly enough to go against currents or tides. Many people think that all zooplankton are tiny animals that can only be seen with a microscope. Some are too small to see with your eyes, but many others are much larger. For example, jellyfish are zooplankton. There are thousands of kinds of animals that are zooplankton for all or part of their lives. Some zooplankton feed on phytoplankton which is present in large amounts in the Chesapeake Bay. Some even feed on tiny bacteria which are also common in Bay water. Different kinds of phytoplankton in different seasons cause some zooplankton to be more successful than others. Larger zooplankton and small fish feed on smaller zooplankton. Zooplankton form several links in the food chain. Some animals, such as copepods, are zooplankton all their lives. Other animals drift for only part of their lives and spend the rest swimming or on the bottom. Crabs and oysters drift as eggs and larvae (babies), but change as they grow. Blue crabs crawl from place to place or swim, while oysters settle in one place forever. The eggs and larvae of many of Chesapeake Bay fish are zooplankton until the young fish grow large enough to swim against the currents. Some zooplankton drift all the time, but others hide in or on the bottom some of the time and go up in the water to feed at others. Time of day and tides are both important to these zooplankton. The amounts and kinds of zooplankton in the Chesapeake Bay are important because most fish depend on them for food at some point. Striped bass larvae need the correct zooplankton to eat. No correct zooplankton, no striped bass. Blue Crabs in the Chesapeake Bay Blue crabs live in estuaries all along the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, but they are most often associated with Maryland where they are very popular cooked in hot spices. About 1 million bushels are caught for food each year. These crabs have swimming paddles on their fifth pair of legs which help them really get around. At one time or another blue crabs can be found almost everywhere in the Bay. Like all crustaceans, blue crabs shed their old, hard shell, expand and grow a new one in order to grow larger. This is called molting. A crab that has just molted is soft and helpless. These soft shell crabs hide in underwater plants to avoid being eaten by fish or other crabs until their new shell hardens. On the other hand, a hard shelled blue crab is anything but defenseless. It uses its two claws to defend itself and to eat clams, oysters, dead fish and plants. Male blue crabs stay in water of lower saltness in rivers and toward the top of the Bay. In winter the males migrate to deeper water, but during the rest of the year they spread out into shallow water. The females live in saltier water. From June to October males search for females ready for their last molt and mate with them when they are soft shelled crabs. Each female makes 1-2 million eggs! The fertilized eggs are carried under her body where they develop as she migrates toward the mouth of the Bay during the summer and late fall. There the eggs hatch, releasing tiny babies (larvae) called zoeae which become part of the zooplankton. They may even drift out into the ocean before being carried back into the Bay by currents. They feed, molt and grow into another form called megalopae which settle to the bottom. As megalopae, they continue to feed, grow, molt, and move with the bottom currents up the Bay. They gradually begin to look like adult blue crabs. Crabs take from 12-20 months to become adults and only live about 3 years. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Mark the path that female crabs take in the Bay each year on the map on page 26. Calculate the distance a female travels from the Patapsco River in the upper Bay. From the Rappahannock River. Family Action 1. Visit a seafood market where blue crabs are sold. Find out where the crabs were caught. During the winter you may not be able to find crabs. In the spring, you might be surprised by where they come from. 2. Rescue a live blue crab from the market and keep it in a brackish water aquarium. Observe its behavior, including feeding, swimming and defense. Does the crab have good vision? Can it sense food in the water? Put a drop of food coloring in the water near the back end of the crab. Where does the water go? 3. Eat a cooked blue crab. Examine its eyes, legs and shell carefully before opening it. List at least three ways you observe that a blue crab defends itself against predators. (Hint: they are not red until they are cooked.) 4. Visit the Maryland Science Center's Chesapeake Bay exhibit. You will find a giant blue crab that welcomes you at the exhibit entrance. Other places you can see live blue crabs on display include the National Aquarium in Baltimore and the Virginia Marine Science Museum in Virginia Beach, VA. Stages in the development of a blue crab zoea 30X megalopa 30X 1/3X Map of the Chesapeake Bay land area 0 5 10 15 20 miles 0 10 20 30 kilometers Oysters Oysters are related to clams and mussels. They have two rough, heavy shells which they add to as their soft bodies grow. They need to live on a firm bottom so that they do not get buried in mud. Male and female oysters release eggs and sperm to the water. The eggs become drifting larvae which must find a place to settle as they grow. They grow into baby oysters, called spat, which settle on the bottom, generally on old oyster shells. Oysters make millions of eggs, but only a few survive to become adults. Oysters make a living filtering phytoplankton (tiny algae) from the water. They also trap tiny bits of dirt in the water which are the same size as the algae. They make pellets of their waste products and the dirt which they deposit on the bottom. Hence, oysters clean the water by removing both algae and bits of dirt. A Maryland biologist, Roger Newell, thinks that some of the changes in the Chesapeake Bay in the last 100 years might be caused by the overharvesting of oysters. As the graph shows, oyster harvests increased until about 1880 and then dropped. They went down because so many oysters were taken that there were not enough left to produce new oysters. The Bay's oysters have also suffered from diseases and snails called oyster drills which eat them. Dr. Newell thinks that as the oysters disappeared, the amount of phytoplankton increased because the oysters were not eating it. Dr. Newell calculated that the oysters in the Bay in 1880 were filtering all the water in the Bay every 1.5-3 days. One thing we might do today to reduce the algae and tiny bits of dirt in the Bay's water is to protect and increase oysters. We do know that there are too many phytoplankton and too much dirt in the water and that oysters would help filter these out. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Research the biology of oysters and design a plan to increase the number of oysters in the Chesapeake Bay. 2. Read the graph of the number of bushels of oysters taken in Maryland. About how many million bushels did they get in 1880? 1920? 1980? 3. Draw a Bay food chain with oysters present. Predict which groups of animals would benefit if oysters were removed. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Name another kind of animal discussed in this booklet which filters phytoplankton from the water. 2. Mark annual path of menhaden into and out of the Bay on the map on page 26, using a new color. They even swim into low salinity areas like Baltimore Harbor. Label it. Family Action 1. Do you use menhaden in your home? Examine the labels of pet food bags to see if your pets are eating fish meal. If you have oil-based paints, check their labels too. If you eat eggs or chicken, you have eaten animals that were fed fish meal. Atlantic Menhaden Menhaden are fish related to herring and shad, but they do not migrate into the Bay to lay their eggs. They spawn in the ocean. The young menhaden come into the Bay on currents to feed on phytoplankton. Very few other fish are able to filter these tiny algae from the water. Menhaden feed by swimming with their scooplike mouths open. The tiny phytoplankton are caught on fine combs on their gills as the water flows past the gills and out the sides of their heads. Animals that eat plants or algae are said to feed low on the food chain. Because the Bay is so rich in algae, menhaden have a huge amount of food that other fish cannot eat. Menhaden swim in large groups called schools. Both the young and the adults live in the Bay. They are easy to catch in nets. They taste bad, but have many important uses. Menhaden, also called bunker, are used for crab bait in traps. They are very oily fish. They are processed to produce oil which is used in paint and other things. Their meat is made into fish meal which is used in feed for farm animals such as chickens and pigs and for pet food. When the price of soybeans (a plant rich in protein for animal feed) is high, menhaden are caught in huge numbers. Food scientists are experimenting with ways to make menhaden taste good enough for people to eat, because they are a very cheap source of protein. Menhaden are also important as food for other animals in the Chesapeake Bay, especially bluefish. As the nutrient levels of the Bay have increased, the Bay has become an algae soup. Menhaden have done well, and so have the bluefish. Striped Bass Striped bass (also called rockfish in the Chesapeake region) are the most famous of the Bay fish. They are important both as sportfish and for commercial catch. There have always been some ups and downs in the number of rockfish. Currently, striped bass are in serious trouble. Striped bass migrate up the Bay to almost fresh water to lay their eggs (spawn) in rivers each spring. The babies (larvae) feed on zooplankton and grow. As young fish, they move to saltier water to feed. Some Chesapeake Bay striped bass stay in the Bay, but others swim out into the ocean and up the coast as far as Nova Scotia. These fish return to the Bay to lay their eggs. What has caused the low number of rockfish? There are a number of ideas. The problem is probably with spawning and the young fish. Acid rain is killing the eggs and larvae in some rivers. The middle Atlantic states have very acid rain. In other rivers toxic materials are killing the young. Some people also think that the zooplankton in the Bay have changed and are not right for the young fish to eat. There is one thing we do know. The size that is legal to catch and keep has been too small. Fishermen took the larger fish that are most successful as mothers. The bigger fish need protection as they are the best at making good eggs. Some state laws have increased the legal size. States around the Bay and up the coast need to cooperate for the rockfish to increase. There are still some large striped bass in the Bay so it is not too late if we can solve their problems. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use the map on page 30 to find Nova Scotia and estimate how far a striped bass swims from the Bay to get to Nova Scotia. 2. Fishing laws are made by each state. Striped bass are caught in most states between North Carolina and Nova Scotia. How many states and provinces would have to cooperate in making fishing laws to protect a fish that swims from the Bay to Canada? 3. Test for acid rain with special paper. Your teacher may have some or it can be ordered from garden catalogs that sell soil testing materials. Use a glass jar to catch the rain. Test it, and record your results each time it rains. 7 means the rain is not acid. Lower numbers indicate acid conditions. Numbers lower than 5 are very acid rain. Remember March to June is the time for fish to spawn in the Bay. 4. Research acid rain in the library. List 3 things that cause acid rain. List 3 things that could be done to reduce it. 5. Mark the route of striped bass in the Bay on the map on page 26. Use a new color and label it. Family Action 1. Check with your state fish and game department to see if there is a striped bass hatchery you can visit. The Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed Chesapeake Bay Watershed - 0 125 250 miles - 0 375 kilometers [Map showing the Chesapeake Bay and its watershed] land area 0 5 10 15 20 miles 0 10 20 30 Kilometers 36 Changes in the Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed Caused by European Settlement European settlers caused enormous changes on the land around the Chesapeake Bay and in the Bay itself. These changes came about because of the way they used the land and the Bay. While the settlers grew in numbers and in wealth, they caused changes which continue to harm the Bay today. European Settlement of the Chesapeake Bay English people made their first permanent settlement in Virginia on what they called the James River in 1607. The sponsor of the colony was the London Company. Their goals were to find gold and other valuable materials and to find a sailing route to the Pacific Ocean, commonly called the Northwest Passage. They chose a point of land that was almost surrounded by water which would be easy to defend against the Native Americans who lived nearby and were not entirely happy about the new village. The land was low and swampy with mosquitoes that carried malaria and the sandy soil was not good for crops. They called the settlement James Towne (Jamestown) for the English king. Disease, hunger and conflict with the Indians caused misery and death among the early settlers. After 1605 Catholics were persecuted in England. In spite of this, George Calvert, the first Lord Baltimore, converted to the Catholic religion. After an attempt to settle Newfoundland failed because of the cold, he became interested in the Virginia area where settlers had overcome early problems. In 1632 he got a warrant from the English king for the land from "the River Pattomack" to the Delaware Bay and the 40th parallel and westward to the "Pattomack" headwaters. He died but his son sent a group in two small ships, the Ark and the Dove. They arrived in Maryland in spring of 1634. The Maryland settlers learned from the Jamestown experience. They first met with the Indians, the Piscataways, and purchased a village from them. They got shelter and fields already planted with crops on a site with good water and a deep creek for their ships. They renamed the village St. Mary's City. They did have a "war" in April and May of 1635 with William Claibourne who had started a fur trading post on Kent Island in 1631. He traded with the Susquehannock Indians who came down from the north with furs. Claibourne refused to pay rent to the new colony. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Locate the sites of Jamestown and St. Mary's City on the map on pages 30 and 31 and write in their names. 2. Compare each in terms of where they are in relation to the rest of the state. Why do you think both were later replaced as state capitols? Family Action 1. Visit Jamestown or St. Mary's City. The original buildings have mostly been lost, but reconstructed buildings and ships give you an idea about life in these settlements. If you go during the winter when there are not many people, you can sit quietly in one of the ships and imagine how scary it must have been to cross the Atlantic Ocean in such a craft. The park at St. Mary's City includes a reconstruction of an Indian dwelling as well. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Graph the rate at which tobacco sales from the Virginia colony grew. 2. Tobacco was packed for shipping in huge barrels called hogsheads. These were often gotten to port by being rolled, pulled by oxen or horses. The roads used were called rolling roads. Have you ever seen a local road called Rolling Road? Using the index, try to locate roads with this name on a local map. Family Action 1. Visit a living history farm where tobacco and other early crops are grown in much the same way that the early colonists did: the National Colonial Farm in Accokeek, MD south of Washington, DC. Growing Tobacco Jamestown might have been abandoned if John Rolfe had not started growing tobacco in 1612. The Indians grew and smoked a rough, native tobacco. Rolfe imported better quality tobacco seeds from the Caribbean and experimented with growing it. Tobacco was profitable for the new colonies. The first crop was shipped to England in 1613. In 1615 2,300 lbs were sent to England. By 1617, 20,000 lbs were shipped. Ten years later, 200,000 lbs were sent to England. Tobacco requires many people to plant, weed and harvest it. It is a labor-intensive crop. Initially, the work of raising tobacco was done by indentured servants, people who paid for their trip to the colony by agreeing to work for a set number of years for free. At the end of that period, often 5-7 years, they were given land, food and tools. A Dutch pirate left 20 blacks he had captured in the West Indies in Jamestown, the start of slavery. Slaves eventually replaced indentured servants as the labor force used to raise tobacco. Early in the colony, land owners, servants and slaves lived, worked and ate together, according to archaeologists who study old sites. Later, as farms grew into plantations and landowners became wealthy, slaves lived and ate in separate quarters. Tobacco uses up the nutrients in the soil very rapidly. It is said to “wear the soil out.” New land was continuously cleared of trees to replace the worn out fields. As tobacco growing spread, the forest disappeared. When the land was used up, it was abandoned. Frances Trollope travelled between Washington, DC and Richmond, Virginia in 1830. He described the trip through a wasteland of abandoned, eroded fields. Even today when driving on Interstate 95 between Richmond and Washington, you can see how only stunted trees grow in much of this area. Tobacco is still grown in southern Maryland. You may see it if you travel along country roads there in summer. In Maryland on Route 301 you pass tobacco storage and auction houses in several locations, including a very large one in Upper Marlboro. The Force of Moving Water The force of moving water is very powerful. Moving water has the power to pick up and carry soil particles in a process called erosion. Tides and waves can erode shorelines. The faster water moves, the larger are the particles it can carry. During floods, rivers can move boulders. When water stands still, particles of soil settle out. Rain and melting snow pick up bits of dirt and carry them into streams and rivers. In streams where the water runs rapidly, these particles stay in the water. Where streams enter slower moving rivers, the sand and gravel and larger bits of soil settle to the bottom. When rivers enter the Bay, the water slows even more and more of the particles settle out. The movement of the Bay due to tides, wind and currents keeps some of these particles in the water, making it look muddy. Erosion increases with greater rainfall such as a big storm and when the water runs over steep slopes. It is also much greater when there are no plants growing in the soil to hold it in place. When Captain John Smith wrote about the Chesapeake Bay region, he said that the watershed was covered with forests. The early European settlers cleared the forest for fields and for logs to build homes. Forests were also cut for fuel. Soil, especially from farms, eroded from the land and washed into rivers and the Bay, filling in the shoreline. Upper Marlboro was a tobacco shipping port in the early days of Maryland. Now it is eight miles upstream from water deep enough for a boat. It was filled in with dirt that washed off of the fields on tobacco farms. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Test the erosion power of water with a sprinkling can of water, two pencils and two sheets of paper. Go outside and locate a place with grass and one with bare dirt. Put the pencils through the papers so that the papers look like a ship’s sails. Poke one into a patch of bare dirt and the other in grass. Use the watering can to make it rain hard next to the papers. Which one gets dirty? What does this tell you about the value of plants in reducing erosion? 2. Compare the effect of a “hard” rain vs. a “gentle” rain on a pan of dirt, using a watering can. Collect the water as it runs off. Compare the effect of the same “rainfall” on a steep vs. a slight slope. 3. Test whether large particles of soil settle faster than small ones with a tall, clear jar, a lid, some water and some dirt. Shake the dirt and water in the closed jar and then let it sit. Are there differences in the size of the particles that settle to the bottom first? Family Action 1. Visit a stream near your home with your parents right after a rain storm. What is the color of the water? Do you think this is due to erosion? (Be careful around streams.) Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use a state or local map to find the name of roads or towns that have the word mill in them. How many can you list? Can you find the stream or river that provided the water power for each? 2. Work with others to design a water wheel that lifts a weight. You will need to do some library research on how wheels were designed in the past. If you are doing this for school, have a contest to see which group can make the water wheel that lifts a one pound weight the highest with one gallon of water poured no more than six inches above the wheel. 3. List the large, modern dams you find on your state map. Hint: look for lakes created by the dams. 4. Draw or make a model of a dam with a fish ladder. Family Action 1. Plan a visit a mill that still works. There are a number of mills operating as museums. Here are several: Maryland • Union Mills Homestead and Gristmill, Carroll Co., MD Virginia • Tackett’s Mill, Occoquan, VA • Woodlawn Plantation, Fort Belvoir, VA • Wade’s Mill, Raphine, VA • Mabry’s Mill, milepost 176, Blue Ridge Parkway, VA Using Water Power Water power was used to do all kinds of work that we do with electricity or fuel today. Places that used water power were called mills. Water turned a large wheel. A system of gears and belts made that turning motion drive machines. Mills used water power to grind corn or wheat. Moving water also ran machines which wove fabric, cut lumber, shaped metal and ground ore. Where land sloped and water ran downhill, a dam was built to force water to flow to the water wheel. Sometimes mill ponds were made to insure a steady flow of water all year. Where the land was flat on the coastal plain, tidal creeks were closed to make a narrow opening through which the tide ran very fast in and out. A mill wheel was put in the opening. The gears in the mill were designed so that the wheel could turn either way. Today rivers are dammed to generate electricity. The water turns a wheel inside the generator instead of a mill wheel. We often use electric power to do the same things people used to do with water power: grind grain, mill lumber and weave fabric. The large dams which make electricity also store water so that we have a constant water supply. One problem with dams on streams and rivers is that they block the path of fish that must swim upstream from the ocean to fresh water in order to lay eggs. Some big modern dams may have “fish ladders” which make a “stream” around the dam where fish can swim uphill over a series of little waterfalls. Dams remain a problem for spawning fish, like shad and herring. In modern times the pipes that carry streams under roads may also create waterfalls that fish cannot get over. One estimate is that there are more than 750 places on Maryland streams that stop fish from swimming upstream to lay their eggs. Travel and Trade in Early Times Native Americans of the Chesapeake region traveled and traded over a wide area. They used large log canoes to travel by water. They also had a system of trails through the forests, many of which became our roads. The larger loads of the early European settlers were most easily shipped by water. As a result their farms and villages grew along the shores of the Chesapeake and up its rivers. The Bay and its rivers determined where these people took land and started farms. For the first two hundred years of European settlement, ships and boats were the most important transportation in the Chesapeake region. Towns for trading and shipping were started as high up rivers as boats and ships could go. In some cases this was determined by the depth of the water. But many towns were established on rivers at the “fall line,” where the rolling hills (called the piedmont which means foot of the mountains) meet the flat coastal plain. This is the location of the last waterfalls as the river flows from the mountains to the Bay. Among the cities built on the fall line are Richmond, Virginia, and Washington, DC. Until the 1800’s when canals were dug alongside the rivers, the fall line was the point at which goods and crops had to move over land. The remains of canals can be seen along the James, Potomac and Susquehanna Rivers above the fall line even today. Boats were towed up and down the canal by mules or other animals. The C and D Canal which connects the upper Chesapeake Bay with Delaware Bay is still in use, not only by ships but also by migrating striped bass. When this canal was enlarged in modern times, it may have changed the flow of water in the upper Bay, causing problems. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Locate Richmond, Washington and the mouth of the Susquehanna River on the Chesapeake Bay map on pages 30 and 31. Draw a dotted line with a slight curve connecting these points. Label it Fall Line. Use your state map to find and mark two other cities that were built on the fall line. 2. Locate and label the C and D Canal on the same map. Family Action 1. Take a day trip to visit one of the old canals dug to take vessels up river above the fall line. Look for locks (water was pumped into or drained from a lock to raise or lower the boat), a tow path and tavern or lock keeper’s house. Here are some places where parks have been made which include canals: Maryland - C and O Canal National Park Historical Park (upper center in Cumberland, MD and lower center at Great Falls, MD; lock #24 in Seneca, MD) - C and D Canal, Chesapeake City, MD Virginia - The Tidewater Connection in Richmond, Virginia Chesapeake Challenge 1. Discover the name of each Chesapeake Bay ship by using the classification system on page 41. Start at the left hand side and make a choice between the first two characters after reading the card. Follow your choice to the next two characters. Keep going until you find the name of the boat or ship. Then turn the card over to check the name and learn more about the use and origins of this vessel. Family Action 1. See these and other Chesapeake Bay boats and ships at these museums: Maryland - Calvert Marine Museum, Solomons, MD - Chesapeake Bay Maritime Museum, St. Michael's, MD - Outdoor History Museum, St. Mary's City, MD - Patuxent River Park, Croom, MD - Potomac Museum, Coltons Point, MD - Baltimore Inner Harbor, Baltimore, MD Virginia - Jamestown Festival Park, Jamestown, VA - Mariners Museum, Newport News, VA 2. Visit other museums in the Chesapeake Bay region that also have maritime history exhibits, but may not have boats or ships. These would be fun if you are interested in the history of shipping or fishing in the Chesapeake Bay region. They include: Maryland - Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Museum - Crisfield Historical Museum, Crisfield, MD - Neild Maritime Museum, Cambridge, MD - Oxford Museum, Oxford, MD - Radcliff Maritime Museum, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore, MD Virginia - Chesapeake Bay Watermen's Museum, Yorktown, VA - New Comfort Point Lighthouse Museum, Mathews, VA Working Boats and Ships of the Chesapeake Bay Literally hundreds of kinds of boats and ships have sailed the Chesapeake Bay. They have served every possible use: transportation of people and cargo from across a creek or around the world, fishing, fighting wars and racing. There are some that are unique to the Bay. Nine of these working boats and ships are pictured on cards on the next page, along with a description. If this is your own book, you might want to cut them out. Check with your teacher or parent first. When reading the cards, you may find words that describe the ships or boats that are new to you. Here are some boat terms to remember. The bow is the front (forward) of the ship and the stern, the back (aft). The poles that hold the sails upright are called the masts. A sloop has one mast while a schooner has two or more masts close together. Sometimes they have additions to the masts called topmasts. Raked masts are tilted backwards toward the stern. 1. Powered by a motor (often an old car engine), these boats are usually 30 to 45 feet long, with a small cabin in front and a covered deck. 2. Graceful, sharp bow and squared stern; a single mast with sloop rigged sails. 3. Both ends are pointed (double-ended); made from five logs carved with metal tools; two removable masts. 4. Schooner rigged with two raked masts and topmasts, this very fast ship carried cargo all over the world in record times. 5. Both ends are pointed (double-ended); moved by paddling. 6. Powered by a motor (usually an old car engine), these little boats are towed or hang behind sailing ships. They are open, but may have a housing over the motor. 7. Schooner rigged with three or four masts; very long and narrow, with straight sides; slow and barge-like. 8. Both ends are pointed (double-ended); made of shaped boards; one mast fixed. 9. Schooner rigged with two curved, raked masts, the second with a topmast; fast sailing ship 54-76 ft long. JING LOG CANOE These ships evolved from the log canoes used by the Native Americans, rigged with sails. These open boats were fast but offered little protection from the weather. They are still used today for races. YAWL BOATS These little boats evolved from the small craft carried by sailing ships which were rowed ashore. They work as mini tugboats, pushing or pulling sailing ships. On the days oyster dredgers are allowed to use motor, these little "push boats" provide the power for the skipjack. PUNGY These swift ships evolved from the Baltimore clipper, but were designed for use on the Bay where they frequently carried perishable cargo from port to port. They were the first ships used for oyster dredging. Like the early skipjacks, they were painted pink and green. Their deep draft kept them out of shallow water. SKIPJACK As oysters became scarce, these smaller craft with fewer crew members were made for dredging. Some 30 were still licensed to dredge in 1980, the last commercial sailing fleet in the United States. LOG CANOE These were made from a single log by Native Americans. They were hollowed out by repeatedly burning and scraping the burned area. Some were as much as fifty feet long. DEADRISE Named for the strait from the center to the side of the bottom, these boats are the most common watermen's workboat today. They may be rigged for crabbing, oyster tonging or clam dredging. In between times, they are used for fishing. BALTIMORE CLIPPER These fast and graceful ships evolved from those used by privateers and blockade runners during the Revolutionary War. They were common in the first half of the 19th century, but were replaced by steam ships and trains. BUGEYE These graceful ships towed oyster dredges and hauled vegetables, lumber and coal. They were also sailed by pirates and whiskey smugglers. They evolved from log canoes, but were larger and had a covered deck and cabin forward. RAMS These long narrow schooners were designed to be sailed through the 24 ft wide C and D Canal at the top of the Bay. They were really only sailing barges, but some brave sailors used them in the ocean too. Key to Some Chesapeake Bay Boats and Ships powered by a motor small, open boat large (35-50') boat with cabin forward YAWL BOAT (or PUSH BOAT) DEADRISE both ends narrow to point (double-ended) moved by paddling, no sails LOG CANOE made of five logs SAILING LOG CANOE made of shaped boards BUGEYE powered by wind or hand bow sharp, stem flattened small with one mast (sloop) two masts, curving toward bow (front of ship) SKIPJACK PUNGY larger with two or more masts (schooner) sleek schooner BALTIMORE CLIPPER two or more masts, not curved toward bow long, flastsided RAM schooner 49 Fishing the Bay The animals of the Chesapeake Bay are an important source of food. The early settlers learned to fish from the Indians. Studies by archaeologists show that in addition to collecting crabs and oysters, the early colonists commonly used a hook and line to catch fish. This was done from shore with little equipment. As tobacco plantations grew and there were more mouths to feed, the colonists learned to harvest the huge seasonal schools of shad and herring, using large nets and many persons. With ever larger nets, it was possible to catch almost all of the fish swimming upstream to lay their eggs, greatly reducing their numbers. Oysters once covered 2300 square miles of the bottom of the Bay. People learned to take oysters with scissor-like tongs. In the early 1800's the New England oyster beds were over fished so the Yankee dredge boats came to the southern Chesapeake. They collected oysters by dragging a heavy iron scraper and chain net across the oyster beds which damaged the beds. In 1810 Virginia outlawed dredgers, allowing only the less destructive tongs. Maryland waited until 1820 to outlaw dredging. By then the Maryland watermen had learned to make dredges. They used them illegally, until dredges were made legal in Maryland around the time of the Civil War. Many rich oyster beds were on the boundary of Maryland and Virginia. Watermen from the two states fought over the oysters and the ways they were taken. In the late 1800's the "Oyster Wars" became so bad that both states created oyster police to enforce the laws protecting oyster beds. Pirate dredgers operated out of both states. The tongers and dredgers did some shooting, too. The last men to die in the Oyster Wars were killed in 1959. A current argument concerns taking oysters using SCUBA. Overharvesting and disease have so reduced the oysters that there are hardly enough to fight over. Some old fishing ways are still used. Pound nets are based on Indian designs for trapping fish alive. Only the valuable fish are taken and the rest released. People still use baited "rot lines" for crabs. On the other hand, most crabs caught for sale are taken in wire traps. Clams are dredged from the muddy bottom with a mechanical digging system mounted on a boat. Some new fishing methods threaten to wipe out the few remaining fish of some species. Gill nets catch fish as they try to swim through the wide holes in the net. They catch all fish over a certain size. The fish die so unwanted fish cannot be released. The nets accidently kill diving birds, dolphins and sea turtles. The Chesapeake Bay today is different from the way it was when Europeans first came. The actions of all people living around the Bay have changed it. This section will help you understand the results of the changes we have made in the watershed and the Bay. It will also talk about changes we can make in the way we live that will help the Bay in the future. Each of us is responsible for the future of the Chesapeake Bay. Habitats in the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Today When Europeans came to the Bay, the land was covered in forests with scattered Native American villages. The land around the Bay has changed tremendously in the last 350 years. You have learned about the natural habitats of the Chesapeake Bay and the plants and animals that live there. All of them are affected by the changes in the Chesapeake Bay watershed. Our lives on land have a direct impact on the Bay. Can you identify the human habitats we have created in the Chesapeake Bay watershed during the last 350 years and the ways they affect the Bay? 2. Predict the ways that each human habitat might affect the Chesapeake Bay. Then turn the card over to check your answer and see if your predictions are correct. Chesapeake Bay Tour Boat 1. People live in scattered houses with large yards and some small trees located at a distance from the center of a city; may be mixed with farms. People must travel by car to work or shop. 2. Large numbers of small boats which people use for recreation or fishing are kept here. They are used on the Bay, lakes or rivers. 3. People earn their living here processing raw materials such as making steel and chemicals, manufacturing things ranging from computers to cars, and producing electricity. 4. People live here in large numbers in apartments or homes. They work in offices and buy things they need in shopping centers. They travel mostly by car, but buses are also available. 5. Trees grow on their own from seeds spread by wind or birds. Many kinds of animals live here. People may hike, hunt or fish in the streams here. 6. Fields of grass or grain may be grown to feed the animals grown here, but feed is also brought in from other places. The animals often live in buildings or barns. 7. Big ships from all over the world come and go, bringing things to us and taking our products to others. These places are located near roads and railroads for land transport of these things. 8. Fields of corn, wheat, soybeans, tobacco or vegetables cover the land or rows of trees, all of the same kind, are grown close together. We eat some of these crops directly while others are fed to the animals we eat. 9. These are places that people dump things such as trash, garbage or waste products from factories. They may be in the country in open fields or in cities near people's homes. Some animals like sea gulls and rats may live here. MARINAS Thousands of people own boats which they use on the Bay and on lakes and rivers in the Bay's watershed. These small boats contribute to pollution in several ways. Oil and gasoline may leak or spill into the water. The paint used on the bottoms of the boats has chemicals which kill animals that might grow there. The chemicals enter the water and kill zooplankton in marinas. People use bathrooms on these boats and their sewage may enter the water. People also throw trash and old fishing lines and nets into the water, littering it. Plastic trash may kill animals that become caught in it. FARMS FOR ANIMALS Farms that raise animals may produce chickens or eggs, beef or milk, pork or lamb. Some farms that raise cattle or sheep keep them out on pasture all year. If the grass is not overgrazed and the animals are kept fenced out of the streams, this kind of farm does not pollute water. Farms where the animals are kept close together and food is brought to them have manure problems. It washes into streams. Most farms are old. Farmers used to put their animals where the manure would wash away on purpose. These old farms need to be changed to keep the plant nutrients in manure out of stream. LANDFILLS OR DUMPS Landfills or dumps get thousands of kinds of stuff dumped in them from household garbage to toxic chemicals and low level radioactive waste. If they are carefully constructed and properly run, they are relatively safe. Many are old and leak. Some are beside the Bay and flood during storms or especially high tides. Rain soaking through the landfill picks up all kinds of materials and carries them down to the groundwater below. People do not want to live next to a dump. As the population grows, bringing more and more garbage, there are fewer places to put it. OUTLYING OR RURAL DEVELOPMENTS When cars and roads became available, people moved greater distances from towns. Farms and forests were developed into houses built on large lots. Good farmland that fed people and forests where wild animals and plants lived is now covered in mowed grass. These houses get water from wells that reach down to the groundwater. They dispose of sewage with septic tanks which treat the water a bit and return it to the ground. Household chemicals like soaps and cleaners also enter the groundwater. Groundwater seeps out as springs that run into streams, carrying these wastes to the Bay. Fertilizer, pesticides (kill insects) and herbicides (kill weeds) used to grow pretty lawns wash into streams when it rains. They are carried out drinking water and into the Bay. CITIES OR TOWNS People in cities dispose of human waste and household chemicals through a sewer system which carries these things to a sewage treatment plant. Industrial wastes may also go to sewage plants. Salt run on roads and sidewalks to melt snow and ice runs off into storm drains. Spilled oil or gasoline and also wastes into storm drains. Fertilizer, pesticides and herbicides run off lawns when it rains and enter storm drains. Storm drains empty into streams or directly into the Bay, carrying all these harmful materials. FORESTS Forests help rain and melted snow slowly sink down into the soil to become clean groundwater. Forests prevent rapid runoff and soil erosion during storms. They even absorb some of the wastes that farm and city people pick up such as fertilizer and eroded soil preventing these things from entering streams, rivers and the Bay. Trees shade streams, keeping the water cool for fish in summer. Trees also absorb carbon dioxide from the air and might help reduce the greenhouse effect. FARMS OR ORCHARDS Farms that grow crops and orchards expose the soil to erosion when it is plowed. Muddy water flows into streams and rivers. Fertilizers containing nitrogen and phosphorus are used to increase plant growth. Pesticides are sprayed to kill insects. Herbicides are sprayed to kill weeds that compete with the crops. Some of these chemicals enter the groundwater. These chemicals may also enter streams and rivers as part of storm runoff. PORTS AND HARBORS Ships can pollute the Bay in many ways. There may be accidental fuel oil leaks. They must dispose of the human waste and trash. It is tempting to dump both. Occasionally a ship breaks up or runs aground and loses its cargo which might be oil or a hazardous chemical. The big propellers which drive the ships stir up the bottom and make the water muddy. Perhaps the worst problem with shipping is that the Bay and its large rivers must be constantly dredged to keep the water deep enough for ships. Dredging stirs up the muddy bottom and releases hazardous materials buried in the mud. The mud that is dredged up has to be disposed of, either in some other part of the Bay or ocean or on land. Key to Watershed Habitats of the Bay Region - at edge of and in water - large ships with cargo - sail and motor boats - mostly plants, trees and animals - mostly plants and animals live here - mostly open space with trees, plants, animals or bare dirt - nothing lives here but animals that feed on trash - on land - mostly buildings and mowed grass - buildings where things are made - buildings where people live or do things - mostly buildings and roads - mostly grass and houses - RURAL DEVELOPMENT - CITY OR TOWN - FACTORY OR INDUSTRY - LANDFILL OR DUMP - FARM (ANIMALS) - FARM OR ORCHARD - FOREST - MARINA - PORT OR HARBOR Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use your aluminum foil watershed to demonstrate serious erosion (see page 14). This time use a whole teaspoon of Kool-Aid sprinkled over the watershed to show what happens when housing developments, farms and road projects get hit by a big storm. Family Action 1. Conservation of soil and prevention of erosion starts at home. Look at your yard. Are there places where you should plant grass or shrubs to protect your soil and the Bay? 2. Have you ever spotted erosion at a development? Each county has laws about erosion control. Report erosion from developments to the sediment control officer. Call county government information for his/her number. Muddy Water When erosion takes place, dirt gets into the water. Muddy rivers carry this dirt to the Chesapeake Bay. Erosion happens on farms in plowed or overgrazed fields, along streams where plants have been cleared from the banks, in new housing and commercial developments where bulldozers tear into the soil, on road construction projects, along shorelines no longer protected by marshes or underwater plants, on the school yard where the grass has been worn thin by children’s feet and in the yard at home where the soil is not protected by plants. The bits of dirt that make the water look muddy are called sediment. Some problems with sediment in water are caused directly by the tiny particles of dirt. In streams and rivers sediment buries fish eggs and other animals. It clogs some animals’ gills, keeping them from getting enough oxygen from the water. In the Bay and in lakes and ponds, dirt in the water blocks the sunlight from reaching the underwater plants. Since they need light to live and grow, they die. Sediment also fills in streams, rivers, lakes and the Bay. Other problems caused by the interaction of dirt and water are not as obvious. The chemicals plants and phytoplankton need to grow are in soil. When dirt gets into the water, so do these chemicals or plant nutrients. The main nutrients that control plant growth are nitrogen and phosphorus. These nutrients get into the water (dissolve) and stay there even if the sediment settles out. When nutrients in the water are too high, phytoplankton grow faster than animals can eat them. Also, the balance of kinds of phytoplankton may change to those that are not as good to eat. Some kinds of erosion are easier to control than others. Most counties have laws to control sediment on construction projects. Soil and water conservation districts work with farmers to prevent erosion, but there are no laws that enforce good farming. Too Many Nutrients Plant nutrients are needed for plant and phytoplankton growth and reproduction. One of the special things about an estuary is that there are enough nutrients to support a great deal of plant growth so there is a lot of food for animals. But is there such a thing as too much of a good thing? Yes. Bay scientists call it nutrient enrichment. An algal bloom occurs which means overgrowth of phytoplankton. The kinds of algae that increase may not be those that animals eat. Where do the plant nutrients come from? Nutrients enter the water with soil. Human sewage and animal manure are both rich in plant nutrients, including nitrogen and phosphorus. Manure is used in gardens and on fields to increase growth. Milwaukee makes its human sewage into lawn fertilizer. Although sewage is treated, it still contributes nutrients when the treated water is released into a river or the Bay. Manure frequently washes into streams with runoff and eventually gets to the Bay. Most garden, farm and lawn fertilizers are made from chemicals rather than manure, but they also contain nitrogen and phosphorus. If they are applied just right, the nutrients end up in the plants. But it is hard to do correctly. Most people use too much fertilizer. It washes off of lawns, gardens, golf courses, and fields and into our water supply and the Bay. It also soaks into the ground and gets into the ground water. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use the Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay Watershed cards to make a list of the kinds of habitats that add plant nutrients to rivers, lakes and the Bay. 2. Identify one habitat that protects the Bay from nutrients. Family Action 1. If you have a lawn, your family can reduce its contribution to Bay pollution by reducing fertilizer use. Remember, never before predicted rain. Be careful not to overwater your lawn. It also helps to let your grass grow longer than most people do. The longer blades of grass reduce runoff and help the rain soak into the ground. A longer lawn survives dry periods better, too. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Use the Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay Watershed cards to make a list of the kinds of habitats that add toxic materials to rivers, lakes and the Bay. 2. Use your aluminum foil watershed (page 14) to see what happens when a factory dumps toxic waste in a river. Use a drop of food coloring high up in the watershed to represent the toxic waste. Where does it go when rain falls? Family Action 1. With a parent, do an inventory of your household chemicals. List those that are toxic. Identify them by reading the warnings on the label. Discuss whether you really need the product. Do you use it safely? Do you store it safely? 2. Does your family change the oil in your own car? What do you do with it? Never dump it on the ground or down a storm drain. Take it to a gas station to be recycled. 3. Baybook from the Alliance for the Chesapeake Bay (see the back page) will help your family understand what to do with hazardous chemicals in your home as well as help the Bay in other ways. Contact them for a copy. Toxic Materials in the Bay A chemical is said to be toxic if it harms or kills plants or animals by direct action. Many different kinds of materials are toxic. The amount of the material may be important. There are some things that are needed or harmless in small amounts and deadly in larger amounts. Some Bay toxic things are the heavy metals. They include materials like lead, mercury and chromium. They get into the water when they are refined near water or are used in a manufacturing process. For example, the bottom of Baltimore Harbor is rich in chromium because there was a plant that processed chrome ore by the harbor. Chrome is used to plate steel to make it shiny. Organic compounds are based on carbon as are the chemicals made by living things. Oil is an example of an organic compound that is the remains of things that lived millions of years ago. There are a number of organic chemicals which we have learned to make and use in the last 50-100 years. These are new chemicals. For many there are no bacteria or other things that break them down so they may remain long after they were used. Some of them are toxic to plants or animals. Pesticides and herbicides are organic compounds that are made to kill insects (pests) and plants (herbs). Some organic chemicals get into the water accidentally as with an oil spill or pesticide in runoff. Others are disposed of intentionally by dumping them in the water. PCB's are an example of this. There are also toxic chemicals that are not organic compounds. Some are very simple such as acids from manufacturing or acid rain. Others are more complex chemicals. There are toxic chemicals in your home as well as in factories. Many of the cleaning compounds under your kitchen sink are harmful to you if you drink them just as they are to animals and plants that live in the water. Sewage treatment plants and septic tanks do not remove many toxic chemicals. The best way to deal with industrial chemicals is to treat them at the factory so that the treatment plant can be designed for that single problem. Household chemicals should be used sparingly. Too Many Phytoplankton and No Oxygen The plant nutrients entering the Bay are especially high in the spring when heavy rains carry farm fertilizer and manure into the rivers and down to the Bay. The phytoplankton respond with an increase in growth and reproduction. Longer days and warmer temperatures in the spring also help them grow. The numbers and kinds of algae are more than the zooplankton, oysters and other algae feeders can handle. Phytoplankton sink to the bottom and die. There they become food for bacteria. As the bacteria feed and increase in numbers, they use oxygen from the water. Oxygen enters the water at the surface and is also added by plants and algae near the surface. It gets to the bottom very slowly unless winds stir up the water. Before long, the bacteria use up all the oxygen in the bottom water. When the water has no oxygen, it is called anoxic meaning without oxygen. Animals that live on the bottom that cannot move such as clams and oysters may die if there is anoxia for several weeks. Periods of low oxygen in the deeper water of the Chesapeake Bay have been occurring for many years. Anoxia in shallower water appears to be increasing, but scientists do not all agree. There is agreement that periods of anoxia do kill Bay animals. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Look at this map that shows how deep the water is in different parts of the Bay. Based on what you read, predict the places in the Bay that are most likely to have low oxygen. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Imagine you are a tiny blue crab only an inch across. It is time for you to molt. Both fish and larger crabs would like to eat you while your new shell is soft. Write a story about searching for and finding a bed of underwater plants. What are your adventures? Family Action 1. If your family has a home along the edge of the Chesapeake Bay or one of its rivers, consider trying to help a grass bed grow there. Contact your state department of fish and game for suggestions. Lost Underwater Grass Beds There are many things that tell us the Chesapeake Bay is in trouble. Decreases in striped bass and oysters provide clues. Perhaps the most obvious clue was the decrease in the beds of underwater plants generally called grass beds (both seagrass and weed beds). Different kinds of underwater plants are found in different parts of the Bay, but they are all widely recognized by both citizens and scientists as being important for the survival of many different animals. Many of the grasses are important food for the ducks and geese that spend their winters on the Bay and its rivers. Deer, beaver and muskrats also feed on some kinds of underwater plants. The grass beds support many small invertebrates such as snails and tiny crustaceans which were food for young fish. Small fish hide from the larger fish that eat them in the plants. Molting blue crabs hide there while they are soft-shelled and weak. Not just underwater plants are hurt when the grass beds decrease. Grass beds help protect the shoreline from erosion by decreasing the force of the waves. They also slow the movement of the water, causing bits of dirt (sediment) to settle out, so they help keep the water clearer. Why did it happen? Some kinds of underwater plants died from natural diseases, but that could not explain the widespread decrease. At first everyone thought the herbicides which farmers were using in increasing amounts were to blame. Scientists do not think this is the problem. In several cases new kinds of plants were introduced by humans. These new plants crowded out the natural plants. Today scientists think the main problem with most grasses is that the water in the Bay is so muddy from erosion and so full of phytoplankton that the underwater plants which grow rooted to the bottom are not getting enough light. Sediment control and a decrease in nutrients may help the grass beds recover. People are also experimenting with replanting some grasses. The Problem is People Years ago a cartoon character called Pogo told us the truth about our environment and its problems. "We have met the enemy. It is us." People use things and make waste. We always have. We study ancient cities by the garbage they left behind. There were fewer than 200,000 people living on the 64,000 square miles watershed of the Bay in 1600. Now more than 13,000,000 live there. The watershed of the Chesapeake Bay is filled with people and more are being added every day. At first it was our farming practices that hurt the Bay during the colonial times. We cut forests for firewood and lumber, or just to clear the land for farming. Then we built mills and factories that blocked rivers and dumped waste in the water. We built cities with more people, sewage and trash. Along the way we learned to catch more fish and oysters than were good for the Bay. We built roads and parking lots which keep water from soaking in and increase runoff. We learned to make all sorts of new chemicals and fertilizers that hurt the Bay. Something we have not done very much of is plan our growth. The area around the Chesapeake Bay is one of the fastest growing in the country. It is a good place to live and work. But if we do not start being more careful about where and how we build homes, roads and shopping centers, it may not be a nice place in the future. We have already damaged the Bay. Will we destroy the watersheds and rivers that provide our drinking water? Land use planning is currently regulated by county governments. All too often short term gain is judged more important than long term benefits. If the Chesapeake Bay and its watershed are to survive, we may have to change the way we use the land. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Work with several other children to draw a plan for an ideal town on a river near the Bay. Some of the problems you need to solve are food and water supply, transportation, waste disposal, sewage treatment, places to work, schools, housing, recreation and shopping. At the same time, remember to take care of the river, the Bay and the watershed. Family Action 1. Find out when the planning commission for your city or county meets. Attend a meeting with a parent. Meeting the Challenge Bay area congressmen and women, particularly Senator Mathias of Maryland, convinced the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to study the Chesapeake Bay in the early 1980's. Enough was learned to encourage the governors of Maryland, Pennsylvania and Virginia and the mayor of the District of Columbia to sign an agreement to work together to save the Bay. The agreement includes a set of goals which the states are working to meet. Scientists do not have all the answers to what is wrong with the Bay. The feeling is that if we wait until we know exactly what all the problems are, we will not have anything to save. Some of those goals include a reduction of 40% in nutrients entering the Bay, a program to create forests along streams, rivers and the Bay's shores and programs to protect critical areas from development. The project to study the Bay and to clean it up is being done by many agencies of the federal government and the states, working in cooperation. The EPA provided a group for citizens' input to the program which has continued to serve as a source of Bay information. It was called the Citizens Program for the Chesapeake Bay, but has recently changed its named to the Alliance for the Chesapeake Bay. It has worked hard to help the Bay agreements come about. The Alliance also serves as an information clearinghouse and lets everyone know what to do to help the Bay. Another Chesapeake Bay organization is the Chesapeake Bay Foundation (CBF) which grew out of concern for the disappearance of Bay habitats and wildlife. Like the Alliance for the Chesapeake Bay, CBF tries to work with government, business, industry, scientists and citizens to help the Bay. In addition to research and preserving habitats, CBF runs a huge education program for middle and high school students and teachers which takes them to the Bay to study it for themselves. There are many other groups that also help the Bay, from the Izaak Walton League to Save our Streams to local school district projects like the Gunpowder Action Project of Baltimore County or the Severn River Monitoring Program in Anne Arundel County. Forests to Help the Bay We have started to clean up the water we use and send to the Bay in pipes. Sewage and industrial wastes are getting better. But what about all of the things that enter the Bay with runoff? It flows into every stream and river. When Captain John Smith described the Chesapeake Bay, the Bay was healthy and the watershed was covered with forests. We cannot return to that time, but we can do something about the forests. Biologists have discovered that even narrow strips of forests along streams, rivers and the Bay’s shore help protect the water from the effects of runoff. A strip of forest as little as 50 feet wide removes much of the sediment, phosphorus and nitrogen as the water flows through and soaks into the soil. Runoff from large areas of pavement like parking lots and roads also is helped by forests. Planting forests along stream and river banks helps many kinds of animals too. The trees shade the water and keep it cool for fish in summer. Animals like crayfish find homes among the tree roots. Leaves that fall in are food for many insects that fish eat. Keeping sediment out of the water helps fish eggs and young survive. The forest is a place for birds and other animals to live. We have destroyed wild habitats with farms, housing developments, factories, and shopping centers. Many animals can survive with us if they have a bit of wild habitat in a forest for themselves. Forests are good places for people, too. Chesapeake Challenge 1. Make a list of some of the animals that you guess might live in a forest along a stream. 2. Design an ad for a newspaper or magazine that “sells” the value of forest strips along streams. Family Action 1. Call your local agricultural extension service (listed under county government in your phone book) to find out how your family can help plant forest buffer strips. What Can Just One Kid Do? Saving the Bay is a big project. What hope does just one kid have of really helping? You might be surprised. You can change a few things that you do every day to help. You can also teach your parents and brothers and sisters things that they can do. You can get your Boy or Girl Scout troop, church youth group, or 4-H club involved in projects to help the Bay. Things to do by yourself: 1. Use less water. Turn the water off while you brush your teeth, take short showers or shallow baths. 2. Never litter, always throw trash in a trash can. Trash on streets and roads gets washed into streams, rivers and the Bay. 3. Protect the watershed. Do not use things that make a lot of trash that has to go in landfills. Pick fast food restaurants that use paper rather than plastic and styrofoam. Things to do with your family: 1. Save water. Do not run the washing machine or dishwasher unless it’s full. Do not leave the water running while washing dishes. Do not overwater the lawn or leave the hose running while washing the car. 2. Reduce the kinds and amounts of household chemicals you use. Most people use more than needed. Read the labels. If something hurts people, it will not be good for the Bay. 3. Dispose of oil from the car by taking it to a recycling station at a gas station. Never dump chemicals in your home drains or storm drains. 4. If you have a yard, prevent erosion and encourage water to soak in by planting plants and letting the grass grow longer. Sidewalks and driveways made of things like brick or gravel let the rain soak in, not run off. 5. Recycle trash, especially things that will not decay in a landfill. Ask for paper bags rather than plastic at the grocery store. Newspaper, glass and aluminum cans may be recycled. Use a compost bin to recycle leaves and grass clippings rather than send them to the landfill. 6. Vote for politicians and laws that are good for the Bay. 7. If you live on a farm, contact your soil and water conservation district about a conservation audit. They can help make your farm a better place for the Bay. Parent/Teacher Information Instructional Strategies, Answers and Information This booklet is written for either home or classroom use as a children’s reader with content and thinking skills questions for each topic. It is appropriate for a range of age levels from upper elementary to middle school, depending on the reading level of the children using it. It is written so that each page stands alone as a content-based lesson on some aspect of the Chesapeake Bay and its watershed. The topics are arranged in what the author feels is a logical sequence, but teachers and parents are free to rearrange them. Living in Water, a classroom-based, hands-on approach, aquatic science curriculum, is a companion to this booklet for use in classroom science instruction. Contact the Department of Education and Interpretation, National Aquarium in Baltimore to order a copy. Suggestions for its use with this curriculum are given below. Research proves that children benefit from working together in groups. If possible, have children work on some of the Chesapeake Challenges together in groups of two to five. Children also learn better if concepts are reinforced with discussion in which they play a major role, not as listener, but as contributor. Remember to give them plenty of “wait time” to think of answers rather than demanding instant responses. Follow-up discussion questions are suggested below along with answers to the Chesapeake Challenges. The End of the Last Ice Age (page 4) 1. Check colored map on page 5. 2. 8,000 years ago homes were farther from the Bay as it was just beginning to fill. Discussion: If you have a map of the United States showing depths offshore, ask the children to compare the shape of the USA when sea level was 100 m lower with the shape and size today. Note that the continental shelf is very narrow on the west coast, so it would not have been as different as the east and gulf coasts. Living in Water: What was the climate like on land when compared to that in the ocean during the Ice Ages? Do Activity 10 to discover that living in the ocean reduces extremes of temperature. Climate Change in the Future (page 6) 1. 60 times 2.5 cm = 150 cm or 60 in or 5 ft Discussion: How many children have been to the beach in the summer? What will happen to the beach? The waves will wash over the barrier islands that form the beaches for most of the eastern USA. Other beaches may form farther inland but places like Ocean City and Virginia Beach will be lost. The Land Changed as the Bay Formed (page 7) 1. Plants and animals become extinct because of rapid changes in climate or habitat. Plants and animals may also be hunted or killed to the point of extinction by people. 2. The climate changes due to the greenhouse effect may be so rapid that the plants cannot migrate fast enough and will die out. Discussion: Can the students think of any other things that could cause extinction? One is the introduction of new species which crowd out the natural ones. Another is habitat destruction by humans. The First Americans: Changing Ways of Life (page 8) 1. Water supply, animals to hunt such as fish and deer, plants to forage for such as nuts and berries, a level site protected from the weather and enemies, materials for housing, wood for cooking, access to water and trails for travel and trade, raw materials for weapons and handicrafts such as baskets and pots, and good soil for crops are some things you would need. 2. Play games with other children, sing songs, make up poems in your head, decorate objects with pretty designs, watch wildlife, go swimming, etc. Discussion: Are these things still important today? What else might be added today? The Chesapeake Bay as Seen by the Europeans (page 9) 1. He names fish, crabs, and oysters. 2. He thought they did all the hard work. Women in colonial America also worked hard, but men helped with agriculture and other tasks. Today women have the opportunity to do “men’s work,” but still have to fight the stereotyping of women’s roles. Evidence is likely to be personal and vary with the child. 3. For once spelling is more flexible. Look for imagination. Share particularly good ones with the class. Discussion: Do you think Captain Smith liked what he saw of the Chesapeake Bay and its inhabitants? Yes. Let the children give their evidence from the readings. Consider that he was writing to encourage more people to move to Virginia. Native Americans of the Chesapeake Bay Region (page 10) 1. Indian names are too numerous to list. For example, most of the major rivers bear Native American names. 2. Answers vary. 3. Use sticks in modeling clay with clear plastic wrap for the surface of the water. Include modeling clay fish. Discussion: Were the Indians clever in their ways of catching animals from the Bay for food? Yes. Give evidence from the reading. Native Americans and their Environment (page 11) 1. Have children read some of the stories in class. 2. Many of the uses are the same, but there were many fewer Indians than there are people today so they did much less damage. Also, we have new technology like plastic nets which allow us to catch nearly every fish. Discussion: Why did the Native Americans put up with the new arrivals from Europe? The reading does not discuss the fact that the Indians did not feel they owned the land and so were willing to share at first. Their numbers declined rapidly because they did not have weapons as effective as the Europeans and because they died from diseases the Europeans brought. The Chesapeake Bay and its Watershed (page 13) 1. Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, Virginia, Delaware, and West Virginia. 2. Check map on pages 30 and 31. 3. Western shore. More watershed for runoff. Discussion: If a watershed is a natural unit, why are the state lines in such unnatural places? Because the colonies were divided up in Europe and because rivers formed boundaries, leaving two states sharing a river to fight over. The Chesapeake Bay Watershed (page 14) 1. Water runs in realistic patterns. 2. Water collects in smallest crinkles first and then in ever larger ones, just as water on land runs into streams which form rivers which run into the Bay. 3. Nutrients end up in the Bay. Discussion: Give evidence from the demonstration that a watershed is important to rivers and the Bay. The water from one becomes the other. Living in Water: Activity 1 experiments with things that dissolve in water. The Chesapeake Bay's Salt Water (page 15) 1. The Bay's salinity is lowest when rainfall is highest. Usually this occurs in the late spring although a hurricane in late summer or fall may also lower the salinity. 2. Check the map on pages 30 and 31. 3. Water at bottom of Bay at its mouth; water at surface of the Bay at its mouth; water at surface at mid-Bay; water at surface at the Susquehanna River. Discussion: Have any of the children ever seen the mouth of the Bay where the salt water enters the Bay? If they have been across the Chesapeake Bay Bridge and Tunnel in Virginia, they have. Living in Water: Activities 3, 4, and 5 detail the relationship of salt to fresh water in an estuary. Activity 6 is a contest that tests for understanding of the concepts. What is Special about an Estuary? (page 16) 1. The mouths of most rivers where they flow into the sea form estuaries as well as the areas behind barrier islands along the coast. A few examples would be San Francisco and San Diego Bays in CA, the mouth of the Mississippi River in LA and TX, Pamlico Sound in NC, the Hudson River in NJ and NY and the St Lawrence River. Discussion: How many of the places the children mentioned are large ports with big cities? Can they predict whether this is good for the estuary? No. They will probably cite pollution. Living in Water: Activity 8 demonstrates what happens when plant nutrients are added to water. Tides in the Chesapeake Bay (page 17) 1. Answers depend on location. Discussion: Has anyone ever visited the ocean and observed the action of tides there? Look for statements about water moving up and down the beach. Chesapeake Habitats (page 18) 1. Oyster beds, grass beds. 2. Sandy beach, marshes. Discussion: Have the students ever visited one of these habitats in the Chesapeake Bay? Have them describe it. Living in Water: Activity 2 reinforces the concept of habitats and introduces the students to some aquatic habitats not associated with the Bay. Classifying Habitats of the Chesapeake Bay (page 19) 1. Check answers: 1. rocky shore 2. shallow water 3. seagrass beds 4. tidal freshwater marsh 5. mud flat 6. oyster bar 7. open water 8. sandy beach 9. weed beds 10. salt marsh 11. forest 2. 3. and 4. vary. Chesapeake Bay Food Chains (page 23) 1. a. algae on mud, snail, diamondback terrapin b. phytoplankton, zooplankton, small fish, large fish, large bird (osprey) 2. bottom: underwater plants and phytoplankton middle: zooplankton, small fish top: fish-eating birds, larger fish Discussion: Ask the children to compare a Bay food chain with one on land such as an open field where there is grass, rabbits and hawks. In each identify the producer of food (plants), the animals that eat plants (herbivores) and the animals that eat other animals (carnivores). Living in Water: Study aquatic food chains in Activities 28, 29 and 30. Zooplankton in the Chesapeake Bay (page 24) 1. The copepods are all about 1mm. The water flea is 0.4mm. 2. Podon, Eurytemora, Acartia, Scottolana. 3. Look for understanding of the concept of drifting with currents or tides in each paragraph. 4. Zooplankton can be collected in a plankton net made with a pair of panty hose and a hanger or with a proper net. See biological supply catalogs. Live zooplankton can be projected with a 35 mm slide projector, using deep well projection slides from Carolina Biological Supply. See Carolina Tips, July, 1988, for details. Living in Water: Learn about the characteristics of fresh and salt water as they relate to zooplankton and phytoplankton positions in the water in Activities 19 and 20. Activity 23 studies small animals that are not zooplankton, but are also prey for fish. Blue Crabs in the Chesapeake Bay (page 25) 1. From the Patapsco it is roughly 425 km or 280 miles round trip. From the Rappahannock it is roughly 150 km or 100 miles. Discussion: Why do the females swim all that way? Two possible answers might be that the larvae require the salinity found at the mouth of the Bay and that the food they need is there. Oysters (page 27) 1. The plan requires correct salinity, a hard place to attach where they will not be buried in mud, the correct algae in the water and time to grow undisturbed. Freedom from disease and predators would be nice. 2. 1880: about 15 million bushels; 1920: about 5 million; 1980: about 3 million. 3. With oysters gone, other things that feed on phytoplankton benefit such as clams and the fish called menhaden. Discussion: Why did the fishermen take too many oysters? Greed and ignorance might be two answers. Atlantic Menhaden (page 28) 1. Oysters. 2. Check map to make sure the fish come in from the ocean and go into almost fresh water before leaving again. Discussion: Currently, there are plenty of menhaden in the Bay. Should there be any limit on how many are caught? We might want to learn from past mistakes with other species and regulate the fishery before it is in trouble. Also, menhaden are important food for other fish which we want to catch like bluefish and striped bass. Living in Water: Do Activity 21 on fish anatomy. Striped Bass (page 29) 1. About 1100 km or 750 miles; estimates vary. 2. at least 11 states (North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Maine) and 2 provinces (New Brunswick and Nova Scotia) 3. pH as low as 3 has been measured in Maryland rain. 4. Acid rain is a result of combustion of fossil fuels (some kinds of coal and oil) rich in sulfur. Electric generating plants and steel mills produce air pollution that causes acid rain. Internal combustion engines such as those in cars and trucks that reach high temperatures also make air pollution that becomes acid rain. Acid rain can be reduced by reducing sulfur and nitrogen compounds in air pollution. Burning low sulfur fuel helps. Washing the fumes that go up smoke stacks helps. Public transportation that reduces use of cars can help. 5. Check map to make sure that striped bass go into low salinity water and return to the ocean. Discussion: Much of the acid rain that falls in Maryland is the result of air pollution in the mid-western states. At what level would regulations have to be made to correct this problem? The federal government. Our acid rain kills trees and fish in Canada too, so international policies are also involved. Living in Water: Activity 16 is a game that models the life of herring which, like striped bass, are fish that go out into the ocean to feed, but go up rivers to spawn. Students will learn about the causes of death during this reproductive cycle, including those caused by humans. Living in Water: Visit the National Aquarium in Baltimore to see striped bass in the Migrating exhibit and do Activity 24 which studies the way fish swim. European Settlement of the Chesapeake Bay (page 33) 1. Check map locations. 2. Both are on peninsulas of land in the southeastern corner of the state. The capitals were moved to more centrally located places later to improve access for citizens and legislators. Discussion: What conditions would cause people to risk going to a new place across the ocean? Some came looking for wealth: gold, silver, gems and furs. Some came to escape religious persecution. Some came because they were very poor and seeking a better life. Some were criminals who were exported from England under force. Some were relatively well-to-do, but second or third sons who could not inherit the family land in England. Here they could become land owners as their older brothers were in England. A few were true explorers or scientists who wanted to discover new places, plants, animals and people. Growing Tobacco (page 34) 1. Check the graph. 2. Rolling Road is a common name in many communities along the Bay shores and lower rivers. In Baltimore, Rolling Road runs north and south along the western edge of town. Discussion: Today tobacco is under attack for reasons not associated with erosion. Why? Smoking is a serious health risk. The Force of Moving Water (page 35) 1. The "sail" in bare dirt becomes splattered with mud. This soil would wash away in a storm. Grass protects the soil from erosion. 2. A "hard" rain causes more erosion than a "gentle" rain. The steeper the slope, the greater the amount of erosion. 3. Rocks and gravel settle to the bottom promptly while tiny dirt particles remain in the water much longer. This sediment helps make the Bay look dirty. Discussion: If you were a farmer, how would you plan your fields to reduce the loss of your valuable soil? Avoid farming slopes. Keep plant cover as much as possible. Make furrows go across the slopes to stop runoff. Living in Water: Start Activity 8. This activity should be completed with pages 48 and 49 of this booklet. Using Water Power (page 36) 1. Check map and list. 2. The secret to the design of a good waterwheel is to have a heavy wheel that has a lot of inertia of movement once it gets going, much as does the flywheel of a motor or a spinning wheel. 3. Check map and list. 4. A good model fish ladder has many small jumps with places to rest in quiet water occasionally and takes a looping path around a dam or other obstruction to a river. Discussion: Are the students aware of any controversial dam projects? Why might people oppose the construction of new dams? People who raft, canoe or kayak want wild rivers. Biologists worry about fish that need to swim upstream. Farmers do not like having their farms taken away and flooded. Foresters may oppose flooding forests along rivers. Dams may destroy habitats of endangered species. Living in Water: Do Activity 22 to study the effect of depth on the force of water pressure. Travel and Trade in Early Times (page 37) 1. Check map for fall line. Fredericksburg, VA, Baltimore, MD and Havre de Grace, MD. 2. Check map. Discussion: Could the students live where they do if travel by boat were the only means of transportation other than walking or riding a horse along narrow paths? Some will say yes, but most will not. Discuss other means of transportation and how they might have influenced settlement: roads, horsedrawn wagons, railroads, trolleys, bicycles, buses and cars. Living in Water: Activity 19 examines what makes things float or sink, very important traits in boats. Working Boats and Ships of the Chesapeake Bay (page 38) 1. Answers on reverse side of cards. Discussion: Boats and ships are technological applications of an understanding of water, wind and power. What evidence in the cards did the students find for changes in technology with time? Increased size, better streamlining, new materials, better sail design, use of steam and combustion engines for power. Fishing the Bay (page 42) 1. The answers change with time as the laws may change each year. For example, when this was written, Maryland had a moratorium on fishing for striped bass and Virginia did not. Oysters come from leased beds in Virginia while the oyster beds in Maryland are common property. Virginia allows the taking of female crabs carrying eggs; Maryland does not. Discussion: Does it make sense for two states which share a common resource to manage it in such different ways? Probably not, but many of the management laws are based on politics, not biology. Habitats in the Chesapeake Bay Watershed Today (page 44) 1. Answers on backs of cards. 2. Answers on backs of cards. Discussion: Which habitat do your children live in? Would they prefer to live in another? Why? Muddy Water (page 48) 1. The water gets very dark with "sediment". This models non-point source pollution which enters the water with runoff and is very hard to control because it is hard to figure out where it came from. Pesticides and fertilizer are examples of non-point source pollution. Discussion: Have your children seen examples of muddy water? Have them discuss where and when. Had it rained recently? Living in Water: Complete Activity 8 with this lesson. Too Many Nutrients (page 49) 1. Nutrients come from: sewage from cities or towns, septic tanks in rural areas, sewage from boats or ships that is not disposed of properly; manure from farms; and fertilizer from lawns in cities, towns or rural areas and from farms. Industries may contribute a bit as do forests. 2. Forests absorb nutrients but also release some. Discussion: Have the children identify ways they contribute to the Bay's nutrient load. Sewage is the main way, but there are others based on where they live. Living in Water: Activity 8 and 9 relate directly to this topic. Toxic Materials in the Bay (page 50) 1. Every habitat except forests. Farms with animals may use fewer toxic chemicals. 2. This models the pollution that comes from a factory or sewage plant which has a specific source and is called point source pollution. It ends up in the Bay. Too Many Phytoplankton and No Oxygen (page 51) 1. Low oxygen is most likely to occur in deep water where there is salty water on the bottom and fresh water on top. This layering is called a stratified system. Discussion: Have the children ever seen a pond covered in algae? It forms green mats. Living in Water: Activities 1, 3, 4, 5 and 15 relate to the formation of layered or stratified conditions in bodies of water. Activities 11, 12, 13 and 14 study the use of oxygen by plants and animals as well as the relationship of oxygen in water to temperature. Lost Underwater Grass Beds (page 52) 1. Answers vary. Look for predators and escape among grasses. Discussion: Have the students work together to list all the kinds of animals that benefit from underwater grass beds, also called submerged aquatic vegetation. Living in Water: Activity 27 proves that light is important to underwater plants. The Problem is People (page 53) 1. Have students compare and critique designs. Discussion: The states of Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania and the District of Columbia along with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency released a report in December, 1988, from a committee called Year 2020 Panel. It predicted a population growth of 20% by the year 2020. The report called for limits and regulated development. Who might oppose this? People who make money from development. Living in Water: Activity 28 and 29 examine population growth and controls in natural populations. Compare them with human populations. Meeting the Challenge (page 54) 1. Check the letters for spelling and content. Discussion: Compare the answers students got from different organizations. Did they all agree? Forests to Help the Bay (page 55) 1. Many kinds of birds from tiny wrens and nuthatches to hawks and owls, deer, raccoons, opossums, foxes, squirrels, chipmunks, rabbits, snakes, lizards, insects and others. Many animals like rabbits and deer hide in cover during the day and feed at dawn and dusk or at night. 2. Check work and share with other children. Discussion: Where are the nearest forests? Are they just in outlying areas? No. They are also in parks, along roads and freeways, around the airports and factories, along rivers running through towns and other places. What Can Just One Kid Do? (page 56) 1. Answers vary. Encourage ideas about career options that contribute to the Bay, from politicians to wildlife biologists to teachers. Discussion: Have each child write a pledge on a card that the child promises to undertake to help the Bay. They do not have to be signed. Post them for others to see. These are just a few of the many organizations working to help the Chesapeake Bay. United States government - Soil Conservation Service - Chesapeake Bay Liaison Office - 410 Severn Avenue - Annapolis, MD 21403 - Estuarine Programs Office - Department of Commerce - F/EPO - Universal Building - 1825 Connecticut Ave. NW - Washington, DC 20235 - National Marine Fisheries Service - 1825 Connecticut Ave., NW - Washington, DC 20235 - U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service - 180 Admiral Cochrane Drive, Suite 535 - Annapolis, MD 21401 - U.S. Environmental Protection Agency - Chesapeake Bay Liaison Office - 410 Severn Ave. - Annapolis, MD 21403 Citizen Organizations - Chesapeake Bay Foundation - 162 Prince George Street - Annapolis, MD 21401 - Alliance for the Chesapeake Bay - 6600 York Rd. - Baltimore, MD 21212 - Save Our Streams - 263 Scotts Manor Dr. - Glen Burnie, MD 21061 - Council on the Environment - 903 Ninth Street Office Building - Richmond, VA 23219 Maryland government - Governor's Chesapeake Bay Coordinator - State House - Annapolis, MD 21401 - Department of the Environment - 2500 Broening Highway - Baltimore, MD 21224 Virginia government - Department of Forestry - P.O. Box 3758 - Charlottesville, VA 22903 - Department of Health - 109 Governor Street - Richmond, VA 23219 - Department of Natural Resources - 9th Street Office Building - Richmond, VA 23212 - Commission of Game and Inland Fisheries - P. O. Box 11104 - Richmond, VA 23230 - Virginia Marine Resources Commission - P.O. Box 756 - Newport News, VA 23607 Pennsylvania government - Pennsylvania Department of Agriculture - 2301 N. Cameron Street - Harrisburg, PA 17110 - Office of Environmental Education - Pennsylvania Department of Education - 333 Market Street - Harrisburg, PA 17126 - Pennsylvania Department of Environmental Resources - P. O. Box 2063 - Harrisburg, PA 17120 - Pennsylvania Fish Commission - P. O. 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Teton Middle School Science Fair March 3, 2016 Science is learning about the world around us. Science answers questions like how things work and why. Your science fair project should answer a question that can be tested through an experiment. This worksheet will help you through the process. My project title is: Make Observations Draw on your previous observations to come up with a question. Example: Will fertilizer "X" or "Y" cause tomato plants to grow taller? The question I would like to answer is: As you prepare to form a hypothesis about how to answer your question there are some helpful definitions you will need to know. The cause is something that can be changed, for example fertilizer “X” or “Y”. This is called the Independent Variable. What is your Independent Variable? The effect is the result of the cause, for example the growth of the tomato plant. This is called the Dependent Variable. What is your Dependent Variable? Make more observations and gather information. What experiments can you find that are similar to the experiment you are proposing? Use at least two other sources in your research or background information. What results did others obtain? Form a Hypothesis Use this information to form a hypothesis. Write your hypothesis as an “If/Then” statement. If tomatoes receive fertilizer “X” then they will grow taller. My hypothesis is__________________________________________________________ Test the Hypothesis Write the procedure for your experiment. A procedure is like a recipe. You need to include times, amounts, sizes, order of each step, etc. Include a list of materials needed. As you plan out your experiment make sure you include a control group. A control group is a group that does not include the Independent Variable. This part is easy, for example grow one tomato without any fertilizer. List of Materials: Procedures: Analyze Results Tell us what you have learned from your experiment. Include a detailed description and show results in at least one of the following ways: Data tables, Charts, Graphs, Bar graphs, Line graphs or Pie charts. Draw Conclusions Do your conclusions support your hypothesis? Tell exactly what happened in your experiment. What did you learn? What would you do different? Communicate Results Your report will be handing in this worksheet. Attach work, charts or anything that won’t fit into the spaces above. Another part of your report will be your display for the Science Fair. Be neat and thorough. Make your presentation as professional as possible. Good luck and have fun with science!	<urn:uuid:ca20d7f9-b992-44a8-aed6-43b02367980c>	CC-MAIN-2018-47	http://tmsgrade8.weebly.com/uploads/1/4/9/5/14952564/science_fair.pdf	2018-11-18T06:01:04Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039743968.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20181118052443-20181118074443-00556.warc.gz	347,575,709	516	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.999126	eng_Latn	0.999344	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 512, 1193, 2117, 2598 ]	[ 4.3125 ]	1	0
Season Plan for 3 to 5-Year-Olds At this age, children need understanding and skills to enable them to play a game. Tactically, this means helping them to see the need to hit and run well, and also to field the ball to try to stop their opponents from scoring. We give an overview here that can be a weekly guide. It shows tactical components along with skill components, rules and traditions, and fitness and character development concepts, which will all be described in more detail in the practice plans. Overview of the Season Plan The Season Plan on the next page provides a weekly guide and addresses tactical and skill components, and other activities fully detailed in the Practice Plans document. The Season Plan has five components: - Purpose: The purpose of the practice is your main focus. - Tactics and Skills: Tactics are knowing what to do during the game (and when to do it), and they require an understanding of the problems faced by each team during the game and how those problems can be solved. Ways to maintain possession of the ball would be tactics. Skills are the physical skills traditionally taught, such as passing or shooting the ball or controlling the ball during play. - Rules and Traditions: You will teach the rules of the sport to young children gradually, as part of playing games and learning skills. Traditions are those unwritten rules that players follow to be courteous and safe, such as raising your hand when you foul someone or playing cooperatively with the others on your team. - Fitness Concepts: Even young children can understand some simple concepts about health and fitness, such as the idea that exercise strengthens your heart, so some of these are suggested as the focus for brief discussions during practice. - Character Development Concepts: The four core values—caring, honesty, respect, and responsibility—can all be related to many situations arising while playing basketball. For example, playing cooperatively with teammates shows that you care about them. Again, we’ll suggest some specific ideas for briefly discussing character development values. \| Week \| Purpose \| Tactics and skills \| Rules and traditions \| Fitness concepts \| Character-development concepts \| \|------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| Defending space in the infield with no outs, no runners on base, and a grounder in the infield. \| Using a glove; fielding grounders; throwing accurately to first base. \| Infield positions. \| General fitness Participation in sport is good physical activity. \| Four core values The four core values are introduced. \| \| 2 \| Defending space in the infield with no outs, no runners on base and a grounder in the infield. \| Fielding grounders; batting; throwing accurately to first base; hitting and running to first base. \| Balls and strikes; infield positions. \| Cardiorespiratory fitness Your heart is a muscle. \| Responsibility to others Players should stay under control. \| \| 3 \| Defending space in the infield with no outs, no runners on base, and a grounder to the infield; getting on base. \| Hitting and running to first base; fielding grounders; and accurately throwing to first. \| Running to first outside base path; overrunning first; foul balls; number of outs; drop bat before running to first. \| Muscular strength and endurance Learn the muscles you use while participating in physical activity. \| Honesty If you break a rule, raise your hand and tell your coach. \| \| 4 \| Defending space in the infield with no outs, no runners on base, and a grounder to the infield; getting on base. \| Fielding fly balls and line drives; hitting and running to first. \| Fly balls as related to the batter and runner; number of cuts at which teams switch; stay in base path. \| Safety equipment and rules Follow the rules. \| Caring Take turns with teammates \| \| Week \| Purpose \| Tactics and skills \| Rules and traditions \| Fitness concepts \| Character-development concepts \| \|------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| 5 \| Cutting the lead runner and advancing from first to second base with no outs, a runner on first base, and a grounder to the infield. \| Covering second base on a force play; running from first base to second base. \| No overrunning second base; stay in the base path; force play vs. tag plays. \| Healthy habits Eat nutritious foods and get enough sleep. \| Caring Support teammates when they make a mistake. \| \| 6 \| Cutting the lead runner and advancing from first base to second with no outs, a runner on first, and a grounder to the infield. \| Covering second base on a force play; running from first to second base. \| No overrunning second base; stay in the base path; running and scoring. \| Flexibility Stretch muscles before any physical activity. \| Responsibility It's important that everyone work hard and learn during practice. \| \| 7 \| Cutting the lead runner; advancing from second base to third with no outs; runners on first and second, and a grounder to the infield. \| Covering third base on a force play; running from second to third base. \| Difference between force play and a tag play; can't overrun third base; when to leave second base to advance to third; drop bat before running to first. \| Muscle strength and endurance Strengthen the muscles you use in your sport. \| Respect for opponents Be thankful to opponents. \| \| 8 \| Cutting the lead runner; advancing from third base to home plate with no outs; runners on first, second, and third, and a grounder to the infield. \| Covering home plate on a force play; advancing from third base to home plate. \| Scoring runs; when player can leave base; overrun home plate; running on outside of base path to first and from third to home; umpire signals for safe and out; force play rules. \| Training and conditioning Being active outside of practice is important. \| Responsibility Listen to the coach and share team duties. \| \| 9 \| Cutting the lead runner; various situations. \| Making appropriate plays during a 6 v 6 game. \| Game play procedure. \| Muscle strength and endurance You use different muscles when you run different ways. \| Respect for opponent Shake hands with opponents at the end of a game. \| \| 10 \| Giving players a chance to experience a longer game. \| Reviewing skills and tactics. \| Game play procedure. \| Healthy habits List and discuss habits that should be part of daily routine. \| Keeping perspective on the game Learn and have fun while playing. \| Note: The plans in this Chapter are for use with the 3 to 5-year-old age group referenced in the YMCA’s “Coaching Baseball and Softball” online course. Practice Plans for 4- and 5-Year-Olds This chapter contains 10 practice plans to use with your 4- and 5-year-old YMCA Rookies baseball or softball players. Before we get to those plans, though, we’ll explain the modifications to the game that are used in Rookies play and give you a quick overview of what’s in the practice plans and how they are to be used. Game Modifications At this age Rookies play games with fewer than a full nine-player team on the field, usually five players against five (5 v 5) or six against six (6 v 6), using no outfield positions. This speeds up the game and gives all the children more opportunities to be involved in play. Have no more than 15 players on a team. Baseball or softball is inherently a slow game, but if you use the whole field, you can speed up the action at practices. Here’s how: set up two, three, or four smaller fields in a cloverleaf (see figure 6.1). Set up the fields 10 feet apart to avoid injuries on overthrows. For this age level, bases should be 40 feet apart, and the pitcher’s mound should be 40 feet from home plate. Bases should be breakaway bases that are not permanently attached to the spike or tube that anchors them to the ground. With such bases, when a player runs into the plate, it will “break away” from its anchor, rather than staying stationary and possibly injuring the player. At the Rookies level, players play T-ball rather than baseball or softball. A regulation T-ball is used with a variety of widths and lengths of bats. Foam-covered plastic bats or Wiffle-ball bats are suitable. Figure 6.1 Set up for smaller fields. T-ball has some rules that differ from baseball or softball: - Steals are not allowed, so no sliding to bases is taught at the Rookies level. Headfirst sliding, which is dangerous, is prohibited. - The ball is not pitched, but is hit off a tee. Therefore, no balls and strikes are called in T-ball. - An imaginary line called the playing line is drawn either between first and third bases or on a curve 40 feet out from home plate. No fielder may cross the playing line until the ball is hit. See chapter 9 for more on T-ball rules. For 4- and 5-year-olds, players will only play in the infield, not the outfield (see figure 6.2). When playing 4 v 4, place players at first, second, third, and shortstop. When playing 5 v 5, place players at first, second, third, shortstop, and pitcher. The player in the pitcher’s position will not pitch, but will field. He or she must stay in place until the ball is hit. The player in the catcher’s position must stand far enough behind home plate to not interfere with the batter. Try to recruit at least one other adult to assist you during practices; you’ll want the players to have a first-base and third-base coach to guide them during play. If you have more than one game going at a time, having additional adults who can serve as base coaches allows you to observe games without also coaching at a base. Encourage parents to help you—the more assistants you have, the more attention each young child can get (though you should be sure not to assign parents to work with their own children). Practice Plan Organization Each plan contains the following sections: - Purpose - Equipment - Practice Plan - Coach’s Point - Variations Purpose focuses on what you want to teach your players during that practice; it is your main “theme” for that day. Equipment notes what you’ll need on hand for that practice. We’ll address the Practice Plan section in greater depth in just a moment. Items listed in Coach’s Point are helpful reminders for you, points of emphasis for most effectively conducting the practice. And the Variations to games noted at the end of each plan provide you with modifications to keep skill practices and games fun and interesting and to help players of varying skill levels. The Practice Plan section outlines what you will do during each practice session. It consists of these elements: - Warm-Up - Fitness Circle - Game 1 - Skill Practices and Games - Team Circle and Wrap-Up You’ll begin each session with 5 to 10 minutes of warm-up activities. This segment will be followed by 5 minutes of the Fitness Circle, during which you briefly talk with players about an idea that relates to health or fitness. Then, in Game 1, you’ll work on the first two steps of the four-step process for teaching baseball or softball: that is, playing a modified game and helping players discover what they need to do. The game will be designed to focus the children’s attention on a particular aspect of the game. Start the game, but when it’s clear that the players are having trouble achieving the goal of the game, stop the game and ask questions and get answers similar to those shown in the plans. The questions and answers will help the players see what skills they need to “solve” tactical problems in the game. The third part of the four-step process is teaching the skills identified in Game 1 through the skill practices. In each skill practice you’ll use the IDEA approach, which means you do the following actions: - I Introduce the skill. - D Demonstrate the skill. - E Explain the skill. - A Attend to players practicing the skill. Chapter 8 contains descriptions of all the skills, so a page reference will be given to guide you to the appropriate description there. The introduction, demonstration, and explanation should be very brief to fit young children’s short attention spans. As the players practice, you attend to individual children, guiding them with Coaching Cues or further demonstration. After the skill practices, you will finish the four-step process by having the children play another game. This lets them use the skills they just learned, and see how those skills fit into the context of a game. The Practice Plan section concludes with a Team Circle, which focuses on character development. You take about 5 minutes to talk with your players about some aspect of the game that relates to one of the four core values—caring, honesty, respect, and responsibility. Following this, you wrap up the practice with a reminder of the next practice day and time and a preview of what will be taught in that next practice. A note about Fitness and Team Circles—these times are meant to be true discussions, not lectures where you do all the talking and the kids do all the listening. Ask the questions provided and wait for your players to respond. Don’t feed them the answers that we provide; these answers are only meant to help you guide the discussion. The children’s wording of answers doesn’t have to match what we give here. Your role is as much to ask questions and get players to respond as it is to dole out information. The plans in this chapter, combined with the information in the rest of this book, should give you everything you need to lead practices. Just remember to be patient and caring as you work on skills. Different children will progress at different rates, and it’s more important that they learn the sport in a positive way than it is that they learn quickly. ### Key to Diagrams - $\Delta$ = Cone - $\sim\sim\sim\sim$ = Rolling the ball - $---\rightarrow$ = Throwing the ball - $\rightarrow\rightarrow$ = Running - $\circ\circ\circ\circ\circ$ = Hitting the ball - R = Runner - C = Coach - B = Batter - X = Player - 1B = First-base player - 2B = Second-base player - 3B = Third-base player - SS = Shortstop - P = Pitcher - C = Catcher - LF = Left fielder - CF = Center fielder - RF = Right fielder Practice 1 Warm-Up (10 minutes) Begin each practice with five to ten minutes of warm-up activities to get players loosened up and ready to go. Players play catch with you or an assistant coach. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Following the warm-up, gather the players and briefly discuss the fitness concept for that practice. Key Idea: General fitness Gather children into a group. “Everyone jump 10 times. Our muscles help us jump. When you use your muscles a long time without getting too tired, it improves your endurance, which means you can run longer without getting tired. Now run really fast to second base and back.” Wait for them to return. “Running strengthens your heart and lungs. Now touch your toes; try to keep your fingers down there while I count to 10. Stretching makes you flexible, like a rubber band. When we play baseball [softball], our bodies run, jump, and move. It makes our bodies stronger and improves our fitness, which means we can run and play longer and faster. Having good physical fitness is important for baseball [softball] and for being healthy. Every practice we’ll talk about fitness in our Fitness Circles.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Following the Fitness circle, get the kids playing a game. Follow most games with a time of questions and answers—with YOU asking the questions and your PLAYERS providing the answers (about what the goal of the game was and what skills and tactics they needed to perform to succeed in the game). For many games, we provide diagrams or figures showing how the game is played. We also often provide “coach’s points” for you to pass along to your players during the games. Goal - Players will learn the basic positions of infielders: first, second, third, and shortstop. - Players will field grounders and throw accurately to first base. Description Group(s) of four players—for each field, set up an infield with four players (first, second, and third base players and a shortstop). Show the players each infield position (see page 35), and use cones to mark each infield position. Then you or an assistant coach should throw or roll grounders to each infield position. Each player fields the grounder and throws the ball to first. Have players rotate through the different positions counterclockwise (first, second, shortstop, third). As a motivational technique, count the number of good catches and good throws for each rotation. Challenge the children to improve from one rotation to the next. Keep a record of their accomplishments for future reference and future challenges. Coach: “What were you trying to do in that game?” Players: “We were trying to catch the ball and throw it to first base.” Coach: “Was any group able to get four good catches and four good throws in a row?” Players: “No.” Coach: “How do you think we could get better?” Players: “We could get better if we practice more.” COACH’s cues For Fielding “Get in the ready position.” “Move your feet to the ball.” “Put your glove on the ground.” “Catch and cover.” (Cover the ball with the ungloved hand.) You’ll follow Game 1 with a Skill Practice, during which you’ll introduce, demonstrate, and explain a skill or tactic, and then attend to your players as they practice it. The question-and-answer session, in which your players tell YOU what skills and tactics they needed to be successful in the game, leads directly to the Skill Practice. We often provide coaching points with the Skill Practices; pass these points along to your players. We also provide “coach’s cues”—phrases to help your players focus on the task at hand—during many Skill Practices and Games. Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to field a grounder with a glove (see pages 125–126). 2. Practice fielding a ball properly. Description Pairs—players choose partners and stand about 10 feet apart from each other. They then roll a ball back and forth between them. When the partners get 10 in a row without a miss, both take one giant step back and repeat the drill. Use the Coach’s Cues for fielding. Repeat them frequently. Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to throw a ball accurately (see pages 121-123). 2. Practice throwing a ball accurately. Description Pairs—players choose partners and stand about 15 feet apart from each other. One partner rolls the ball to the other partner five times in a row. The other partner fields the ball and throws the ball back to his or her partner. After one partner rolls the ball five times, players should switch so that the other partner rolls the ball. If both of the partners complete four of five good catches and accurate throws (within one step of the person’s catching the ball), both should take one giant step back and repeat the drill. Encourage them to focus on using good throwing form. For Throwing “Bring the ball WAY back.” “Step with the opposite foot.” “Follow through to the target.” Use the Coach’s Cues for fielding to help with this practice, too. Game 2 (10 minutes) Follow the same directions as Game 1. Team Circle (5 minutes) Conclude practice by gathering your players and discussing a character development concept. These aren’t lectures; you want your players’ active participation in these discussions. Following the discussions, wrap up the practice with a few comments. Key Idea: Four core values Gather children into a circle. “This season we’ll talk about four qualities of a good person and teammate. Number one is caring. Can you tell me ways you show caring to others? Helping someone up when they fall? Good! Number two is honesty. What ways do you show honesty? How about if you tell someone if you played with their game or toy? That’s honesty. Number three is respect. Do you know what respect is? One thing that shows respect is listening to adults when they speak to you, like you’re doing now. Number four is responsibility. One way to show you’re responsible is to pick up after yourself. Don’t wait for others to pick up for you.” Ask them to share ways they show the four values in other areas of their lives. “Good teammates show these values to each other. We’ll talk more about these four values during the season.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the youngsters of the next practice’s day and time, and give them a sneak preview of that practice—fielding grounders, throwing to first base, and hitting a ball off a tee. Variations - Games may be played 5 v 5 or 6 v 6, depending on the number of players. - If several players are having difficulty, design a special drill with multiple trials. The drill should last no longer than 10 minutes; then move on to another game or drill or return to the game or drill that they were playing previously. The player on first base will need some help covering the base on the throw. Be sure to put one of your more proficient players on first base initially, but give all players a chance to play first base eventually. Frequently question the players about the proper infield positions. For example, you might say, “Jeffrey, go show us where the first-base player stands.” “Kalia, what position are you playing?” “Raymond, tell me what position Theresa is playing.” If you have a player who is having difficulty, send him or her off with an assistant coach for some one-on-one attention for 5 to 10 minutes. PURPOSE To defend space by an infield position, focusing on the situation in which there are no outs, no runners on base, and a grounder to the infield. The objective is for the players to learn the infield positions (first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher), to hit and run to first base, and to field grounders and make an accurate throw to first base. They also should demonstrate proper batting technique when hitting a ball off a tee. Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - Four batting tees - Five balls at each tee Warm-Up (10 minutes) Players play catch with you or an assistant coach. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Cardiorespiratory fitness Children gather into a group. “Everyone hold one hand up and make a fist. Squeeze your fist tightly, then let go. Keep tightening and letting go.” Children continue for 10 counts. “Your heart is a special muscle that tightens and relaxes just like your fist is doing. Your heart is about the size of your fist. Let’s put our fists over our chests. Every time it tightens, or beats, your heart pumps blood all over your body. When you run during baseball [softball], your heart beats faster. The beat slows down when you slow down. Let’s run with high knees for 15 counts while we count together. Stop and feel your heart beat by putting your hand over your chest.” Model for players. “Running strengthens your heart and lungs and improves your fitness.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will learn the basic positions of infielders: first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher. Players will field grounders and throw accurately to first base. Description Group of six—for each field, set up an infield with six players (first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher). You or an assistant coach should throw or roll grounders to each infield position. Each player fields the grounder and throws the ball to first. Count the number of good catches and good throws. Coach: “What were you trying to do in that game?” Players: “We were trying to catch the ball and throw it to first base.” Coach: “Was any group able to get four good catches and four good throws in a row?” Players: “No.” Coach: “How do you think we could get better?” Players: “We could get better if we practice more.” Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) Description Pairs—players choose partners and stand about 10 feet apart from each other. They then roll a ball back and forth. When the partners get 10 in a row without a miss, both should take one giant step back and repeat the drill. Then partners stand about 15 feet apart from each other. One partner rolls the ball to the other; the other fields the ball and throws it back to his or her partner. After one partner rolls the ball five times, the players should switch so the other partner gets to roll the ball. If both of the partners complete four of five good catches and accurate throws (within one step of the person’s catching the ball), both should take one giant step back and repeat the drill. For Fielding “Get in the ready position.” “Move your feet to the ball.” “Put your glove on the ground.” “Catch and cover.” (Cover the ball with the ungloved hand.) For Throwing “Bring the ball WAY back.” “Step with the opposite foot” “Follow through to the target.” Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to use proper technique when striking a ball off a tee with a bat (see “Hitting,” pages 128-130). 2. Practice striking a ball off a tee with a bat. Description Set up three or four batting stations. Position them within five feet of a fence, with two players at each tee. With you or an assistant coach present, one player in each pair works on striking the ball off the tee, hitting it against the fence. The partner places the ball on the tee for the batter, then stands way back. (You or the assistant coach should Repetition is necessary for young players. For example, when you teach hitting, let each player practice for about 5 to 10 minutes, then work on fielding for 7 to 10 minutes. Set up four stations (two batting stations and two fielding stations), and rotate players every 5 to 7 (or 10) minutes. put a glove on the ground 10 to 15 feet behind the tee and have the partners stand behind the glove.) Each player should hit five times in a row, then switch places with his or her partner. Continue for five minutes, then repeat. Discuss rules related to balls and strikes (see pages 137-138). COACH’S CUES “Get in the ready position.” “Watch the ball on the batting tee.” “Step and swing fast.” Game 2 (10 minutes) Goal Players will learn the basic positions of infielders: first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher. Players will hit and run to first before the throw gets to the first-base player. Description 6 v 6—players hit off a tee and run to first base. A point is scored if they are safe at first. They can continue running bases, but the play will only be at first base. The runner can score a run if she or he crosses home plate. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Responsibility Gather children into a group. “I want us all to pretend we’re eggs. Eggs have shells that can break. What would happen if we bumped into each other as eggs? Right. We would crack and break. Let’s move around the field being eggs. Don’t bump each other or we’ll break!” Continue for about one minute. “We were all careful not to bump each other so our ‘shells’ wouldn’t break! That was great! You were in charge of or ‘responsible’ for your moving. When we’re careful of each other, we’re responsible for our space and other players’ space. This shows responsibility during practice and games.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind them of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—hitting and running to first base, plus fielding grounders and throwing to first base. Variations - Games may be played 5 v 5 or 6 v 6, depending on the number of players on the team. - During the final game, players can hit and not run. This makes the game less complex. - Try this variation with advanced players: have four players form a square, with a person at each corner. The first player rolls the ball to the player to his or her left. That player catches the grounder and throws the ball to the next player, who then rolls the ball to the next player, and so on. After the ball goes around the square five times, the players change roles so that the players who rolled the ball throw, and vice versa. Continue for 7 to 10 minutes. COACH’S point - Explain the rules as the game is played, but be quick, brief, and to the point. Don’t be afraid to repeat something or to question players to see if they understand the rules or a particular situation. - Frequently refer to the situation. For example, say to them, “There are no outs and no runners on base. Where should you throw the ball?” Practice 3 Warm-Up (5 minutes) Players play catch with you or an assistant coach. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Muscular strength and endurance Gather children into a circle. “Everyone find your own space so that you don’t bump your neighbor. You’re going to run in your own spot for 30 seconds, then stop. Ready, go!” Time children and verbally let them know the time remaining; stop them at the end of the time. “What part of the body did we just use the most when we ran?” Encourage their responses. “When we play baseball [softball] which parts of the body do we use the most?” Wait for their responses. “Muscles in our body help us move our arms and legs. Playing baseball [softball] will help our arm and leg muscles get stronger and grow bigger.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will hit and run to first before the throw gets to the first-base player. Players will field and throw the ball to first base before the runner gets there. Players will review the basic positions of infielders: first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher. Description 4 v 4 (you can add more players if needed, but use no more than 6 v 6)—the batter hits the ball off a tee and runs to first base; if safe, he or she scores a point. The runner can continue running bases and can score a run if she or he crosses home plate. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to first base before the runner gets there (a play will only be attempted at first base). The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it to the score of Game 2. Discuss rules related to foul balls and outs (see pages 137-138). Coach: “What was the goal of that game if you were batting?” Players: “The goal was to hit and run to first before the throw.” Coach: “Why is it important to get to first base quickly?” Players: “You run quickly so you can go to the next base and score runs.” Coach: “So, the more times we get on first, the more times we’ll get to …?” Players: “Score runs!” Skill Practice 1 (5 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With you or an assistant coach, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to hit and run quickly to first base (see pages 130-131). Focus on the first step after the swing. Tell the children to run slightly outside the base line; this will help keep them from being hit by the throw to first and still usually allow them to approach the base without running into the infielder at first base. Also tell them to run (or overrun) all the way through first base and not to leap. 2. Have the players practice their hitting and running to first base quickly. Description Individual—players do a mock swing and run to first base, three or four times each. Discuss the rules related to running to first base, such as running too far outside the line (see page 138). For Hitting and Running to First Base “Get in the ready position.” “Watch the ball on the batting tee.” “Step and swing fast.” “Step and drive to first base.” Skill Practice 3 (10 minutes) Description 4 v 4—each member of the batting team hits and runs to first, three times (see the figure on page 46). The fielding team fields the ball and throws to first base. Teams rotate after each player on the batting team hits and runs three times. Discuss rules related to outs and foul balls as each situation arises (see pages 137-138). For Fielding “Get in the ready position.” “Move your feet to the ball.” “Put your glove on the ground.” “Catch and cover.” (Cover the ball with the ungloved hand.) For Throwing “Bring the ball WAY back.” “Step with the opposite foot.” “Follow through to the target.” Also use the Coach’s Cues for hitting and running to first base. Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the score of Game 2 with the score of Game 1. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Honesty Gather children into a group near two bases about 10 feet apart. “Can you step out of the base paths when you are running the bases? What if it’s an accident and nobody saw you? Those of you who think it’s OK to step out of the base paths, stand by this base. Those who think it’s not OK, stand by this one.” Wait for children to choose. Then ask them why they chose the base they did. “Stepping out of the base paths, even if it’s an accident, is against the rules. What should you do if it happens? Those of you who think you should just keep playing, stay at this base; those of you who think you should tell the coach, go stand by that base.” Wait for everyone to finish choosing. “It’s important to be honest. If you step out of the base paths while you’re base running, even if nobody sees it, tell me.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—fielding fly balls and line drives and hitting and running to first base. Variations - Games may be played 5 v 5 or 6 v 6, depending on the number of players and the number of assistant coaches. - Encourage better players to “charge the ball,” which means to run toward the ball and catch it as soon as possible. Coach’s point - Continue to use “cues” to help players remember key points of skill performance. - Throwing the bat may be a problem for some players. Put a carpet square behind the batter’s box and tell players to drop the bat on the carpet square as they follow through, then run to first base (see figure to the left). PURPOSE To defend space near infield positions and to get on base, focusing on the situation in which there are no outs, no runners on base, and a grounder to the infield. The objective is for players to be able to field fly balls and line drives, and to hit and run to first base. They also will review the infield positions (first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher). Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - Four batting tees - Five balls at each tee Warm-Up (5 minutes) 1. Players play catch with a partner. 2. Players jog around the bases once. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Safety and rules Gather children into a circle. “What are the easiest ways to get hurt while playing baseball [softball]?” Wait for answers (getting hit with the ball or bat, hurting your leg when sliding, slipping and falling when chasing a ball). “What’s the best way to keep from getting hurt? How do we prevent these accidents from happening?” Point out that while no sport is injury free, their risks of being hurt are much reduced when they follow the rules, use proper equipment, and care about each other. Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal The players will hit and run to first, getting there before the fielder’s throw gets to the first-base player. The players will field and throw the ball, getting it to first base before the runner reaches there. The players will review the basic positions of infielders: first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher. Description 4 v 4 (you can add more players, but only up to 6 v 6)—the batter hits and runs to first base; if safe, he or she scores a point (see the figure on page 46). The runner can continue running bases and can score a run if she or he crosses home plate. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to first base before the runner gets there. The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it to the score of the final game. Introduce rules about a fly ball for batters and runners on base (see page 138). Coach: “What was the goal of that game, if you were playing the infield?” Players: “The goal was to catch the ball and throw to first, ahead of the runner.” Coach: “What should you do if the ball is hit in the air?” Players: “You should catch it.” Coach: “Show me how you use your glove to catch a ball in the air.” Players: [They should show you the fingers of their gloves pointing up.] Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to field a fly ball or line drive and how to make an accurate throw (see pages 127 and 121–123). 2. Practice fielding a fly ball or line drive and making an accurate throw. Description Three or four players per coach—you or an assistant coach should throw fly balls or line drives to players, who are in positions in the infield. The players field the ball, then throw it in (to the player standing next to the coach). Encourage players to “call” the ball. Discuss terminology, such as fly ball, line drive, and grounder (see pages 116–117). Discuss the rule(s) about fly balls, and also how many outs a team gets before they switch with the team in the field (see page 138). For Fielding Fly Balls “Get in the ready position.” “Move your feet to the ball.” “Watch it come in.” “Catch the ball in front of your forehead. Use two hands, extend your arms.” For Fielding Line Drives “Ball above the waist; fingers point up.” “Ball below the waist; fingers point down.” For Throwing “Bring the ball WAY back.” “Step with the opposite foot.” “Follow through to the target.” Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) Description 5 v 5—the fielding team has five infielders (first, second, third, shortstop, and pitcher). Have the batting team hit the ball from a tee and run to first base. If the ball is caught, the runner is out. If the ball is not caught, the runner is safe and can stay on first, then advancing to the next base on the next hit. When this situation occurs, review rules related to a fly ball when batting or running bases (page 138) and to staying in the base paths when a tag play could occur (page 138). For Hitting and Running “Get in the ready position.” “Watch the ball on the batting tee.” “Step and swing fast.” “Step and drive to first base.” Also use Coach’s Cues for fielding and throwing. Skill Practice 3 (5 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With your or an assistant coach’s help, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the score of the second game with the score of the first game. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Caring Gather children into a circle. Stand in the middle of the group with a ball. Toss the ball to each child and give him or her a turn to toss it back to you. “I am going to throw the ball. If a throw comes to you, toss it back to me.” Work around the whole circle. Talk to the children about playing and learning when they come to practice. “Who had a turn to touch the ball?” Wait for their responses. “I made sure everyone had a chance to touch the ball. Raise your hand if it felt good to be able to have a turn. How would you have felt if you did not have a turn?” Listen to their responses. “We need to share and take turns so everyone can learn and play. Sharing and taking turns shows you care.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—throwing to second base to cut the lead runner and running from first to second base. Variations - You may want to include practice on the pitcher’s coverage of first base. This will depend on the experience of your players. - Work with runners on rounding first, running from home to second base, and running from first to second (being in the ready position and knowing when to leave the base). They’ll also need some work on listening to the base coaches, who should tell them whether to run or to stay on base. COACH’S point - Continue to review and reinforce skills and rules that were taught in previous practice sessions. - Rotate players from position to position, so that all of them get a chance to play at each position. PURPOSE To “cut” (cut off) the lead runner and to get from first to second base, focusing on the situation in which there are no outs, a runner is on first base, and a grounder is in the infield. The objective is for players to be able to throw to second base to cut the lead runner and to start and stop properly when advancing from first to second base. Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - Three or four batting tees - Five balls at each tee COACH’S point Set up some batting stations early so players can begin batting practice as soon as they arrive. --- Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players play catch with a partner. 2. Players jog around the bases once. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Healthy habits Gather children in a circle. “Do you know that when your body doesn’t eat healthy foods and get enough sleep it moves slowly. Let’s pretend we have no energy to move because we didn’t eat enough healthy foods or get enough sleep.” Begin to move slowly, encouraging the children to follow. Move extremely slowly. “Everyone stop. Now I am going to fill your bodies up with healthy foods.” Act out giving them foods. “Pretend we are sleeping. When I say ‘Wake up!’ you can move faster because you have enough energy and enough rest. Wake up and move faster. Stop! What are some other healthy habits you have learned?” Examples: daily exercise, brushing teeth, saying no to drugs, no smoking. “It’s important for everyone to practice healthy habits.” --- Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will run from first to second before the throw gets to second base. Players will field and throw the ball to second base before the runner gets there. Description 5 v 5 (can add more players, if needed, up to 6 v 6)—the batting team starts with a runner on first base. The batter hits and runs to first base; if the first-base runner is safe at second, the batting team scores a point. Both runners can continue running bases and can score a run if they cross home plate. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to second base before the runner gets there. The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it to the score of Game 2. Coach: “What was the goal of that game if you were playing the infield?” Players: “The goal was to catch the ball and throw to second base, ahead of the runner.” Coach: “Who should cover second base if the ball is hit to the left side of the infield?” Players: “The second-base player should cover it.” Coach: “Who should cover second base if the ball is hit to the right side of the infield?” Players: “The shortstop should cover it.” Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to cover second base on a force play and how to start and stop properly when advancing from first to second base (see pages 130-131). Tell players that, to cover a base on a force play, they should keep the foot opposite their glove hand on the edge of the base that is closest to the play (closest to where the ball is coming from). 2. Practice covering second base on a force play and starting and stopping properly when advancing from first to second base. Description 5 v 5—have the batting team run from first to second base. Cover the rules related to when the runner can leave first base and advance to second (see page 138). The fielding team should have players at first, second, third, shortstop, and pitcher. Roll or throw (or hit off a tee) four balls to the left side, then four balls to the right side, then two to the pitcher. Signal the runners to run each time. After you have thrown 10 balls, the teams should switch. Continue through three rotations so that all players get to play shortstop or second base (rotate in this order: first, second, pitcher, shortstop, third). Discuss the difference between force plays and tag plays (see force-out and tag-out, pages 116 and 117). Also discuss rule(s) related to overrunning first base, but not overrunning second base (see page 138). For Advancing to Next Base “Take off when the bat hits the ball.” “Run hard.” “Lean back with your weight on your heels.” “Gather” (Bend at the hips, knees, and ankles.) For Stopping on a Base “Lean back.” “Keep your weight on your heels.” “Bend your legs and ankles to absorb the force.” “Hold the base.” (Keep your foot on the base at all times.) For Covering a Base on a Force Play “Get yourself between the ball and the base.” “Put your foot opposite your glove hand on the outside edge of the base.” “Make a good target.” (The player places his or her glove at about shoulder-level, with the glove open and facing the player throwing the ball.) “Watch it come into the glove.” --- Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With your or an assistant coach’s help, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the score of the second game with the score of the first game. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Caring Gather children into a group. “Let’s pretend we’re playing a baseball [softball] game. Watch what I do with the ball.” Tell a child in the group you’re throwing the ball to him. Make a bad throw. “That throw wasn’t very good, was it? What would you say to me so that I don’t feel bad about the throw?” As children respond, toss a ball to each player who makes a supportive comment. If players make unsupportive comments, encourage them to change their words to become more supportive; after they have changed the words, toss them a ball, too. “It’s very important to support your teammates, especially when they make mistakes. Saying something that makes someone feel good shows you care.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—throwing to second base to cut the lead runner and running from first to second base. Variations Work on having the runner listen to the base coaches when running from first to second base. COACH’S point Be sure that all players are moving on every play. If they are not fielding the ball, they should be covering a base or backing up another player. Remind players to talk to each other during play; for example, they can call the ball (“Mine!”) or remind each other where the next play is (“Play’s at first”). Practice 6 Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players throw grounders, line drives, and fly balls back and forth with a partner. 2. Players run once around the bases. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Flexibility Bring a rubber band and show children or have them visualize one. “This rubber band is like our muscles. When I pull it, it stretches; when I let go, it pulls back to its original shape.” Stretch the rubber band out and back slowly and gently. “Your muscles work this way, too. When you reach and stretch, your muscles are stretching just like the rubber band. When your body comes back, your muscles go back to their original shape. Everyone reach down to the floor with your arms slowly and then bring your arms back up.” Have children repeat three times. “Your leg muscles need to stretch because we use them a lot in baseball [softball]; it makes them more flexible. When muscles are flexible, it keeps them from getting hurt and makes the muscles feel good.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will run from first to second before the throw gets to second base. Players will field and throw the ball to second base before the runner gets there. Description 5 v 5 (can add more players, if needed, up to 6 v 6)—the batting team starts with a runner on first base. The batter hits and runs to first base; if the first-base runner is safe at second, the batting team scores a point. The runners can continue running bases and can score a run if they cross home plate. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to second base before the runner gets there. The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it to the score of Game 2. Introduce the rules related to running bases and scoring (see page 138). Coach: “What was the goal of that game, if you were playing the infield?” Players: “The goal was to catch the ball and throw to second base, ahead of the runner.” Coach: “What happens if the infielder catches the ball before it hits the ground?” Players: “The batter is out, and the runner cannot run to the next base.” Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to cover second base on a force play and how to start and stop properly when advancing from first to second base. Demonstrate how the runner hesitates on a fly ball, leading off the base a few feet and either returning to first if the ball is caught or running to second if the ball is not caught. Show players how to get back to first base quickly. They should stay crouched with feet apart and body centered, ready to move either to second or first. 2. Practice covering second base on a force play and starting and stopping properly when advancing from first to second base. Description 5 v 5—have the batting team run from first to second base. The fielding team should have players at first, second, third, shortstop, and pitcher. Throw them (or hit off a tee) four balls to the left side, then four balls to the right side, then two to the pitcher (mix in some fly balls and line drives). Signal the runners to run each time. After you have thrown 10 balls, the teams should switch. Continue through three rotations so that all players get to play shortstop or second base (rotate in this order: first, second, third, pitcher, shortstop). Review the rules about which bases a player can overrun and which he or she cannot (see page 138). Be sure all players get to play shortstop and second base so they come to understand how to cover a base on a force play, as well as who should cover second base in each situation. Help fielders differentiate when they need to throw and when they need to “flip” or toss the ball to the player covering second base. For Advancing to Next Base “Take off when the bat hits the ball.” “Run hard.” “Lean back with your weight on your heels.” “Gather.” (Bend at the hips, knees, and ankles.) For Stopping on a Base “Lean back.” “Keep your weight on your heels.” “Bend your legs and ankles to absorb the force.” “Hold the base.” (Keep your foot on the base at all times.) For Covering a Base on a Force Play “Get yourself between the ball and the base.” “Put your foot opposite your glove hand and on the outside edge of the base.” “Make a good target.” (The player places his or her glove at about shoulder-level, with the glove open and facing the player throwing the ball.) “Watch it come into the glove.” --- Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With your or an assistant coach’s help, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the score of the second with the score of the first game. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Responsibility Gather children into a circle. You’re in the middle of the circle with a ball and a bat. You’ll try to tap the ball out of the circle with the bat. The children will have two chances to keep the ball from escaping the circle. During one turn they’ll use minimal effort, and during the second they’ll use their maximum effort. “I’m going to try to hit the ball out of the circle. Everyone work together to keep the ball in the circle. Pretend that you’re snails that can’t get to the ball fast enough.” Try to get the ball out of the circle, reminding players that snails move slowly. “Okay, good. Now this time move like busy bees that fly fast and keep moving.” Repeat the activity, encouraging players to be busy bees. “When you try to be like busy bees, you’re being responsible to your teammates.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—throwing to third base to cut the lead runner and running from second to third base. Variations For the final game, add a catcher and play a 6 v 6 game. COACH’S point 1. Continue to review and reinforce skills and rules taught in previous practice sessions. 2. Describe and review the rules as needed during practice and game play. PURPOSE To cut the lead runner and to get from second to third base, focusing on the situation in which there are no outs, runners are on first and second, and a grounder is in the infield. The objectives are for players to throw to third base to cut the lead runner and also to use the proper start position to run from second to third base. Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - Three or four batting tees - Five balls at each tee Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players throw grounders, line drives, and fly balls back and forth with a partner. 2. Players run around the bases once. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Muscular strength and endurance Gather children in a group. “Watch how far the ball goes when I throw two different times.” Throw the ball to show children the difference between a throw with minimal effort and a throw with close to maximum effort. “Let’s line up, and you show me how you would throw the ball. Show me an easy throw. . . . Now show me a hard throw.” Highlight the ball going farther in the second throw. “You can throw the ball farther when the muscles in your arms are strong. The muscles in your arms get stronger by practicing throwing.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will run from second to third before the throw gets to third base. Players will field and throw the ball to third base before the runner gets there. Description 5 v 5 (can add more players, if needed, up to 6 v 6)—the batting team starts with runners on first and second base. The batter hits and runs to first base; if the second-base runner is safe at third, the batting team scores a point. The runners can continue running bases and can score a run if they cross home plate. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to third base before the runner gets there. The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it to the score of Game 2. Review the rules related to running bases and to not overrunning second or third base (see page 138). Coach: “What was the goal of that game, if you were playing the infield?” Players: “The goal was to catch the ball and throw to third base ahead of the runner.” Coach: “Who should cover third base in this situation?” Players: “The third-base player should cover it.” Coach: “What if a ball gets hit to the third-base player? Should you field the ball or cover third base? Players: “You should field the ball.” Coach: “Then who should cover third when the third-base player is fielding the ball?” Players: “The shortstop should cover it.” Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to cover third base on a force play and how to start and stop properly when advancing from second to third base. Show how the shortstop should cover third base when the third-base player fields the ball. As the third-base player is fielding the ball, the shortstop runs to third and covers the base for a force play. 2. Practice covering third base on a force play and starting and stopping properly when advancing from second to third base. Description 5 v 5—have the batting team provide runners at first and second base. The fielding team should have players at first, second, third, shortstop, and pitcher. Roll or throw two balls to each of the five infielders, signaling the runners to run each time. After you have thrown 10 balls, the teams should switch. Continue through three rotations so that all players get to play third base or shortstop (rotate in this order: first, second, third, pitcher, shortstop). Review the rules related to when the player can leave second base and advance to third (see page 138), and teach the kids how to stop at third base. Review what a force play is (see force-out, page 116), and differentiate between a force play and a tag play. For Advancing to Next Base “Take off when the bat hits the ball.” “Run hard.” “Lean back with your weight on your heels.” “Gather.” (Bend at the hips, knees, and ankles.) For Stopping on a Base “Lean back.” “Keep your weight on your heels.” “Bend your legs and ankles to absorb the force.” “Hold the base.” (Keep your foot on the base at all times.) For Covering a Base on a Force Play “Get yourself between the ball and the base.” “Put your foot opposite your glove hand, on the outside edge of the base.” “Provide a good target.” (The player places his or her glove at about shoulder-level, with the glove open and facing the player throwing the ball.) “Watch it come into the glove.” Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With your or an assistant coach’s help, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Continue for 3 to 5 minutes, then repeat one or two more times. Discuss staying in the batter’s box when hitting. Also talk about not throwing the bat when they hit and run to first base. Be sure all players get to play third base and shortstop so they come to understand how to cover a base on a force play, as well as who should cover third base in each situation. “Get in the ready position.” “Watch the ball on the batting tee.” “Step and swing fast.” Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the score of the second with the score of the first game. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Respect Gather children into a group. “I’m going to ask you some questions about things I notice on this team. Tell me if you agree. Do you try to learn new skills at practice? Do you work hard to improve your skills? Do you help your teammates? Do you follow directions? Do you feel good about yourselves when you play a good game?” Listen to responses following each question. “Think about players who will be your opponents. What qualities or things do they have or do? Are they the same as you?” Listen for yes or no. “It’s important to think of our opponents in the same way we think of ourselves. You respect yourself, and you should respect your opponents. They are a lot like you and are learning the same things.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—throwing to home plate to cut the lead runner and running from third to home. Variations - For the final game, play a 6 v 6 game. - During the practice task, mix in some line drives or fly balls. Then review information from Practice 4. COACH’S point - Remember to teach off-the-ball skills, such as base coverage and backing up the player fielding the ball. - Teach runners to look at and listen to the third-base coach as they are running to second base. PURPOSE To cut the lead runner and to get from third base to home plate, focusing on the situation in which there are no outs; runners are on first, second, and third; and a grounder is in the infield. The objective is for players to be able to throw to home plate to cut the lead runner and to use the proper start position to run from third to home. Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - Three or four batting tees - Five balls at each tee --- Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players throw grounders, line drives, and fly balls back and forth with a partner. 2. Players run once around the bases. --- Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Training and conditioning Gather children into a circle. “What will you do tonight after you eat dinner?” Wait for their responses. “At the end of the day, what do you do?” Encourage children to discuss sleep. “Let’s pretend you’re at home, and you climb into bed to go to sleep. Everyone lie down. Now let’s pretend it’s morning and a new day. You don’t have practice today. What should we do to move our bodies? Your body needs to move every day to stay in good physical condition for baseball [softball].” Wait for their responses. If a child suggests an activity such as biking, walking, or swimming, have everyone pretend to do that activity. Then have them “sleep” again, wake up, and choose another physical activity. --- Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will run from third to home before the throw. Players will field and throw the ball to home before the runner gets there. Description 6 v 6 — the batting team starts with runners on the bases. The batter hits and runs to first base; if the third-base runner is safe at home plate, the batting team scores a point. The fielders attempt to field and throw the ball to home plate before the runner gets there. The side is retired after three points or three outs, whichever comes first. Keep score and compare it with the score of Game 2. Review the umpire signals for safe and out (see page 139). Also review when to run in an arc outside of the base path (see page 131). Coach: “What was the goal of that game, if you were playing the infield?” Players: “To catch the ball and throw to home plate ahead of the runner.” Coach: “Who should cover home plate in this situation?” Players: “The catcher should cover it.” Skill Practice 1 (10 minutes) 1. Introduce, demonstrate, and explain how to cover home plate on a force play and how to start and stop properly when advancing from third base to home plate. Show how the pitcher should cover home when the catcher fields or chases an overthrown ball. 2. Practice covering home plate on a force play and starting and stopping properly when advancing from third base to home plate. Description 6 v 6—the batting team provides runners on the bases. The fielding team has players at first, second, third, shortstop, pitcher, and catcher. Roll or throw two balls to each of the fielders, signaling the runners to run each time. After you have thrown 12 balls, the teams should switch. Continue through three rotations so that all players get to play catcher or pitcher (rotate in this order: first, second, pitcher, shortstop, third, catcher). Review the rules related to when a player can leave the base (see page 138) and how to make a force play. Remind runners that they can overrun home plate and they will score a point if they cross home. For Advancing to Next Base “Take off when the bat hits the ball.” “Run hard.” “Lean back with your weight on your heels.” “Gather” (Bend at the hips, knees, and ankles.) For Stopping on a Base “Lean back.” “Keep your weight on your heels.” “Bend your legs and ankles to absorb the force.” “Hold the base.” (Keep your foot on the base at all times.) COACH’s point Be sure all players get to play catcher and pitcher so they understand how to cover a base on a force play, as well as who should cover home plate in each situation. For Covering a Base on a Force Play “Get yourself between the ball and the base.” “Put your foot opposite your glove hand on the outside edge of the base.” “Make a good target.” “Watch it come into the glove.” Skill Practice 2 (10 minutes) Description Set up three or four batting stations. With your or an assistant coach’s help, players work on striking the ball off a tee, hitting it against a fence. Game 2 (10 minutes) Same as Game 1. Compare the Game 2 score with the score of the first game. If you want to try playing with nine players in the field, discuss where the outfielders should throw the ball when they get it (see page 120). Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Responsibility Gather children into a group. Dump five to six balls, bats, and gloves out of a mesh ball bag, leaving them where they stop. “Pretend we just finished one activity in practice and we’re getting ready to do something else. Everyone walk away from the equipment and make a group circle.” Pick up the balls, bats, and gloves, then go to the group. Dump equipment out again. “Now come back and help me pick up the balls, bats, and gloves, and then go make a circle. . . . Which way makes it faster for me to get to your circle?” Listen to their responses. “What do you think we should do with the equipment?” Listen to their responses. Discuss picking up equipment before doing another activity. “We can have more fun and learn more when we work together and share the responsibility.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—playing well in a game. Continue to review and reinforce off-the-ball skills and communication skills. Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players throw grounders, line drives, and fly balls back and forth with a partner. 2. Players run around the bases once. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Muscular strength and endurance Have children spread out in a group. “Put your hand on the front of your thigh, then lift it up and set it down. Did you feel the muscle get tight when you lifted it up and then relax when you set it down? Try it again five times.” Assist players if needed. “Muscles tighten or contract when you move. You use your thigh muscles and quadriceps when you play baseball [softball]. The more you practice, the stronger your thigh or quadriceps muscles will get. That’s called improving your muscular strength.” Game 1 (10 minutes) Goal Players will recognize the situation and make the right play. Description 6 v 6—play a game with regulation rules. If a ball rolls or is hit out to the outfield, have the closest infielder chase it down and throw it into the infield. Discuss any rules not previously covered that arise during the course of the game. Coach: Where’s the play in this situation? Players: (whatever arises during the game) Skill Practice (20 minutes) Identify where individual players or the team as a whole are having trouble, then select or design a drill or practice game that will help them improve that aspect of the game. If individual players need work, send them off with an assistant coach to get some help. Review rules that apply to specific situations as they arise. PURPOSE To cut the lead runners, focusing on varying situations. The objective is for the players to be able to make the appropriate play during a 6 v 6 game. Equipment - Six bases and two home plates (set up two fields, minimum) - One glove per player - One ball per player (minimum) - One batting tee For example, if players are having difficulty recognizing when to run and when to tag up, set up a practice in which you alternate throwing grounders and fly balls while there are runners on base. Here’s another example. If players have difficulty moving to (“charging”) the ball, set up a base about 10 to 15 feet in front of them and throw them grounders. Tell them to try to get to each ground ball before it reaches the base. Game 2 (10 minutes) Follow the same directions as in Game 1. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Respect Gather children into a single-file line near two bases about 10 feet apart. “I am going to walk down the line two times. Remember how it feels each time I pass you.” Walk down the line and nod to each player. Repeat, but this time tell each player “great game” or “nice play today” and shake his or her hand. “Which time that I passed you made you feel better?” Ask children to stand near a base that represents their choice. “Shaking hands and saying ‘good game’ are important traditions that show we appreciate our opponents’ efforts in a game. It shows respect for your opponents.” Divide the team in half and have them practice an end-of-game “respect ritual.” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about practice. Remind the children of the next practice’s day and time and give them a sneak preview of that practice—playing the game during all the practice time. Variations Add outfielders. Warm-Up (10 minutes) 1. Players run around the bases twice. 2. With you or an assistant coach as partner, players practice catching fly balls. Fitness Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Healthy habits Gather children into a group. “When I say ‘Go!’ all of us will run as fast as we can, without bumping each other, all around the field staying in this area.” Mark boundary areas for children. “Ready, go!” Have children run for about a minute or until fatigued. “You had enough energy to run. But when you don’t take care of your body, you can get tired much faster playing baseball [softball]. I am going to say a habit and you shout if it is healthy or unhealthy.” Examples: taking drugs, smoking, brushing teeth, drinking plenty of water, getting plenty of sleep/rest, eating a variety of foods. “Can you think of any others? Healthy or unhealthy?” Game (40 minutes) Goal Players play the game without interruption. Description 6 v 6—play a game with regulation rules. If a ball rolls or is hit out to the outfield, have the closest infielder chase it down and throw it into the infield. Discuss any rules not previously covered that arise during the course of the game. Variations Add outfielders. Team Circle (5 minutes) Key Idea: Keeping perspective Gather children into a group near two bases about 10 feet apart. “What did you most enjoy learning about in baseball [softball] this season?” Listen to their responses. “Players who thought they tried their best to learn, stand by this base. Players who think they had fun this season, stand by this one. Both of those are important. You should try your best and have fun no matter what happens during the season. The most important thing in baseball [softball] is to have fun playing with friends and to learn new skills. I think you all did that! Next year is another chance to have fun and make new friends!” Wrap-Up Make summary comments about what was learned by all over the season. Encourage players to come back next year! COACH’S point Review the rules as they play. To demonstrate a rule (or proper procedure), repeat a play (like an instant replay). Frequently question your young players to check for understanding. 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Living in Space: Considerations for Planning Human Habitats Beyond Earth New frontiers have historically created needs for architectural innovations. Sod houses used by North American prairie settlers and Quonset huts used by arctic explorers are examples. Expeditions and settlements in space present demanding challenges for habitat planners. Architecture in space is fundamentally different in many respects than on Earth. Planners must be aware of unique human adaptation, performance and safety requirements. Zero- or reduced-gravity produces changes in body posture and influences the way most physical activities are accomplished. Launch payload constraints impose severe restrictions upon the allowable weight and volume of all structures and equipment. The life-safety-critical nature and remoteness of space missions demand that all systems be extremely reliable and easy to repair. Only nonflammable and nonpolluting materials can be allowed. Planning for space missions should consider which functions can be performed best by people versus machines. Good design can enhance crew effectiveness, productivity, health and safety. Important priorities are to make tasks easier, more time-efficient and enjoyable. Properly planned and designed equipment can prevent errors associated with confusion and fatigue, and can avoid morale problems related to long-term isolation and boredom. Benefits will support overall mission success. Key Planning Objectives Optimize Safety and Reliability - Prevent unnecessary safety hazards. - Provide emergency intervention means. Promote Resident Morale and Satisfaction - Accommodate private and social needs. - Provide interest and variety features. Enhance Productivity/Performance Quality - Apply space human factors knowledge. - Plan convenient and efficient labor use. Life in a New Frontier NASA Photo Manned Space Program Background The development of a capability for space habitation has been one of NASA's most important objectives since the creation of the agency. Shortly after the Mercury Program was initiated in 1958, consideration was given to two possible initiatives, a small space station and a manned lunar mission. Active space station planning was temporarily halted when President Kennedy advocated that a lunar landing (the Apollo Program) should be a primary national goal for the 1960s. Nevertheless, a space laboratory operating in conjunction with the Apollo spacecraft was examined by NASA as a secondary objective. This study never progressed beyond a preliminary planning stage. After the development phase of the Apollo Program was completed, NASA began to explore ways that Apollo hardware could be used in connection with an Earth-orbital laboratory. This effort culminated in Skylab (1969-1973) which was successfully launched and visited three times by three-man crews. During this period, design studies were conducted which produced other space station concepts, ranging in size from 6 to 24 person facilities. Associated with space station planning was a proposed vehicle to transport crews and materials to and from Earth. As studies for a space station and a Logistics Vehicle progressed, emphasis was shifted to the vehicle, since transportation would be needed as a prerequisite for space station development. The Logistics Vehicle concept ultimately evolved into the present day Space Shuttle. Following the Skylab Program, while the U.S. was delaying a commitment to develop an orbiting laboratory, the Soviet Union pressed ahead with an active space station program. The Salyut 6 stayed aloft for four years and 10 months, hosting 30 cosmonauts and receiving 33 flights of manned and unmanned supply ships. Its slightly larger successor, Salyut 7, became the world's first modular space station. Human Roles and Accommodations Human roles and accommodations have advanced significantly during our short history of space flight. Mercury astronauts, functioning primarily as passive passengers, endured remarkably tight 40 cubic foot capsules. Gemini capsules, which enabled astronauts to pilot their spacecraft through complex orbit change and rendezvous maneuvers, were only 50 percent larger than Mercury, and carried two very cramped people. Apollo Command Modules provided four times the volume of Gemini capsules for their three-man crews. Apollo navigators and explorers visually identified prospective safe lunar landing sites, surveyed the Moon's remote surface on foot and in rover vehicles, and brought back materials of great scientific value. Provisions for crew comfort improved dramatically as capabilities to lift larger payload volumes into orbit increased. The 9,950 cubic foot Skylab offered nearly 45 times the amount of space available on Apollo missions. Its Orbital Workshop was divided into two levels, with ample volumes for working, sleeping, eating, personal hygiene and exercise. Crew comfort takes on added importance as mission durations are extended. The third and longest Skylab mission lasted 84 days. Soviet space stations have supported cosmonauts on much longer missions. A 326 days-in-orbit record set onboard Mir was recently broken by Vladimir Titov and Musa Manarov who are scheduled to return in late December after a full year in orbit. Mir is the core module of a space station which is permanently manned. A Kvant astrophysics module is currently attached to Mir. Present day Space Shuttle crews are willing to accept cramped quarters without privacy and with few amenities during short one to two week-long excursions. Future Space Station and lunar missions lasting several months, or Mars missions lasting years, are a far different matter. Means to optimize crew satisfaction will be essential for accomplishing successful programs. Considering the Human Factor Careful planning must be undertaken to optimize crew satisfaction and performance through attention to special "habitability" requirements in space. Proper design of living and work environments can have a positive influence upon how effectively and safely people accomplish mission tasks, how rapidly and thoroughly they adapt, how they feel about their surroundings, and even how healthy they remain over protracted periods of time. Human factors planning must consider means to maintain the psychological and physical well-being of the crews under isolated and confined circumstances. Interior areas should be as comfortable and attractive as possible, emphasizing flexibility and convenience. Equipment design should reflect a good understanding of changes in body posture, leverage, procedures and other conditions imposed by zero- or reduced-gravity. Variety is important to prevent boredom and depression. Means to change and personalize the appearance of interior areas and incorporate color and interest into the surroundings will be helpful. Menus should offer the widest practical range of choices, emphasizing enjoyment as well as nutrition. Schedules and accommodations should encourage exercise, recreation and social activities to help free time pass pleasantly. People require time and places for private leisure. Sleeping quarters, for example, should be conducive environments for reading, listening to music and other solitary activities, incorporating devices to avoid intrusions of objectionable sounds, odors and other disturbances. Means to maintain good hygienic conditions are extremely important. Since space habitats are closed systems, microbial growth can occur and spread rapidly, potentially causing human infections and foul odors. Problem areas and surfaces should be accessible and should be designed to facilitate easy cleaning. Influences of Zero-Gravity The absence of gravity in orbiting habitats strongly affects most human activities. For example, in microgravity, the directions of "up" and "down" are established by the interior layout of the facilities, not by the orientation with respect to Earth. People can move freely in all directions. Therefore, ceilings, walls and floors can all serve as functional work areas. Since most interior surfaces are likely to be used as push-off places when people float from one area to another, switches and fragile items such as lighting elements should be protected. Sharp corners that can cause injuries when bumped should be avoided. Anchorage devices are needed to hold people in place while they are performing stationary tasks, and to secure loose items which will otherwise float away. Skylab crews had cleats attached to their shoes that were inserted into triangular grid openings in floors for this purpose. Storage systems should be designed to keep contents from escaping when opened. Body posture is altered significantly under weightless conditions. Without gravity to compress the spinal chord, the human torso elongates a few inches, but is not as stiffly erect as on Earth. Sitting in standard chairs is uncomfortable because without gravity, people need to constantly tense stomach muscles to keep their bodies bent. Accordingly, tables and other work surfaces should be raised to crouching heights of users since chairs are not needed. Table tops can be tilted since items placed on top must always be secured to keep them from drifting away. Rigorous exercise regimes are necessary to help offset physical conditioning effects of prolonged weightlessness. Life in zero-gravity leads to loss of muscle mass and weakened heart-lung systems. Bones leach calcium and become more brittle. Blood and other body fluids which normally collect in the legs under the pull of gravity collect in the chest and head, causing swollen faces, nasal congestion and occasional shortness of breath. The U.S. International Space Station Current planning for the U.S. International Space Station Freedom scheduled for operation in the 1990s emphasizes human safety, morale and convenience. While offering smaller interior volumes than Skylab astronauts enjoyed, the 14.5 ft. diameter, 42 ft. long habitat and laboratory modules will provide ample accommodations to support crews of six to eight people in relative comfort during missions lasting three months or more. Individual quarters containing sleeping bags attached to walls will provide quiet, private places where astronauts can enjoy leisure time working at personal computers, watching taped programs, and simply relaxing. A galley-wardroom area with generous windows for Earth and space gazing will facilitate social interaction and shared experiences during extended mission periods. A window will also be provided in the exercise area for crew enjoyment while completing important daily conditioning workout requirements. Installation of windows in sleeping quarters is under consideration. Interior Layout and Elements The two basic interior Space Station module components are racks for equipment and functional units for crew occupancy. They are aligned along wall, floor and ceiling areas. The central circulation plan created by this arrangement will be configured with an Earth-like, normal gravity layout which presents a consistent up and down to prevent crew disorientation. An exception to this rule may be sleeping quarters, which might include transverse units located in the floor and ceiling. Space Station racks will contain health maintenance equipment, food preparation systems, storage units, life support and waste management devices, environmental controls, laboratory experiments and other items essential to safe and productive operation. Hinged connections and quick-release latches will enable the racks to be rapidly pivoted or slid out for routine and emergency rear access servicing of subsystems, utility interfaces and the pressure hull. Functional units will offer private enclosures for such crew activities and systems as sleeping, showers, personal hygiene and toilets. Since the units' relatively small 41.5 inch wide, 40 inch deep, 80 inch tall size is very restrictive, it is essential to utilize all available space as efficiently and effectively as possible. Means may be incorporated to expand sleeping quarters a few inches into the central aisle area when in use to help relieve this space constraint. Lack of gravity will simplify some design and use requirements while complicating others. Since crew members can easily move about in all directions, ceilings can be accessed as useful work and stowage areas. Equipment items that would be very heavy and immobile on Earth can be effortlessly manipulated. Showers, on the other hand, require use of laminar air flow to replace the role of gravity in guiding water into floor drains. Similarly, toilets will use strategically positioned and directed air jets to move waste materials away from the body. Crew Accommodation Systems Sleeping Quarters - Sleeping bag attached to "wall". - Personal computer and VCR viewing. - Deployable keyboard and writing desk. - Personal clothing and general stowage. Wardroom and Galley - Multipurpose area with outside viewing. - Table(s) with foot restraints. - Oven and liquid/beverage dispensers. - Cold and ambient food stowage. - Cooking appliances and stowage. - Handwash unit and dishwasher. - Inventory control computer system. Toilet and Hygiene - Commode and urinal units. - General and emergency showers. - Handwash and facewash units. - Laundry and waste containment systems. Health Maintenance Facility - Patient restraint system. - Diagnostic and monitoring equipment. - Medical information system. - Instrument and medicine stowage. - Autoclave and centrifuge. - Hyperbaric/isolation chamber(s). Exercise and Recreation - Area with outside viewing. - Exercycle, treadmill and other equipment. - Towel, clothing and equipment stowage. Ancillary Support - Fixed/portable general and task lighting. - Restraint systems and mobility aids. - IVA communication systems. - Crew-operated temperature controls. - Hazard detection and warning systems. - Emergency safe haven rations. - Maintenance work stations and tools. - Housecleaning tools and supplies. Hardware System Requirements Stringent restrictions imposed by launch constraints, power conservation needs and safety requirements significantly influence many crew system planning and design aspects. Accommodations for people must compete with mission-critical flight and scientific equipment for severely limited payload weight, interior volume and power/cooling allowances. Materials and devices that present fire hazards, offgas or leak noxious substances, or impose excessive repair problems are unacceptable. Design to optimize reliability and ease of maintenance is of urgent importance. Structures and equipment components must be made as simple to repair as possible. Users will not be able to "shuttle down to the nearest hardware store" for replacement items when there is a problem. Critical areas and equipment systems, including interior pressure hull surfaces, should be accessible for periodic inspections and maintenance. Space habitat design must accommodate evolutionary changes associated with facility growth and reconfiguration, system upgrades and redefinition of functional support requirements. While it is difficult or impossible to anticipate the exact nature of operational changes which might occur over decades of use, planning must incorporate a high level of modularity and variability. Simplicity of element changeouts must be emphasized since in-orbit and planetary crew time is very expensive. Operations will be constrained by limited onboard spare parts and tools, and by restrictions on procedures for safety reasons. System planning must consider which functions can best be achieved by people, and which should be undertaken by machines. Automated and tele-operated systems, including robotic devices, can offer important advantages in undertaking tasks which are predictable, repetitive, and hazardous to health. Humans remain the option of choice for functions demanding versatility, mobility, judgement and creative improvisational abilities. Special Safety Hazards Long-term exposure to ionizing radiation, even at relatively low levels, can have harmful effects on people and sensitive electronic equipment. The natural radiation environment in space consists of galactic cosmic rays (GCRs) and solar energetic particle (SEP) events. For spacecraft, the altitude of the vehicle and inclination of the orbit are important determinants of GCR dose rates. Low-Earth orbit spacecraft receive substantial shielding benefits from the Earth's magnetic field. At an altitude of approximately six Earth radii (geosynchronous orbit) the geomagnetic shielding effect disappears. High GCR levels also exist on the Moon where there is no radiation-absorbing atmosphere or magnetic field to deflect radiation transport of cosmic ray nuclei. Safety hazards increase dramatically during solar flares. Specially shielded "storm shelters" may be needed for supplementary crew protection when these events occur. NASA's Man-System Integration Standards (NASA-STD-3000, Volume I, March, 1987) allows an annual 50 rem radiation dose. This greatly exceeds the maximum annual 5 rem dose set for U.S. occupational radiation workers. A typical meter of lunar surface receives an annual dose equivalent to 30 rem during solar minimum. Space debris represents an ever increasing hazard. Incidents of micrometeoroid hits have been studied in connection with Apollo and Skylab Program experiences. Low collision probabilities projected during those missions did not appear to warrant high priority countermeasures. This situation is changing, however, as a result of the growing population of man-made rocket exhaust fragments that currently constitute a major, yet troublesome, debris source. External shields may be required to protect vulnerable and critical spacecraft elements. The best long-term strategy, however, is to establish international agreements that will put an end to the proliferation of man-made debris in space. System Planning Priorities - Select materials and design systems to minimize volume, weight and power. - Avoid materials and systems that are flammable or chemically unstable. - Design structures and equipment to be rugged and easily repaired. - Emphasize modular design approaches that facilitate evolutionary changes. - Apply automation where possible to reduce labor and to avoid safety hazards. Hazard Intervention Strategies - Design outer walls/shields for space debris and radiation protection. - Provide a solar flare warning system and special protective clothing/shelters. - Provide ready interior access to pressure hull walls for leak inspections and repairs. - Provide effective and safe methods to repair pressure hull penetrations. - Provide rapid means to evacuate crews to safe refuges for rescue. SICSA Background SICSA is a nonprofit research, design and education entity of the University of Houston College of Architecture. The organization's purpose is to undertake programs which promote international responses to space exploration and development opportunities. Important goals are to advance peaceful and beneficial uses of space and space technology and to prepare professional designers for challenges posed by these developments. SICSA also works to explore ways to transfer space technology for Earth applications. SICSA provides teaching, technical and financial support to the Experimental Architecture graduate program within the College of Architecture. The program emphasizes research and design studies directed to habitats where severe environmental conditions and/or critical limitations upon labor, materials and capital resources pose special problems. Graduate students pursue studies which lead to a Master of Architecture degree. SICSA Outreach highlights key space developments and programs involving our organization, our nation, our planet and our Solar System. The publication is provided free of charge as a public service to readers throughout the world. Inquiries about SICSA and Experimental Architecture programs, or articles in this or other issues of SICSA Outreach, should be sent to Professor Larry Bell, Director. SICSA management and staff have provided planning services aimed at enhancing human conditions in space for more than a decade. A continuing NASA-sponsored study titled Analysis of Medical, Life Sciences and Habitability Systems for Advanced Missions was initiated by SICSA's predecessor, the Environmental Center, in 1982. Other projects headed by Director Larry Bell and Associate Director Guillermo Trotti have involved numerous Space Station requirements definition and design proposals for major U.S. aerospace companies and Japanese space exhibition sponsors. Li Hua has been the lead designer for many of these projects. Some examples appear in this issue.	d9eea1d9-72c3-4794-ae45-db7a5a2582ac	CC-MAIN-2023-14	https://sicsa.egr.uh.edu/sites/sicsa/files/files/publications/planningconsiderations.pdf	2023-03-21T18:37:31+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296943704.21/warc/CC-MAIN-20230321162614-20230321192614-00006.warc.gz	599,659,812	3,757	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995888	eng_Latn	0.996757	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	true	rolmOCR	[ 1861, 5788, 9711, 10771, 14088, 18868, 20894 ]	[ 2.3125, 1.1484375 ]	1	0
PEACE AND SECURITY Have you heard the term ‘peace and security’. When there is some violent activity in a city or in any other area within a State, we are told that there is a threat to peace and security. If there is some upheaval within a country, it is said to be a threat to national peace and security. If the police force or the army is especially deployed in certain area, it is done to maintain peace and security. If there is war between nations or some terrorist activities in a nation, it is a threat to international peace and security. We are also told that international organizations like United Nations are there to contribute to the maintenance of peace and security. These two words, peace and security, are also used separately. All religions talk of peace. Individually, we are concerned about peace of mind or peace in the family or the community. We also read about the worries of families regarding the security of girls and women when they move out of home. The use of these terms in different contexts and in different ways at times confuses us. Let us therefore understand various aspects of peace and security in individual, societal, national and international contexts. OBJECTIVES After studying this lesson you will be able to: - explain the meaning of peace and security in varied contexts; - appreciate the traditional and new understandings of peace and security; - underline peace and security as necessary condition for democracy and development; - appreciate the approach and methods adopted by India to address the threats to peace and security; - identify the steps taken by the government to deal with insurgency of militant groups; and - assess India’s contribution to International peace and security and its participation in UN. 27.1 PEACE AND SECURITY 27.1.1 Meaning To begin with, let us understand the meaning of peace and security, the following interesting story may help you. 1. Peace Once, a King offered a prize to the artist who would paint the best picture on peace. Many artists tried. The king looked at all the paintings and shortlisted two, so that he could finally select one as the best painting. One picture showed a calm lake as a perfect mirror for mountains all around it. Overhead was the blue sky with white clouds, beautifully reflected in the lake. Everyone thought that it was a perfect picture of peace. The other picture also had mountains, but those were rugged and bare. Above was a stormy sky from which rain fell and in which lightening played. Down the side of the mountain a huge foaming waterfall releasing water at great force was also depicted. But behind the waterfall in a bush a bird had built a nest and was feeding her babies in perfect peace. Which painting do you think won the prize? The king chose the second picture. Do you know why? The King stated the reason, “Because peace does not mean the absence of noise, trouble, or disturbances. Peace means to be in the midst of all these and still remain calm in your heart.” Do you think that the painting selected by the King depicted peace in the true sense of the term? Peace really does not mean a state of mind or a condition with complete absence of disturbances or conflicts. In fact, complete absence of disturbances or conflicts in human world is impossible. We are trying to understand peace in societal, national and international contexts and not in the context where the humans do not exist. We may, therefore, define it as follows: Peace is a social and political condition that ensures development of individuals, society and nation. It is a state of harmony characterized by the existence of healthy relationships. It is a condition related to the social or economic welfare and equality. It is also related to a working political order that serves true interests of all. In the context of intra-national and international relations, peace is not merely the absence of war or conflict, but also the presence of socio-cultural and economic understanding and unity. 2. Security The word security also appears in our daily conversations, in newspapers or in official discourse. The reference points of security ranges from individual, institutional, regional, national to international levels. All of us take various measures to secure our homes or areas where we live in. We know that Ministers and other VIPs are provided security individually. Security arrangements are made for key governmental and other important institutions or certain regions that are under threat. We also hear about national and international security. This multiple usage of the word security indicates its varied meanings. In general terms, it means a secure condition or feeling free from fear. It also means the safety of an individual, an institution, a region, a nation or the world. However, in its most basic sense, security implies freedom from extremely dangerous threats. It also relates to threats that endanger core values like human rights. 3. Peace and Security While accepting the varied perceptions of both the words, it is evident that peace and security are inseparable. Combined together, it is a condition where individuals, institutions, regions, nations and the world move ahead without any threat. In this condition regions or nations are generally more stable domestically, likely to be democratically governed and respectful to human rights. Conflict not only generates threat and fear, but also hampers economic, social, or political advancement. ACTIVITY 27.1 Try to appreciate the following two conditions and identify which of the two is the true condition of peace and security? Give reasons for your answer: 1. A country ruled by a military dictatorship has everything in order. There appears to be peace everywhere. The ruling group enjoys all privileges. People are poor and deprived of even the basic facilities necessary for a good life. But they silently obey the dictates of the ruling group. There is no protest, no threat to the government. There is adequate security arrangement for the external threat. 2. There is a democratic country which is moving ahead on the path of socio-economic development. People are enjoying all the basic rights, liberty, equality, justice. They are freely conveying their concerns to the government. Occasionally, there are peaceful protests and demonstrations that are managed by positive response from the government. People face difficulties in their daily life and try to sort them out problems. There is absence of constant threat to the safety and security of the people and the nation. 27.1.2 Traditional and New understandings of Peace and Security When we talk about peace and security, we mostly relate it to its traditional notion that has been focused since ages on the danger of military or armed conflicts or threats. And the source of the danger has been a nation threatening to take or being suspected to take military action against the other. This endangers sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the nation, and also the lives of its people. As a measure of ensuring peace and security, the cause of the threat of military action is sorted out by the concerned nations through a bilateral agreement, or a long-term treaty for not taking military action against each other. The nations also take preventive measures by increasing their defence capabilities, deploying more armed forces on borders. Some also adopt balance of power approach through entering into a treaty with other nations to take joint action in the case of military attack on any one of them. As we know, the international organizations like United Nations have been created to save the humanity from the threat of war or armed conflicts. But the new or non-traditional notion of peace and security is much broader and goes beyond military threats to include wide range of dangers and threats to human existence. This conceptualization includes not only regions and nations, but also individuals or communities and the human kind at large. This notion is primarily addressed to individuals. It is true that protection of people from foreign attacks is a necessary condition for peace and security, but it is not the be all and end all. In fact, peace and security is to be seen as the precondition to socio-economic development and to the maintenance of human dignity. The new notion of peace and security also includes freedom of individuals from hunger, freedom from wants, diseases and epidemics, environmental degradation, exploitation and sub-human treatment. In this background the new notion of peace and security is based on threats beyond military attacks. These threats may be from terrorism, insurgency, genocide, denial of human rights, health epidemics, narcotics trade and irrational use of natural resources. INTEXT QUESTIONS 27.1 1. Fill in the blanks: (a) Peace really does not mean a state of mind or a condition with complete absence of .......................................... (b) Peace is a state of harmony characterized by the existence of .......................................... (c) Security means a secure condition or feeling untroubled by .......................................... It also means the safety of .......................................... (d) In its most basic sense, security implies freedom from .......................................... 2. Why is peace and security considered so important? 3. What are the three basic differences between traditional and new or non-traditional concepts of peace and security? 27.2 PEACE AND SECURITY FOR DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT There is a mutual relationship between democracy and development, and peace and security. In the absence of peace and security, democracy cannot function and development cannot take place. It is necessary to have peace for holding of elections. The democratic institutions cannot function if there is no peace. Citizens can participate in the process of decision-making at different levels only when the peace prevails. Peace is still more essential for development in various areas. No development activity is possible if there is disturbance, violence or war. On the other hand peace cannot be achieved in the absence of democracy and development. It has been observed that democracies by and large do not go for war. One can argue that regional peace is enhanced if democracy is prevalent in all the countries that constitute that region. Democracy is also better placed for eliminating conditions that generate public dissatisfaction. It is so because democratic system provides equal opportunity to all citizens to participate in the process of governance and decision-making. Development also promotes peace. It is through development that nations can ensure social and economic progress for the people and improve their quality of life. This ensures that people do not suffer from a sense of deprivation which leads them to indulge in protests and violent activities. When development activities continue in all the countries of a region, every country ensures that the peace is not disturbed, otherwise development will suffer. Development initiatives contribute to sustain peace, security and stability in the countries. Do you know The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), adopted by 189 Members of the United Nations on 8 September 2000, identified peace and security as key conditions for successful development; The 2005 World Summit on MDGs universally recognized that “development, peace and security, and Human Rights are interlinked and mutually reinforcing”. 27.3 PEACE AND SECURITY: APPROACH ADOPTED IN INDIA Like any other country, in India also peace and security has been one of the major concerns. You also must be reading in newspapers or getting information through radio and television about external as well as internal threats to peace and security in our country. The geographical position of India and its emergence as a global power make it vulnerable to external threats. India has not only faced wars with neighbouring countries like China and Pakistan, but has also been dealing with international terrorism. It has been experiencing internal threats from insurgency and separatist movements ever since independence. Just after two decades of its independence India experienced naxalite activities which have now assumed alarming proportion. It is in this context that the approach for ensuring peace and security began evolving quite early, in fact, during freedom movement itself. The approach has been reflected in the Constitution as well. The approach, however, has been changing over the years according to the needs and requirements. 27.3.1 Evolution of Approach to Peace and Security during freedom movement The ideas and views about the approach to ensure peace and security began during freedom movement. The leadership clearly realized that the democratic system after independence can be functional only when a condition of peace and security is maintained. The development process can not be accelerated unless the peace prevails. Which is why, the leadership of the freedom movement expressed that independent India would make all-out efforts to maintain and promote international peace and security. They extended support to all the anti-colonial and anti-racist movements in the world and championed the cause of democracy. The consensus that emerged for adopting socialistic approach to socio-economic development, laying emphasis on social justice and secularism was aimed at creating conditions that promote security against internal threats to peace. Do you know Jawaharlal Nehru said: “But I should like to make it clear that the policy India has sought to pursue is not a negative and neutral policy. It is a positive and vital policy that flows from our struggle for freedom and from the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. Peace is not only an absolute necessity for us in India in order to progress and develop but also of paramount importance to the world.” Quoted from the Speech of Pt. Nehru at Columbia University (1949); 27.3.2 Peace and Security in the Constitution The process of constitution framing was greatly influenced by the ideas that evolved during freedom movement. The Constitution, therefore, mentions peace and security in the chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. The federal system and the establishment of rural and urban local governments ensure that the power is not centralized, because centralization generates regional and local dissatisfaction that may be a threat to internal security. In a federal system, the decisions in respect of socio-economic development are taken by the State governments that are best placed to respond to all the hopes and aspirations of the people of that State. The local governments also ensure the mass participation in the decision-making for development and take care of the needs and requirements of all. Article 51 of the Constitution states: “The state shall endeavour to: (a) promote international peace and security; (b) maintain just and honorable relations between nations; (c) foster respect for international law and treaty obligations in the dealings of organized peoples with one another; and (d) encourage settlement of international disputes by arbitration.” India, therefore, adopted a multi-pronged approach and methods to ensure peace and security. At the international level, it adopted a policy aimed at promotion of international peace and security. It extends support to all efforts being made at the global or regional level for peace, equitable economic development, promotion of human rights and elimination of terrorism. At the national level, it is committed to ensure, liberty, equality and social justice, secularism, equitable economic development and removal of social inequalities. It also provides equal opportunities to all its citizens to participate not only in elections but also in the decision-making processes at various levels. All this is done to ensure that no section of the society feels that it is being discriminated or its interests are being ignored. Because it is these feeling of discrimination that gives birth to discontent and leads to protests and political violence which turn into major threats to peace and security. INTEXT QUESTIONS 27.2 1. Why did India need to evolve and adopt a specific approach for both international and internal peace and security? 2. What has been the contribution of freedom movement in the evolution of an approach to peace and security? 3. What is the approach for peace and security mentioned in the Indian Constitution? 4. What according to you would be the most effective methods for ensuring both internal and international peace and security? 27.4 INTERNAL THREATS TO PEACE AND SECURITY You may have observed or experienced that whenever there is an aggressive protest and demonstration or violent activities leading to loss of lives and property, it is a threat to peace and security. But a number of such occurrences are law and order problems which are locally managed by the police. In a democracy like ours such protests, demonstrations, strikes, bandhs and other agitations do take place to draw the attention of governments or concerned authorities towards specific demands and concerns. However, India has been experiencing various types of violent activities under the garb of terrorism or insurgency or naxalite movement, which are more serious threats to peace and security. 27.4.1 Terrorism Terrorism has been one of the greatest threats to peace and security in our country. The illustration on the terrorist attack in Mumbai on 26 November, 2008, popularly called 26/11, symbolizes one of the worst such incidences. Have you not been shocked by these kinds of terrorist attacks in several cities that have occurred almost at regular intervals in recent past? In fact, such activities have been happening since independence in various parts of the country. The terrorists who conduct violent activities are persons belonging to foreign countries or are Indian youth indoctrinated, supported and trained in neighbouring countries. At times, we are confused about defining terrorist activities. In fact, there is no consensus on the definition of terrorism. However, in general terms and in the context of India, we may define terrorism as essentially a criminal act to inflict dramatic and deadly injury on civilians and to create an atmosphere of fear, generally for a political or ideological purpose. Terrorism is a criminal act, but it is more than mere criminality. These acts are in any circumstance unjustifiable, whatever the considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or any other nature that may be invoked to justify them. Figure 27.1 Terrorist Attack in Mumbai Do you know? In 2004, United Nations Security Council Resolution 1566 condemned terrorist acts as: “criminal acts, including against civilians, committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury, or taking of hostages, with the purpose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act, which constitute offences within the scope of and as defined in the international conventions and protocols relating to terrorism, are under no circumstances justifiable by considerations of a political, philosophical, ideological, racial, ethnic, religious or other similar nature,” As we have experienced, the terrorists conduct bomb blasts or do indiscriminate firings at the crowded public places killing and injuring hundreds of innocent people. They also hijack planes and kill innocent passengers compelling the government to accept their demands like releasing other terrorists who were captured and kept in jails. These acts also destroy public and private properties. They commit these heinous acts to create an environment of terror to intimidate people and the governments. ACTIVITY 27.2 Gather information about terrorist attacks in different cities of India conducted since 1992 and prepare the list in the following table: \| Sl. No. \| Date of Terrorist Attack \| Name of the City \| Mode of Attack (Bomb Blasts or Firing or both) \| No. of people killed and injured \| \|---------\|--------------------------\|------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| ### 27.4.2 Insurgency An insurgency is an armed rebellion against a constituted authority, the government. Ever since independence, India has experienced violence related to insurgent movements. Broadly, these can be divided into movements with political motives and movements for social and economic justice. The most prominent militant groups are violent extremist separatists operating in Jammu and Kashmir and Assam, and different militant groups in India’s northeastern States of Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. Although all the members of these groups are Indians, these groups receive support from neighbouring countries. Whereas, these militant movements are going on because the groups involved in it are dissatisfied with their present state of affairs, there are certain groups, especially in Jammu and Kashmir and Assam that have political agenda. They are fighting for secession from the country. These groups have active support from the neighbouring countries and even certain international terrorist groups. ### 27.4.3 Naxalite Movement The Naxalite movement has been a cause of great concern because of different kinds of complexities. It began in a village of West Bengal, but has now spread over in about 125 districts in 12 States, influencing the lives of lakhs of people. The Naxalites quite often attack public property, the government officials, police and paramilitary forces and the people whom they consider their enemies. The Naxals are also against any development inside the forest area. The government wants to build pucca roads inside the villages and forests but the Naxals discourage any development work in the area. They know that once the development takes place then perhaps they may lose support of the people. Therefore they have been misguiding the innocent people that the government wants to take away their mineral wealth and their forests. Unfortunately, the basic cause of the emergence and spread of this movement has been the discontent among certain sections of the society. The youth who are engaged in violent activities of the movement belong to the sections of society, mostly the scheduled tribes, scheduled castes and dalits, that have been bearing the brunt of social discrimination and economic deprivation since ages. You also may be aware or may even have some experience how the members of these sections receive discriminatory treatment in our society. Moreover, the fruits of development taking place in India are yet to reach these sections in full measure. Whatever may be the reason but the development has not been able to meet their hopes and aspirations. The naxalite insurgency began in India in March 1967 when a group of revolutionaries led by Charu Mazumdar and Kanu Sanyal launched a peasants uprising at Naxalbari after a tribal youth, who had a judicial order to plough his land, was attacked by the goons of local landlords. The tribals retaliated and refused to part with the land owner’s share of their produce and lifted the entire stock from his granary. It ignited a fire that spread in the State. This was brought down by use of force and simultaneously bringing in some land reforms by the State government. This was phase one of the movement. Later on, the phase two of the Naxal movement spread to 9 states that is, Bihar, Jharkhand, West Bengal, Orissa, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra. and Uttar Pradesh; posing a challenge to the nation. In the predominantly tribal areas, naxals hold Kangaroo courts; impose levies on contractors, mine owners, businessmen and even on government officials. The movement has thrown up leaders, a legion of workers and sympathisers who believe that guerrilla warfare tactic would liberate India. 27.4.4 Strategy of the Government The Government of India has been employing strategies and methods to deal with terrorism, insurgency and naxalite movement. It has been supporting efforts of all nations to fight terrorism and seeking their support whenever any terrorist attack takes place. Diplomatically it is trying to put international pressure on Pakistan and other neighbouring countries to extend their active cooperation in ensuring that the support to such terrorist groups does not come from them. As regards the insurgency activities aimed at political objectives, the Government of India is trying to tackle it diplomatically. India has entered into a treaty with Myanmar and very recently Bangladesh to restrain the help and support coming to insurgent movements from those countries. It is also trying to mount international pressure on Pakistan to do the same. In respect of the Naxalite movement in the initial phase the State governments treated it as a law and order problem. But it was realized that it is a more serious issue, having deep socio-economic dimensions. Efforts are being made to accelerate the pace of development in those areas and to bring the youth in to the mainstream. ACTIVITY 27.3 Ask your friends, classmates, teachers and others who are conveniently available to express their views on the statements given below. Their number may be at least five. They should give reasons why do they agree or disagree with the statement: 1. The government should crush the naxalite movement, capture or kill all the naxalites, so that there is no threat to peace and security. 2. The government should formulate a national policy about naxalite movement to prevent them effectively from disturbing peace and security, accelerate development activities in those areas, so that there is no discontent among youth and to motivate the naxalites to shun violence and join the mainstream. Write down the reasons for response in the following table. Based on the responses, prepare a brief note on how will you like to solve the problem of naxalite movement. ### INTEXT QUESTIONS 27.3 1. Fill in the blank: (a) India has been experiencing various types of violent activities under the garb of (i) _______________ (ii) _______________ (iii) _______________. (b) Terrorism is a criminal act to _______________ on civilians and to _______________ generally for a political or ideological purpose. (c) The insurgency in India is of two types: (i) movements with _______________ and (ii) movements for _______________. 2. What are the main strategies being used by the governments to deal with insurgency? 3. What steps, according to you, the governments should take to solve the problem of insurgency? ### 27.5 INDIA AND THE INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY India has been equally concerned with international peace and security. It is essential for its progress. Like any other nation, India also has its foreign policy rooted in the national interest. India has been pursuing a foreign policy in which peace and security at the international level and especially in our neighbourhood and in our region as a whole has been a key concern. In fact, right from independence the basic objectives of Indian foreign policy have been (i) maintenance of freedom in policy formulation; (ii) promotion of international peace and security; (iii) good relationships with other nations and especially with our neighbours; (iv) support to the United Nations; (v) disarmament; opposition to colonialism, imperialism and racism; and (vi) cooperation among developing nations. To attain these objectives the foreign policy that India has been pursuing consistently is known as the policy of non-alignment, though there have been changes in it to keep it relevant in the context of changes on the international scene. 27.5.1 Policy of Non-alignment Non-alignment has been regarded as the most important feature of India’s foreign policy. India led the process of evolution of the concept of non-alignment during the period, when the world was divided between two camps: western nations led by the United States of America constituting the one camp and the communist nations led by the Soviet Union constituting the other. It was a known as period of cold war between the two camps. Cold War was intense rivalry between USA and Soviet Union without fighting a direct war to attract allies in Africa, Asia and Latin America. It started soon after the Second World War and continued for forty five years. These two big countries became two opposite poles known as East and West and the world politics revolved around these two poles. In fact, the world became bipolar. Non-alignment aimed at maintaining national independence in foreign affairs by not joining any of the two military alliances formed by the USA and Soviet Union. Non-alignment was neither neutrality nor non-involvement nor isolationism. It was a dynamic concept which meant not committing to any military bloc but taking an independent stand on international issues according to the merits of each case. The policy of non-alignment won many supporters in the developing countries as it provided an opportunity to them for protecting their sovereignty as also retaining their freedom of action during the tension ridden cold war period. India as the prime architect of non-alignment and as one of the leading members of the non-aligned movement has taken an active part in its growth. The Non-Aligned Movement is providing all member states, regardless of size and importance, an opportunity to participate in global decision making and world politics. Do you know Among the non-aligned nations, Nehru had evolved special relationship with President Tito of Yugoslavia and Nasser of Egypt. These three are regarded as the founding fathers of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The non-aligned movement was a group of the newly independent states who refused to accept the dictates of the former colonial masters and decided to act according to their own judgment on issues of international concern. Non-aligned Movement (NAM) has also been anti-imperialist in approach. Since Non-aligned Movement NAM was a product of the cold war scenario and the bipolar world, many scholars questioned the relevance of NAM after the end of cold war and disintegration of the Soviet Union. However, even in the present scenario NAM has a significant role to play. First, with the disintegration of Soviet Union, the world faces a threat from unipolar world. The NAM can act as a check against US dominance. Secondly, the developed (North) and developing (South) world are divided over several economic issues. The NAM remains a very relevant forum for developing countries to engage with the developed nations in a productive dialogue. Moreover, the NAM can prove to be powerful instrument for South-South cooperation. Such a thing is essential if the developing countries are to increase their bargaining power vis-a-vis the developed world. Finally, the developing countries united under the banner of NAM have to fight for the reform of UN and change it according to the requirements of the 21st century. 27.5.2 Support to United Nations India has always viewed United Nations (UN) as a vehicle for peace and security and for peaceful change in world politics. Being one of the 51 Original or founding Members of the United Nations, India has been extending all out support in its efforts for international peace and security and disarmament. India expects that the UN must involve countries to moderate their differences through talks or negotiations. Moreover, India has advocated active role for UN in development effort of the developing countries. It has pleaded for a common united front of these countries in the UN. It believes that the nonaligned world by virtue of its massive number could play a constructive and meaningful role in the UN by stopping the superpowers from using this world body for their own interests. Security Council, an important organ of United Nations plays a key role in the maintenance of international peace and security, that is why, a process of its reforms has been initiated and there is the possibility of expanding its permanent membership. India has a strong case for becoming a permanent member in the Security Council. ACTIVITY 27.4 Gather information about the total membership of Security Council and how many nations are its permanent members? You may ask your teachers or consult a book on United Nations or take the help of internet to get the information. Based on the information prepare a write up on (i) Why only these nations were made permanent members of the Security Council? (ii) Why should India be its permanent member? INTEXT QUESTIONS 27.4 1. What are the basic objectives of Indian Foreign Policy? 2. Why did India adopt the policy of non-alignment? 3. Fill in the blanks: 1. India was ________________________ of non-aligned movement. 2. India has always viewed United Nations (UN) as a vehicle for _________________ in world politics. 3. India has been extending all out support to UN in its ___________________and other endeavours like __________________________. 4. India has a strong case for becoming a ________________________ in the Security Council. WHAT YOU HAVE LEARNT - Peace and security is very important for an individual, a society, a nation and the world. It is a condition where individuals, institutions, regions, nations and the world move ahead without any threat. Peace and Security - Peace is a social and political condition that ensures development of individuals, society and the nation. It is a state of harmony characterized by the existence of healthy interpersonal or inter-group or inter-regional or inter-state or international relationships, prosperity in matters of social or economic welfare, the establishment of equality, and a working political order that serves the true interests of all. In the context of intra-national and international relations, peace is not merely the absence of war or conflict, but also the presence of socio-cultural and economic understanding and unity. There is a sense of tolerance in relations for the realization of true peace. - In general terms, security means a secure condition or feeling untroubled by danger or fear. It also means the safety of an individual, an institution, a region, a nation or the world. However, in its most basic sense, security implies freedom from extremely dangerous threats. It also relates to threats that endanger core values like human rights. - In its traditional notion, peace and security has been focused since ages on the danger of military or armed conflicts or threats. But the new notion is focused on human peace and security or global peace and security. This is primarily addressed to individuals and is to be seen as enabler, as the precondition to socio-economic development and to the maintenance of human dignity. - Peace and security is an essential condition for democracy and development. In fact, there is a mutual relationship between democracy and development and peace and security. In the absence of peace and security democracy cannot function and development cannot take place. On the other hand peace cannot be achieved in the absence of democracy and development. - The approach and methods for ensuring peace and security began evolving in India quite early, in fact, during freedom movement itself. The approach has been reflected in the Constitution also. The approach, however, has been changing over the years according to the needs and requirements. - India has been experiencing various types of violent activities under the garb of terrorism or insurgency or naxalite movement, which are more serious threats to peace and security. The Government of India has been employing strategies and methods to deal with terrorism, insurgency and naxalite movement. - India has been concerned with international peace and security. The leadership of the freedom movement announced that India would promote the policy of international peace, because it would be essential for the socio-economic development. Which is why, like any other nation, India also has its foreign policy rooted in the national interest and its place at the international level. - Non-alignment has been regarded as the most important feature of India’s foreign policy. India led the process of evolution of the concept of non-alignment during the period, when the world was divided between two camps. The Non-Aligned Movement is providing all member states, regardless of size and importance, an opportunity to participate in global decision making and world politics. - India has been extending all out support to United Nations in its peacekeeping operations and other endeavours like disarmament. Moreover, India has advocated active role for UN in development effort of the developing countries. Since India has emerged as the second fastest growing economy and also because of the leadership it has provided at all international forums, its contribution to UN peacekeeping, and its track record in espousing the cause of the developing world, India has a strong case for becoming a permanent member in the Security Council. TERMINAL EXERCISES 1. What is the meaning of the term peace and security? How is the traditional notion of the term different from the new or non-traditional notion? 2. Do you agree that there is a mutual relationship between peace and security on one hand and democracy and development on the other? Justify your answer. 3. What contribution did the national freedom movement make to evolve the strategies and methods to deal with threats to peace and security? 4. What are the major threats to peace and security in India? What are the major strategies and methods that India has been employing? 5. Examine the Indian Foreign Policy in the context of peace and security. 6. How is the policy of non-alignment relevant in the context of the changed nature of international politics? 7. How has India been extending its support to the United Nations? Why should India be made a permanent member of the Security Council? ANSWERS TO INTEXT QUESTIONS 27.1 1. (a) disturbances or conflicts (b) healthy interpersonal or inter-group or inter-regional or inter-state or international relationships, prosperity in matters of social or economic welfare, the establishment of equality, and a working political order that serves the true interests of all. (c) by danger or fear, an individual, an institution, a region, a nation or the world. (d) extremely dangerous threats 2. Because it is a condition where individuals, institutions, regions, nations and the world move ahead without any threat. In this condition regions or nations are generally more stable domestically, likely to be democratically governed and respectful to human rights. Conflict not only generates threat and fear, but also hampers economic, social, or political advancement. 3. (i) The new or non-traditional notion of peace and security is much broader and goes beyond military threats to include wide range of dangers and threats to human existence. (ii) It includes not only regions and nations, but also individuals or communities and the human kind at large. (iii) According to new understanding, peace and security is to be seen as the precondition to socio-economic development and to the maintenance of human dignity. (iv) The new notion also includes freedom of individuals from hunger, freedom from wants, diseases and epidemics, environmental degradation, exploitation and sub-human treatment. 27.2 1. There is a mutual relationship between democracy and development and peace and security. In the absence of peace and security democracy cannot function and development cannot take place. Citizens can participate in the process of decision-making at different levels only when the peace prevails. Peace is still more essential for development in various areas. On the other hand peace cannot be achieved in the absence of democracy and development. Democracy is better placed for eliminating conditions that generate public dissatisfaction. Development also promotes peace. It is through development that nations can ensure social and economic progress for the people and improve their quality of life. 2. The ideas and views about the approach to ensure peace and security began during freedom movement. The leadership clearly realized that the democratic system after independence can be functional only when a condition of peace and security is maintained. The consensus that emerged for adopting socialistic approach to socio-economic development during freedom struggle was aimed at creating conditions that promote security against internal threats to peace. 3. The Constitution mentions peace and security in the Chapter on Directive Principles of State Policy. The federal system and the establishment of rural and urban local governments are aimed at eliminating a threat to internal security. At the international level, the Constitution adopted a policy aimed at promotion of international peace and security. It has provisions for the support to all efforts being made at the global or regional level for peace, equitable economic development, promotion of human rights and elimination of terrorism. 4. The democratic institutions and processes must be strengthened. Efforts should continue to be made to accelerate the pace of socio-economic development in all parts of the country. People must be encouraged to participate in democratic processes and development activities. India must support all international efforts for maintaining peace and security. 27.3 1. (a) (i) terrorism, (ii) insurgency, (iii) naxalite movement (b) inflict dramatic and deadly injury, create an atmosphere of fear (c) (i) political motives (ii) social and economic justice 2. The Government of India has been supporting efforts of all nations to fight terrorism and seeking their support whenever any terrorist attack takes place. As regards the insurgency activities aimed at political objectives, the Government of India is trying to tackle it diplomatically. India has entered into a treaty with Myanmar and very recently Bangladesh to restrain the help and support coming to insurgent movements from those countries. It is also trying to mount international pressure on Pakistan to do the same. In respect of the Naxalite movement it was realized that it is a more serious issue, having deep socio-economic dimensions. Efforts are being made to accelerate the pace of development in those areas and to bring the youth in to the mainstream. 3. The government should make all efforts for all-round development of all regions of the country. All must have equal opportunity for education and employment. The democratic institutions and processes must be strengthened to provide equal opportunities to participate. Efforts needed at international level are supporting the institutions and processes that are engaged in maintaining international peace and security. Allout efforts are to be made to contain terrorism. 27.4 1. (i) Maintenance of freedom in policy formulation; (ii) promotion of international peace and security; (iii) good relationships with other nations and especially with our neighbours; (iv) support to the United Nations; (v) disarmament; opposition to colonialism, imperialism and racism; and (vi) cooperation among developing nations. 2. Non alignment aimed at maintaining national independence in foreign affairs by not joining any of the two military alliances formed by the USA and Soviet Union. Non-alignment was neither neutrality nor non-involvement nor isolationism. The policy of non-alignment provided an opportunity to developing nations for protecting their sovereignty as also retaining their freedom of action during the tension ridden cold war period. The Non-Aligned Movement is providing all member states, regardless of size and importance, an opportunity to participate in global decision making and world politics. 3. 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Reference Point Discovery Home Assignment Module 2 Name: ___________________________________________ Vehicle Make/Model: _______________ Off-street Location: ________________________________________________________________ Parent/Guardian Signature: _________________________________________________________ Goal: Student will demonstrate the ability to position the family vehicle 3 – 6 inches away from the right, left, front and rear limits by discovering and utilizing reference points for precision vehicle placement. Discovery Sequence: 1. Position your family vehicle the required distance from a line or curb without going over for each situation. 2. Secure your vehicle and check for accurate positioning. Reposition your vehicle if necessary to reach that goal. 3. From the driver’s seat, look for your reference point. Remember it will be that point on the vehicle that aligns with the line or bottom of the curb. 4. Once you have discovered your reference point do the following: a. Record what/where the reference point is located on the vehicle b. Mark that location on the corresponding diagram c. Draw in your sightline, from your marked reference point to where you see it in relationship to the line or curb. Right Side Limit – Position your family vehicle 3 – 6 inches away from and parallel to a line on the right 1. What is your Reference Point? ________________________________________________ 2. Mark its location with an X on the diagram below. 3. Draw in your sightline from the reference point to where it aligns with the line. 3 Feet From Right Side – Position your vehicle 3 feet away from and parallel to a line on the right 1. What is your Reference Point? ________________________________________________ 2. Mark its location with an X on the diagram below. 3. Draw in your sightline from the reference point to where it aligns with the line. Left Side Limit – Position your family vehicle 3 – 6 inches away from and parallel to a line on the left 4. What is your Reference Point? ________________________________ 5. Mark its location with an X on the diagram below. 6. Draw in your sightline from the reference point to where it aligns with the line. Front Limit – Position your family vehicle 3 – 6 inches away from and perpendicular to a line in the front 7. What is your Reference Point? ________________________________ 8. Mark its location with an X on the diagram below. 9. Draw in your sightline from the reference point to where it aligns with the line. Rear Limit – Position your family vehicle 3 – 6 inches away from and perpendicular to a line in the rear 10. What is your Reference Point? ________________________________ 11. Mark its location with an X on the diagram below. 12. Draw in your sightline from the reference point to where it aligns with the line.	<urn:uuid:58f5e519-6f61-46b9-9c84-9263f6ccbc23>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www-rrdrivingschool-com.is.desdriven.com/DES/feeder.phtml/docs/JQFEE4QD57ZC/ha_2.04_reference_point_discoveries.pdf	2022-08-14T00:41:07+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00633.warc.gz	553,199,503	572	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.99829	eng_Latn	0.998192	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1891, 2829 ]	[ 3.96875 ]	1	0
1. Why get vaccinated? Pneumococcal conjugate vaccine can prevent pneumococcal disease. Pneumococcal disease refers to any illness caused by pneumococcal bacteria. These bacteria can cause many types of illnesses, including pneumonia, which is an infection of the lungs. Pneumococcal bacteria are one of the most common causes of pneumonia. Besides pneumonia, pneumococcal bacteria can also cause: - Ear infections - Sinus infections - Meningitis (infection of the tissue covering the brain and spinal cord) - Bacteremia (infection of the blood) Anyone can get pneumococcal disease, but children under 2 years old, people with certain medical conditions or other risk factors, and adults 65 years or older are at the highest risk. Most pneumococcal infections are mild. However, some can result in long-term problems, such as brain damage or hearing loss. Meningitis, bacteremia, and pneumonia caused by pneumococcal disease can be fatal. PCV13 - Infants and young children usually need 4 doses of PCV13, at ages 2, 4, 6, and 12–15 months. - Older children (through age 59 months) may be vaccinated with PCV13 if they did not receive the recommended doses. - Children and adolescents 6–18 years of age with certain medical conditions should receive a single dose of PCV13 if they did not already receive PCV13. PCV15 or PCV20 - Adults 19 through 64 years old with certain medical conditions or other risk factors who have not already received a pneumococcal conjugate vaccine should receive either: - a single dose of PCV15 followed by a dose of pneumococcal polysaccharide vaccine (PPSV23), or - a single dose of PCV20. - Adults 65 years or older who have not already received a pneumococcal conjugate vaccine should receive either: - a single dose of PCV15 followed by a dose of PPSV23, or - a single dose of PCV20. Your health care provider can give you more information. To allow medical care provider(s) accurate immunization status information, an immunization assessment, and a recommended schedule for future immunizations, information will be sent to the Michigan Care Improvement Registry. Individuals have the right to request that their medical care provider not forward immunization information to the Registry. 3. Talk with your health care provider Tell your vaccination provider if the person getting the vaccine: - Has had an allergic reaction after a previous dose of any type of pneumococcal conjugate vaccine (PCV13, PCV15, PCV20, or an earlier pneumococcal conjugate vaccine known as PCV7), or to any vaccine containing diphtheria toxoid (for example, DTaP), or has any severe, life-threatening allergies. In some cases, your health care provider may decide to postpone pneumococcal conjugate vaccination until a future visit. People with minor illnesses, such as a cold, may be vaccinated. People who are moderately or severely ill should usually wait until they recover. Your health care provider can give you more information. 4. Risks of a vaccine reaction - Redness, swelling, pain, or tenderness where the shot is given, and fever, loss of appetite, fussiness (irritability), feeling tired, headache, muscle aches, joint pain, and chills can happen after pneumococcal conjugate vaccination. Young children may be at increased risk for seizures caused by fever after PCV13 if it is administered at the same time as inactivated influenza vaccine. Ask your health care provider for more information. People sometimes faint after medical procedures, including vaccination. Tell your provider if you feel dizzy or have vision changes or ringing in the ears. As with any medicine, there is a very remote chance of a vaccine causing a severe allergic reaction, other serious injury, or death. 5. What if there is a serious problem? An allergic reaction could occur after the vaccinated person leaves the clinic. If you see signs of a severe allergic reaction (hives, swelling of the face and throat, difficulty breathing, a fast heartbeat, dizziness, or weakness), call 9-1-1 and get the person to the nearest hospital. For other signs that concern you, call your health care provider. Adverse reactions should be reported to the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS). Your health care provider will usually file this report, or you can do it yourself. Visit the VAERS website at www.vaers.hhs.gov or call 1-800-822-7967. VAERS is only for reporting reactions, and VAERS staff members do not give medical advice. 6. The National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program The National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program (VICP) is a federal program that was created to compensate people who may have been injured by certain vaccines. Claims regarding alleged injury or death due to vaccination have a time limit for filing, which may be as short as two years. Visit the VICP website at www.hrsa.gov/vaccinecompensation or call 1-800-338-2382 to learn about the program and about filing a claim. 7. How can I learn more? - Ask your health care provider. - Call your local or state health department. - Visit the website of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for vaccine package inserts and additional information at www.fda.gov/vaccines-blood-biologics/vaccines. - Contact the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC): - Call 1-800-232-4636 (1-800-CDC-INFO) or - Visit CDC’s website at www.cdc.gov/vaccines.	<urn:uuid:7270fc1c-6c67-4ad2-a4b9-add610782b80>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.michigan.gov/mdhhs/-/media/Project/Websites/mdhhs/English-VIS/PneumoConjugate.pdf?rev=3017242a138448c79f5bc1600bd6b52d&hash=1352C90FC365E312AEC61C271839EE6D	2022-08-14T00:34:19+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00641.warc.gz	769,900,882	1,207	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996934	eng_Latn	0.9972	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2243, 5383 ]	[ 2.0625 ]	31	0
SCHOOL POLICIES FOR STUDENTS The policies in this document relate to issues around students, student learning, parents and their involvement in the school. ## Contents 2.1 Academic Honesty Policy ........................................................................................................... 3 2.2 Sekolah Ciputra Language Policy ............................................................................................ 11 2.2A Sekolah Ciputra Language Philosophy .................................................................................. 17 2.3 Inclusion Policy (SEN) ............................................................................................................. 19 2.4 Professional Development Policy ............................................................................................ 24 2.5 Acceptable Use Policy - ICT .................................................................................................... 29 2.6 Mother Tongue Support for Languages other than English, Bahasa Indonesia and Mandarin .... 31 2.7 Curriculum Design and Review ............................................................................................... 32 2.8 Teaching and Learning Policy .................................................................................................. 34 2.8A Teaching and Learning Philosophy ....................................................................................... 35 2.9 Official Trips Out of Surabaya .................................................................................................. 38 2.10 Performance Appraisal Policy ................................................................................................. 40 2.11 Information Technology .......................................................................................................... 42 2.12 Assessment Policy .................................................................................................................. 43 2.13 School Library ......................................................................................................................... 46 2.14 Education outside the classroom ........................................................................................... 47 3.1 Student Safety .......................................................................................................................... 48 3.2 Student Behaviour .................................................................................................................... 49 3.3. International Student Policy .................................................................................................. 50 3.4 DBL Cheerleading ...................................................................................................................... 51 3.5 Admissions Policy ..................................................................................................................... 52 3.7 Student Excursions Outside of Surabaya Policy. ..................................................................... 54 3.8 School Nurse and Health Room ............................................................................................... 56 3.9 Attendance ............................................................................................................................... 58 5.1 Parents and Visitors in the School ............................................................................................ 60 5.3 Visitors to the school. .............................................................................................................. 62 5.4 Extracurricular Activities ......................................................................................................... 63 5.5 Complaints ............................................................................................................................... 65 6.1 Health and Safety ..................................................................................................................... 68 6.4 CCTV Policy ............................................................................................................................. 69 6.5 Financial Procedures ............................................................................................................... 71 2.1 Academic Honesty Policy 1. Rationale As an IB World School, Sekolah Ciputra: “… aims to develop internationally minded people who, recognizing their common humanity and shared guardianship of the planet, help to create a better and more peaceful world”. (Diploma Programme: Academic Honesty, p 2). Strong values and ethical behaviour are important, as being a trustworthy and responsible learner is fundamental to who we are and who we aspire to be. Furthermore, academic honesty is explicitly and/or implicitly incorporated into the following attributes of the IB Learner Profile: Principled; Inquirer; Thinker; and Communicator. As such, Sekolah Ciputra students aim to reflect the essence of academic honesty at all times by demonstrating the following attributes of the Learner Profile: - Principled: act with integrity and honesty at all times, and are prepared to take responsibility for their actions. - Inquirer: develop the necessary inquiry and research skills, enabling them to become independent learners. - Thinker: make reasoned and ethical decisions. - Communicator: understand and are able to express their ideas confidently and creatively in more than one language and are able to collaborate effectively with others. 2. ACADEMIC HONESTY: What is it? (a) General “Academic honesty must be seen as a set of values and skills that promote personal integrity and good practice in teaching, learning and assessment” (Academic Honesty, p 2). Whilst it is widely acknowledged that academic honesty is shaped and influenced by a wide variety of factors, we recognise the critical role that the school plays in the building and development of each student. As such, all Teachers and Administrators at Sekolah Ciputra in both the Elementary and High School play an important role in the teaching of academic honesty by: - Modelling best practice research and referencing skills in all teaching, learning and assessment items; - Acting in an ethically sound and principled manner at all times; and - Explicitly teaching good research skills and practices. - Implementing the Learner Profile Principled whereby students and staff “act with integrity and honesty, with a strong sense of fairness, justice and respect for the dignity of the individual, groups and communities” (IBO 2017) Review March 2020 Sekolah Ciputra aims to focus on the positive practice of academic honesty at all times, rather than what constitutes academic dishonesty. In this manner, we are aiming to deeply embed a culture of academic honesty within the Elementary and High School where students will learn to proactively reflect on and regulate their own research, referencing and other assessment practices. Nevertheless, students must be aware of what constitutes malpractice for us to deeply embed such a culture. (b) Malpractice Malpractice is defined as behaviour that results in, or may result in, the candidate or any other candidate gaining an unfair advantage in one or more assessment components (Academic Honesty, p. 3). This may include plagiarism, collusion and duplication of work, as well as any other behaviour that enables a candidate to gain an unfair advantage or that affects the results of another candidate. This can include malpractice by staff or systemic malpractice. It is impossible to produce a statement that encompasses all forms of malpractice. Nevertheless, the following table will provide the reader with a deeper understanding of this concept, including the following: - Definition of malpractice (as defined by the IB and applied at Sekolah Ciputra); - Types/forms of malpractice; and - Examples of each type. Any breach of academic integrity will result in a referral to the relevant Vice Principal and academic consequences (SEE Heading 5: Procedures). \| VIOLATION \| IB DEFINITION \| EXAMPLES \| \|-----------\|---------------\|----------\| \| Plagiarism \| The representation of the ideas or work of another person as the candidate’s own, whether intentional or otherwise. \| Presenting information collected, organised, or written by someone else as your own (with or without the author’s permission). In the arts, plagiarism can include taking someone’s ideas or concepts and portraying them as your own. Plagiarism can be both intentional and unintentional, but both are treated the same way. Some examples: - Copying an article from a website and not giving credit, regardless of intention. If you are unsure, always ask a teacher whether or not to give the original author credit. \| - Copying and pasting information from a website into your work, and then failing to give the website credit. - Reading an article or other text, taking ideas from it, and then representing them as your own ideas (even though you are paraphrasing them). - Using a repetitive musical phrase from another musical composition without giving credit. To Avoid Plagiarism: If you ever use someone else’s words or ideas, give them credit. Don’t worry. Using outside sources is encouraged, because it often makes a better argument and gives your work greater credibility. \| VIOLATION \| IR DEFINITION \| EXAMPLES \| \|-----------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Collusion \| Supporting malpractice by another candidate, as in allowing one’s work to be copied or submitted for assessment by another (in short, you are supporting malpractice by your actions). \| You let another student copy from your homework. The teacher gives you a lab to be completed individually, but you work with other students and submit the work with only your name on it. In an exam, test or quiz, you share your answers with other students during the assessment. You take an exam, test or quiz earlier than your peers and you then share the material with them. \| To Avoid Collusion: Always do your own work. If you are unsure, ask the teacher before you consider sharing information or working collaboratively. Avoid talking or looking at your classmates during any formal assessment. \| VIOLATION \| IB DEFINITION \| EXAMPLES \| \|--------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Duplication \| The presentation of the same work for different assessment components and/or IB requirements. \| You completed a TOK reflection in Grade 11, and then used parts of it for your final TOK Essay. You use an essay submitted for Indonesian B as the basis of your Extended Essay. \| To Avoid Duplication: Start a new document whenever you start a new assignment and avoid copying anything from earlier work. If you have any doubts about whether or not it is appropriate to borrow an idea from an earlier piece of work, ask a teacher. \| VIOLATION \| EXAMPLES \| \|----------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Other forms of Malpractice \| ● Bringing an unauthorised formula booklet into a test or exam (such as one that includes additional material inside). ● Using an unauthorised calculator where calculators are allowed by the examination. ● Storing unauthorised material/formulae within the calculator or otherwise (such as written notes on the back of a student’s hand). ● Fabricating information to try and earn more time or credit on an assignment, project or exam. ● Failing to comply with the instructions of the invigilator/supervisor responsible for the conduct of the test/examination. ● Attempting to disrupt the test/examination or otherwise distract another student. ● Cheating/copying/impersonating the work of another student. ● Talking during any class test/examination. ● Bringing a mobile phone or other device into a test/examination. \| To avoid these other forms of cheating/malpractice: - Avoid talking to or looking at classmates during an assessment. - Do not take unauthorised material into an examination. - Enter the exam room silently. \| VIOLATION \| EXAMPLES \| \|------------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Malpractice by staff or systemic malpractice \| ● The school failing to brief staff adequately on IBO academic honesty procedures. ● The school failing to follow an IBO academic honesty procedure. ● Staff allowing or not reporting breaches of academic honesty procedures. ● The school failing to report systematic malpractice to the IBO in a timely fashion. ● Internal assessments not following proscribed conditions. ● Invigilators being inadequately briefed or failing to properly supervised as laid out by the IBO \| To avoid these other forms of cheating/malpractice: - Staff will be informed that potential breaches of the academic honesty policy are non-discretionary. They must be reported to the relevant coordinator who must brief the principal. - A log will be kept of all investigations of academic dishonesty. - Staff will be briefed yearly on their obligations regarding academic honesty. - All teaching units will contain an academic honesty section. - HOFs will interview staff members to ensure they fully understand their internal assessment conditions. Coordinators will randomly sample. - Before every examination period, invigilators will be fully briefed on expectations for invigilation. The coordinators will ensure that the briefing complies with IBO regulations. - The coordinator and unit principal will brief the Executive Principal once a year on steps taken to ensure compliance with the academic honest policy. - Any systemic breach of academic honesty must be reported to the IBO within 24 hours of its discovery following consultation with the Executive Principal. 3. How to Ensure Academic Honesty? Academic Honesty is encouraged and promoted in Sekolah Ciputra through: - Teaching children in Elementary about the importance of academic honesty and encouraging them to acknowledge their sources. - Consistently teaching and using the Harvard Referencing system across all subjects and grade levels: - Resources such as websites like [http://www.harvardgenerator.com/](http://www.harvardgenerator.com/) or [https://www.refme.com/#/](https://www.refme.com/#/) may help with referencing. However before using these resources ensure that you understand how to properly and effectively use them. - Encouraging students to ask questions if they don’t understand any aspect of referencing or academic honesty. • Teaching and reminding students how to be organized and give themselves plenty of time to: ➢ Read extensively and widely around the topic. ➢ Develop their own voice, opinions and ideas with respect to the topic, rather than simply summarising or rewriting the ideas in their own words. ➢ Record their information sources (when taking notes), including the relevant page numbers, URLs, etc. ➢ Develop a structured argument or approach (depending on the subject and type of assessment) from the outset. • The use of “Turnitin” as an electronic tool for the completion of written work outside the classroom and checking work against many online sources. ➢ Whilst it is a useful tool, it is a similarity checking tool and cannot be relied to detect plagiarism without further investigation by the teacher with respect to referenced sources. ➢ Students should ask their supervisor/teacher if they can run their draft essay through Turnitin prior to submission. ➢ Students should make sure that they give credit for all source material used in the preparation of their essay/paper. • Teachers making it clear whether work is to be completed individually or collaboratively in groups. • Teachers being fully briefed and understanding systems used to promote academic honesty. • Parents being informed about and having access to the Academic Honesty Policy using multiple pathways, e.g. workshop, website, Instagram... 4. Procedures Upon each suspected violation of the Academic Honesty policy, the following procedure will be followed: (a) The Teacher (or invigilator in the case of an examination) who assigned the work will: ➢ Consult their Head of Faculty and if required the relevant Programme Coordinator to determine if the violation warrants investigation; (b) If it is decided that academic misconduct may have taken place then the Teacher, Head of Faculty and Programme Coordinator will follow these steps ➢ Consult with the student(s) involved giving them chance to explain the situation; ➢ Consult with any other individuals who may be involved (or otherwise); ➢ Determine if academic misconduct has taken place. ➢ Summarize the findings of the investigation for reference (c) If the findings conclude that academic misconduct has taken place the Teacher, Head of Faculty and Programme Coordinator will meet (with the Principal[s]if necessary) to determine the appropriate consequences as per Section 5 and 6 below. The investigation summary and appropriate consequences will be used to write an official incident letter which will be made available to the student(s) and their parents. (d) The official incident letter will be added to the student’s school file. (e) To ensure that the violation is not repeated, the student will meet with the teacher or Programme Coordinator to learn what steps should be taken in the future to avoid this type of academic misconduct. 5. Consequences The following consequences will take place when a student has been found guilty of academic misconduct: (a) First instance: Elementary Teachers will review what academic misconduct happened and discuss with students how to avoid doing it again. High School The student will receive an internal grade of NA in the particular assignment and will be expected to complete an alternate version of the task. A formal conference will take place between the student, teacher, parents, relevant Coordinator and High School Principal(s), and two copies of an official incident letter, which summarizes the discussion and consequences, will be signed by all parties and one copy will be shared with the parents. (b) Second instance: Elementary Teachers will review what academic misconduct happened and discuss with students how to avoid doing it again. The student will receive an internal grade of NA in the particular assignment and a formal conference will take place between the student, teacher and parents. High School The student will receive an internal grade of NA in the particular assignment and will be expected to complete an alternate version of the task. A formal conference will take place between the student, teacher, parents, relevant Coordinator and High School Principal(s), and two copies of a second official incident letter, which summarizes the discussion and consequences, will be signed by all parties and one copy will be shared with the parents. The student may serve an in-school suspension for up to three school days. (c) Third instance: Elementary Teachers will review what academic misconduct happened and discuss with students how to avoid doing it again. The student will receive an internal grade of NA in the particular assignment, a formal conference will take place between the student, teacher, parents and Principal(s). High School The student will receive an internal grade of NA in the particular assignment and will be expected to complete an alternate version of the task. A formal conference will take place between the student, teacher, parents, relevant Coordinator and High School Principal(s), and two copies of a second official incident letter, which summarizes the discussion and consequences, will be signed by all parties and one copy will be shared with the parents. The student may serve an in-school suspension for up to one week and must demonstrate to a comity of school leadership members why they should be allowed to continue their studies at Sekolah Ciputra and under what conditions. (d) Exceptional Circumstances Further consequences may be determined on an individual case basis taking into account the nature of the work and the severity of the academic misconduct. Such examples might include: - In examinations students will receive a result of 0 with no opportunity to retake the test. - Publication or reproduction of exam/test material or answers may result in all students who took the exam/test having to retake an alternate version. - Student work will not be submitted to the IB. - Personal project with academic honesty issues will receive a grade of F. - The IB will be notified of misconduct in IB examinations and assessment and the IB will impose further consequences as determined by the Final Awards Committee for Academic Honesty. 6. Discretionary Power - Sekolah Ciputra reserves the right to exercise its discretionary power when deciding on the appropriate consequences/sanctions for students found to have acted dishonestly and/or committed an act of malpractice. - Matters related to academic misconduct are confidential, however universities often ask about academic honesty and school reference letters may explicitly refer to any documented incidences. 7. Links to 2.12 Assessment policy 4.1 Staff Code of Conduct Bibliography International Baccalaureate Organization. (2009). Diploma Programme: Academic Honesty. International Baccalaureate Organization. (2017) Learner Profile Poster Martin Blackburn Executive Principal June 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees. Review March 2020 2.2 Sekolah Ciputra Language Policy Rationale Language is the means by which members of a community communicate with each other. Since there are multiple languages that are spoken within the Sekolah Ciputra community, this policy document seeks to establish the philosophies and understandings that underpin the way language is both taught and used at the school and provide direction for facilitating clear, professional and inclusive communication among all members of the community. This policy is premised on the following assumptions: - The primary language of instruction at Sekolah Ciputra is English - Bahasa Indonesia and Mandarin constitute additional languages of instruction - English is the accepted lingua franca at Sekolah Ciputra - The majority of students at Sekolah Ciputra have English as an additional language - The school recognises and promotes the ongoing development of students’ mother tongue - All teachers at Sekolah Ciputra are inherently language teachers and are therefore bound by the terms of the school’s language policy Purpose of the Sekolah Ciputra Language Policy The Sekolah Ciputra Language Policy is intended to: - Articulate the objectives for language learning at the school from Toddler classes to Year 12 - Promote a shared understanding of how language is taught at Sekolah Ciputra and the reasoning behind it - Provide rules, guidelines and a clear rationale for language use in all areas of the school - Underpin a cross-school language curriculum that runs from the IB Diploma programme, through MYP to the early years of the PYP and also takes into account the requirements of the Indonesian education authorities. - Stipulate and clarify the school’s entrance requirements with regard to language - Provide education and guidelines for teachers and parents on the topic of language learning and language use at Sekolah Ciputra Definition of terms used The following are brief definitions of some of the terms used in this document. Additional language: Any language that is learned in addition to the mother-tongue. This could be a second, third or even fourth language Home language: The language that is most used in the student’s home Lingua franca: A language that is adopted as a common language among speakers of different native languages Language systems: Alphabet, pronunciation, vocabulary, grammar and text types Language skills: Reading, writing, listening, speaking and visual literacy Mother Tongue: The term mother tongue is used in the research literature in various ways. It may denote the language first learned; the language identified with as a “native speaker,” the language known best; the language used most. When used in this document, it incorporates all those meanings. Language and Learning in IB Programmes (Aug 2012) Guidelines 1. Language of instruction and Language use around the School 1.1. All areas of the school In the classroom - Instructions and discussions are conducted in English, except in cases where, in the teacher’s professional judgment, the use of another language may provide a temporary scaffold for a student to be successful and provided that doing so does not interfere with the language objectives in an assessment task - P.E. teachers may choose to repeat safety instructions in English and Indonesian, as safety is especially important during this lesson. P.E. teachers should make every effort to check that students whose mother tongue is neither English nor Indonesian understand instructions - Exceptions for the language of instruction are made to accommodate government exam preparation (UNAS) in Years 6, 9 and 12. During break times - Teachers on duty or otherwise in the presence of students are expected to use English to communicate with students, except in cases where a student’s safety may be at risk and the teacher deems it necessary to communicate with the student in another language - Students are free to use whichever language they like, however; teachers on duty should be aware that if students are being excluded from participating in break-time activities because of the language being used, then students should be encouraged to use the lingua franca to include everyone. - Teachers may use any language they choose while in the teachers’ room or lunchroom; however there is an expectation that teachers will choose a language that everyone present can understand so that all teachers are included and feel valued and respected. During language lessons - The language used for instruction and discussion should be the target language i.e. Mandarin in Mandarin lessons, Indonesian in Indonesian lessons and English in English lessons. - Scaffolding should be used as much as possible in the target language to ensure everyone understands. This may include: - Adjusting the level of language used by the teacher to suit the level of proficiency of the students in the target language - Using concept checking questions to ensure everyone understands instructions and concepts being taught. - Using pictures, images, gestures and mime - A language rich environment should be provided for students to increase their level of proficiency and deepen their understandings of the structure of the target language. - Exceptions to the policy are made when preparing students for government examinations. 1.2. Specific to the Early Years - The majority of students enter the Early Year Programme with little or no proficiency in English. While it is acknowledged that English proficiency is one of the goals of the Early Years Programme, it is equally acknowledged that development of students’ mother tongue is important and should be fostered as a key part of the students’ education at Sekolah Ciputra - Teachers in the Early Years Programme should use their professional judgment in selecting the language with which they respond to their students. The focus should be on engaging students and promoting feelings of comfort, safety and well-being among them, while gradually developing students’ proficiency in English. - As students gradually acquire proficiency in English, they will naturally alternate between English and their mother tongue. This is called “code switching” – a perfectly normal and acceptable developmental stage for young multilingual speakers which should not be discouraged. 7. Communicating with the wider community - Written correspondence provided to parents should include both English and Indonesian translations as much as possible. This is compulsory when the message communicated concerns students’ safety or when the message being sent is urgent and of a high level of importance. - Where communication in Indonesian is not practical, for example on student reports, opportunities are provided for in person translation and/or clarification during scheduled parent-teacher interviews. - Where parents are not mother tongue speakers of English and Indonesian, English should be used. In some cases an interpreter may be needed and should be provided where available. In the event that a translator is needed, confidentiality of the information being shared with the translator should be considered when selecting a translator. - Internal correspondence between teachers and administrators at the school must be in a language everyone understands. When addressing teaching teams, this is usually English. - Public displays of student or teacher work in all areas of the school, including at school assemblies in Ciputra Hall or the Multi-Purpose Hall and on the school’s website, should reflect an attention to both the language and pedagogy being promoted. - Every effort should be made to ensure that displays promote a message of a high quality of language programming at the school. Indonesian teachers should rely on their colleagues who are native English language teachers for support in editing public displays around the school. - Any author of reports/newsletters/notifications/website etc can use any standard form of English as long as they are consistent in its use. Editors may choose to edit an entire publication to a particular standard form. 3. Teaching and Learning Language at Sekolah Ciputra Pedagogy, scope and sequence At Sekolah Ciputra, we recognise that all teachers are inherently language teachers who are responsible for facilitating language acquisition and promoting communication skills through their teaching. The philosophy of the IB PYP, IB MYP, and IB DP informs language learning at Sekolah Ciputra. In addition to inquiry-based approaches outlined by the IB, teachers of language classes at Sekolah Ciputra are expected to make full use of a broad and diverse range of contemporary and internationally accepted language, literature and literacy teaching and learning practices. Sekolah Ciputra offers English, Bahasa Indonesia and Mandarin programmes throughout the three IB programmes. Additional languages are available in the DP and can be taken on a case-by-case basis. The PYP language programmes and MYP Language Acquisition and Language and Literature programmes have been laid out in the Sekolah Ciputra Language Scope and Sequences. These are based on objectives from the relevant IB guides, expectations from the local Indonesian education authority, and the specific context of language teaching and learning at Sekolah Ciputra. In the PYP, planning for language programmes is done by class teachers and Native English speaking teachers, with guidance from a PYP Coordinator to support a trans-disciplinary approach to teaching and learning in each unit of inquiry. It is however acknowledged that some language skills may need to be developed outside of the trans-disciplinary theme of the unit. English and Indonesian are taught within the Unit of Inquiry and Mandarin teachers collaborate with grade level teachers to ensure integration of the core languages taught at Sekolah Ciputra. In the MYP there is at least one interdisciplinary unit per year at each year level. DP is a disciplinary programme; however it is the school’s expectation that subject teachers include language support and learning in their classes. 4. Mother Tongue Sekolah Ciputra recognises that a student’s Mother Tongue promotes personal identity and reinforces their cultural heritage and their ability to acquire all subsequent additional languages. We offer support for the preservation and development of a student’s mother tongue by: - Providing bilingual correspondence (English and Indonesian). - Advising families on arrangements for mother tongue support through outside cultural organisations offered in our community. - Recognizing that students should be allowed to speak in any language they like during informal situations such as break times, provided they do not alienate students from other language communities. - Providing LRC resources to develop a number of languages e.g. reading materials in Korean, Mandarin. 5. Enrolment conditions and entrance testing PYP It is the responsibility of the PYP under both this and the admissions policy to develop, implement and review enrolment procedures. These are reviewed annually as the standards of our current students change. Normally these entrance procedures involve, observation, interview and written assessment. High School All high school entrants are given an English test. This comprises of a speaking interview developed by Sekolah Ciputra and based on MYP global achievement indicators, and an online test (CEPT) which is based on the Common European Framework of Reference criteria. These align well with the MYP global proficiency descriptors for Language B. (MYP Language Acquisition Guide, p14). Students transitioning from Sekolah Ciputra PYP 6 to High School are given a placement test. Those students not achieving Phase 3 or higher are encouraged to enrol for extra English tuition outside of school with a reputable course provider. 6. Language Portrait A language portrait questionnaire is given to all new enrolments with assistance from parents for younger learners. The language portrait includes sections on: - Languages spoken and language background. - Reading and viewing habits. - Previous language learning experiences. The language portrait provides part of a needs analysis that helps inform the planning of teachers at Sekolah Ciputra and the kind of support the students may need. It also helps inform language policy revisions. The cross school language committee should review the language portrait each year. 7. Additional Language Support 7.1 PYP 3 - PYP 6 The additional language support programme is responsive to cohorts and individual students as required. Students who are adjudged to need additional support with language acquisition are given the appropriate combination of push in and pull out interventions. The timing of these interventions is organised on a case by case basis. 6.2 High School Entrance requirements are reviewed yearly for English to ensure that language is not a barrier to student success. With the introduction of phases to the Language Acquisition programmes, students receive Additional Language support through the Mandarin, Indonesian and English programmes. The school supports DP students wishing to pursue an additional language not offered at the school through self-taught IBDP language acquisition courses. 7. Professional development and education for the Sekolah Ciputra staff and parents The Sekolah Ciputra Language Philosophy is informed by evidence based research. The school is committed to staff professional development and parent education. 7.1 Teachers As part of a wider commitment to professional development Sekolah Ciputra provides teachers with the opportunity to - Attend PYP, MYP and DP language workshops on a yearly basis. - Attend in-school PD by curriculum heads and teachers who attend workshops held overseas. - Attend workshops focused on how to support students at Sekolah Ciputra through practices such as Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL). - Attend English Language courses to improve their own levels of English - Workshops to clarify the rationale behind the language policy. This should address: - the IB’s beliefs about multilingualism, - the use of English and the mother tongue in the classroom and other areas of the school. - the importance of English as a lingua franca as a means to providing an inclusive education for all. - Take part in the school language steering committee responsible for the creation and implementation of this document. - Choose English language proficiency as one of their professional development goals. 7.2 Parents The school provides opportunities for parents to: - participate in the school language policy committee which may include workshops. - attend workshops and information meetings which include: - The Sekolah Ciputra Language Policy, rationale and implementation. - The IB’s beliefs about language. - The importance of maintaining and developing the students mother-tongue language and literacy skills - Ways to support language learning and bi/multilingualism at home and how Sekolah Ciputra does this at home. - Face-to-face information sharing for parents whose children are in the EAL programme. - participate in or lead school language clubs after school for children with minority mother tongue languages. 8. Cross School Language Sub-Committee The school will have a standing cross school language sub-committee whose tasks will include: - Acting as the steering committee for the on-going review and development of the language philosophy, language policy and related policies. - Preparing process documentation for the purpose of auditing the implementation of the language and related policies. ● Ensure that the contents and obligations of the language and related policies are clearly understood by all stakeholders. ● Ensuring that there are coherent cross school scope and sequence documents for language and associated areas, research etc. ● Promoting excellence in both learning language, learning through language and learning about language. Linked to: 2.2A Language Philosophy 2.6 Mother Tongue Support 3.1 Student Safety 3.6 Re-enrolment 4.4 English Language Development 2.12 Assessment 2.7 Entrance Testing 3.5 Enrolment 4.3 English Speaking Draft Academic Promotion. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal April 2017 Pak Sutoto Board of Trustees 2.2A Sekolah Ciputra Language Philosophy We believe that language is fundamental to the human need to communicate and socialise and that language, communication, thinking and learning are mutually dependent.$^1$ We believe that language is inseparable from and shaped by culture and social interaction. Furthermore, we believe that all languages must be respected equally as must all cultures. We believe that we learn through language$^2$ and that it is a school’s responsibility to develop language so that children and young adults can acquire the ability to think independently, to develop social skills, positive character attributes and attitudes, engage critically with new information and become autonomous, self-directed learners. Furthermore we believe that as we learn language while learning in all subject areas, all teachers at Sekolah Ciputra have a responsibility to model appropriate language to the best of their ability and consciously aid the development of language through their teaching practice, no matter what their specialisation. We believe that best practice in the teaching and learning of language is achieved through the approach of inquiry learning and through other approaches and methods that are underpinned by contemporary evidence based research. We believe that what constitutes best practice is linked to the teaching and learning context and this varies from country to country and school to school$^3$. We recognise that language learning is not a linear process and that every student learns at a different rate and that there may be periods of rapid learning and others of slow progress. We also recognise that students have individual learning preferences and respond differently to activities and experiences. Therefore, we believe that it is every teacher’s duty to ensure their own practice draws on respected teaching methods and that these are applied in a way that is relevant to the context of Sekolah Ciputra and is differentiated to the needs of the students. We believe that multilingualism is no longer a luxury but a reality with the majority of global citizens speaking more than one language. We recognise that ability in global languages such as English provide opportunities to interact with international individuals, organisations and economies$^4$ and that all students should have a right to this. --- $^1$ Making the PYP happen, p.68 $^2$ Halliday, 1980 $^3$ PYP Language Scope and Sequence, P18 $^4$ Graddol, 2006 We also believe that the mother-tongue must be developed alongside additional languages as this promotes respect for an individual’s cultural identity, language, national values and allows a respect for cultures different from their own.$^5$ Development of language should be additive; languages being learnt are developed in all areas including social and academic language, and the mother tongue must not be replaced by the additional languages. We recognise that additive multilingual education leads to higher rates of language and literacy learning, better academic performance at school, and improved job prospects and salaries upon graduation. We believe that students should be free to use whichever language allows them to accomplish their purpose most successfully whether for social communication or learning as long as it fits with the prescribed IBO language of assessment. However, we believe that language should not exclude others and that teachers and students should use a language in which everyone present can understand and participate. At Sekolah Ciputra we are therefore fully committed to ensuring students are fully proficient in their mother tongue and at least one additional language by the time they complete the three IB programmes and/or the Sekolah Ciputra Based Diploma Programme (SBDP) offered at the school. --- $^5$ Unicef, 1989 2.3 Inclusion Policy (SEN) IB programmes "encourage students across the world to become active, compassionate and lifelong learners who understand that other people, with their difference, can also be right." IB mission statement 2004 (This Special Education Needs Policy has been developed in accordance with the IBO Special Educational Needs guidelines issued in August 2010.) Rationale Sekolah Ciputra believes that every child is unique and special. Each child has the right to an education that caters for individual needs. Some children may require extra support to ensure that their needs are met and that success is experienced. All members of the school community are responsible for appreciating differences and accepting and respecting each other. Students with Special Educational Needs are students who have been diagnosed by a qualified professional, and experience difficulties in basic areas of learning that are related to cognitive, social, emotional, or physical development. Sekolah Ciputra aims to assess and support SEN students in their learning where practicable. Purpose - to recognise that children with Special Educational Needs can, and should, have access to education - to establish whether the school can accommodate the individual needs of students with special needs - to establish collaboration between the school, parents and relevant professionals, in developing Individual Education Plans (IEP) for children with special needs - to provide training and develop resources to support teachers in supporting students with Special Educational Needs, including in the area differentiation - to create and sustain a school environment which is beneficial for all involved Roles and responsibilities Special Education Needs Coordinator (SENCO) The SENCO is responsible for: - supporting teachers through in-class observations to identify students that need learning support. - gathering data, in cooperation with class teachers, to support the parents in gaining expert professional diagnoses of learning support issues. - providing for relevant teachers, at the beginning of each school year, a Student Identification Profile for each SEN student and keeping it up to date. - supporting class teachers in devising strategies; establishing Individual Education Plans (IEP) appropriate to the needs of the student; and advising on appropriate resources and materials. - supporting the ongoing practice of all teachers; providing professional development, guidance and advice in areas related to special educational needs. - organising further meetings with parents and teachers to share and review IEPs. - liaising with outside agencies and providing a link between these agencies, class teachers, and parents, including arranging PD where available and when possible. - assisting in the monitoring, and evaluation, of progress of SEN students through the use of school assessment information (e.g. class-based assessment records, Managebac, Student Management System). Class Teachers Class Teachers are the key persons in supporting students’ learning. Class teachers are responsible for: - supporting all students, including SEN students, in the classroom by providing an appropriately differentiated programme. This includes the following areas: assessment, resources, strategies, and outcomes. Teachers involve faculty coordinators and SENCO for advice on these areas and how best to develop and maintain an inclusive classroom environment. - making themselves aware of this policy, and procedures for identification, monitoring, supporting and assessing SEN students. - giving feedback to parents and the SEN team about SEN students in their care. Learning Support Staff Learning Support Staff are internal and external professionals who are assigned to support students with Special Educational Needs, and will be involved in interventions, such as: - withdrawing students from class for individual or group-focused activities. This should happen if severe learning difficulties arise in a certain subject and over an agreed period of time. - designing an IEP with clear targets and timelines when learning difficulties are severe. - assisting teachers to support specific learning and behavioural needs, and providing physical assistance for students with mobility issues. Special Educational Needs Review Team The SEN Review Team consists of SENCO, counsellors, principals, vice principals and learning support staff. Meetings are scheduled to gain a school-wide picture of services needed and plan the next steps for each student. Procedures Identification, assessment and provision In collaboration with the SENCO, all teachers are responsible for identifying SEN students at an early stage. The school enrolment form will require parents to disclose either a diagnosed learning support issue, or whether their child has received learning support. This will be communicated to the relevant unit head so the student can be assessed appropriately. Students who have a report from an accepted Educational Psychologist or Consultant which states that they have been diagnosed with a specific learning challenge, and are within our capability of support, will be supported by the Special Educational Needs team. Other students who are weak, underachieving or struggling, may also be monitored. If staff believe that a student may have a specific learning challenge (e.g. dyslexia), the parents will be contacted by a counsellor. Recommendations for a formal assessment by an Educational Psychologist may be made. Early identification of students with SEN is a priority. The school will ascertain students' needs through: - evidence obtained by teacher observation/assessment, - monitoring their ability, attainment and progress, - levels, Reading and Comprehension Ages and any other forms of ability and attainment testing, - records from previous schools where available, - information from parents/carers. Progress will be monitored throughout the academic year. The school will use a variety of methods for providing for the needs of SEN pupils. These include: A. full-time education in classes, with additional help and support from teachers/learning support assistants through differentiated explanations, tasks and expected outcomes B. periods of withdrawal to work with learning support staff C. in-class support by learning support staff D. support from specialists within class or as part of a withdrawal programme. Specialists may include outside professionals, as well as the SENCO and counsellors. E. subject specific support for IB learners Following identification If the school decides that a student requires additional support to make progress, the SENCO, in collaboration with teachers and in consultation with parents, will coordinate a programme of support as outlined below. Action to support SEN students operates at three levels: 1) Cause for Concern At this level, concerns have been raised and discussed, teachers are aware of the needs of the student, but no action is required beyond differentiated teaching and assessment. The student will remain on the Cause for Concern list and be reviewed until there is no longer a Cause for Concern or until their needs warrant School Action. Parents are notified of the concerns and their support requested. 2) School Action If a child continues to be a Cause for Concern, the SENCO and teachers will review the approaches to be adopted. Parents will be consulted and encouraged to arrange a formal assessment for their child by an Educational Psychologist and an Individual Education Plan (IEP) will be created. The IEP contains a description of the student’s needs, and strategies that are recommended to support those needs. Specific and achievable targets for the student will be developed collaboratively by class teachers and SEN staff and shared with parents. 3) Review of School Action The IEP will be reviewed on a regular basis depending on need, but in any case no less than twice a year. Students who have made significant progress may have their IEP removed, but will continue to be monitored by the SEN team. IEP reviews in the High School take the form of a meeting with subject teachers and Homeroom Teachers, YLM, SENCO and Parents. The student’s view will also be taken into account. IEPs in the Pre-Elementary and Elementary are reviewed regularly by class teachers and relevant subject teachers with SENCO to provide progress reports for the SENCO. Meetings to develop and review IEPs are scheduled by class teachers and attended by parents, class teachers, single subject teachers and where deemed necessary by the SENCO, the principal. The role of the SENCO, with regard to IEPs, is to ensure the IEPs are being implemented and reviewed as agreed, and to coordinate a response from the school should there be a need for further screening, advice, commissioning of an Educational Psychologist’s report, or further support from an outside agency. Record Keeping The school will record the steps taken to meet the student’s individual needs. The SENCO will ensure that records are accurately maintained. An up-to-date SEN register and copies of IEPs will be available at all times. Partnerships with parents Sekolah Ciputra firmly believes in developing a strong partnership with parents so that SEN students can achieve their potential. The school recognises that parents have a unique overview of the student’s needs and how to support them, and that this gives them a key role in the partnership. The school considers parents of SEN students as valued partners in the process. Depending on age and appropriateness, SEN students will also be encouraged to participate in the decision-making processes affecting them. The effectiveness of the school in meeting the needs of enrolled SEN students will be evaluated formally each year, and decisions about the child’s continued enrolment will be made in consultation with parents and in keeping with the school’s enrolment, re-enrolment and academic promotion policies (Still in draft form at the time of reviewing this policy.) Differentiated Assessment In assessing students, the curriculum outcomes and the assessment criteria will not be changed; however, assessments will allow for a broad level of difficulty through a graduated range of questions and/or by giving students a variety of choices in the products that are available for them to respond with. Support and guidance from teachers will be given through different teaching styles and approaches to students, for example: providing further clarity to instructions, providing more examples, explaining one-on-one, producing visual aids. This will be done with the student’s dignity. in mind and in accordance with the IEPs and in alignment with the rules of the IB. For students who are eligible for special arrangements, their teachers and their parents will be informed in advance (any support or treatment for the purpose of assessment will be arranged according to the needs of each unit and further explained in a separate handbook). Differentiated assessment for any activity that contributes to an MYP/Diploma grade must follow the policies and practice of the IBO. Access to out of classroom activities The School will, wherever possible, make reasonable adjustments to allow SEN students access to the full range of educational and learning experiences that the school provides. However, the school will also need to consider: 1) the well-being of the student. 2) the financial resources available to the school. 3) the health and safety requirements. 4) the needs of other pupils. 5) the need to maintain academic, musical, sporting, and other areas. Accessibility Strategies: Buildings At present, the school’s physical facilities for students are limited but the school is committed to ensuring that the school’s culture, policies, and procedures are made accessible to children who face challenges to access all school facilities and to complying with legal and moral responsibilities to accommodate the needs of applicants, students, and members of the staff who have disabilities for which, after reasonable adjustments, the school can cater adequately. Linked to: - 2.7 Curriculum Design and Review - 2.8 Teaching and Learning and 2.8A Teaching and learning Philosophy - 2.12 Assessment - 3.1 Student Safety - 3.5 Enrolment - 3.6 Re-enrolment --- SEKOLAH CIPUTRA Martin Blackburn Executive Principal December 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees December 2020 2.4 Professional Development Policy Rationale Professional Development is an integral part of school improvement and must therefore constitute a reasonable part of the school’s budgetary allocation. It reflects the commitment of the school to ongoing professional development as both an expectation and a necessity for staff to continue to grow as professionals throughout their tenure at the school. PD includes regular sessions done within and/or across the units, special sessions involving presenters brought to the school or staff going to other venues both within Indonesia or overseas to participate in workshops, school visits and conferences. It is essential that the provision of PD be done in such a way as to address the needs of the school identified in school and unit Annual and Strategic Plans, and that it be allocated in a way that is seen as fair and transparent by all. Purpose To ensure that access to high quality, developmentally appropriate professional development opportunities is available to staff in a fair and transparent manner in keeping with Clause 12 of school regulations. Guidelines Guidelines - Professional development at Sekolah Ciputra falls into 2 distinct categories: - Regular in-school sessions or external visiting presenters at the school. - Workshops and conferences that occur outside the school within Indonesia and overseas. - Each unit is expected to prepare a Professional Development plan for the following Academic Year, including plans for the whole staff, for teams/faculties and for individuals. This must include cost estimates for the budget. - A record of the Professional Development attended by each teacher must be maintained by the relevant academic coordinator or unit head. Regular in-school sessions - Sharing expertise with colleagues is an essential element of the school improvement process as well as the establishment of a culture of professional learning at the school. All staff are expected to use their knowledge, skills and expertise to help develop colleagues. - Tuesday afternoons between 15:00 and 16:00 have been reserved for staff to engage in professional learning. During this time, no staff members are assigned additional duties. - Each unit is expected to develop procedures for attendance and participation in in-school professional learning and those procedures must align with the terms of this policy. - Unit principals are expected to ensure that the above mentioned time is used for the purpose of providing staff with the opportunity to engage in professional learning related to their professional practice and linked to the implementation of the school’s action plan. The organization of these sessions is the responsibility of the senior leadership team of each unit and must be planned in advance to reflect the most current and relevant professional learning needs of staff. External Visiting Presenters - As part of the implementation of the IB Program of Learning, the school will invite external IB certified presenters to Sekolah Ciputra to offer workshops over the course of 2 days once every other year in each unit. - Of the two days selected for the IB in-school workshops, one day will occur outside of the regular school week. - As with other professional development, the workshops selected will align with the needs of staff engaged in the implementation of the school and unit Annual and Strategic Plans and the financial resources provided by the school for this purpose. - The organization of these workshops is the responsibility of the Curriculum Coordinator(s), in consultation with the unit principal and the executive principal. - External presenters may also include authors, community agencies and other professionals deemed to have expertise in the area of education. - From time to time, the school’s Foundation may introduce new policies and procedures that will require staff to engage in new learning under the guidance of Foundation staff. Workshops and Conferences within and beyond Indonesia While staff are encouraged to seek opportunities for professional learning beyond what is offered at the school, such opportunities must be viewed within the social, pedagogical and financial context of the school. Minimizing the disruption of programs and understanding the limits of the financial resources available for professional development are factors that must be taken into consideration when granting permission for staff to attend external professional development sessions. Each Unit is expected to have a clear process outlining how requests and recommendations will be considered. Decisions about who attends and when they attend should be grounded in the following principles: - All staff are eligible to request professional development opportunities beyond the school. - The professional development opportunity requested must address the needs identified in the School Strategic Plan and in each Unit’s Action Plan. - The application and approval process must be fair and transparent and accessible to all staff. - Requests to attend sessions outside of Surabaya or overseas include the following: - Staff who attend will be required to commit to Sekolah Ciputra for the period of time specified in the school regulations to ensure that the cost of the PD is reflected in improvements at the school. - If they resign from their position earlier they will be required to pay back some or all of the costs of the PD according to the schedule on the Professional Development Activity Contract. - Staff who attend PD for training in specific areas such as IB Coordinator training must commit to holding that position for the same period of time as mentioned above. Proficiency in English Language is one of the factors taken into consideration when making decisions about attendance at external workshops. A minimum score of 5.5 on the IELTS test is looked upon favourably and considered necessary for a teacher to make the most out of a professional development opportunity; however, other factors such as a teacher’s level of expertise, interest and passion for a particular subject area and the teacher’s professional learning needs may also be taken into consideration at the discretion of the Executive Principal. Where a choice has to be made between two applications of equal merit, PD which occurs during school holidays will be supported in preference to that which does not. The sole purpose of this principle is to minimize disruption to classes. IB Conferences - An IB Heads of Schools conference occurs every two years and the school is committed to sending at least one person. - The IB Asia Pacific holds an annual conference to which the school commits, as far as possible, to sending principals, vice-principals and IB Coordinators, provided they have not already attended another overseas conference or workshop in that school year. Funding Funding for professional development is the joint responsibility of the Executive Principal’s Office and the Units in accordance with the following: - PD related in any way to the Diploma Programme should be funded out of the Diploma Programme budget regardless of anything referenced in this section of the policy. - The Executive Principal’s Office will include in its Budget an allocation intended primarily for whole Unit Professional Development and for overseas PD (except for that related to the Diploma Programme). Examples of this include bringing outside trainers to the school for large group PD, guest speakers/experts for the whole staff, individual IB training and training in other non-IB areas. - Funding for attending overseas conferences will come from the Executive Principal’s budget except where a staff member attending a conference is either the High School Principal or teaches within the DP; - Unit budgets should be used for training within Indonesia, except where that is covered by the above. - A separate budget is dedicated to buying professional learning resources such as books, videos and/or software for the unit libraries that reflect the latest research and technology. Post- PD follow-up Upon completion of any school-sponsored PD activity, there is an expectation that staff who attended will seek the opportunity to share their new learning with their colleagues. This may include but is not limited to: - Sharing copies of relevant handouts, readings, texts - Hosting a discussion session or presentation with colleagues - Running an internal programme for the benefit of other staff members - Submitting a detailed report outlining what the PD was about, what the attendee learnt and how it could be used to improve the school Becoming an IB Presenter IB Presenters are teachers who contract with the IB to run IB training either at workshops or in individual schools twice each year. The IB requires the school to approve staff becoming IB Presenters and then expects the school to support those staff to be away from school periodically each year in order to run workshops or participate in school visits. To become an IB Presenter requires attending a workshop financed by the IB. Staff who wish to become IB presenters need to apply in writing using the training request form through their Unit Principals for permission. Final permission must be given by the Executive Principal. The benefits of having teachers on staff who are IB presenters are clear. Apart from the expertise they must have within the IB Programmes in which they teach, they will bring ideas back from the workshops they run which would allow the programme at Sekolah Ciputra to improve and flourish. These benefits have to be balanced against the fact that these highly skilled staff members have to be away from the school at various times. For this reason, the following will apply: - Staff who are trained IB presenters are allowed to accept two invitations each year from the IB to facilitate a workshop or participate in a school visit, provided the dates of those events do not coincide with school events which will be adversely affected by the absence of those staff members - In order to minimize the disruption to their duties at school, IB presenters will accept no more than one invitation each semester - All invitations from IB which presenters wish to accept must be presented to the unit principal for approval - IB presenters are free to accept as many invitations for events that occur during school holidays as they wish and can expect that the school will support them in terms of obtaining letters required for visas etc. Funding for Further Study The Board can provide some assistance for staff members who wish to improve their formal qualifications. Staff members interested in pursuing this should contact HCIS for further information about the criteria for selection, the details of what support can be given and the expectations of the Board with regard to employment at the school. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal December 2017 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees. Policy Review Date April 2020 2.5 Acceptable Use Policy - ICT Student Acceptable Use Policy The purpose of the school computer network is to facilitate educational use of the Internet, software applications and the school intranet through the provision of units of work, access to resources, collaborative learning, research for school related purposes and expert guidance in study topics. This policy refers to all electronic devices. The term “device” covers computers, laptops, MP3 players, USB sticks, hand phones and the like regardless of whose they are, that are school property, brought onto school property or to school activities, or connected to the school network or facilities. Students must use all electronic devices carefully and follow all teacher instructions about how and when to use them, and how to take care of them. It is the responsibility of all students to maintain the security of access codes and passwords. “Someone else used my password” is not an acceptable excuse for misuse of the network traced back to you. Any attempted or actual corruption of school network files, harassment of members of the school community or vandalism of equipment or files will result in cancellation of privileges and be dealt with according to School policies. All Sekolah Ciputra units of work and other material published on the Intranet are copyrighted. Normal copyright laws apply to any sites accessed through the school’s network. All users are expected to abide by the generally accepted rules of network etiquette. Users will not communicate in inappropriate ways on public forums nor knowingly seek out offensive material. Responsible users will: - Respect the values of the School and society in general, - Not knowingly access or use websites that the School community considers offensive or inappropriate. This includes pornographic and gambling websites. - Accept the limits and security structures the School places on internet access. - Use the computer network for curriculum purposes, unless permission has been granted. - Follow all legal and copyright regulations relating to software and intellectual property rights. This includes proper acknowledgement of material sourced from the internet. - Not download data, other than in the ordinary course of learning. - Not download or install software (licensed, shareware, freeware, evaluation or otherwise) to their personal devices other than as directed by the school. - Not engage in cyber bullying, or any other behaviour which is abusive, rude, vulgar, insulting or offensive or intended to cause mischief or embarrassment to others. - Respect the privacy of other users’ communications. - Ensure that USB sticks etc. are free of viruses and other malware. - Not use the network in a way that will disrupt its use by others. - Not interfere with or change computer files or documents belonging to other users. - Not attempt to bypass the firewall or internet protocols set by the school. - Not take photos or video of others, staff or students, without their consent. - Not use the school name or crest without the permission of the Executive Principal. - Not appear in school uniform nor make negative comments about the school on any website or social network site (such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube or the like). Privately owned laptops, tablets, iPads or smart phones. Students who bring a privately owned device to school must adhere to this Policy. Please note: - Usage of technology is only allowable with the explicit permission of the class teacher. Review Annually. ● The school will not provide ICT support or help desk facilities for privately owned devices. ● The school is not responsible for maintenance, insurance, loss or damage of such devices. ● These devices are banned in examinations unless specifically permitted by the examining authority. Students found to have used such devices will be dealt with according to school policies. ● The school may confiscate the device if its use is in breach of this policy. MP3 Players or phones ● The school does not accept responsibility for lost or damaged players or phones. They should be kept on the person, left in lockers or left with School Admin at the start of the day. ● MP3 players and phones should not be used during class time or during examinations. If used like this, they will be confiscated. ● Common courtesies must always apply. When a staff member or visitor speaks to a student, headphones should be removed, texting stopped and so on. ● Music should not be turned up so loud that it disturbs others. Encountering of inappropriate or offensive material ● Users may inadvertently encounter material which is inappropriate or offensive. In such case they should immediately use the back button to back out of the site or the home button to return to their home page and notify the supervising teacher. ● Students are reminded that a record is kept of any sites accessed through the network. ● Deliberately accessing inappropriate or offensive material or bringing such material to school is not acceptable behaviour and will result in cancellation of privileges, parental contact and further disciplinary action according to school policies. School rights The School has the right to check all written, graphic, audio and other materials created, produced, communicated, stored or accessed on School or privately owned devices brought to school by students. Devices and/or files may be taken and accessed if it is believed that: ● there has been or may be a breach of the school rules or a school policy; or ● there may be a threat of harm to a student, another/others or system security. If unacceptable files and/or content are found, they may be deleted and disciplinary action may be taken. If the circumstances warrant, the school may also pass the material to the police. Agreement Participation in the Sekolah Ciputra network environment is subject to students and parents agreeing to comply with these guidelines for participation and Internet usage. Violation of these rules and conditions may result in cancellation of privileges. Students from Year 4 upwards and their parents will be required to countersign an agreement at the start of each school year before they are allowed access to the network and internet. The elementary school has developed its own process and user agreement. High school students use this form. ______________________________________ _____________________________ Student Name Signature ______________________________________ _____________________________ Parent Name Signature Date Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 Review Annually 2.6 Mother Tongue Support for Languages other than English, Bahasa Indonesia and Mandarin Preamble: This policy deals with situations where a student whose mother tongue is not one of the three languages Sekolah Ciputra offers enrols at the school and parents request support for the student to continue development in that language. (Ref: See the IB documents relating to Mother Tongue) Position: The school is committed to supporting the mother tongue of all students while at the same time working to ensure that students are as proficient as possible in the language of instruction, English. Consequently, the school will support opportunities for students to continue to learn their mother tongue. This may be through online services, assistance in finding local tutors or finding tutors who are willing to help via Web applications. Organisational and Financial Responsibilities: In the enrolment process, the school will discuss with parents the mother tongue needs of the student. The school will work with parents to find a suitable means for the student to continue development in the mother tongue. Both parties, school and parents, will be actively involved in this process. If parents ask the school to provide specific ongoing mother tongue lessons, the school will, in general, pay for half of the cost of such support. Support may occur in the following ways: - Online tutoring systems such as Pamaja, if available - A part-time teacher, if available, who comes to the school for lessons or to whom the students may go (all transport arrangements will be at the cost of the parent or tutor) - A contact in a home country or other place who works with the student via email, skype and Web applications such as blogs, chatrooms etc Payment for any of these options will be made using the normal school payment processes. Parents will be invoiced using the normal billing procedures. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 2.7 Curriculum Design and Review Rationale As an International Baccalaureate Continuum School in Indonesia, Sekolah Ciputra is obliged to design and deliver a broad and balanced curriculum, which incorporates the requirements of the Indonesian Ministry of Education, the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) and the vision and mission of Sekolah Ciputra. Such a curriculum must be developed in response to the needs of all students of the school, including students identified as having Special Education Needs (SEN). The school Principals, Academic Administrator, International Baccalaureate Coordinators, Faculty Heads and Team Leaders are jointly responsible for the development of written curricula in all subject areas and grade levels. The following principles shall guide all matters pertaining to curriculum development: - Curriculum development and review shall be informed by and grounded in current and relevant educational research. - Administration and qualified staff shall be involved in a continuous process of curriculum development and revision, focused on ensuring the continuity and consistency of curriculum offerings between and within grade levels. - A regular cycle of curriculum revision in which each subject is reviewed at least once every five years shall be implemented to maintain the relevancy of the school’s curriculum. - Resources used in the design of the curriculum shall reflect both the social context of the school, our affiliation with the International Baccalaureate community and further enriched by the diversity of the student body and staff at Sekolah Ciputra. - Appropriate student and programme assessment instruments, both external and internal, shall be used to regularly evaluate the effectiveness and relevancy of the curriculum. Results shall be reported to the Board and the community. - Textbooks, supplementary materials and library acquisitions shall be selected and updated as part of the curriculum development and revision process. - The Board shall be informed and consulted about major changes proposed to the curriculum and will give final approval for the use of all curriculum documents. - Processes for the provision of curricula and access to quality curriculum delivery shall be fair and transparent. Purpose 1. To articulate the academic goals of the school in a clear, coherent and transparent manner. 2. To ensure accountability and foster confidence in the provision of quality curricula to all stakeholders. 3. To provide a clear statement of expectation for students, teachers and the community. 4. To facilitate the provision of quality programmes, relevant to the needs of individual learners. 5. To provide students with clear targets that can support the development of independence in learning. 6. To ensure that the school is compliant with requirements laid down for accreditation with the Indonesian Ministry of Education and authorization with the IBO. 7. To support rigour and continuous improvement of the programme of learning at Sekolah Ciputra Guidelines 1. The school will ensure that curricula in all subjects are articulated across the grades at Sekolah Ciputra. Each subject will have a dedicated team responsible for its articulation, review and delivery. 2. In keeping with the principles of sound pedagogy, the school’s curriculum must reflect the cultural diversity of the student body at Sekolah Ciputra. 3. Units will maintain professional development records to ensure that staff have the relevant training for curriculum delivery. 4. Each unit will ensure that curriculum documentation is stored in a consistent manner that is understood and easily accessible by staff. 5. Each unit will ensure that curriculum documentation is current and that no unit of work is taught without being audited and approved by Principals, Academic Administrator, International Baccalaureate Coordinators and Faculty Heads and Team Leaders. 6. Curriculum coordinators are responsible for ensuring that all units of work are congruent with guidelines laid down by the IBO and the Ministry of Education. They must involve Faculty Heads and Team Leaders in discussions to ensure the regular review of units of work. 7. All units of work taught within the school must contain explicit links to the school’s vision, to internationalism and to the IBO Approaches to Learning (ATLs) 8. Units must have clearly articulated processes to facilitate regular teacher observation and feedback. 9. Units must provide timetabled opportunities for collaborative planning time 10. The curriculum will explicitly emphasise student agency by providing opportunities for students to co-construct learning experiences 11. Units will have clearly articulated processes, publicised to all stakeholder, whereby students can appeal an evaluation of their work that they believe to be unfair or inconsistent with the quality of work submitted. 12. Final curriculum changes and decisions will be made at the Senior Management level, after consultation and discussion. Links to: 2.1 Academic Honesty 2.2 Language and 2.2A Language Philosophy 2.3 Inclusion 2.8 Teaching and Learning and 2.8A Teaching and Learning Philosophy 2.12 Assessment Martin Blackburn Executive Principal January 2019 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees Review September 2020 2.8 Teaching and Learning Policy Rationale As an International Baccalaureate Continuum School in Indonesia, Sekolah Ciputra is required to develop and implement a broad and balanced curriculum, which incorporates the requirements of the Indonesian Ministry of Education, the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) and the vision and mission of Sekolah Ciputra. In order to meet those requirements, the school Principals, Academic Administrator, International Baccalaureate Coordinators, along with the teaching staff are responsible for ensuring that the written curriculum is accurately and faithfully reflected in the taught curriculum using research-based and internationally accepted best practices. This taught curriculum must be delivered in a manner that takes into account the needs of all students of the school, including students identified as having Special Education Needs (SEN). Purpose 1. To ensure alignment between the taught and written curricula of Sekolah Ciputra. 2. To ensure that all teachers use teaching methods and strategies that are congruent with Policy 2.7: Curriculum Design and Review. 3. To ensure that all teachers use teaching methods and strategies that are congruent with Policy 2.8A: Teaching and Learning Philosophy. 4. To ensure a common understanding of expected teaching practice throughout the school. 5. To guide classroom visits used for teacher appraisal purposes. Guidelines 1. Expected classroom practice for each unit will be clearly outlined in each unit’s staff handbook. 2. This practice will be reinforced through classroom observations and walk-throughs as part of the school’s performance review process. 3. In-school professional development time will be dedicated to ensure staff are supported in aligning the taught and written curricula. 4. External professional development will be used to ensure alignment between Sekolah Ciputra and international best practice. Links to: 2.1 Academic Honesty 2.2 Language and 2.2A Language Philosophy 2.3 Inclusion 2.4 Professional development 2.7 Curriculum Design and Review 2.10 Performance Appraisal 2.12 Assessment Martin Blackburn Executive Principal Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees February 2019 2.8A Teaching and Learning Philosophy Preamble As an IB World School, Sekolah Ciputra has the 3 IB programmes: Primary Years Programme (PYP), Middle Years Programme (MYP) and Diploma Programme (DP). All programmes are underpinned by a shared focus on international-mindedness and developing the attributes of the IB learner profile. Each programme has its own characteristics and developmentally appropriate elements: - In the Primary Years Programme, learning aims to transcend traditional boundaries between and among subject areas. Students explore six transdisciplinary themes of global significance: who we are, where we are in place and time, how we express ourselves, how the world works, how we organize ourselves, and sharing the planet. - In the Middle Years Programme, students explore six global contexts that are developed from and extend the Primary Years Programme transdisciplinary themes: identities and relationships, personal and cultural expression, orientation in space and time, scientific and technical innovation, fairness and development, and globalization and sustainability. - In the Diploma Programme, the curriculum consists of six subject groups and the three elements of the Diploma Programme core. As one of these core elements, the theory of knowledge course encourages students to become more aware of their own perspectives and assumptions through an exploration of the fundamental question of how we know what we know (What is an IB education? Published August 2013. Updated June 2015 and May 2017). Each of the IB programmes reflects a central desire to provide an education that enables students to make sense of the complexities of the world around them and to equip them with the skills and dispositions needed for taking responsible action for the future. They provide an education that crosses disciplinary, cultural, national and geographical boundaries and champions critical engagement, stimulating ideas and effective relationships. Our philosophy At Sekolah Ciputra, we believe that we learn, not for school but for life: Non scholae sed vitae discimus. When this adage is examined within the context of Sekolah Ciputra’s vision statement, it envisions students who are proud of their national identity, who embrace the spirit of entrepreneurship, who celebrate cultural diversity and who possess the skills, integrity and resilience to participate in a changing global society. For this vision to be realized we teach our students to: - Take pride in their national and cultural heritage - Demonstrate integrity, respect and empathy toward others - Think critically and apply their learning in creative, innovative and entrepreneurial ways - Communicate their thoughts and ideas in Bahasa Indonesia, English and Mandarin - Achieve academically at the highest standard of which they are capable - Respond with confidence and reason to an ever changing world Review July 2020 Fulfil their social and civic responsibilities, both nationally and globally. What do we believe about teaching and learning? Using research from Vygotsky, Bruner and Gardner, these are the key points that frame our beliefs about teaching and learning: The Constructivist Approach As students build on their prior knowledge to make meaning of the world by connecting their existing knowledge with new knowledge, it is important for teachers to ascertain students’ prior knowledge and provide experiences that give them opportunities to: - test and revise their understandings - make connections between their previous and current perceptions - construct their own meaning. Structured Inquiry Teachers make connections between students’ existing knowledge and their individual learning styles in the context of new experiences. This means that students are provided with opportunities to build meaning and refine understandings through structured inquiry. This inquiry may take many forms, with students working sometimes on their own, with partners, or in larger groups. During structured inquiry, students are actively and creatively involved as learners searching for, exploring and constructing their own understandings of concepts. Structured inquiry encourages students to develop intellectually and to hone the skills needed for solving problems. An inquiry approach can include: - Exploring, wondering and questioning - Experimenting and playing with possibilities - Making connections between prior learning and current learning - Making predictions and acting purposefully to see what happens - Collecting data and reporting findings - Clarifying existing ideas and reappraising perceptions of events - Deepening understandings through the application of a concept - Making and testing theories - Researching and seeking information - Taking and defending a position - Solving problems in a variety of ways A Concept-based approach The concept-based design is fully supported by cognitive and learning research. When information today is a click away on a computer keyboard, the use of classroom time must shift focus from covering and memorizing information to thinking with and applying knowledge at both the factual and conceptual levels. Thinking deeply with factual knowledge and concepts to communicate ideas and solve problems, transferring knowledge across distinct global contexts and situations, and seeing patterns and connections between concepts, ideas and situations are at the heart of concept-based teaching and learning. Less factual coverage can open the door to deeper thinking and understanding. (IB position paper: Concept-based teaching and learning, by H Lynn Erickson) In a concept-based approach, the teachers’ structuring of new experiences, and the support they give to students’ ideas about new experiences, are fundamental to students’ knowledge, understanding, and conceptual development—the ability to have an understanding of abstract concepts, to make links between them, and to think conceptually. A concept-based approach supports the student’s struggle to gain understanding of the world and to learn to function comfortably within it, to move from not knowing to knowing, to identify what is real and what is not real, to acknowledge what is appropriate and what is not appropriate. To do this, the student must integrate a great deal of information, and apply this accumulation of knowledge in a coherent and effective way. The cumulative effect of adopting these approaches in teaching and learning at Sekolah Ciputra is the creation and fostering of a culture of learning bounded by inquiry, critical thinking and self-management and propelled by curiosity and international-mindedness. This philosophy is actioned in both the written and taught curricula of Sekolah Ciputra. Links to: 2.1 Academic Honesty 2.2 Language and 2.2A Language Philosophy 2.3 Inclusion 2.7 Curriculum Design and Review 2.12 Assessment Martin Blackburn Executive Principal January 2019 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees Review July 2020 2.9 Official Trips Out of Surabaya Rationale Sometimes it is necessary for staff to travel outside of Surabaya to represent the school. This policy is linked to Policy 2.5 Professional Development and Clause 12 of the school regulations. Purpose This policy is to ensure that the process for staff representing the school on official trips (other than trips involving student activities) is properly managed and controlled. “Official trip” refers to a trip for training purposes, benchmarking purposes, recruitment purposes and other work related trips outside Surabaya. Guidelines The following policy applies to academic and business staff who propose an out town official trip: 1. The staff member must submit an official trip requisition form to the Head of Unit for approval. 2. If the trip is for professional development a training request form must be filled out. 3. Head of Unit must send the official trip requisition form to HRD Manager for verification. 4. The HRD Manager will send the form to the Executive Director for final approval. 5. The Executive Principal’s Secretary will coordinate with the staff member who proposed the trip and with unit administrators to arrange any further steps, including: - Registration (if it is for training) - Sending confirmation letter (if it is about going to other places for benchmarking) - Booking of airfares/transportation to reach the destination and accommodation. The final decision about the level of accommodation and transportation will be made by the Executive Principal and General Manager. Bookings can only be done by the Executive Principal’s after the requisition form has been approved by the Executive Principal. Please note that school will only pay if the bookings are done by the Executive Principal’s Secretary. - A cash advance to cover transportation in Surabaya and at destination (as recommended by HRD manager) - Pocket money allowances (as per School Regulations) - Issuing PR to process payments 6. There is an expectation that staff who go on an official trip have a responsibility to bring back into the school any information they learn on the trip and share it with unit leaders or other relevant staff. Generally, a written report must be made to unit leaders or other relevant staff cc. Executive Director no later than 5 working days after returning. 7. All cash advance and original invoices must be settled no later than 5 working days after returning. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 OUT OF SURABAYA OFFICIAL TRIP REQUISITION FORM Employee Information \| Name \| \| \|------\|---\| \| Department \| \| \| Position \| \| \| Starting Date / Year at Sekolah Ciputra \| \| Official trip information \| Topic \| \| \|-------\|---\| \| Date \| \| \| Place \| \| \| Organizer \| \| \| Connection with work at Sekolah Ciputra \| \| Detail of Expense \| Training Fee \| \| \| Airfare \| \| \| Transportation / Taxi fee \| \| \| Accommodation \| \| \| Allowance \| \| \| Other \| \| Proposed by Approved by Verified by Approved by Employee Head of Unit General Manager Executive Principal 2.10 Performance Appraisal Policy Rationale: The Teacher Performance Appraisal System at Sekolah Ciputra is designed to foster and promote the professional development and growth of teachers. It is intended to work in tandem with the goals of the school’s action plan in order to be fully integrated into a system of continuous improvement across the school. It is a system that provides principals and teachers with clear and transparent processes and procedures that can inform teachers of the expectations for professional knowledge, conduct, learning and collaboration. It is critical for the appraisal system to be seen as part of a larger supportive and effective system of helping teachers grow and develop as confident, proficient practitioners. Purpose: The Teacher Performance Appraisal System at Sekolah Ciputra aims to: - promote excellence in teaching and learning at Sekolah Ciputra as described in the school’s mission and vision - provide timely and meaningful feedback to teachers about their classroom practice - identify areas of classroom practice where additional support may be needed - provide a measure of accountability to all stakeholders - engage teachers and school leaders in professional dialogue and inquiry that foster continuous growth and development - ensure that the International Baccalaureate’s vision and mission are reflected in teaching practices at the school - inform the rating scale used at Sekolah Ciputra to determine teachers’ salary status Guidelines: 1. The Teacher Performance Appraisal System must contain the following: - Professional Development Plan prepared annually by teachers. The plan is developed to address recommendations for improvement made on the teacher’s performance in the previous year and to support the implementation of the school’s action plan. - Performance Appraisal Rubric (PAR) that describes the knowledge, skills and competencies that teachers must reflect in their teaching practice. - Classroom Observation by the appraising principal or vice-principal during which classroom practice is observed relative to the criteria on the PAR for the purpose of giving feedback for improvement. - Pre and/or Post-Classroom Observation Meetings that promote professional dialogue between the principal/vice-principal and the teacher. These meetings are intended to be opportunities to focus observations, ask questions, seek clarification and give feedback. The meetings provide opportunities for reflection and collaboration for the purpose of improving classroom practice. - A Teacher Self-Assessment that is completed using the Performance Appraisal Rubric. The teacher offers an assessment of where s/he sees his/her practice relative to each of the competencies identified on the rubric. Teachers must be able to provide supporting evidence for their ratings. - A Summative Rating that reflects an assessment of a teacher’s overall performance. This rating is reflective of the input from the teacher, the evidence to support the teacher’s input and the results of the principal’s/vice-principal’s classroom visits and ongoing professional interactions. with the teacher. The summative rating is given at the end of the Teacher Performance Appraisal Process and is used by the Human Resources Department to inform the school’s salary status for teachers. - Additional Support that may be needed depending on the outcome of the teacher’s performance appraisal. This support may take the form of assigning the teacher a mentor, more frequent classroom visits for the purpose of offering feedback or opportunities for the teachers to visit other classrooms and/or attend special workshops. 2. Each unit has the responsibility for developing and maintaining procedures which must have the features listed above. 3. Each unit must report back to the Executive Principal that all staff have been appraised annually. 4. Staff documentation must be securely stored in each unit. 5. Staff documentation should only be available to the appraisers, appraiser, Principal, General Manager and Executive Principal. 6. Issues of teacher competence, either arising from within or without the appraisal system must be raised with the Executive Principal in a timely manner. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal September 2016 Policy Review Date September 2018 2.11 Information Technology Rationale Information Technology is an integral aspect of the role of the school in preparing students for their futures and in communications within the school and the broader community. Purpose To ensure that the use of Information Technology at Sekolah Ciputra is safe, effective, and enhances the teaching and learning that occurs at the school. Guidelines 1. The school will have a Digital Citizenship Process which all staff members will be required to sign. Each Academic Unit will have a Digital Citizenship process (See 6.1 Health and Safety and 3.2 Student Behaviour) which students and their parents will be required to sign before being allowed to access the school network. 2. Each Unit will ensure they have processes in place which enable teachers to encourage and enhance positive digital citizenship. 3. In line with IB Principles and the school’s vision, professional development should enhance the capacity of teachers and students to become content creators. 4. The units are responsible for ensuring that IT teaching is congruent with the IB’s ICT Model of Teaching. 5. The units are responsible for ensuring that IT teaching is integrated with all teaching. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal November 2018 2.12 Assessment Policy Rationale Sekolah Ciputra views assessment as an integral part of teaching and learning. The assessment data and analysis provides comprehensive information about student performance. It drives the continual process of improving planning, teaching and learning across the School and can be used to inform the school community of the success of the programme. Assessment practices at Sekolah Ciputra are consistent with the IB’s assessment philosophy and key principles and share the following characteristics: - Differentiated to maximize student learning; - Rich and relevant to both students and teachers; and - Aimed at developing the IB Learner Profile attributes in our students. Assessment is conducted through the use of a broad range of strategies and tools, including (but not limited to): - Strategies: peer observation, reflection, homework, extended practical work, selected responses, presentations, essays, tests, experiments, group work, classroom discussion, examinations, investigations, composition, portfolios and performances. - Tools: checklist, continuum, anecdotal records, exemplar and rubric. Purpose The primary purpose of assessment is to improve student learning through the provision of specific feedback to the following parties: - Students – provide students with meaningful feedback, relevant targets for improvement and the action required to achieve these targets. In this manner, students are encouraged to reflect upon their progress, be actively responsible for their own learning and is able to give feedback to their peer. - Teachers – provide teachers with meaningful feedback regarding the progress of individual students, enabling them to tailor their teaching and learning strategies in order to further assist these students. - Parents – provide parents with meaningful feedback regarding their child’s strengths and necessary targets for improvement in a particular subject/unit. - Pedagogical Leader – provides them with appropriate feedback regarding the effectiveness of the curriculum within the school, thus driving school improvement action plans regarding: PD needs, investment on resources and facilities, subject requirements, staffing needs, timetabling, event calendars and student numbers. The following general distinction is made between formative and summative assessment: Formative assessment: an integral component of the ongoing teaching and learning process, enabling teachers to identify the strengths and weaknesses with respect to the learning needs of their students, ultimately enabling them to modify their teaching and learning strategies to further develop their understanding and achievement levels. Summative assessment: this form of assessment is aimed at determining the extent to which a particular student has met the relevant criteria/outcomes on a particular assessment item, unit or course of study. While this term is often associated with achievement at the end of a particular unit/course of study, this is not necessarily the case. Nevertheless, these terms are not mutually exclusive but mutually supportive (Biggs, 1998), so that the focus should be on the manner in which the assessment outcomes will be interpreted and applied (Black, 1993a; William and Black, 1996). Put simply, a specific assessment item could be easily applied for either a formative and/or summative purpose. Guidelines - All school units Pre-Elementary (Pre-El), Elementary (EL) and High School continue to develop and review procedures to ensure that the principles and practices in this policy are adhered to and ensure that all stakeholders are aware of the procedure. - Units will ensure that assessment data is used to inform teacher planning and practice. - Assessment is ongoing, engaging, meaningful and challenging. - Assessment measures what students understand, know and can do. - All teaching and learning involving students is considered part of the formative learning process and may be assessed either formally or informally. - Backwards planning is used for all topics/units so that relevant teaching strategies, assessment items and criteria to be assessed are outlined at the beginning of each topic/unit. - A wide range of formative and summative assessment strategies, tasks and tools are used to measure student progress and to improve the reliability and validity of the data. - All assessment items are clearly aligned with the relevant scope and sequence/subject objectives. - Students are provided with sufficient opportunities throughout each unit to demonstrate the relevant knowledge, skills, competencies, behaviours and attitudes being assessed. - Clear and meaningful feedback (formal or informal, depending on the type and purpose of assessment) is provided for all assessment items. - The school will maintain a cross school assessment sub-committee, tasked with monitoring the principles of this policy and ensuring that practice is congruent with it. Supporting Documents - Unit assessment handbooks - Diploma Programme Assessment Principles and Practice - Diploma Programme from Principles into Practice - Guidelines for Developing an Assessment Policy - MYP From Principles into Practice (2014) Review December 2019 • Making the PYP Happen in the Classroom (2009) • IB Programmes Standards and Practices (2014) Links to: 2.1 Academic Honesty. 2.2 Language. 2.2A Language Philosophy Martin Blackburn: Executive Principal January 2018 Sutoto Yakobus: Board of Trustees. Review December 2019 2.13: School Library Rationale The libraries of Sekolah shall foster excellence in all disciplines associated with the school’s vision, mission and objectives and serve students and staff at Sekolah Ciputra. Students shall be encouraged to read for pleasure as well as to seek materials that broaden their knowledge. The libraries will offer a curriculum designed to help students to master research skills, to acquire knowledge and to think creatively and independently according to grade level. The libraries will support all students in learning and practicing skills for evaluating and using information. The Sekolah Ciputra libraries will support the development of literacy in its broadest sense, including and not limited to reading, writing, information and financial literacy. The Sekolah Ciputra libraries are an integral part of the school, supporting lifelong learning and international mindedness. Sekolah Ciputra’s libraries support mother tongue and additional language development, as well as the International Baccalaureate Student Learner Profile. Purpose This policy is designed to ensure that the structure and organization of the libraries are well set out and understood but also to ensure that the libraries develop as the multi-media heart of the school which provides quality resources to support and enhance the curriculum, mission and vision of the school. Guidelines 1. The library staff will develop, implement and review a single common process manual for library usage. 2. All material lent out by the library must be returned each semester. 3. The library staff will develop an information literacy curriculum to support students’ research skills. 4. The library will provide access to a wide range of multimedia opportunities. 5. Library staff will work in close consultation with the ICT sub-committee 6. The library will work to ensure that the school language policy is supported. 7. The library will provide professional development for staff in teaching research skills as well as using research tools. 8. The library staff will consult closely with IB Coordinators to ensure that the IB Learner Profile is supported and that students are taught the requisite literacy skills at each level of the curriculum. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal 17/3/17 Links with Policies: 2.2 Language 2.3 Inclusion 2.6 Mother Tongue Support 2.11 Information Technology 2.12 Assessment 2.14 Education outside the classroom. Rationale Education outside the classroom (EOTC) can make a substantial contribution to children’s intellectual, social and emotional development. It provides opportunities for learning not available under normal circumstances in the classroom. Activities should reflect and enrich the curriculum providing further opportunities for individual learning, personal growth and development. EOTC activities can be both local and international. Purpose: (a) To help children grow socially in understanding themselves in relation to other pupils, adults and the community. To enhance self-esteem by developing strengths and abilities. (b) To appreciate and develop an awareness of the natural environment. (c) To enrich classroom learning and creativity by providing experiential perspectives. (d) To ensure that all EOTC activities are carefully planned with safety and student capability as primary considerations. (e) To provide opportunities for the community to participate in the education of young people. (f) To support the school vision in terms of encouraging pride in cultural heritage and developing resilience and internationalism. (g) To support authentic student voice in the planning and leadership of EOTC activities. Guidelines 1. The school will develop and review the progression of EOTC experiences to ensure that skills are developed in a sequential manner. 2. All EOTC activities must be approved by both the Unit and Executive Principals. 3. Each unit must develop its own protocols for ensuring safety in EOTC unit. These protocols must be approved by the Health and Safety sub-committee and the Executive Principal. 4. Every EOTC unit must have a completed Risk Assessment Management (RAMs) Form filled in and approved by Unit Principals, the Health and Safety Sub-Committee and the Executive Principal. Where outside providers are contracted to provide services evidence of their Health and Safety considerations must be included. 5. Activities must relate to specific learning objectives, be within the capabilities of participants, present appropriate challenges, be adequately supervised as nationally prescribed, foster an awareness and sensitivity to the environment and utilise local opportunities. 6. Teachers supervising must have sound management and leadership skills, teaching skills appropriate to the environment, they should initiate personal growth of children, be trained and prepared in meeting emergencies and be aware of all legal responsibilities. 7. All general school rules must be followed by all participants (both students and staff). 8. School procedures in planning, obtaining appropriate approvals and conducting the programme must be followed. Standard school financial procedures must be followed and used. Links to: 3.1 Health and Safety 4.1 Staff Professional Conduct 3.2 Student Behaviour 5.4 Staff or Student Led Activities. 3.7 Student Excursions Out of Surabaya Martin Blackburn Executive Principal April 2017 Pak Sutoto Board of Trustees Review: April 2019 3.1 Student Safety Rationale The physical and mental wellbeing of students in Sekolah Ciputra is of paramount importance. Purpose To ensure that procedures are put in place to ensure the safety of students at Sekolah Ciputra. Guidelines 1. The school will follow the requirements of the Health and Safety Policy (6.1 Health and Safety.) 2. The school will follow the requirements of the Student Behaviour Policy (3.2 Student Behaviour.) 3. Each unit will develop and implement guidelines for dealing with bullying, including physical, mental and cyber bullying. 4. Significant issues regarding student safety are cross school issues and must be brought to the attention of the Executive Principal. 5. All staff will be required to read and sign a copy of Policy 4.1, Staff Professional Conduct. A copy of this will be kept on their personal file. Suspected Abuse and Neglect The school will establish appropriate procedures to ensure proper reporting of suspected child abuse or neglect which may have occurred in or out of school. Such reporting is the responsibility of any employee who suspects that a child may have been abused and must also include provisions for self-reporting of abuse by students. The school will investigate all reports and will take appropriate action to ensure the safety of the child in accordance with Indonesian law. Sekolah Ciputra endorses the Convention on the Rights of the Child, of which the host country, Indonesia, signed in 1990 and seeks to be a safe haven for students who may be experiencing abuse or neglect in any aspect of their lives. Sekolah Ciputra will distribute this policy annually to all parents and applicants, will communicate this policy annually to students, will provide annual training for all staff, and will make every effort to implement hiring practices to ensure the safety of children. In the case of a staff member reported as an alleged offender, Sekolah Ciputra will conduct a full investigation following a carefully designed course of due process. Links to: 3.2 Student Behaviour 4.1 Staff Professional Conduct 6.1 Health and Safety Martin Blackburn Executive Principal April 2017 Pak Sutoto Board of Trustees Review September 2019 3.2 Student Behaviour Rationale Students learn best in a safe and supportive environment. It is important that the school provide such an environment. Purpose To outline the responsibilities of the school with regard to student safety. Guidelines: The following guidelines represent the minimum expectations of the Board and Management of Sekolah Ciputra. 1. Each unit should have a documented behaviour management process that is regularly reviewed. 2. Each unit should consult with each other annually to ensure that the process is consistent, continuous and congruent in terms of philosophy, The standards and practices of the International Baccalaureate Organisation (IBO) and the school’s mission and vision. 3. Behaviour expectations should be communicated to parents and students annually. 4. Behaviour expectations and the consequences of infraction should be consistent, fair and based upon the principles of natural justice. (The right to a fair hearing free of bias.) 5. Behaviour expectations should be consistent with IBO philosophy and the school’s mission and vision. 6. Physical sanction is expressly forbidden. 7. There should be a consistent school wide method of recording student behaviour information. 8. Students of serious concern should be brought to the attention of the Executive Principal in a timely manner. Links to: 3.1 Student Safety 6.1 Health and Safety Martin Blackburn Executive Principal April 2017 Pak Sutoto Board of Trustees Review September 2019 3.3 International Student Policy Rationale International students are students who do not have an Indonesian passport or dual Indonesian/Foreign passport holders who opt to become registered as international students. It is important that Sekolah Ciputra has robust systems, congruent with government regulations so that current and potential international students understand the processes surrounding their enrolment at Sekolah Ciputra. Purpose - To ensure all new international students are properly registered and have the correct permission from the Ministry of Education to study at Sekolah Ciputra. - To ensure that Sekolah Ciputra follows Government Regulations regarding international students. Guidelines - The school will follow regulations regarding international students as laid down in Indonesian statute and Ministry of Education instructions. - Upon registration the MARCOM Department will determine whether a student is an international student. - Marcomm will provide the enrolling parents with information regarding international registration as well as a list of documents required. - Marcom will maintain and update as necessary a list of procedures and documents required and will review annually or when Ministry of Education guidelines change. - The enrolling parents are responsible for submitting all required documentation to Marcomm. - Marcomm is responsible for uploading all required documents to the Ministry of Education website and following its required procedures unless the enrolling parent’s sponsors complete the task. - Marcomm will set an annual timeline for the registration process which will be adjusted for any new international students who enrol in the middle of academic year. - Marcomm will keep the issued permits providing copies to the enrolling parents on request. - All costs associated with the enrolment with the Ministry of Education will be met by the enrolling parent but will be paid for by the school (part from individual sponsorship arrangements). - MARCOMM will maintain a register of International students including their mother tongue. - Applicants for short term (less than a year.) international enrolments will be judged on a case by case basis by the General Manager and Executive Principal. Links to: 1.4 Structure and Systems 2.2 Language Policy 3.5 Admission Martin Blackburn Executive Principal June 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees Review June 2020 3.4 DBL Cheerleading 1. Each cheerleader team must have a teacher in charge (TIC) of that team who will have the responsibility of liaising with the DBL about times and the DBL’s requirements for involvement. 2. The TIC will submit an Activity Planner before any rehearsal or practice commences. 3. All information about game times, commitments, requirements and departure times must be communicated to the Principals and the staff as soon as that information becomes available. 4. A budget for the cheerleading will be provided by the High School Operational Budget. 5. Cheerleader training/choreography will be organized by the TIC. No outsourcing will be allowed without the permission of the Principals. If outsourcing is requested, the application must include details about how the person will be paid. The maximum amount the school will provide for this will be 25% of the budget allocated. 6. Choreography must be approved by the Principals of the High School before the first game. Any significant changes must be presented to the Principals before use in a game. 7. Costumes will be designed in consultation with the TIC and must be approved by the High School Principals and the Executive Principals before being produced. 8. If the students feel they wish more elaborate costumes than the budget provides for, they will need to provide the difference. If the amount provided by the school is less than the amount provided by the students, the costumes produced will become the property of the students after the competition is finished. Otherwise, the costumes will remain the property of the school. In either case, the students are responsible for cleaning and maintenance of the costumes. 9. Students will not be allowed to leave for their DBL commitments until two hours before game time. This is not negotiable. 10. The TIC will supervise the students to, at and returning from the DBL Arena. 11. Makeup can only be applied at school. The TIC will ensure that makeup only requires a maximum of 15 minutes to apply. Students may have makeup applied during the time before the scheduled departure but must return to class once finished until it is time to leave. The TIC will set up a roster to ensure that students miss as little school time as possible. Alternatively, makeup could be applied at the DBL Arena but if that option is chosen, the departure time will still be two hours before the scheduled game time. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 3.5 Admissions Policy Rationale Admissions procedures at Sekolah Ciputra need to be simple, fair and transparent. As an IB continuum school Sekolah Ciputra is committed to finding appropriate pathways for all students who are admitted; this implies the need for an admissions policy that is fair, transparent and easily understood. The school’s admission policy must also align with Indonesian Government regulations regarding admissions and enrolment. Purpose - To ensure clarity around the admissions process. - To ensure that students who are admitted can have their needs met and an appropriate pathway provided for them to be successful at Sekolah Ciputra. Guidelines - The admissions process at Sekolah Ciputra (SC) is organised by the Marketing and Communication (MARCOM) Department and must be congruent with Indonesian law. - MARCOM is responsible for creating and implementing the admissions timeline. - MARCOM is responsible for producing and processing admissions documentation that is congruent with school policies such as the SEN policy. - Prior to the commencement of the formal admissions process MARCOMM will meet with the Executive Principal, General Manager and unit heads to ensure that all parties are aware of timelines and that process documentation is updated and understood. This includes the timing of testing. - The unit heads will outline their criteria for entry at the different levels. - Once screened by MARCOM potential students are invited to attend testing arranged by the various units. - Each unit is responsible for setting and marking their own entry tests. - The units make a recommendation about the student’s status. This can be accept, accept with conditions or reject. - Conditional entry applies for one year. Each conditional entry has a clear timeline with a review period in December of the year of acceptance and a final decision in April. Parents must be made aware of any issues during the December review. - Students who are not accepted can only be re-tested at the Executive Principal’s discretion. - Students can only be tested if an actual vacancy exists. - An enrolment is only confirmed once the terms and conditions document has been signed, payment has been received and finally confirmation has been received that the student has passed the previous year’s level at their last school. - Once a student is enrolled at Sekolah Ciputra, the student remains enrolled. There will be no need for students to apply to re-enrol in moving from PYP-B to PYP 1, from PYP 6 to MYP 7 or from MYP 9 to MYP 10 provided they meet the minimum academic or behavioural expectation for each grade. - MARCOMM will update its processes for re-enrolment on an annual basis. • Every reasonable step should be taken to ensure that students can successfully complete a learning journey at Sekolah Ciputra from enrolment to grade twelve. Re-enrolment should only be turned down in cases where a student’s behaviour is deemed to be too far from that expected or there is an educational need that the school cannot address. • Students at risk of not being allowed to re-enrol should be identified at least a year before the re-enrolment is rejected. They should be placed on the at-risk register and units must provide evidence of dialogue with parents, targeted interventions and other appropriate documentation. Policy 3.5 Admissions Policy is an amalgamation of Policy 2.7 Entrance Testing, Policy 2.8 Testing High School Applicants, Policy 3.5 Enrolment and Policy 3.6 Re-enrolment Related Policies 2.3 Inclusion 3.2 Student Behaviour Martin Blackburn Executive Principal April 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees Review: April 2021 3.7 Student Excursions Outside of Surabaya Policy. Rationale: Having students involved in National and International events is a positive thing which the school will, in general, support. Purpose: To provide clear guidelines for the organisation of excursions outside of Surabaya. Guidelines for Approval: The following are noted as general indicators which the Senior Leadership of the school will look to when advising the Executive Director as to whether an excursion should be approved. - Approval for any overseas excursions, including those organised by other companies, rests with the Executive Principal, who will act in consultation with the Senior Leadership of the school. - The proposed excursion must comply with the programme aims of the school. - Students attending should have demonstrated commitment to Sekolah Ciputra through their exemplary record of behaviour and their involvement in activities around the school and should have a good record of payment of school fees. - The selection of students to be involved must take into account their age, maturity and ability. The selection process must be transparent i.e. the criteria for selection must be included in the proposal and must be published when the excursion is promoted to the students and families. - The school will establish a calendar of approved regular excursions. - Where the excursion involves competition: - the students should have been involved in lead up competitions locally and nationally which indicates that their involvement overseas will be worthwhile. - the quality of the competition must be sufficiently high for the school to be involved, that is, the competition should be well recognised internationally. - The excursion must give benefit to the students and the school. - The balance of boys and girls must be reflected in the teachers accompanying the students. An excursion involving boys which has only female teacher supervisors will, in general, not be approved. - The excursion must be cost neutral to the school. Staff costs must be built into the overall costs to be met by participating families. Approval will only be given for excursions which minimise the cost to the school. Other than in exceptional circumstances, the school will not fund teachers to go on an excursion if insufficient students enrol. - The ratio of students to teachers must be at most 8:1 for High School and 5:1 for Elementary School. - Comprehensive Travel insurance is required for all people attending the excursion and must be factored into the cost. Procedures for obtaining approval for an excursion The general process for gaining approval is as follows: 1. Staff make application to Unit Administration. Proposals should be lodged at least 3 months prior to the excursion and preferably in the previous academic year. Documentation required would include information about the excursion, a rationale as to why the excursion should go ahead and the benefits to students and the school, a tentative budget, possible staffing and a possible itinerary, risk management/emergency plan, staff involved and if during term time effects on curriculum delivery. 2. If approved, Unit Administration will bring the application including the documentation to the Senior Leadership meeting. The Senior Leadership meeting will make a recommendation to the Executive Principal. 3. The Executive Principal will make a decision based on the general guidelines above and will communicate the decision to the applicants. 4. At this point the trip will be advertised to parents and students. 5. Once permission is obtained, a detailed and comprehensive budget must be submitted. 6. Up to the departure date, any changes in detail must be notified immediately to the Director. 7. The trip must have a designated staff member who must be contactable by phone. The Executive Principal’s office should have a complete set of details about the trip on hand. This includes the name of the trip, the name of the organiser and contact details. If the trip is overseas the staff member must purchase a SIM card and send contact details to the Executive Principal. 8. On return, an evaluation of the excursion is to be completed and submitted to the Executive Principal. This will include a complete reconciliation of all income and expenditure related to the excursion. 9. Excursion reports for the purposes of using in the Newsletter or on the website must be submitted to the Executive Principal within two weeks of return or, if the excursion occurs during a holiday period, within two weeks of the first day of return to school. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal September 2016 3.8 School Nurse and Health Room Rationale Students who have an accident or feel unwell at school need to be cared for in a professional manner. Purpose This policy outlines steps put in place to support student wellness. It is related to policy 3.1 Student Safety and 6.1 Health and Safety. Guidelines - A qualified nurse is employed full time to oversee the emergency health issues of students and staff. A Health room, equipped with support equipment for minor illnesses and accidents is situated in the elementary unit. All serious illness at accidents require the patient be transported to hospital. - Students who are suffering as a result of an accident or illness should be sent to or accompanied to the Health room by a teacher or with the permission of a teacher if during break times. - The Nurse will determine the next level of support. - Minor illnesses or accidents will be treated by the Nurse and the student should resume normal activities as soon as possible. - In cases where the student may need to rest before returning to class, the student must be supervised by the Nurse at all times. - A teacher may not remove a student who has been admitted to the UKS without the permission of the Nurse. - For more serious illnesses or if the student is not well enough to return to class after one hour, the Nurse will contact the family to collect the student from school. The class teacher and/or the Unit Admin Support must be notified of the action taken and the parents informed of all details – the nature of illness/accident and the treatment administered by the school. - A weekly summary of all injuries must be provided to the Heads of Units and the Executive Principal. Serious Accident or Illness: - Unless the student is able to sit up without assistance, he/she must be left where the accident occurred and the nurse notified to assess the treatment of the person on the spot. This is to avoid causing further damage by moving the student. At the time that the nurse is being notified, a member of the Unit Administration team should also be notified. That person will ensure that a class teacher is informed. - If the Nurse decides that the students should be taken to hospital for treatment, a decision must be made whether to call an ambulance or to transport the student using school transport. - Arrangements will be made through the administration team to notify the family, organize transport to the hospital and collect emergency funds to cover entrance to emergency care. - A member of the administration team, one class teacher and the school nurse will accompany the person to hospital. - Heads of Units will phone to check the progress of students who have been injured or are unwell. - The Executive Principal must be informed in cases of serious injury or infectious disease. The Health and Safety sub-committee must set up an investigation to identify hazards that may have contributed to an accident. Administering of Medications: The school nurse may provide external medication only to students – treatment for cuts, burns, sprains etc. No medicine, tablets or medication that is ingested can by administered unless written permission from the family has been granted. Staff Illness or Injury For staff, the health room provides support for emergency illnesses and accidents only. The nurse may provide external medication and some moderate form of medication in urgent situations. Staff members who are sick during the school day should seek the approval of the Unit leaders and leave school if they are too unwell to carry out their duties. Staff members who suffer an injury at school that may require further medical treatment will be dealt with in the same way that a student in the same circumstances would be dealt with. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal September 2016 LAH CIPUTRA Review Date September 2019 3.9: Attendance Rationale The official attendance policy for Sekolah Ciputra is based on five fundamental assumptions: 1. The attendance policy must be congruent with Indonesian Law in this case Permendiknas no. 19 Tahun 2007 (Minister of National Education Regulation no 19 / 2007) ATTACHMENT page 20 part E. 2. Regular attendance is the only way for the school to monitor, assess and support student success. 3. The responsibility for ensuring such attendance is shared by the student, parents, teachers, and school administrators. 4. A student’s absence from classes is only excusable if it results from illness, religious or legal obligations, or family emergencies and must be authorised. 5. Excessive student absence from the school is legitimate grounds for the non re registration of a student, repeating a year level, requesting student to complete makeup work and/or requesting a student to leave. Purpose To ensure that students maximise school attendance as well as ensuring internal school processes for monitoring student attendance are robust. Our school values group work and collaboration. When students are absent from school, this absence may affect the learning and achievement of others. Guidelines - The requirement of Indonesian Law is that students have a 90% attendance rate. This consists of both authorised and unauthorised absences. In a 188 school day year this means that a student must attend 169 school days in order to be considered as having successfully completed the academic year. - The school may deem certain off site days as school days, such as official trips, camps, etc. - Each unit must have robust processes (outlined in a process document) for recording student attendance and tardiness information. Further each unit must ensure that student attendance/tardiness during the day is monitored and absences are followed up. Each unit must ensure that parents and students are aware of their obligations. - Parents of students who are at risk of not completing the school year due to poor attendance must be informed in writing when they have used up 75% of their allotted days and informed of the possible consequences. This is 14 school days. - Students who are absent must provide confirmation signed by their parents/caregivers explaining the absence. Each unit must specify in their process document the level of confirmation required in their process document. - In certain extenuating circumstances (long term illness, hospitalization, death in the immediate family) parents have to submit documents and a decision will be made by the Executive Principal in conjunction with Unit Principals. Decisions will be based on: 1) the standing of the student, 2) the seriousness of the extenuating circumstances, 3) the possibility of this situation being repeated in the future, and 4) the possibility of providing remedial measures that will compensate for the loss of time. • “Unauthorised absence” includes, but is not limited to, truancy, leave for holidays, non-emergency leave, medical appointments which can be made out of school time. • A student who is absent from school without permission from his/her parent or legal guardian shall be considered as “truant.” Parents/legal guardians of students suspected of being truant, i.e., without school and/or parent knowledge, will be contacted by the school. This will be documented and the school will take appropriate action. Truancy is regarded as a major infraction which may eventually lead to the student’s expulsion from school. • No student shall be allowed to leave the grounds of the school during the school day without the explicit written or confirmed telephone permission of his/her parent or guardian. The School Principals shall make reasonable efforts to contact the parent of the student to verify all verbal and written permissions. If students must leave because of illness, the School Nurse will contact the parents. The general rule is that students may not excuse themselves from campus. All medical appointments are to be scheduled during afterschool hours. • After a student has been absent without notification for two days, the school nurse will contact the family to enquire about the absence. If there is no response, the nurse will inform the Principals. After 5 days of non-notification, the principal will send a registered letter to the student’s address, requesting an explanation. • As part of their process documentation each unit will notify parents of students who are persistently tardy and put in place a range of sanctions. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal 17/3/17 Related policies 3.1 Student safety 3.2 Student behaviour 3.5 Enrolment 3.6 Re-enrolment 6.1 Health and safety Board Approval Review: February 2019 5.1 Parents and Visitors in the School Rationale Sekolah Ciputra recognises that a successful partnership with parents is an integral part of twenty first century learning. This partnership should be built on mutual respect and understanding as well as the obligations of the school towards its students, staff and other parents. The school has a responsibility to all parents to ensure that their children are in a safe, friendly and secure environment. Purpose To ensure that there are clear guidelines for parent and school interactions to better facilitate an effective learning partnership. Links to: Policy 1.1 School Regulations Policy 1.4 Structure and Systems Policy 3.1 Student Safety Guidelines 1. Parents have the right to visit the school but must do so in a manner that does not interfere with the day to day running of the school. 2. When contacting the school regarding any issue parents have the right to expect a response within 48 hours to organise follow up. 3. Parents/ visitors are at all times expected to behave in a calm and reasonable manner, respecting the rights of all at the school to a safe, pleasant and non-confrontational environment. 4. Parents/visitors who wish to raise issues with a staff member about school related problems are expected to make an appointment to see that staff member. It is inappropriate to raise these issues while staff members are responsible for supervising students, especially in the half hour each morning before classes commence. 5. Parents/visitors have no right to question any child other than their own about anything that may or may not have happened in the school or that is related to any matter that may involve improper behaviour by students outside of the school. 6. Parents/visitors have no right to question staff members about other parents, about children other than their own, about the behaviour or abilities of other children or about any incidents that may have occurred. 7. Parents/maids/drivers who bring their children into school at the start of each day must leave the Elementary School before 07.45 and the Pre-Elementary School before 08.15. School attendants will check the corridors at this time to ensure compliance. Toddler and Play Group gates will be open at 10.00 am and closed at 10.30 am. Parents who choose to stay in the Parent Lounge while their children are in the Toddler or Play groups should remain in that area without disrupting classes. 8. Except as noted in 7, parents/visitors who come to the school after 08.15 must enter through the main door of the MPH and sign in. Such visitors must have a pre-arranged appointment – the school attendant on duty will check that this is the case. Parents/visitors must wear the Visitors badge issued by the school attendant at all times and return it to the school attendant when signing out. School attendants at the other entrances to the school are not authorized to allow parents/visitors to enter after 08.15 except at the end of the school day when students are being picked up. 9. When there are general meetings, summative days, year meetings or special events these guidelines do not apply but parents should not arrive more than 30 minutes before the commencement of the activity and should leave within 30 minutes of its conclusion. 10. In the case of students with approved special educational needs, helpers may be given permission to assist the child at meal times or around the school. Applications for these arrangements must be made to the Unit Administration office. To clearly identify them, authorized helpers will be given an official Helpers badge which must be worn at all times. 11. The school nurse is the only person authorized to give students medicine. Parents may leave medicine with the school attendants who will pass it on to the appropriate school nurse. Detailed instructions about administering the medicine must be given to the school nurse beforehand. It is not appropriate for a parent, maid or driver to come to school for the purpose of giving a child medicine. 12. If a parent raises an issue with a staff member while that staff member is supervising students or feels that they need some time to formulate a response, the staff member must insist that the parent/visitor make an appointment at a mutually convenient date. 13. If a staff member is uncomfortable with an interaction they may politely terminate the conversation and refer the parent/visitor to the relevant administration. 14. Parents and visitors may be denied access to the school if their dress or demeanour is considered inappropriate in a school situation. The school should follow up with contact to organise an appointment. 15. Parent dress when visiting the school should be congruent with the standard set for staff and students and be appropriate for a school situation. 16. The Parent Lounge is available for parent use when waiting for appointments. It is not designed as a long term waiting facility. 17. Parents must use the Parent Lounge in a respectful manner. 18. Unit Principals and other managers must ensure that staff are properly informed about this policy and understand their rights and obligations. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal May 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees. Policy Review Date May 2021 5.3: Visitors to the school. Rationale The school enjoys an excellent reputation throughout Indonesia and so it is not uncommon to receive requests for tours or for student teachers to observe lessons or to deliver lessons as Interns. These situations can be disruptive, requiring considerable time commitments from those who must deal with the visitors, but they can also be beneficial and lead to good relationships with other schools and universities. Purpose The purpose of this policy is to ensure that good communication about potential visits ensures that the benefits from visits are maximised whilst disruption is minimised. This policy is linked to policy 5.3 Guidelines - In general, Units should allow at most two such visits per term. It is not unreasonable to politely decline requests, especially those that come with little warning. If an arrangement is made for such a visit, Units should inform the Executive Principal and the Head of Marketing. The latter can arrange a photographer for publicity purposes if appropriate. An event request form should be filled in. - Requests for student teachers to observe lessons or to be interns at the school can be opportunities to discover potential recruits for the school, as well as for teachers to see what methodological practices are being taught at local Universities. Each Unit should survey the teachers within the Unit at the start of each year to find out if any are interested in having observers or interns working with them. This will provide information for the administration of the Unit to respond to any requests like these. Careful consideration should be given when choosing which classes the Intern will work with. It would be inappropriate, for example, to give a year 12 class to an intern. Any money earned through supervising an intern belongs to the supervisor of the intern. Units should inform the Executive Principal of any Interns or Student Teachers at the school, as well as HRD and Property (with regard to visitors’ passes). - Requests for visitors from Universitas Ciputra should, in general, be considered positively. However, there should be at least a day’s notice and the actual timing should be determined by the school, not the University. - Requests are sometimes received from commercial organisations or from parents with commercial interests to do presentations to staff members or to students. Examples include insurance companies, book sellers or book clubs, “educational experts” and so on. In general, these requests should be refused. If the recipient of the request feels that there may be value in having such a presentation, it must be submitted to the Executive Principal who will consult with the Senior Leadership Group but who will retain the final say. An events request form should be filled in. - In all cases there will be a designated staff member responsible for the behaviour of the visitor. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 5.4 Extracurricular Activities Rationale. Extra Curricula activities in Sekolah Ciputra should support the school mission and vision and in every instance be organised in a manner which is congruent with both the purpose of the school as well as student safety and administrative systems. Purpose. To ensure high quality communication and adherence to school systems when planning and organising an extracurricular activity. This policy subsumes: Policy 3.3 Appearances in Public Policy 5.2 Outside Agents or Agencies at Sekolah Ciputra Policy 5.4 Staff or Student Led Activities at Sekolah Ciputra Guidelines 1. Units should endeavour to post all predictable events on the school calendar before the start of the school year. This should be shared with all stakeholders. 2. Units must use an activity planner for all proposed extracurricular activities in the school. This must be submitted two weeks before the proposed event or a month if the event disrupts the normal school calendar. 3. The planner must ensure that all parts of the school who are impacted by the proposed activity have input. For example, (and as appropriate) finance and property must give their approval. 4. Excursions which involve the use of school transport during normal hours must clearly be approved by Human Capital Management and Finance. 5. All additional expenses such as meal allowances (for out of hours activities), overtime for staff such as housekeeping and security and so on should be factored into any activity budgets. 6. Any approved activity must be included on the school calendar and provisions must be made for the reporting of the event on the website, newsletter and/or Instagram account. 7. OSIS and STUCO should be encouraged to produce a draft activity calendar at the start of their respective tenure pencilling in dates. All activities must use the activity planner. 8. The school field is a shared resource with Surabaya Intercultural School. Any proposal to use the field outside normal hours must get SIS approval at least 2 weeks before the event. 9. Activity planners must address potential health and safety and security concerns including where applicable the involvement of the school nurse and/or designated first aid person as well as the support of school attendants. 10. No advertising material should be displayed in the school without the express permission of the Unit Principal. 11. Providers cannot use Sekolah Ciputra for testimonial purposes without the permission of the General Manager. 12. Use of the school or IBO logo requires the Executive Principal’s approval. 13. Any agency wishing to enter the school for any reason must seek permission in writing from the Unit Principals and endorsed by the Executive Principals. The decision to allow an agency to enter the school will be based on the following: - the agency is providing a service the school does not currently provide. - the agency has proven expertise at providing this service - the agency has staff qualified and experienced at providing the service offered and has the necessary licencing and health and safety qualifications. - the staff at the school agree that this service is necessary. - the outside agency must adhere to all conditions laid down by the school. 14. Units must liaise with the finance department and adhere to the finance policy in their dealings with outside agencies. 15. Units may not pass on student information to an outside provider. 16. Content from outside providers must be approved by units before being given to students. 17. Students and staff must be presented in a manner consistent with any extracurricular event. This must be stipulated by organising staff before the event occurs. It is the responsibility of supervising staff to ensure that the stipulated dress code is followed by participating students. 18. Staff must adhere to the staff dress code as laid out in policy 1.1 Links to: Policy 1.1: School Regulations. Policy 2.14: Education Outside the Classroom. Policy 3.1: Student Safety Policy 3.7: Student Excursions Outside of Surabaya Policy 6.1 Health and Safety Policy 6.2 Financial Procedures. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal May 2018 Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees. 5.5 Complaints Rationale It is important that complaints against staff and the school are handled in a professional and transparent manner in order to engender confidence in school impartiality, to facilitate natural justice as well as to maintain congruence with the Vision and Mission of the school. Parents and students must be able to confidently complain knowing that the school will follow a publicised process and that there is no fear of retribution. Purpose To ensure that complaints are dealt with in a fair, transparent and systematic manner. Guidelines 1. All complaints must be taken seriously and dealt with according to the processes outlined below, no matter how frivolous they may appear. 2. All complainants should receive contact from the school about the complaint within 48 hours of the complaint being made. 3. Complaints should be handled by the person who is in the best position to a. Investigate the complaint AND b. Make decisions to resolve the complaint 4. Unless the person receiving the complaint is the same as referred to below, that person should simply listen to the complaint, clarify any information not clearly understood and then inform the complainant of the next step that will be taken – referral to the appropriate person to handle the complaint. Unless the complaint is about a simple procedure or a misunderstanding about a place, time or date, no attempt should be made by the person receiving the complaint to resolve the issue. 5. The complaint should always be referred to the level at which it is made. A simple complaint about classroom procedure should be referred initially to the classroom teacher. Failure to resolve the complaint should see it pass through line managers to Vice Principals, Principal, Executive Principal and Board. 6. Any complaint that is serious i.e. about student safety, staff conduct, bullying must immediately be referred to Unit Principals who should inform the Executive Principal who will involve the Board as appropriate. 7. Protective disclosures (where the complainant does not wish to be identified) and anonymous complaints are difficult for the school to deal with in a transparent manner. If they are at the level of Guideline 6 they must be brought to the attention of the Executive Principal and investigated. 8. No parent should be informed of what consequences have been imposed on students/staff if as a result of the investigation there is a disciplinary consequence. 9. Units must maintain a file of complaints using the school complaints template proforma. All documentation regarding the complaint should be in the file and in the event of Guideline 6 a copy put in the Executive Principal’s file. 10. Each unit must, as part of its student safety obligations, have a student safety sub-committee to support at risk students. 11. Disciplinary consequences arising from a complaint should be congruent with the level of the complaint. Links to: 3.1 Student safety 3.2 Student Behaviour 4.1 Staff Code of Conduct 6.1 Health and Safety Martin Blackburn Executive Principal Sutoto Yakobus Board of Trustees March 2018 Review December 2019: Complaints Handling Pro Forma To be completed by the person who received the email about the complaint Name of person completing this form: Date of notification: Complaint received from: (attach email) Complainant: Contact Phone: Date and time the complainant was contacted: Any further relevant information provided by the complainant not included in the email: Details of the resolution of the complaint: Final decision regarding the complaint: Date and time the complainant was contacted about the decision: Response from the complainant: Signed: Date: 6.1 Health and Safety Rationale The School is committed to continuous improvements in health and safety. It will monitor the frequency and severity of accidents, and promote the safe and early return to work of injured employees. The school should have plans to cope with a possible range of emergency situations. Purpose This policy ensures that the school is adequately prepared to cope with emergencies and threats to health and safety. The school will ensure that there is a safe and healthy environment for staff, students, visitors and contractors. The requirements of all relevant health and safety legislation, standards and codes of practice will be followed in an independent manner. Guidelines 1. All staff take individual responsibility for health and safety by - eliminating or minimizing the potential for harm to people - reporting identified hazards - taking reasonable care to ensure the personal safety of students in on-site and off-site educational environments. 2. Management will ensure that compliance with legislation is achieved by: - providing staff with opportunities to participate in health and safety management as part of a health and safety sub-committee - ensuring employee representatives are consulted regarding health and safety management - providing a systematic process for eliminating or isolating any hazards, or by minimizing their effects - having plans and procedures in place for all foreseeable emergencies that may arise in the workplace - providing a process for accurately recording, investigating and reporting all accidents and injuries - having effective procedures for the hiring and monitoring of contractors and being accountable for their safety and for that of other visitors - holding bi-annual fire drills and lock downs. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 Review annually. 6.4 CCTV Policy Preamble The purposes for which the CCTV System is to be used are: - To protect the school buildings and assets - To increase the personal safety of students, staff and visitors and reduce the incidence of crime - To support the school personnel in detecting and identifying incidents. - To assist in managing the School - To assist in relation to matters other than security, e.g: the promotion of and compliance with Health and Safety standards and taking appropriate disciplinary measures where required. The system will not be used to monitor staff conduct or performance, except where required to investigate the alleged commission of a crime and/or a breach of school regulations. Materials or knowledge secured as a result of CCTV will not be used for any commercial purpose or shown to anyone not employed by the school without the permission of the Executive Principal. Definitions and Procedures 1. The person appointed to manage the system and procedures is the Head of ICT, referred to below as CCTV Supervisor. 2. The school will notify visitors to the site of the use of CCTV by a sign above the monitors in the entrance of each unit. 2.1. Parents will be notified on enrolment forms and will sign that they acknowledge the presence of CCTV cameras in the school. 3. Recorded images will be held in a secure location accessible only by: 3.1.1. Administration Unit: Executive Principal, Business Manager, Heads of Business Units, designated system supervisor 3.1.2. Elementary and Pre Elementary: Principal, Coordinating Principal, Vice Principal Student Welfare and Vice Principal Pre Elementary School 3.1.3. High School: Principal, Coordinating Principal, Vice Principal Student Welfare 4. Images will be recorded onto a dedicated Server Hard Drive in ICT Unit Central Server Room 5. Maintenance: 5.1. Regular maintenance will be carried out by the CCTV Supervisor 5.2. Cameras will be checked every two weeks 6. Retention of footage: 6.1. Unless required for evidential purposes, the retention period of any images recorded by the CCTV system is three weeks 6.2. Expired footage not required for evidential purposes will be overwritten after reformatting occurs. 7. Viewing footage: 7.1. Only those staff listed in Section 3 are authorised to access the images collected. 7.2. A log of whom and what recording is viewed will maintained by the CCTV Supervisor. 7.3. Should any footage be required by the unit, the following protocol will operate: 7.3.1. A request from a person authorised in Section 3 will be taken to the CCTV Supervisor. Requests should detail the times required and the relevant cameras. 7.3.2. The CCTV Supervisor will isolate the footage and store it in an agreed folder on the network. 7.3.3. Those authorised in Section 3 will be informed of the location and can view the footage as desired. 8. Release of images: 8.1. Images will only be released to third Parties if authorised by the Executive Principal. 8.2. A record of any images released is maintained in a log. Each entry must be countersigned by the Executive Principal. 9. Any complaints about the school’s CCTV system should be addressed to the Executive Principal. 10. During times of school closure, the CCTV system will continue to operate as normal and will be maintained by IT Staff and monitored by school attendants. Martin Blackburn Executive Principal August 2016 Policy Review Date August 2019: 6.5 Financial Procedures Rationale Sekolah Ciputra must have robust financial procedures that comply with Indonesian Accounting Practice as well as policies of the Yayasan Pendidikan Ciputra. Purpose To outline the necessary steps that must be taken in order to be financially compliant. Guidelines - The General Manager is responsible for the financial processes of the school. - These processes must be compliant with both Indonesian Government and Yayasan Pendidikan Ciputra processes. - To ensure compliance the school must work closely with both internal and external auditors. - The school must be responsive to internal memorandum from the Yayasan Pendidikan Ciputra and make sure that these are reflected in financial processes. - The General Manager must take all reasonable steps to ensure that staff are aware of processes they must follow when using school finances. 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Every year you grow and change in many different ways. Get someone to help you measure and record these data about yourself. Be sure to save the information because we will measure again in two months! How tall are you? ________________ How much do you weigh? ___________ What is the circumference of your head? ________________ 5. Place these sums in the correct column: \| Less than 6 \| Greater than 6 \| \|-------------\|----------------\| \| 4 + 0 \| 3 + 4 \| \| 0 + 5 \| 2 + 2 \| \| 3 + 1 \| 4 + 5 \| \| 4 + 4 \| 6 + 2 \| \| 1 + 2 \| \| 7. How many paper clips long is the dotted line below? About ____________ paper clips. 8. If all clothes with _______ and all clothes with zippers were here, what would go in the middle? Setting Personal Goals Problem solving is what you do when you don’t know what to do. Being a good problem solver will help you be ready to live and work in our changing world. Computers can do computations but people must tell the computers what to do. Good problem solvers know how to make plans and use many different strategies in carrying out their plans. They use all of their past experiences to help them in new situations. We learn to swim by getting in the water; we learn to be good problem solvers by solving problems! 1. Circle the expressions that equal 24: (You may use a calculator to help you.) \[ 20 + 4 \quad 41 - 10 \quad 24 - 0 \quad 12 + 12 \] \[ 6 + 12 \quad 18 + 6 \quad 16 + 9 \quad 14 + 11 \] 2. Cut a strip of cardboard the same length as this unit: $ \text{---} $. If it equals two, about how long and how tall is this rectangle? across ____________ units up and down ____________ units. 3. What is the rule? \[ 6 \rightarrow 11 \] \[ 12 \rightarrow 17 \] \[ 20 \rightarrow 25 \] \[ 50 \rightarrow 55 \] Rule: _______________________ 4. Chris had a roll of stamps worth six cents each. If there are ten stamps on his roll, how much is his roll of stamps worth? ____________________________ 5. Draw a figure just like this one: Strategy of the Month Your brain is an organizer. It organizes information as it stores that information. When a problem involves many pieces of information, your brain will have an easier time sorting through it if you make an organized list. A list helps you be sure you have thought of all of the possibilities without repeating any of them. Like drawing a picture or making a diagram, making an organized list helps your brain "see" the problem clearly and find a solution. Try making an organized list to solve this problem: You have three pennies, two nickels and a dime. How many different amounts of money can you make? 1. Place these expressions in the proper column: \| Less than 18 \| Greater than 18 \| \|--------------\|-----------------\| \| 6 + 6 \| 12 + 7 \| \| 4 + 7 \| 6 + 17 \| \| 14 + 6 \| 9 + 10 \| \| \| 12 + 2 \| \| \| 8 + 15 \| \| \| 21 + 2 \| \| \| 5 + 8 \| 2. Guess how many beads there are in the necklace. Check your answer by counting. 3. Draw a figure just like this one: 4. Maegen uses four blocks to build a house. If she builds a town with six houses, how many blocks will she need? Strategy of the Month Being a problem solver is something like being a detective! A detective has to solve crimes by guessing what happened and checking the guess to see if it fits the situation. For some problems, your best strategy may be to make a guess and then check to see if your answer fits the problem. If not, decide if your guess was too high or too low and then make a second "guesstimate." A good detective keeps records (usually some kind of chart) to help see any patterns and to narrow down the possibilities. You should do this too. The results of incorrect guesses can give you valuable clues to the correct solution. Guess and then check the solution to this problem: Billy has 42 marbles to put in boxes. Each box will hold five marbles. How many boxes will he need? 1. How many dots are needed to make the dominoes equal? 2. Follow the path to find the answer: \[ 6 + 5 - 4 + 2 = \] 3. You have a quarter and loan ten cents to a friend. What are the different ways you can show the money you have left? 4. Connect the points to make a shape that has four sides and four corners. 5. Continue the pattern: A, M, A, A, M, A, A, A, M, ___, ___, ___, ___ Strategy of the Month Noticing patterns helps people solve problems at home, at work, and especially in math class! Math has been called "the study of patterns," so it makes sense to look for a pattern when you are trying to solve a problem. Recognizing patterns helps you to see how things are organized and to make predictions. If you think you see a pattern, try several examples to see if using the pattern will fit the problem situation. Looking for patterns is helpful to use along with other strategies such as make a list or guess and check. How can finding a pattern help you solve this problem? How many different rectangles can you find in the figure on the left? Set aside a special time each day to study. This should be a time to do homework, to review, or to do extra reading. Be organized and have a special place in which to work. This place needs to have a good light and to be a place where you can concentrate. Some people like to study with quiet music; others like to sit at the kitchen table. You need to find what works for you! Remember that when you are reviewing or working on solving problems it may help to study in a group. 6. On a trip to the beach you see a group of starfish. There are six in the group. How many arms do you count? \| starfish \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| 6 \| \|----------\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| arms \| 5 \| \| 15\| \| \| \| 7. Jane gets home from school at 3:00. She begins her homework at 5:00. How much time does she have to play before she begins her homework? _____________________ 8. Use your calculator to find: a. How many two's are in 18? __________ b. How many fives's make 30? __________ c. How many four's make a dozen? ________ 1. This puzzle piece was cut from a hundred board. Fill in the missing numbers: \[ \begin{array}{\|c\|c\|} \hline 36 & 38 \\ \hline 56 & 58 \\ \hline \end{array} \] 2. How many flowers do not have pots? 3. In January, Mrs. Clark's class read ten books. In February they read two more than in January. If this pattern continues, how many books will they read in April? 4. Don wants to buy an eraser at the school store. If erasers cost 14 cents and he pays with two dimes, what coins could he receive in change? Strategy of the Month Sometimes mathematical ideas are hard to think about without something to look at or to move around. Drawing a picture or using objects or models helps your brain "see" the details, organize the information, and carry out the action in the problem. Beans, pennies, toothpicks, pebbles, or cubes are good manipulatives to help you model a problem. You can use objects as you guess and check or look for patterns. Try using objects to help you solve this problem: A factory has wheels for go-carts and scooters. If they have 18 wheels, how many of each can they make? Is there more than one answer? Remember when you had "Show and Tell" in kindergarten? Now you have a great deal to share in mathematics. Talk to the folks at home about what you are learning. Show them your papers and tell them about what is happening in your math class. Let them see that you are doing problems in class similar to these. Each week choose an assignment that you are proud of and display it somewhere in your house. ★ ★ ★ 5. What are the next three numbers in this series? 77, 66, 55, 44, 33, ___, ___, ____ ★ 6. This is a triangle: How many sides would four triangles have? _______ Use the calendar to answer these questions: NOVEMBER \| Sun \| Mon \| Tue \| Wed \| Thu \| Fri \| Sat \| \|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| 6 \| \| 7 \| 8 \| 9 \| 10 \| 11 \| 12 \| 13 \| \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| \| 21 \| 22 \| 23 \| 24 \| 25 \| 26 \| 27 \| \| 28 \| 29 \| 30 \| \| \| \| \| ★ ★ ★ ★ 7. (a) Jane's birthday is the 3rd Sunday in November. What date is her birthday? _________________________ (b) She is having a birthday party on November 20. What day of the week is her party? _________________________ (c) She will mail her invitations two weeks before the party. What date will she mail the invitations? _________________________ Setting Personal Goals Mathematics is all around us. We use it every day in personal living and in all of our school work. When we read graphs in social studies, gather and use data in science investigations, or count in music or physical education, we are using mathematics. We make connections in our math classes also; for example, measurement skills help us in solving many geometry problems and classification skills help us in organizing data. We use computation in many different situations. You will become a stronger mathematics student by making connections. 1. The first box has three balloons, the second box has six balloons. If this pattern continues, how many balloons will be in the fifth box? 2. How tall do you think eight apples would be? - More than a foot - Less than a foot - Exactly a foot 3. Follow the directions to the answer: START: 3 ADD SIX SUBTRACT TWO ANSWER ADD FOUR 4. How many wheels are on four tricycles and three bicycles? 5. Twelve animals are swimming in the pond. There are twice as many ducks as there are frogs. How many ducks are in the pond? ______ How many frogs are in the pond? ______ Hint: What two numbers add to 12? 6. Bill made a graph of the coins he had in his pocket. \| Kind of Coins \| Number of Coins \| \|---------------\|----------------\| \| penny \| 5 \| \| nickel \| 4 \| \| dime \| 5 \| \| quarter \| 2 \| How much money does he have in: a. pennies ______ b. nickels ______ c. dimes ______ d. quarters_______ 7. How much does he have to spend? ________________ Setting Personal Goals Perseverance means that you do not give up easily. Good problem solvers try different strategies when they are stumped and are not discouraged when they cannot find an answer quickly. They stick to the task, using all of their previous experiences to make connections with what they know and the problem they are trying to solve. If something does not work, they discard the unsuccessful idea and try again using a different strategy. 1. Find the first number for the flowchart: \[ \begin{array}{c} ?? \\ \downarrow \\ +5 \\ \downarrow \\ +2 \\ \downarrow \\ +4 \\ \downarrow \\ 15 \\ \end{array} \] 2. Curly, Flipsy, Fuzzy and Topsy are sitting in a row. Topsy is first. Fuzzy is last. Curly is between Topsy and Flipsy. Who is in the third seat? 3. What numeral is shown? \[ \begin{array}{c} \text{ones} \\ \text{tens} \\ \text{hundreds} \\ \end{array} \] 4. A waiter brought a pitcher of water to a table of six persons. Each person filled his glass and the pitcher was empty. If each glass holds 4 ounces, how much water was in the pitcher at the start? 5. There are six puppies in the yard. How many tails, ears and legs are in the yard? Fill in the chart below to help you find the answers. \| Dogs \| Tails \| Ears \| Legs \| \|------\|-------\|------\|------\| \| 1 \| \| \| \| \| 2 \| \| \| \| \| 3 \| \| \| \| \| 4 \| \| \| \| \| 5 \| \| \| \| \| 6 \| \| \| \| Strategy of the Month Some problems are difficult to "see" even if you draw a picture. For these problems, it can be helpful to actually act out the problem. When you role-play with friends or people at home, you may discover the solution as you act out the problem. Or you may recognize another strategy that will help you find the answer. Sometimes "acting out" a problem can be done with manipulative materials. To find the solution to the problem below, become the director and choose your cast to act this out: Freddy Frog is at the bottom of the stairs. He can move up three steps each time he hops. The pool is at the top of the stairs. If Freddy Frog hops five times before he is in the pool, how many stairs are there to the pool? 6. Jody is trying to estimate the number of marbles in a jar. Use these clues to help him make a good guess: (1) there are more than 44 marbles. (2) there are fewer than 50 marbles. (3) there is an even number of marbles. How many marbles should Jody guess? 7. What number will make this statement true? \[ 7 + 6 = \square + 9 \] 8. Complete the graph to show the lunch count for Mr. Scott's class. On Monday, four students brought their lunch. On Tuesday, two more than on Monday brought their lunch. On Wednesday, three less than on Tuesday brought their lunch. On Thursday, two more than on Wednesday brought their lunch. On Friday, three more than on Thursday brought their lunch. Setting Personal Goals Accuracy is very important to everyone. Pharmacists must always measure accurately when preparing prescriptions and carpenters must cut supporting boards precisely to fit. Careless mistakes may be avoided in the classroom by computing carefully, checking back over work, and writing numbers clearly and neatly. Remember: If work is worth doing, it is worth doing well. 1. How many different triangles are there in the diagram below? \[\text{triangles}\] 2. Robin Bird loves to eat worms. The chart below shows how many he ate in three days. If the pattern continues, how many will he eat on the eighth day? \| Day \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| 6 \| 7 \| 8 \| \|-----\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| Worms \| 2 \| 4 \| 6 \| \| \| \| \| \| 3. Ben's bus picks him up at 7:30 each morning. He arrives at school at 8:00 and the bell for class rings at 8:30. How many minutes does the bus ride take? 4. Tamisha has 20 cents to spend at the school store. She wants to buy some candy to share with her friends. What can she buy? - Gummy Bears: 5¢ - Gum: 3¢ - Chocolate Bar: 8¢ - Cherry Pops: 7¢ Strategy of the Month What do you do if you have a problem that seems to be very complicated? It may have lots of large numbers, too much information, or multiple conditions. One approach is to create a simpler problem like the one you need to solve. As you solve the easier problem, you may see the way to solve the more difficult one. Or you may discover a different process that will work with the harder problem. The trick is to be sure that your simpler problem is enough like the original one that the patterns or process you use will help you with the harder situation. Make a simpler problem first as you solve this: Six soccer players will shake hands before the game begins. How many handshakes will there be? {Suppose there are only three players; four players.} Math skills develop as you apply concepts learned in school to real life situations. Which product is the best buy? How many tiles will it take to cover the kitchen floor? What time should we start baking the turkey so that we can have dinner at 7 p.m.? What do the statistics say about the two baseball players? ★★★ 6. Estimate how many steps it takes to walk from your bedroom to the kitchen. Then carefully count the number of steps you actually take. Would this be the same for everyone in your family? Why? Estimate for you _______________________ Number you actually walked ____________ Who takes more steps? ___________________ Why? ___________________________________ _______________________________________ ★ 7. Write the numeral for: six tens + two ones + two hundreds ______________________________ ★ 8. How many days are in two weeks? ______________________________ Setting Personal Goals Confidence means that you believe in yourself. You can become a more confident problem solver by learning to use a variety of strategies. If your first idea does not work, don’t give up just try another way! Working with a buddy also helps. You need to remember that there is usually more than one way to solve a problem and that practice always helps us learn. 1. Toss a penny in the air 20 times and let it land flat. Mark on the chart each head and tail. \| Heads \| Tails \| \|-------\|-------\| \| 1 \| \| \| 2 \| \| \| 3 \| \| \| 4 \| \| \| 5 \| \| \| 6 \| \| \| 7 \| \| \| 8 \| \| \| 9 \| \| \| 10 \| \| \| 11 \| \| \| 12 \| \| \| 13 \| \| \| 14 \| \| \| 15 \| \| \| 16 \| \| \| 17 \| \| \| 18 \| \| \| 19 \| \| \| 20 \| \| \| Total:\| \| 2. Six birds have built their nests. Four birds laid three eggs each and two birds laid four eggs each. How many eggs in all? 3. If $a = 1$, $b = 2$, $c = 3$, and so on, what is the value of your first name? 4. In your pocket you have two dimes, one nickel and two pennies. Your friend has one dime, three nickels and five pennies in his pocket. My pocket: \[ \text{__________¢} \] Friend's pocket: \[ \text{__________¢} \] Who has more money, you or your friend? How much more? Strategy of the Month What if you know the result of a situation, but you don't know the beginning? For example, you might know that you end up with thirteen baseball cards after doing a certain number of trades and you want to figure out how many cards you had before the trading started. In that case you need to work backwards; you have to think about your actions in reverse order. This strategy works for any sequence of actions when you know the end result rather than the starting place. Try working backwards to find the starting number on this flow chart: ??? → add 5 → subtract 2 → add 3 → 12 Mathematics can make life easier for you when you become a good estimator. Spatial estimation helps you plan how you will rearrange your furniture or how far to jump to cross a puddle of water. Using estimation helps you know whether you have enough money for your purchases before you get to the check-out line. We become good estimators by practicing. Use your number sense and spatial sense to think about what the answers to problems will be before you start to solve them. 5. What number am I? I am greater than nine. I am less than 7 + 6. I am an odd number. 6. Put the numbers in the boxes where they belong. [Hint: two numbers will not belong in any box.] 6, 28, 51, 33, 48, 59, 14, 66, 8, 73, 25, 82, 38, 17, 96 Greater than 52 Less than ten Greater than 12 and less than 39 7. How many squares are in this picture? __________________squares 8. This puzzle piece was cut from a hundred board. Fill in the missing numbers. 25 \| \| \| 36 \| 45 \| \| \| 67 \| Setting Personal Goals When you encounter a new situation, you use all of your previous experiences to figure out the current problem. Reasoning mathematically means using your brain power to think logically and sequentially, to put prior knowledge with new information. Set the goal of developing mathematical power and use your thinking power to achieve the goal! 1. Bob and his mother went shopping. These are the bills: Store A: $13.00 Store B: $20.00 Store C: $15.00 Store D: $18.00 Can you figure out what they bought? Prices: - Shirts $8.00 - Pants $12.00 - Shoes $10.00 - Caps $5.00 - Belts $4.00 - Jackets $16.00 Store A__________________________________________ Store B__________________________________________ Store C__________________________________________ Store D__________________________________________ 2. Fill in the missing number: \[ 9 + 12 = \square + 10 \] 3. Grandma made four peach pies. She used six peaches for each pie. How many peaches did she use? 4. The neighborhood pool opens at 2:00. You arrive at 2:30. How long can you swim before the pool closes? Pool Hours: 2 - 4 daily Strategy of the Month You have tried many ways to solve problems this year. Already you know that when one strategy does not lead you to a solution, you back up and try something else. Sometimes you can find a smaller problem inside the larger one that must be solved first. Sometimes you need to think about the information that is missing rather than what is there. Sometimes you need to read the problem again and look for a different point of view. Sometimes you need to tell your brain to try to think about the problem in an entirely different way - perhaps a way you have never used before. Looking for different ways to solve problems is like brainstorming. Try to solve this problem. You may need to change your point of view. Mrs. Gomez is planning a party. She needs seating for 26 people. She can use hexagon tables for six guests and square tables for four guests. She would like to use more hexagon tables than square tables. How many of each does she need? Identifying the mathematics that is all around you can be lots of fun. Think about the geometry and spatial visualization you use in playing video games or when you play golf or basketball. When your parents parallel park, they are using their spatial skills too. When you track a hurricane, you use coordinates. When you check the stock market or read the latest sports statistics, you are using mathematics. With your family or friends go on a math scavenger hunt. Who can identify mathematics in the most unusual places? 5. Three friends went fishing. Juan caught five fish, Betty caught twice as many as Juan and Darryl caught seven. How many fish did the three friends catch? 6. Circle the letters that have a line of symmetry: R D H S W Y 7. Mr. Allen's class made a graph to show their favorite fruit. Look at the information on the graph. Then decide whether the following statements are true or false. a. More students like apples. true or false b. More students like pears than oranges. true or false c. More students like pears and oranges than apples. true or false d. Over half the class prefers apples. true or false 8. Three students bring "Show and Tell" on Monday, five students on Tuesday, seven students on Wednesday. If this pattern continues, how many students will bring "Show and Tell" on Friday? Setting Personal Goals Students who recognize the value of mathematics are well on their way to becoming mathematically powerful citizens. Valuing mathematics means that we appreciate the richness, power, and usefulness of mathematics. Without math there would be no roads or bridges, computers or movies, banks or fast food restaurants. 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Food, shelter and clothing are our basic needs. Fulfilment of these basic needs is of utmost importance. Our primary needs are food, clothing and shelter. All animals make shelters for their young ones. Human beings call shelter a house. There are many types of houses. Your relations may be staying in a small house in a village. Radha’s friend, Shanti lives in a flat and another friend, Rajini lives in a big bungalow in a city. A family starts living in a ‘house’ and makes it a ‘home’ by sharing, loving and jointly performing different household activities. We all need a house to live but now the question arises about its selection. This selection means what features or special qualities to look for in a house. There are many important considerations such as location, surroundings, sanitation etc. You will find answers to these and some other questions in this lesson. OBJECTIVES After studying this lesson, you will be able to: - describe the functions of a home; - evaluate the site of your own house for the required features; - identify different areas in the house for efficient functioning, and - maintain hygiene inside and outside the house. 12.1 FUNCTIONS OF A HOME In general the words ‘Home’ and ‘House’ are used interchangeably. But there is a difference. ‘House’ is physical construction made of brick, sand, cement, stone etc. A ‘house’ becomes ‘Home’ when all the family members start living there and enjoy all the happiness, love and affection, health, ease, comfort, social and entertainment activities. Now you must have understood that a home is much more than a house. A house has to be converted into a home. We all know the importance of a home. As the saying goes, “East or west home is the best”. It will therefore, be not very difficult to understand the functions of a home. Home provides not only the shelter but also provides security and belongingness. It provides for physical and emotional needs of all the family members. For children it provides education in basic values like respect for elders, love and affection to others, health, religion, discipline and responsibility. It is a place for loving and celebrating together. Figure 12.4 lists the function of a home. \| Functions Of a Home \| \|---------------------\| \| Protective \| \| • Provides security \| \| • Protects from weather \| \| • Provides shelter \| \| • Protects from animals, dacoits and enemies \| \| Economic \| \| • Value in terms of money \| \| • Raises socioeconomic status \| \| • Gives pride and prestige in the society \| \| • Can be used to perform some income generating activity \| \| Educative \| \| • Helps in development of personality and basic family values \| \| • Helps in development of life skills like sharing, caring, empathy etc \| \| Social/religious\| \| • Promotes interaction within and outside the family \| \| • Provides sense of belongingness \| \| • Transfer of values, customs from generation to generation \| 12.2 SITE SELECTION FOR A HOUSE Now you understand that our home meets many of our needs. Do you think that selection or construction of a house is an easy task? No, not at all. It involves a lot of money and cannot be changed often. It is important that certain points are kept in mind so that a wise decision is made. The place where we construct a house is called a site. Site of your house plays an important role in its selection. Do you agree? Let us see how you can select proper site for your house. - Neighbourhood: Attention must be given to the environment and the neighbourhood where the house is to be located. The house should be in the area which is developed in all aspects. A place is called a developed area when it has electricity, roads and drainage laid out. Common facilities like post office, banks, school and markets are available near by. - Physical features: While selecting a site, choose a house in an open area. It should not be close to heavy traffic areas. These can affect health and activities due to air and noise pollution. Low lying areas should be avoided due to danger of flooding or water logging. An elevated site provides better view to the house. - Soil: The foundation of the house should be strong for it to stand on. The foundation depends upon the type of soil. The soil should be firm till 2 to 5 feet below the surface for a strong foundation. While constructing a house, it is important to consider the type of soil in a region. Loose soil creates problems for the house in later years as the house may tilt due to shifting of soil. The sandy and gravel type of soils tend to make the house hot to live in. Rocky surface is good for foundation but does not absorb water and creates problems in laying of drainage pipes. - Sanitary requirements: You must have seen vacant plots filled with garbage. Such a piece of land is not recommended for construction of a house. A house built on such a plot will have uneven soil level and... drainage problems. The site should be filled with fresh and firm soil and elevated to the level of the road outside. Practical convenience: Adults living in a house have to go to their jobs and children have to go to school or college. To meet our daily needs, we need a market. To travel, transport facilities such as railway station or bus stand is required. Similarly, a family needs practical conveniences such as post office, bank and hospital nearby. These should be within reasonable walking distance of a house. ![Fig. 12.8](image) ACTIVITY 12.1 Evaluate your own house against the required features \| Required features \| Existing features of your house (Yes or No) \| Can you help to improve (Yes or No) If yes, give suggestions for improvement \| \|-------------------\|--------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Developed area \| \| \| \| Matching social and economic status \| \| \| \| Have open space \| \| \| \| Away from heavy traffic \| \| \| \| Elevated ground \| \| \| \| Proper water supply \| \| \| \| Electricity \| \| \| \| Pucca Roads \| \| \| \| Drainage and sewerage facility \| \| \| \| Proximity to banks \| \| \| \| Proximity to post office \| \| \| \| Proximity to markets. \| \| \| \| Proximity to hospitals \| \| \| 12.3 AREAS IN THE HOUSE Our home consists of different parts. An ideal home is the one that provides space for all the functions of the family. In order to understand this, we first need to know the functions or activities performed in a home. These are cooking, eating, sleeping, bathing, storing, entertaining, studying etc. To perform these multiple activities, we need adequate space. However, this is not possible for all of us. We can make the best use of the available spaces to make a house functional and be comfortable for all the occupants. Can you think of ways to carry out your household activities smoothly? Let’s find out some ways and means to make a home more comfortable and functional. The following general points will help you: - First of all make a list of all the activities which take place in each room. - Mark space for every activity. - Try to combine the activities so that they can be carried out in a common area. For example, dining can be combined with kitchen or drawing room or study can be combined with bedroom. - Take care not to overcrowd the room with too much furniture. - Try to use multi-purpose furniture like sofa cum bed. At night, the sofa can be pulled out and used as a bed for sleeping. The dining table can be used for studying also. Two or more boxes can be joined together and converted into a settee. These multi-purpose furniture items are available in the market. - Some pieces of furniture can be used as storage units and room dividers. For example, the drawing room can be partitioned with shelves on either side. Books can be placed on the shelf facing the living room, whereas, crockery items can be stored in the shelves on the dining room side. - Storage can be provided in the furniture itself like bed with boxes, tables and stools with drawers etc. - The space below the staircase can be converted into a storeroom or converted into a toilet. Let us study the different types of rooms in a house: Living room or combined living-dining room: It is a place to entertain guests, relaxation, reading and entertainment. It should be near the entrance of the building. Sometimes in small houses, it can be combined with dining room, as it adds space and is useful for holding family functions. Furniture is arranged in such a manner that people can talk to each other comfortably. ![Fig. 12.9: A living Room](image) Good lighting is needed for reading as well as other purposes. Bedrooms: Bedrooms should be placed carefully, as we spend 1/3rd of our life in sleep and taking rest. They should offer privacy and be free from noise. Rectangular bedrooms are more convenient for accommodating beds, other furniture and storage. Preferably bedroom should be attached to bathroom or toilet. Addressing table can be provided in this room. Bathroom: A combination of bathing space, water closet and wash area is referred to as a bathroom. Floor should be non slippery and easy to clean. At least one wall of a bathroom should be exposed to outside for proper light and air to avoid dampness and also to offer ventilation. Kitchen: Ideally kitchen should be in the east or north east direction to get direct sunlight during morning. Sunlight has disinfectant properties which kills the germs. A kitchen should have a good drainage system. For sanitation wire-mesh doors should be provided to keep away flies and mosquitoes. Sufficient lighting both during the day time and night should be ensured for doing tasks comfortably. One wall of kitchen must be on exterior side of the house for providing good light and air. Exhaust fan can be installed to take away smoke. By all means cross ventilation has to be provided here. Sufficient storage space above and below the work counter facilitates smooth functioning of the work. The kitchen should have light colours on walls which reflect maximum light. Traditionally Indian women work on the floor. However, these days standing kitchens are becoming the norm in cities. By carefully planning the rooms and following the above tips, our family can enjoy a comfortable house. ACTIVITY 12.2 You want to create space for studying in a two room house. Here one room is used mainly for sleeping and the other for entertaining guests and sitting. Present your plan giving adequate reasons. Use the following table for your answers and give reasons. \| Rooms/areas \| Used for any other activities \| Problems faced \| Your suggestions for study area \| \|-----------------\|------------------------------\|----------------\|---------------------------------\| \| Sitting room \| \| \| \| \| Sleeping room \| \| \| \| INTEXT QUESTIONS 12.1 1. Write the type of function (protective, economic, social/religious and educative) against the activities given below \| Activity \| Functions \| \|---------------------------------\|-----------\| \| a. Celebrating Diwali \| \| \| b. Keeping paying guest \| \| \| c. Caring of children and old people \| \| \| d. Taking tuitions \| \| \| e. Learning to respect others and be responsible \| \| \| f. Having meals together with the family \| \| 2. State which aspect of site selection relates to the following situation. One example is given below. \| Situation \| Site features \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------\| \| E.g. Open space provides children with place to play. \| Physical features \| \| a. House in an area having proper water supply, electricity, roads and drainage facility. \| \| b. Houses built on loose soil have poor foundations. c. Plots filled with garbage are unhygienic for building houses. d. The child has to start very early for school. e. The elevated soil with slopes drains away water soon. f. House in a quiet area. 3. Match the column A and column B. Write the correct number of response (i, ii, etc) from column B. In the Answer box against its match. \| \| Column A \| \| Column B \| Answer \| \|---\|----------------\|---\|------------------\|--------\| \| a.\| Ideal home \| i \| Entertainment \| \| \| b.\| Small rooms \| ii\| Privacy \| \| \| c.\| Drawing room \| iii\| Exhaust fan \| \| \| d.\| Bathroom \| iv\| Provides space for all the functions \| \| \| \| \| v \| Multipurpose furniture \| \| 4. You want to make your room look more spacious. Given below are two options in one set. Choose the one which is the most suitable. a. Heavy furniture or Light furniture b. Single use furniture or Multi use furniture c. Combine kitchen and dining room or Kitchen and sitting room d. Light colours on walls or Dark colours on walls 12.4 MAINTAINING HYGIENE INSIDE AND OUTSIDE THE HOUSE Observe your home for the following aspects Does it get proper sunlight? Is it well ventilated? Is it kept clean, both in and around? Is it exposed to loud noise? Does the area have proper drainage, sewerage and garbage management system? Let us examine the aspects which are important in maintaining hygiene for a healthy living. Three aspects need special care. These are: - Light Housing - Ventilation - Sanitation Let us discuss each one of these in detail. 12.4.1 Light Proper lighting is important to perform various activities in the house. It also enhances the beauty of the house, particularly during the evening hours. Every house has two types of lighting: i. Natural Lighting: The light that we receive from natural sources i.e. the sun. ii. Artificial Lighting: The light that we receive from artificial sources such as tube light, bulbs. ![Natural lighting](image1.png) ![Artificial lighting](image2.png) Fig. 12.13: House with natural light Fig. 12.14: House with artificial light When you check the lighting in your home, you must make sure that most of the rooms get some sunlight during the day. Can you say why? The answer to this question lies in your science lessons. Sunlight is important for all the rooms but more specially for kitchen and bathrooms where water is used frequently. If sunlight does not enter into these areas they will remain dark and damp. It will encourage the entry of mosquitoes and cockroaches. It is not very hygienic to stay in such a house. This increases the chances of infections and fungal diseases. You must have observed that even plants when placed in a darkroom soon loose their luster, droop and wither. Sometimes it is not possible to have natural light in each and every corner of the house. So we use artificial light. In the evening, we need artificial lighting. When artificial light has to be used, make sure that it is not too strong and that it falls on the work that you are doing and not on your eyes. The glare from the light falling directly on your eyes will make it difficult for you to see. Your eyes may also ache and start watering. You should be careful that for studying, there should be proper lighting, otherwise, your eyes will get tired soon. 12.4.2 Ventilation You know that houses have doors, windows, ventilators and exhaust fans. These are made to allow fresh air inside the house and remove stale air. Fresh air is essential for healthy living. This is the reason why we must ensure that the house that we live in has proper ventilation. It can be done through natural or artificial sources. Ventilation means to circulate fresh air and driving out foul air in order to freshen up the interiors of a house. Windows of the rooms should be kept open. Even in winters, when it is very cold, at least one window of the room should be kept open so that fresh air circulates freely. The air circulation in rooms should be sufficient to remove smoke, bad smells, moisture and fumes that offend and also control cold drafts in winter. Cross ventilation is desirable and can be achieved by placing windows on two different sides of the house or by having door and window across from each other in a room. Fig. 12.15 You must remember that the openings at the floor level help to bring in fresh air and the openings near the ceilings drive out stale air. 12.4.3 Sanitation: Can you say why it is important to keep our homes and surroundings clean? Clean surroundings keep insects and germs away from us. In order to prevent the spread of diseases and to keep our environment healthy there are many activities which are to be performed and many facilities which are to be created for maintaining sanitation. The most important ones are: - maintaining cleanliness, - removal of garbage and - disposal of excreta. Let us discuss each one of these in detail. (a) Maintaining cleanliness: Dust is a great enemy of our health, as most of the diseases are spread by it. Cleaning is basic to maintaining hygiene but it is a heavy household task compared to others. It involves physical labour and a lot of time has to be spent in keeping the house clean and comfortable for the family. Encourage your family members to place items at their respective places to maintain cleanliness. Cleaning is of many types. You must have observed your house being cleaned everyday. The store is cleaned only weekly or may be monthly. The entire house is thoroughly cleaned only before Diwali or some major festival or special occasion like a marriage in the family or a birth celebration. So we can say that cleaning is a daily, weekly and seasonal activity. Types of cleaning Let us find out about the types of cleaning and the activities to be performed under these. Daily cleaning - Sweeping and mopping of floors - Dusting surfaces - Cleaning of rugs and carpets - Making beds in the morning - Tidying up objects in every room Weekly cleaning - Thorough cleaning of different surface areas and materials like bathrooms, toilets and wash basins - Removing cobwebs - Cleaning shelves of kitchens Fig. 12.16 Cleaning door handles and other fittings Polishing the wooden surfaces and other areas Cleaning mirrors and pictures Spring or seasonal cleaning - Airing mattresses, cushions, pillow, rugs and carpets in sunlight - Washing curtains - Thorough cleaning of rooms after removing all furniture - Cleaning the store room - Cleaning and polishing of the wood work and getting any repairs done General points to be considered for cleaning rooms - Thorough knowledge of the methods of cleaning go a long way in simplifying heavy work. - One way to keep a house clean is to prevent dirt getting into the house by using special pair of footwear for indoor use and foot mats. It prevents outside dirt getting into the house. - Fine wire mesh door and windows block entry of dust and insects. - In daily cleaning: start from inner most part of the house and move towards cleaning outward areas. All beds should be made before starting cleaning. Open doors and windows to allow fresh air to enter. Sweep the rooms with a soft broom. Sweeping should be followed by dusting of furniture. Brush carpets or rugs. Finish by mopping floors. A disinfectant like phenyl may be added to the water for mopping the floor. Ensure regular cleaning using proper methods to simplify work at home and work place to save time and energy Cleaning of different surfaces and materials: The house has different surfaces like walls, mirrors, pictures, tiles, toilet floors. There are many items to be cleaned such as plastic mugs, buckets and metal objects. In order to clean these, different materials are required. ### Housing \| Surfaces \| Materials required \| \|-----------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Floors \| Broom, brushes, soap or detergent, water, kerosene oil, lime and phenyl \| \| Ceramic tiles, kitchen and bathroom tiles \| Soap or detergent, commercial tile cleaners, vinegar, mild hydrochloric acid \| \| Plastic mug, buckets, chairs, taps \| Luke warm soap or detergent solution, scrubber, vinegar, kerosene (Avoid hard cleaners) and soda \| \| Glass/mirror windows glass/mirror \| Moist newspaper pad, vinegar and commercial glass cleaner \| \| Metal taps, brass taps \| Lemon, vinegar, tamarind, hot soapy water and salt \| \| Wood surfaces \| Soft cloth, sponge wrung out of a mild soap solution and vinegar \| #### INTEX QUESTIONS 12.2 1. Given below in the box is a jumbled list of activities related to cleaning. Place each under the category of daily, weekly or seasonal. Dusting, cleaning before Diwali, sweeping of floor, removing cobwebs, polishing of furniture, cleaning of metal objects, making beds, washing curtains, cleaning bathrooms, cleaning of tiles in toilets, cleaning of stores, cleaning carpets with a brush, tidying up rooms, cleaning drains, mopping of floor, cleaning of washbasins. \| Daily activities \| Weekly activities \| Seasonal activities \| \|------------------\|-------------------\|--------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| (b) Removal of garbage: The garbage from the house, dust collected through sweeping and waste materials like fruit and vegetable peels from the kitchen should be put in a covered dust bin. This dust bin should be emptied into a packet everyday and this packet of waste should be disposed off in the public garbage bin in the street. This method of waste disposal works very effectively and is sanitary too. Household waste generally has two kinds of waste. material. Kitchen waste that is vegetables and fruit peels are bio-degradable and other household waste like polythene bags and plastic bottles are non-bio degradable. These should be segregated and disposed off separately. In rural areas, a pit should be dug for disposal of bio-degradable household garbage. It should be covered with soil. After sometime, the garbage will turn into manure which can be used in the kitchen garden. (c) Disposal of waste water: There is generally a fair amount of waste water generated from our home. Waste water from the bathroom, washing place and kitchen should be led by a drainage pipe to a kitchen garden or a soakage pit. We should never let waste water stagnate near the house. There are some localities where drainage system has not been provided. This is also true in rural areas. Therefore, soakage pits are the best alternative for disposing off waste water. (d) Disposal of Human excreta – sanitary latrines: Hygienic disposal of human waste is necessary to prevent spreading of diseases. It is important that all people use proper latrines. Otherwise, diseases would spread through flies sitting on food, drinking polluted water, eating contaminated raw fruits and vegetables. Germs can enter our body even when we walk barefoot. Let us look now at some of the ways of safe disposal of human excreta. a. Water Closet: In a majority of large towns, human excreta is removed through the water carriage system. In this, along with the household waste water, the faeces and urine are carried away by a flush of water through a system of drains and sewers. A water closet is a sanitary installation for reception of the human excreta. It is connected to a sewer through a pipe. Fig. 12.19: A water closet with a raised seat Fig. 12.20: A squatting pan water closet Water closet system is the most sanitary method for removal of human excreta. Soakage Pit - These are very important for areas where there is no drainage system. - They are cheap and easy to construct. - A suitable soakage pit is about 2 metres deep, 1 meter wide and long enough to deal with the household waste water. The average length is 2-3 meters. - Fill one third of the pit with coarse stones, preferably over burnt bricks of $ \frac{3}{4} $ size. The middle portion is filled with small stones and pebbles and the upper most portion with sand. - The soakage pit may be covered with earth and grass. - The waste water from the house is led through a drainage pipe to the soakage pit. The waste gradually percolates and soaks away into the ground from the pit. - Soakage pits should not be constructed near a well. Can you think why? Yes, the water in the well may get contaminated. However, this system does not work unless there is plenty of water for the purpose. Also, it is expensive to construct. As a result, in most of the villages and many of the towns in India, we find that the closets and sewerage system are not there. In such circumstances, pit latrines or the bore latrines may be constructed. b. Septic tanks: As you know, sewerage system is the ideal solution for the disposal of human and other wastes, but it costs too much. It requires a lot of water. Septic tank is another alternative. These can be seen in semi urban areas or localities where sewerage system has still not been laid. This method basically involves constructions of concrete tank or pits. Household drains are connected to these pits. You must have observed the logo of “Sulabh Shauchalaya”. These toilets are based upon the principle of septic tanks. Advantages of septic tanks - Hygienic - Low cost and easy to construct than the water closet system - Does not pollute surface or ground water - Free from foul smell • Maintenance is easy and cost low • Needs only 1.5 to 2 liters of water for flushing as compared to 13-14 lit. of water in a conventional flush toilet • Does not require cleaning of pits • The sludge from the pits is a good manure • Gases are dispersed into the soil • Eliminates mosquitoes, insects and fly breeding c. Pit latrine: A pit is dug to receive human excreta. The pit should be more than 3 metres deep. This is to prevent flies from sitting on it as flies rarely live in holes as deep as this. The soil should be sandy and allow the liquid portion of the excreta to drain away. Otherwise, the pit will fill up quickly. Water should be added daily to help the faeces to flow down and get decomposed. This is ideal only in case of temporary use for few days. There can be a concrete platform around the opening of the hole and raised foot stands. The opening of the hole should be covered with a lid. This will discourage flies attracted by smell and also prevent foul smell from spreading but this system is not very hygienic as it allows the discharge to pollute the ground water. ACTIVITY 12.3 1. Identify the type of waste disposal method your family uses in your home (Covered bins or uncovered bins). Now analyse the problems faced by you with existing waste disposal method for solid waste inside and outside your home. Now collect the following information: a. Inside home i. How is waste collected? ii. How often are the bins cleaned? iii. Is there a foul smell from the waste? iv. Are the drains blocked? b. Outside home i. Is there a heap of waste or garbage in the street? ii. Is there foul smell from waste spreads? iii. Are animals gathering around the waste? iv. Do drains get blocked? Housing v. How far are the municipality garbage bins located? vi. Is the number of bins adequate to the amount of garbage generated? vii. How often are the garbage bins emptied? viii. Are the garbage bins covered? 2. Discuss with friends of locality or in the study centre the following: How satisfactory is the disposal of waste inside and outside the house? What can be done and how to sort out the problems/improve the present status? \| Individual level \| Community level \| Panchayat/MCD level \| \|------------------\|-----------------\|---------------------\| INTEXT QUESTIONS 12.3 1. State whether the statements given below are true or false. a. Sunlight acts as a mild disinfectant b. Indoor plants turn yellow when placed in brightly lit rooms. c. People living in dark and dingy rooms are more prone to falling sick. d. Circulation of air removes stale air and brings in fresh air. e. Ventilators provide light and fresh air in rooms. 2. Why is cross ventilation important for maintaining a healthy environment inside the house? Suggest ways to ensure cross ventilation in a house. 3. Tick mark (√) the most appropriate answer: a. Soakage pits provide a hygienic method for the disposal of ____________. i. garbage ii. waste water iii. human excreta iv. all of these b. Disposal of human excreta through water carriage system is generally not found in rural areas because it _________________________. i. requires plenty of water ii. is expensive to construct iii. requires a common system of removal iv. all the above c. The purpose of ventilation is ________________. i. to give ample light ii. to circulate the fresh air iii. to bring in ample light and air iv. none of these d. The ideal method of disposal of human excreta at community level is ______. i. water closet ii. pit latrine iii. septic tank iv. any of these e. An ideal method of garbage disposal in a village is construction of a ______. i. garbage pit ii. placement of garbage bins iii. throwing garbage on the sides of sheets iv. none of the above WHAT YOU HAVE LEARNT TERMINAL EXERCISE 1. State any three functions performed by your home. 2. State any four important points to be considered while selecting a house and tell why you consider these important. 3. Name two sources of lighting in the house and state why each one is important. 4. State any three advantages of ventilation. 5. What are the effects of poor lighting on your health? 6. Which method do you suggest is ideal for the disposal of human excreta and waste water and why? 7. Name two cleaning agents you will use to clean window glass panes? 8. Suggest two ways you will adopt to make a one room house appear spacious. 9. Write any three essential planning tips for designing a good kitchen. 10. List any four activities which are performed in a kitchen. 11. Think of the situation given below and answer the questions. The festival of Diwali is approaching and your mother is not keeping well. You want to help your mother in cleaning and decorating your home for the festival. a. List the activities that need to be preformed for cleaning and decorating your home. b. Sequence these activities in an order. c. Assign specific activities and tasks to different family members. What criteria will you keep in mind while doing this? ANSWER TO INTEXT QUESTIONS 12.1 1. a. Religious b. Economic c. Protective d. Economic e. Social f. Social 2. a. Neighbourhood b. Soil conditions c. Sanitary requirements d. Practical convenience e. Physical features f. Practical convenience 3. iv a. v b. i c. ii d. 4. Refer to the text. 12.2 1. \| Daily activities \| Weekly activities \| Seasonal activities \| \|------------------------\|---------------------------------\|--------------------------------\| \| Dusting \| Removing cobwebs \| Cleaning before Diwali \| \| Sweeping \| Cleaning of metal objects \| Washing curtains \| \| Making beds \| Cleaning of toilet tiles \| Cleaning of store \| \| Cleaning bathroom \| Cleaning of washbasin \| \| \| Tidying up rooms \| Polishing furniture \| \| \| Cleaning carpets with brush \| \| \| \| Cleaning drains \| \| \| 12.3 1. a. True b. False c. True d. True e. True 2. It provides good circulation of air in the room. - Cross ventilation is possible when a window opens on to each of two different sides of the house and direct flow of air can take place between the two openings. - By placement of door and windows across from each other. 3. a. i b. ii c. ii d. i e. i	<urn:uuid:054142b8-ce6b-48c4-a33d-8c1fbb31963d>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.nios.ac.in/media/documents/SecHmscicour/english/Home%20Science%20(Eng)%20Ch-12.pdf	2022-08-13T23:53:23+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00660.warc.gz	812,887,430	6,947	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997467	eng_Latn	0.998966	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1293, 2973, 4978, 7772, 10159, 11770, 13599, 15185, 17053, 18348, 19913, 21520, 24029, 25856, 27793, 29629, 31127, 31740, 33126, 34616 ]	[ 4.15625, 4.28125 ]	3	0
\| SUNDAY \| MONDAY \| TUESDAY \| WEDNESDAY \| THURSDAY \| FRIDAY \| SATURDAY \| \|---------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------\| \| Sunday Prep \| One-Leg Revolving Seated Yoga Pose \| Before Bed Breathing \| Compliment Someone \| Read & Move \| Stay Hydrated \| Device Detox \| \| Do one thing today to help prepare you for \| Hold this pose for 30-60 seconds. Switch \| While lying in bed, place your hands on \| Today give someone a genuine compliment. \| Pick a book to read and select an “action \| Take extra time to drink eight 8 oz. \| Can you go without your phone, tablet, TV \| \| the week. Examples: \| legs and repeat. \| your stomach and pay attention to the up \| Examples: \| word” that will be repeated often. When \| glasses of water today. At the end of the \| or internet? Try to go device free for 2 \| \| -Pack your bookbag \| \| and down of your belly as you breathe. \| -I like your hairstyle today. \| the “action word” is read stand up and sit\| day, how do you feel? \| hours. \| \| -Check your homework \| \| \| -I like how you’re helpful. \| down. \| \| \| \| -Pack your lunch \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| -Pick out your clothes for the week \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Commercial Stroll \| Thank You Dinner \| Balloon Bounce \| High Knees & Stretch \| Hands & Knees Balance Pose \| Smile Count \| Partner Challenge \| \| During a commercial break take a walk \| Before eating dinner, say thank you for \| Blow up a balloon. Can you keep the \| High knees for 30 seconds then stretch a \| Hold for 30-60 seconds, switch sides and \| Count how many people you smile at today. \| Sit back to back with a friend and link \| \| around your entire house. Still a \| the food in front of you. \| balloon in the air? For a challenge add \| new body part each time. \| repeat. \| today. \| arms. Try to stand up without unlinking \| \| commercial? Go again this time speed \| \| another balloon. Try it with a partner. \| \| \| arms. \| arms. \| \| walking so you don’t miss a thing! \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Seated Forward Bend Pose \| A Gratitude Attitude \| Mindful Minute \| Nighttime Note \| Do this: \| Before Bed Breathing \| Crazy 8’s \| \| Hold for 1-3 minutes breathing deeply going\| Write down something you’re thankful for \| For 60 seconds, clear your mind & only \| Empty your mind before you go bed by \| -Hop on one leg 30 times, switch legs \| While lying in bed, place your hands on \| 8 jumping jacks \| \| deeper into the pose. Rest if needed. \| and why. \| focus on your breathing. If your mind \| writing a note about what you’re thinking \| -Take 10 giant steps \| your stomach and pay attention to the up \| 8 silly shakes (Just shake as silly as \| \| \| \| starts to wander, bring your attention \| and leave it for tomorrow. \| -Walk on your knees \| and down of your belly as you breathe. \| you can) \| \| \| \| back to your breathing. \| \| -Do a silly dance \| \| 8 high knees \| \| \| \| \| \| -Sprint for 10 seconds \| \| 8 scissor jumps \| \| Mindful Snack \| Wake and Shake \| Cardio & Yoga \| Pause for Thanks \| Music Break \| Low Lunge Pose \| Device Detox \| \| When eating a snack today, really pay \| As soon as you get out of bed shake your \| Do a cardiovascular exercise(s) of your \| Stop during the middle of a busy activity \| Put on your favorite song, lay down, close\| Hold for 30-60 seconds, breathing deeply.\| Can you go without your phone, tablet, TV \| \| attention to the taste, feel, sound, smell \| body any way you like for 10 seconds. Are \| choice for 5-10 minutes then try all four \| to name 5 things you are thankful for. \| your eyes. How do you feel after the song\| Switch legs and repeat. \| or internet? Try to go device free for 2 \| \| and look of the snack you’re eating. What \| you up now? Good! Now jump up and down \| yoga poses on the calendar holding each \| \| is finished? \| \| hours. \| \| do you notice? \| 10 times. \| pose for 30-60 seconds before switching. \| \| \| \| \| \| Sunday Prep \| Dance, Dance \| Muscle Relaxation \| Star Gazing \| Leave a Note \| SHAPE America recommends school-age \| Device Detox** \| \| Do one thing today to help prepare you for \| Put on your favorite song or turn on the \| Laying down, start at your head and \| Sit outside with an adult when it’s dark \| Leave a nice note for someone to find \| children accumulate at least 60 minutes \| Can you go without your phone, tablet, TV \| \| the week. Examples: \| radio. Dance however you like during the \| squeeze all the muscles in your face. Hold \| and look up at the sky. What do you notice?\| today. Examples: \| and up to several hours of physical \| or internet? Try to go device free for 2 \| \| -Pack your bookbag \| entire song! \| then relax. Next, move to your shoulders, \| How many stars can you see? What noises do \| -You have a nice smile. \| activity per day. Each bout of physical \| hours. \| \| -Check your homework \| \| squeeze and relax. Repeat all the way \| you hear? Do you smell anything? \| -Thank you for being a good friend. \| activity should be followed by cool-down \| \| \| -Pack your lunch \| down your body until you get to your toes. \| \| \| -You’re fun to play with. \| stretches that help reduce soreness and \| \| \| -Pick out your clothes for the week \| \| \| \| \| avoid injury. \| \| SHAPE America recommends school-age children accumulate at least 60 minutes and up to several hours of physical activity per day. Each bout of physical activity should be followed by cool-down stretches that help reduce soreness and avoid injury. Happy exercising!	<urn:uuid:1f7e14cf-b63f-4c50-b079-0a94b7dbd1cc>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.macombacademy.net/accnt_257359/Health-Moves-Minds.pdf	2022-08-13T23:58:33+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00653.warc.gz	775,417,666	1,648	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.998563	eng_Latn	0.998563	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 10452 ]	[ 2.40625 ]	1	0
Gandhi: A March to the Sea Alice McGinty 5th Grade Illinois Reads Lesson Plan Materials By, Sania Zaffar Image from Bing; Gandhi: A March to the Sea Click-Click-Clunk Click-Click-Clunk As you read, to self-monitor progress, this strategy will help you figure out unknown words that are interrupting your comprehension. Click-Click-Clunk Along with over 70 marchers, Mohandas Gandhi begins his journey. Gandhi bathes in the sea and walks to a hollow in the muddy ground. All around India, Hindus, Muslims and Untouchables scoop salt from the sea, boil it, clean it, sell it, buy it, and sprinkle it. • Choose a word in this sentence to practice the strategy on your own! Inferring The Process of Inference - What are the facts? - What are the questions? - What are the inferences? Inferring Questions - Why are they hungry? - Why are they poor? - What caused their hunger? Inference - The food is too expensive. - They can’t afford the food. Inferring Questions - How are the British related to India? - What are the worries and the rumors? Do they effect the marchers or the officers? Inference Inferring Questions Inference Marching is against the law. “Every man is ready to walk this risky road. Each stride they take, each law they break: peaceful steps toward freedom.” (pg. 5) Inferring Questions - How does garment spinning connect to the march? - Are all Indians effected by the law? Inference Many people are involved in this movement. Questions Inference MAIN POINT AND DETAILS https://wethevoters.com/film/why-we-march Look For... - What is the big idea the author is trying to get across? - What are the details that support the big idea? - What are the specifics you need to know in order to understand the larger idea? Marching is our right and can change circumstances Boston Tea Party Civil Rights Movement Taxation is charging others for goods and services Jigsaw Jigsaw • You will be working in groups find: • Main Idea • Textual evidence to create inferences • You will then share your example with other groups, being the expert on the one your group found! \| Main Idea \| Textual Evidence \| Page Number \| Inferences \| \|-----------\|------------------\|-------------\|-----------\| \| Citizens might have to go against their government when they want change. \| “British Officers mix with the crowd of marchers.” \| Pg. 3 \| -The marchers are breaking the law. -The officers are there to stop the march. \| \| \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Cause and Effect Cause Students write their answers on the white board under this title Effect Students write their answers on the white board under this title Cause: Gandhi marched to the Salt Sea. Effect Cause Effect Gandhi and the marchers drew in large crowds. Compare and Contrast Compare Students brainstorm ideas by writing on the white board Contrast Students brainstorm ideas by writing on the white board The Selma March - Marched to Selma Gandhi - Marched to Sea Both: - Marched to change policy/law.	5823b8f5-b789-48d9-9def-d415d73903d3	CC-MAIN-2024-42	https://illinoisreads.org/__static/438736a3dab3907bbc5ed2a62643c666/2017irguidemcginty4.pdf?dl=1	2024-10-06T12:39:24+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-42/segments/1727944253413.55/warc/CC-MAIN-20241006122235-20241006152235-00027.warc.gz	269,651,295	758	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.992236	eng_Latn	0.997947	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "...	true	rolmOCR	[ 151, 170, 324, 678, 689, 797, 963, 1121, 1314, 1481, 1503, 1527, 1775, 1920, 1928, 2132, 2583, 2601, 2674, 2748, 2857, 2879, 2945, 3012, 3115 ]	[ 4.5 ]	1	0
I'm not robot Continue Photo Courtesy: Luis Alvarez/Getty Images Running a business generally isn’t a “set it and forget it” proposition. It takes careful planning, nurturing and dedication to even get a new business started — and that’s not to mention all the work that goes into actually operating it once it’s up and running or solving problems that crop up along the way. Operating a business carries a certain level of risk. However, new business owners can tip the odds in their favor with careful business planning and by understanding the wide variety of activities — along with the focus of those activities — involved in each aspect of running a company. Learning more about the nature of business is key to accomplishing this goal. What is the Nature of Business? The nature of business is a structure or form of describing a company. This concept is important for what type of business it is, how it is being run, and how it does business. A statement of business also business plan is a specific description of a given business idea. A business plan describes how a business does to reach its goals and describes the main focus of the company’s offerings. Photo Courtesy: Hinterhaus Productions/Getty Images A discussion of the nature of business of a company usually appears in a business plan that describes how the company will operate. Entrepreneurs, investors and lenders use nature of business statements to ensure that a company is viable before offering to fund it. They want to know about the potential success of the company before deciding whether it’ll likely be a profitable investment. Grant applications are another area where nature of business statements can be necessary because this paperwork also involves funding. A nature of business statement should thoroughly address the following aspects of the business: What the business does and why it exists. Business owners need to know the reason for the business ownership. Essentially, they need to know why they have come into existence. How the business makes money. Utility creation - To be useful to customers, the product or service must be delivered at the right time and place, and it should solve a problem or meet a need. Goods that are not accessible to consumers, for one reason or another, serve no use. Capital requirement: In simple terms, it takes money to make money. Every business requires employees, equipment and other goods that cost money. These are necessary for producing the product or delivering the service that leads to income. Goods and services: All businesses deliver something to the public. Some businesses produce tangible goods, such as clothes or cars. Others produce intangible services, such as computer repairs. Autonomy: The business owner retains responsibility for the business. The owner is free to make decisions about the business and is able to decide how to run it. Risk: Doing business involves taking risks. Business owners must be willing to take risks when starting a business is to make a profit. Satisfaction of consumers’ needs: Businesses operate on supply and demand. When consumers express a want or need, wise businesses answer the call by supplying something to meet that demand. Involvement from the buyer and seller: In every business transaction, the customer buys something and the business sells something. Sales obligations: Businesses have an audience; there are people out there who buy things. They hire people, form relationships with other businesses and help communities by offering a needed product or service. They may also give back to the community through philanthropic efforts or enrichment programs. A statement about the nature of business should also explain what problem the business will solve and what types of customers it will serve. Photo Courtesy: Stockbyte/ThinkstockA successful business plan will include a detailed offer of value or a feature that the business is separating from the larger market to increase its success. It’s important to perform research about consumer preferences and geographic area before starting a company to ensure that there’s a true need for the product. Photo Courtesy: Westend61/Getty Images For example, say you’re thinking about opening a sushi restaurant in a nearby town. However, during your research you find that there are already five sushi restaurants open there, and one recently closed. You find out that the town is lacking a good Korean barbecue place, and people are posting on social media about how they wish this type of restaurant existed nearby. Without having done this research, you might’ve moved forward with the sushi restaurant — only to see it fail. Although every business person or service won’t be totally unique, the business should try to address a specific need. For example, many larger cities have at least one car dealer that’s linked with car dealerships. One dealership sells cars, but they specialize in different makes to accommodate a variety of consumers and not having enough choices. One dealership may sell luxury cars, while another specializes in Ford trucks. One dealership has a few used vehicles, another offers a full range of financing. Each of these offerings is the solution to a problem that is different from that of customers. Has The Business’ Type Matters, Too Although there are vast variety of businesses in the world, there are relatively few types of businesses. Wholesale and manufacturing businesses often sell products to other businesses, but they can be consumer-facing as well. Retail and service businesses often sell directly to customers. Photo Courtesy: Morssa Images/Getty Images Manufacturers are businesses that start the chain by building a product. Wholesale businesses then sell these products in bulk to retail businesses. Retail businesses sell smaller quantities of products directly to customers. Service-based businesses offer non-tangible services. In today’s world, however, new types of business are emerging. Project management businesses help other businesses gather the necessary people and capital to complete a specific major project. Hybrid businesses may be a variety of business types. For example, a used car dealership (retail) may also have a car repair shop (service) off-exact inventory location. Understanding what type of business you would like can better position you in deciding a path for it. Business Operations Guide Companies to SuccessBusiness operations should be tied to the problem the business solves. Operations involve every aspect of managing a business, from the hours a store is open to the number of employees to hire. If the company has a brick-and-mortar presence, the location and hours of operation should serve the people who have the problem the business solves. Marketing must also be geared towards reaching the target audience — the ideal customers for the product or service who most likely have the problem the business’ product or service solves. Beyond running the business, a new business owner must decide how to handle necessary functions like accounting and inventory management. Photo Courtesy: Westend61/Getty Images After careful planning, a business owner should before starting a business to make it legal and legally by filing the proper entity. The most common business entities include sole proprietorship, LLC, Inc., & Corporation. It’s important to consult with a legal professional who is familiar with business law to get help in deciding what type of structure will best fit your business. Choosing the wrong entity can have serious liability and tax consequences. But, armed with a strong nature of business statement and some outside assistance where necessary, you’ll be primed for success. MORE FROM REFERENCE.COM Economic activity is the activity of making, providing, purchasing, or selling goods or services. Any action that involves producing, distributing, or consuming products or services is an economic activity. Economic activities exist at all levels within a society. Additionally, any activities involving money or the exchange of products or services are economic activities. For instance, when a person goes to a restaurant to eat, they are performing an economic activity. However, when a person goes to a temple to pray or meditate, for example, they are performing a non-economic activity. So is helping a friend study if you receive no money for that help. Economic activity - two definitions There are many ways to define the term. The University of Toronto’s Department of Economics has the following definition: “Economic activity is the process by which the stock of resources or stock of capital produces a flow of output of goods and services that people utilize in partial satisfaction of their unlimited wants.” “This process involves not only the production of goods and services but their distribution among the various members of the community.” If Toronto University’s explanation is too complicated, perhaps you’d prefer Cambridge Dictionary’s simpler definition: “The activity of producing, buying, or selling products or services.” Economic activity - main areas One of the branches of economic activity is to produce goods and services to make them available to consumers. All activities which we undertake to exchange or trade goods or services are economic activities. But economic activity is not limited to just the production of wealth. Unlimited wants vs. scarcity With economic activity, we secure the highest satisfaction of unlimited wants with a limited amount of means. Unlimited wants is an economic term. It refers to human’s insatiable appetite for things. Humans never get enough because there is always something else that we want or need. However, even though we have unlimited wants, the resources we have available to get them is limited. In other words, the things we want are scarce. Scarcity, which has plagued us ever since we first set foot on this Earth, has two halves: Limited resources. Unlimited wants. GDP GDP is the sum of every economic activity in a country. GDP stands for gross domestic product. It is the most important economic measure of the state of a country’s economy. With one simple figure, we can tell whether an economy has grown, shrunk, or remained the same since one year ago. In other words, GDP tells us whether economic activity has increased, declined, or remained flat. Economic activity – classifications Economists say there are four basic types of economic activities: The Primary Sector, i.e., raw materials. The Secondary Sector, which includes industry and manufacturing. The Tertiary Sector, i.e., services. The Quaternary Sector, which we also call the knowledge sector.	<urn:uuid:8a3aa249-1dbb-4a34-8f54-59d9998b12b9>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://kisegeguz.weebly.com/uploads/1/3/7/4/137499338/tifokufijikopim-wovodojak-bamoxopajepexe.pdf	2022-08-14T01:05:42+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00650.warc.gz	330,164,279	2,002	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.998308	eng_Latn	0.998316	[ "unknown", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 23, 10724 ]	[ 2.109375 ]	1	0
ENERGY CONSUMPTION PATTERNS IN UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS IN SOUTH AFRICA ANTON A EBERHARD Energy Research Institute University of Cape Town Private Bag Rondebosch 7700 South Africa November 1986 ISBN 0 7992 1064 1 University of Cape Town ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many contributed to the information presented in this volume and acknowledgement is due to the following, who assisted in introductions to communities and in the data collection itself: Father Guido, Franco Bartolini, Beauty Ntshakaza, Sue Baldwin, "Solly" Solinjani, Mavis Nghonyana, Sister Bernadette, Gideon Steyn, Beatrice Futwa, Khetiwe Mboweni, Bart Cox, Jake Archer, Mark Gandar and Norman Bromberger. Thanks are due to the cooperation and patience of the communities in the study areas. # TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION .................................................. 4 1.1 BACKGROUND ................................................. 4 1.2 METHODOLOGY ................................................ 6 1.2.1 The selection of study areas .......................... 7 1.2.2 Questionnaire / interviews ............................ 9 1.2.3 Fuelwood measurements ................................ 11 1.2.4 Notes and Observations ................................. 12 1.2.5 Problems with surveys ................................ 12 1.3 THE STUDY AREAS ............................................. 14 2. ENERGY USE PATTERNS IN RURAL AREAS .......................... 28 2.1 DOMESTIC FUEL CONSUMPTION ................................ 28 2.1.1 Fuelwood ............................................... 29 18.104.22.168 Consequences of fuelwood scarcities .............. 33 Social Costs ........................................... 33 Economic costs .......................................... 35 Health costs ............................................ 38 Environmental degradation ............................... 38 2.1.2 Agricultural Residues ................................ 45 Dung usage ................................................ 45 Crop residues ............................................. 50 2.1.3 Commercial fossil fuels ................................ 52 2.1.4 Fuel consumption summary ............................... 53 2.2 FUEL EXPENDITURE ........................................... 55 2.3 FUEL PREFERENCES ........................................... 56 2.4 ENERGY USE PATTERNS ........................................ 58 2.4.1 Cooking practices ...................................... 58 2.4.2 Water heating .......................................... 63 2.4.3 Home heating ........................................... 64 2.4.4 Lighting practices ..................................... 67 2.4.5 Other domestic energy uses ............................ 68 2.5 WATER COLLECTION ........................................... 69 2.6 ENERGY IN AGRICULTURE ..................................... 72 2.6.1 Draft power ............................................ 73 2.6.2 Grain grinding ......................................... 75 2.7 PERCEPTIONS OF POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS ......................... 75 2.7.1 Afforestation .......................................... 76 2.7.2 Fuel efficient woodburning stoves ..................... 78 2.7.3 Ranking of energy and other needs ..................... 80 3. PERI-URBAN ENERGY CONSUMPTION PATTERNS ...................... 85 3.1 DOMESTIC FUEL CONSUMPTION ................................ 85 3.1.1 Fuelwood ............................................... 86 3.1.2 The use of wastes as fuel .............................. 88 3.1.3 Paraffin ............................................... 89 3.1.4 Coal ................................................... 89 3.1.5 Gas ..................................................... 90 3.1.6 Candles ................................................ 90 3.1.7 Batteries ............................................... 90 3.1.8 Summary of fuel consumption ........................... 92 3.2 EXPENDITURE ON FUEL ........................................ 93 3.3 FUEL PREFERENCES ........................................... 95 3.4 ENERGY USE PATTERNS ........................................ 96 3.4.1 Cooking practices ...................................... 96 3.4.2 Water heating .......................................... 98 3.4.3 Home heating ........................................... 99 3.4.4 Lighting practices ..................................... 100 3.4.5 Clothes ironing ........................................ 101 3.4.6 Other appliance ownership ............................. 101 3.5 RANKING OF ENERGY AND OTHER NEEDS ......................... 102 4. ENERGY CONSUMPTION BY FARM LABOURERS ........................ 104 5. CONCLUSION .................................................... 106 5.1 TOTAL DOMESTIC ENERGY CONSUMPTION IN UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS 106 5.2 ENERGY PROBLEMS IN UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS .................. 110 5.3 ENERGY USE IN SOUTH AFRICA'S ECONOMY ..................... 113 5.4 CONCLUDING DISCUSSION ..................................... 114 6. REFERENCES .................................................... 117 1.1 BACKGROUND In parallel to the interest generated by the "oil crisis" of the 1970s has been a growing awareness of the other or forgotten "energy crisis", where some 1500 million people, mostly in developing countries remain overwhelmingly dependent on rapidly depleting fuelwood resources and agricultural residues to meet their basic energy needs. The underdeveloped areas of South Africa mirror many of the conditions common to Third World countries. However, little attention has been focussed on the energy problems of underdeveloped areas in this country and no national energy policy or investment decisions have been formulated to meet the needs of this sector. Part of the problem (until recently) has been the lack of local data on energy consumption and demand. There have been three previous detailed local studies of energy consumption in underdeveloped areas in South Africa. Mark Best (1979) looked at fuelwood, dung and paraffin consumption at Jozanna's Nek in the Herschel District of the Transkei and at Mashunka in the Masinga District of Kwazulu. Christine Liengme (1983) looked at wood consumption in Arid Lowveld/Mopane veld in an area south-east of Giyani in Gazankulu and Mark Gandar (1983) studied two areas in the Mahlabatini District in Kwazulu. The latter two studies concentrated on ecological issues, looking mainly at wood consumption for both fuelwood and for construction purposes, the preferred tree species, as well as estimating the natural regenerative capacity of local woodland. Gandar also included a great deal of mainly sociological information on the time and effort involved in fuelwood collection as well as on fire making and cooking practices. The present study has been an attempt to fill some of the gaps in our knowledge: to build up a national picture of energy consumption patterns in non-electrified rural and peri-urban areas, looking not only at fuelwood, but the full range of energy sources used, the manner in which they are used, as well as people's perceptions of energy related problems and preferences as a guide to future interventionist strategies. The objective has been to relate energy consumption patterns in underdeveloped areas to national energy and development questions in South Africa. Development has seldom been even or equitable. In practice the quantity and form of energy used relates variously to processes of development and underdevelopment. These issues are strikingly evident in South Africa with the existence of a developed energy intensive industrial capitalist economy dependent on fossil fuels supporting a minority population at a high standard of living; alongside an underdeveloped sector where the majority of the population live in relative poverty and are traditionally dependent on scarce fuelwood resources but are increasingly having to shift to the use of some of the more expensive forms of fossil fuels such as paraffin, gas, candles and even coal. The results of this study should not be seen merely as a fact-finding exercise. Rather it is directed towards the task of identifying specific actions, strategies and technologies which will improve the situation. This study seeks to identify needs and problems as well as peoples' responses and perceptions to possible solutions. It forms the first volume of a trilogy of reports - the other titles are: * A directory and review of appropriate energy technology programmes in Southern Africa; and * Appropriate energy strategies and technologies to meet the energy requirements of underdeveloped areas in South Africa. 1.2 METHODOLOGY One of the main problems of data collection from very large populations is attaining detailed and reliable data which is also representative. The former is time consuming and requires expensive, trained personnel, while the latter requires large samples which inevitably have to be studied fairly superficially in order to cover a large enough group. At the one extreme is the open-ended anthropological approach which seeks to understand how a particular system functions by prolonged observation at close quarters of a wide range of phenomena in narrow cultural and geographical areas. The study is usually dependant on a highly trained and motivated individual who is also able to speak the local language. At the other extreme is a highly structured and brief questionnaire which concentrates on those phenomena considered important by reference to both previous experience and to theory. Questionnaires are usually administered by a large number of paid enumerators, often poorly motivated and with little interest in the accuracy of data collected. As Barnett (1982:13) succinctly argues: "The researcher's dilemma is one of balancing insufficient time or money to follow an unstructured approach against a concern over the possibly tyrannical nature of the preconceived questionnaire; it is a choice between the 'deep cut' which gets inside a system which may or may not be typical and the 'more representative' sample that may miss the point!" The present study has sought a compromise between the two approaches. In order to build up a national picture, a number of different sample populations have to be studied. Representative areas which are characteristic of different energy consumption patterns have thus been selected. However, in order to obtain reliable data an in depth interview, structured around a questionnaire, has been undertaken with a sizeable sample in each area. Many parts of the questionnaire were open ended, particularly with regard to perceived problems, needs, preferences and possible solutions. Quantitative data was checked visually as far as possible and fuelwood consumption in control households in different areas was measured at different times of the year as a check against the estimates obtained in the interview. 1.2.1 The selection of study areas Electricity supplies the domestic energy requirement of practically the entire "white" and most of the "coloured" and "asian" urban population and about half of commercial "white" farms. About a fifth of black urban households also have access to electricity, although this proportion is increasing with large electrification schemes in townships such as Soweto. The focus of this study is the energy consumption patterns of the majority of the black population who reside in underdeveloped rural and peri-urban areas. About 38% of South Africa's total population reside in the ten so-called rural "homelands", viz. Bophuthutswana, Ciskei, Gazankulu, Kangwane, KwaNdebele, Kwazulu, Lebowa, Transkei, QwaQwa and Venda. This amounted to about 12 million people out of a total population of 31,4 million in 1984. About 4,5 million blacks reside in rural areas outside of the "homelands", mainly as labourers on farms, and about 1,8 million live in towns outside the "homelands" and the metropolitan areas. Previous studies have indicated that the main energy source in rural areas is fuelwood and that the level of consumption is dependent mainly on local availability of natural woodland which is in turn a function of climate and topography. Climate further influences consumption patterns in that more fuel is used for space heating in colder areas. In order then to build up a national picture of energy consumption patterns in rural areas it is necessary to select study areas which are characteristic of different bioclimatic zones. There is another important determinant in energy consumption and that is the type of settlement pattern, as this largely determines access to and availability of particular energy sources. An increasing number of households no longer have access to farm land, they are concentrating in closer settlements within the rural areas and in peri-urban areas on the periphery of metropolitan centres. These households have access neither to electricity (the main source of domestic energy in the developed urban sector) nor to "free" wood resources or agricultural residues (the main energy source in rural areas). The consequence is that households in peri-urban areas (and, indeed, in the townships without electricity) have quite different energy consumption patterns to either urban or rural areas. Six rural villages were selected which provide a good picture of energy consumption patterns in the three bioclimatic zones (coastal, central plateaux and foothill zones) of the Ciskei and Transkei, in the lowveld of the Eastern Transvaal (Gazankulu) and in the bushveld of the North Western Transvaal (Lebowa). Kwazulu and the North Eastern Transvaal (Gazankulu) were excluded because of previous detailed studies there.$^1$ In addition five peri-urban areas were selected which are representative of different degrees of urbanization. The range of different type of settlements may be characterized as: * Townships in metropolitan area/towns MOST URBANIZED * Hostel compounds, etc in metropolitan areas * Urban areas in homelands * Informal settlements near metropolitan areas/towns * Closer settlements with relatively high employment * Closer settlements remote from employment with poor amenities * Landless villagers LEAST URBANIZED $^1$ It is of course very difficult to generalise from one village to a larger area. This is shown clearly in Best's (1979) study of Mashunka where wood is freely available from the Tugela River, yet 50 km further north at Nqutu (which is also Valley Bushveld) fuel is so scarce that most households buy their fuelwood from vendors who transport logs in from outside the area. Care has been taken to select villages which are characteristic of the area, but the caveat of untypical areas even in close proximity to the study area, needs to be borne in mind. Other factors relevant to the selection of study sites were introductions to specific areas through contacts and friends, which made the setting up of surveys and the acceptance and cooperation of the communities very much easier. 1.2.2 Questionnaire / interviews Detailed and lengthy questionnaires were designed which ensured that particular quantitative data was obtained as well as presenting opportunities for interviewees to provide their own perceptions of problems, needs and preferences. Each interview took from 45 minutes to an hour and a half to complete. Different questionnaires were used for the village and the peri-urban areas. These were initially tested on a small pilot sample in Manzimahle and in Crossroads and Vulindlela. Modifications were then made to exclude redundant data and to include additional relevant topics which arose during the trials. Generally, the person who did the cooking was interviewed and the following topics were covered: * fuelwood, agricultural residues, paraffin, gas, coal, candles and battery consumption, prices and expenditure; * problems experienced with the different fuels; * social, economic and environmental costs associated with wood collection including perceptions of scarcity and species preferences; * cooking practices, including most commonly cooked meals, stoves and fuels used, fuel preferences, fire making practices and appliance ownership; * water heating practices; * home heating practices including preferred building construction and materials; * lighting practices and preferences; * energy spent in water collection; * perceptions of problems and needs and the ranking of energy versus other needs; * perceptions of alternative solutions, including own suggestions, and attitudes to tree planting and fuel-efficient stoves; and * income data. The village energy surveys also included information on: * field and animal ownership patterns; * energy use in agriculture for cultivation and grain grinding; and * perceptions of most difficult and burdensome task undertaken by men and women. Interviewees were encouraged to talk freely and provision was made for making notes on the questionnaires. As far as possible visual checking of replies was undertaken. The author visited all sites except Cottondale (Sue Baldwin of the ERI initiated this study) and Lujiko (where Gideon Steyn of the University of Fort Hare organized the interviews). Sue Baldwin also helped organize the Mkanga study and Mark Gandar/Norman Bromberger of the University of Natal organized the Vulindlela study. Questionnaire / interviews were conducted with the assistance of a local interpreter who generally ended by completing the sample with the assistance of trained enumerators. Copies of the questionnaire form are included in appendix 1. Questionnaires were coded and statistically analysed on the UCT mainframe computer. 1.2.3 Fuelwood measurements The most important fuel used in underdeveloped areas is wood and it is important to obtain some indication of how much is being used in order to assess fully its associated social, economic and environmental costs, as well as to evaluate alternative forms of energy supply. Asking villagers how much wood is used for cooking or heating is not unlike asking city dwellers how much electricity their stoves use: people simply do not know and only rough estimates can be made. Nevertheless fuelwood collection is often an extremely time consuming and arduous task and people are very aware of how frequently headloads are collected and used up. If this information is coupled with headload measurements, a reasonable idea can be obtained of total consumption. A number of headload were measured using a 0 - 50 kg spring balance, and coupled with previous studies, estimates of average headload masses were made. In order to validate fuelwood consumption data, detailed measurements were made in 5 control households each in five different areas during the different seasons. The procedure adopted was to seek the cooperation of five households who had completed questionnaire interviews. An attempt was made to select households from different income levels. They were asked to put aside a quantity of fuelwood which they estimated would be used over a three day period. A little extra was then added. The bundle was weighed with a spring balance and the mass recorded on a form. The families were asked to use wood only from the weighed bundles and loose pieces of wood around the cooking hut were removed. Each household was visited at the same time for the next three days and the designated bundle was re-weighed. If it looked as though the bundle would be used up, more wood was added and the additional amount also recorded. At the end of three days a daily average consumption figure was calculated. An attempt was made to repeat the exercise in March, July, September and December in five areas, although logistical and unforeseen events prevented measurements being taken in all seasons at every site. In some instances careful arrangements were made to visit sites, some 1500 km from Cape Town, only to find that measurements could not be taken because women were involved in preparations for a funeral or had to be involved in ploughing or harvesting during the day. Ideally, measurements should be taken throughout the year in order to take into account seasonal variations.$^2$ Nevertheless, unseasonal weather and social events or practices such as brewing for initiation ceremonies can result in highly skewed and untypical data. Isolated measurements at fixed periods of the year are thus subject to error and can only provide an indication of likely consumption figures. 1.2.4 Notes and Observations Finally, community leaders and contacts were interviewed and personal observations noted as corroborative and supporting information to the questionnaire surveys. --- $^2$Christine Liegme undertook a detailed study of 8 households in three different villages (0.8% of population) visiting them 6 times a year for periods of between 7 and 14 days each. Headloads were weighed, and separated into different species which were identified, weighed and size (diameter) distribution counted. Mean daily household consumption was calculated from how long each woman said the headloads would last. Gandar also undertook frequent measurements throughout the year. 1.2.5 Problems with surveys One of the problems with most surveys is that they provide essentially a static snapshot which describes a current situation without providing an historical perspective which would provide an understanding of how the situation has changed in the past and how it might be expected to change in the future. Surveys also do not enable an understanding of the dynamic interactions between elements in the current situation.$^3$ An attempt was made to deal with some of these problems by, for example, seeking information from interviewees on how fuelwood resource availability has changed over time. It has also been possible to refer to previous studies in similar areas and to observe shifts in energy consumption patterns, particularly with regard to increased dependence on purchased wood and other commercial fuels. Nevertheless, it is still important to relate energy problems as part of a wider process of underdevelopment and some attempt has been made in this study to do this. For example, the harvesting of green wood, rather than mere collection of dead wood, marks a significant shift in man's impact on the environment and irreversible destruction of forests, natural woodland and ultimately soils will proceed apace. Surveys will document some current anecdotal evidence, but they will not explain what has caused this shift from balance to destruction. Reference to historical and social analyses, on the other hand, might point to the restriction of growing populations to confined "homeland" areas with insufficient land for a viable agrarian economy and where people are forced to exploit remaining natural resources in order merely to survive. One of the important themes, thus, of this study is to locate and understand current energy problems of underdeveloped areas within larger questions of poverty, development and the national allocation of resources. $^3$There are of course many other more detailed problems with questionnaires and some of these will be dealt with when discussing the data. 1.3 THE STUDY AREAS The villages studied were Lujiko in the Fish River Valley near the coast in the Ciskei, Manzimahle near Cala in Transkei, Clarkebury in the central grassland plateau of the Transkei, Nkanga in the Libode area towards the coast in the Transkei, Cottondale in Gazankulu in the Eastern Transvaal and Mokumuru near Bochum in Lebowa in the North West Transvaal. None of these villages are in close proximity to large towns or cities, and combined with the previous studies, they provide a good representative sample of a range of rural South African conditions. Lujiko Lujiko is a village of 600 to 700 households located at $33^\circ22'S$ $27^\circ2'E$ on the edge of the Fish River Valley less than 20 km from the coast on the border of Valley bushveld, Alexandria Forest and Eastern Province Thornveld. Most of the houses have corrugated iron roofs although the village is still regarded as being fairly traditional. Indigenous wood is available in the valley, although dead wood is becoming scarce and there are restrictions on the harvesting of green wood. As a result a considerable amount of wood is trucked in from a nearby plantation. The annual rainfall is of the order of 1000 to 1200 mm. Forty-nine households were interviewed. Manzimahle Manzimahle is a large sprawling village along a ridge about 5 km west of Cala in the Transkei. It is located at $31^\circ37'S$ $27^\circ37'E$ in grassveld in the foothills of the escarpment. Some acacia thorn trees survive, but there is very little fuelwood left except in clefts in the hillsides. Almost all wood is obtained from an adjacent state woodlot. Average rainfall is between 700 and 800 mm per annum. Forty-eight interviews were undertaken. Clarkebury Clarkebury is located at in the central plateau of the Transkei at 31°18'S 28°18'E approximately 40 km south west of Umtata in what Acocks terms Highland Sourveld. Surveys were conducted in a number of neighbouring small village clusters including Nkwenkwa, Mhlophekazi, Mpindweni, Tyeni, and Ngqurhu. Very little local wood is available. Tyeni was the only village where people had access to some indigenous fuelwood, although written permission has to be obtained from the headman before fuelwood may be collected. Nzqurhu is a little more remote, situated on high ground and accessible by crossing a stream which flows strongly in winter. Most of the wood is trucked in from plantations in the region. Average rainfall is between 600 and 700 mm per annum. Forty-five households were interviewed. Nkanga Nkanga is located in Pondoland in the Transkei at approximately 31°28'S 29°12'E in thornveld and close to valley bushveld and remnants of coastal forest, with an average annual rainfall of about 900 mm. It is approximately 20 km north-east of Libode which is about 30 km from Umtata on the Port St Johns road. The village comprises about 200 households centred on a hill, at an altitude of about 900m, between the Umzimvubu and Mngazi rivers, with several arms radiating out along ridges. There was a relocation of homestead sites from the traditional positions midway up slopes above river valleys (in about 1950) Here they would be close to water, wood and homesteads would not occupy land that could be cultivated. Now most villages are on the high flat plateaux and only a few homesteads remain on the mid slopes. There are two woodlots in Mkanga, one of wattle and the other of gum trees.\textsuperscript{4} A section of the gum plantation is felled every July and is sold to the community, mostly as poles for house construction and for kraals. Fuelwood is collected from indigenous forests located in the steep valleys and ravines. Eleven questionnaires had been received at the time of going to press. \textbf{Cottondale} Cottondale is located in the lowveld, at approximately $24^\circ 35' S$ $31^\circ 10' E$, about 10 km east of Acornhoek which is near Klaserie in the Eastern Transvaal. The northern side of the road through Cottondale is in Gazankulu (Shangaan speaking) and the southern side is in Lebowa (Sotho speaking). There was recently some friction between the Sotho and Shangaan which precipitated from the Lebowa government preventing Shangaans from selling vegetables at a market in Acornhoek. The survey was conducted in the Shangaan side of Cottondale. Cottondale is a mixture of the traditional and the modern with a few old thatched huts, but most buildings being rectangular with corrugated iron roofs secured by rocks placed on top. It is a sprawling village, with each homestead surrounded by a piece of land on which they cultivate mielies, ground nuts and various vegetables (mostly indigenous). Families do not have access to any other land. There is a railway station where taxis and bakkies can be hired. Coal can be bought from the coalyard at nearby Acornhoek. The village has a clinic and a large school is being built. Little fuelwood is still available in the immediate vicinity of the village, but indigenous wood is found in the Ndovla area which is 6 to 8 km downstream next to the Timbavati River. \textsuperscript{4}Clumps of wattle trees are evident next to many homesteads in the coastal zone. The Timbavati river flows through the village, dividing it more or less in half and water is collected from depressions dug in the river bed into which water seeps. Average rainfall is about 700 mm per annum. Forty-eight interviews were completed. Mokumuru Mokumuru is located at $23^\circ15'S$ $29^\circ5'E$ near Bochum in Lebowa, about 80 km north west of Pietersburg in the Northern Transvaal. The average rainfall is between 400 and 500 mm per annum and it lies on the border of what Acocks has termed Arid Sweet Bushveld and Mixed Bushveld. The area was farmed earlier by German settlers, and after the 1913 Land Act was bought by a number of African families. About 80% of households still have access to land, some of which surrounds homesteads. The area is apparently still well wooded and large woodpiles are evident next to households. However, little surplus dead wood is available in the immediate vicinity of the village and villagers have to walk to the slopes of a nearby hill/mountain where desired species may be found. No wood is trucked into this area. Mokumuru is typical of many of the villages in the North West Transvaal / Lebowa which are close to well wooded mountain outcrops. There are many villages, however, which are located on the flat plains, where fuelwood is very much more scarce, and the collection of wood very much more costly in terms of time and money. 30 households were interviewed. The villages taken as a whole, reflect many of the characteristics of the rural environment, particularly in terms of poverty, lack of local resources and dependence on the metropolitan centres for pensions and migrant labour remittances. The latter dependence is shown in the table below: \| Location \| Percentage Households With Migrant Worker \| Mean Number Workers Away Per Household \| \|--------------\|------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------\| \| Lujiiko \| 79 \| 1,5 \| \| Manzimahle \| 65 \| 1,1 \| \| Clarkebury \| 60 \| 1 \| \| Nkanga \| 90 \| 1,4 \| \| Cottondale \| 77 \| 1,6 \| \| Mokumuru \| 80 \| 1 \| There are few rural areas in Southern Africa which have been untouched by the mining and industrial economy of the region. The movement from traditional lifestyles and consumption patterns is thus altering rapidly and some of these shifts will be apparent in the results of the survey. These shifts are most apparent in the peri-urban areas which were studied: Crossroads in the Cape, Vulindlela outside Pietermaritzburg, QwaQwa, Amatelang - a resettlement camp in Bophuthutswana in the Western Transvaal, and the township of New Bethesda in the Karoo. Crossroads Crossroads is a large informal shanty settlement on the periphery of Cape Town which has mushroomed over the past decade. Previously under threat from government bulldozers, its existence has now been accepted, although the government is still determined to relocate much of its population to Khyalitsha (a large new planned township 40 km from Cape Town) and to upgrade the rest of the site. Households are dependent on wage labour in Cape Town. There is no access to land for cultivation or animals. Some wood is available from the surrounding vigorously invasive alien trees - Rooikraans and Port Jackson (Acacia cyclops and Acacia saligna). Eighty-five interviews were completed. Vulindlela Vulindlela is a mixed peri-urban, semi-rural area extending up a valley from the non-metropolitan but expanding urban centre of Pietermaritzburg which is 80 km inland from Durban. Although some households (17%) still have access to fields, their size has been reduced by in-migration to the valleys. The concentration of housing increases closer to the town. About a quarter of the families, mostly further away from town, own cattle, and this proportion decreases towards town. Wood suppliers are crucial in an area such as this and there is an extensive fuelwood trade. 110 interviews were completed. QwaQwa This is one of the 10 "homelands" and is situated on the northern boundary of Lesotho. The population has increased from about 24 000 in 1970 to over 400 000 today, largely through relocation and the movement of families off "white" farms. The land area of QwaQwa comprises a little over 50 000 ha of which about 30 000 ha could be described as mountainous terrain. The area has thus become one peri-urban sprawl wholly dependent on migrant labour, commuting labour and pensions. There is no local agriculture to speak of and little local industry. What little indigenous woodland existed has all but been removed and households are mostly dependent on imported fuels. Forty-seven interviews were conducted in the Monontsha, Makeneng, Tshesheng, Thaba Bosiu, Mmakwane, Bochabela, and Mphatlalatsane areas. Amatlang Amatlang is another resettlement area which is in an area of Bophuthutswana West of Lydenburg. Residents had been resettled there from so-called "black spots" in the Western Transvaal. The area is desperately poor. It is practically equivalent to a remote, densely settled village, but there is no agricultural activity and residents are dependent on either migrant or commuting labour. There is little local wood available, other than a mature gum woodlot which is under the control of the chief. This is the poorest of the areas studied. Families could not afford to cook every day and frequently ran out of fuel. Thirty-nine questionnaires were completed. New Bethesda This village is situated 50 km north of Graaff-Reinet in the Karoo in the Cape Province and is fairly typical of the small "platteland" towns or black townships in the region which do not have access to electricity. The town is economically depressed and many of the younger people are leaving to seek work in larger towns or in the metropolitan centres. All families in the town itself were interviewed (the more established families - "coloured & white"), 6 out of 11 of the black families in the "location" (the poorest), and one out of three households in the "coloured location" (the largest section of the population). A total of thirty-five interviews were satisfactorily completed. SURVEY SITES NAMIBIA RSA BOTSWANA Amatelang Mokumuru Cottondale Swaziland Qwa Qwa Lesotho Vulindlela Manzimane Nkanga Clarkebury New Bethesda Lujiko Crossroads LUJIKO : CISKEI MANZIMAHLE : TRANSKEI CLARKEBURY & NKANGA : TRANSKEI COTTONDALE : GAZANKULU MOKUMURU : LEBOWA BETHLEHEM HARRISBURG WITTIENHEIM QWA QWA CHAPTER TWO ENERGY USE PATTERNS IN RURAL AREAS The major requirement for energy in underdeveloped rural areas is for meeting basic domestic needs such as cooking, heating and lighting. Other important energy requirements are for water lifting, grain grinding and draught power for agriculture. 2.1 DOMESTIC FUEL CONSUMPTION The table below indicates the number of families using particular fuels for cooking, heating and lighting in the six villages: \| Village \| Fuelwood \| Dung \| Wastes \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Batteries \| \|-------------\|----------\|------\|--------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-----------\| \| Lujiko \| 100 \| 63 \| 89 \| 100 \| 45 \| - \| - \| 71 \| \| Manzimahle \| 100 \| 50 \| 81 \| 96 \| 58 \| 6 \| 4 \| 29 \| \| Clarkebury \| 100 \| 100 \| 100 \| 98 \| 98 \| 16 \| 9 \| 36 \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| 100 \| 100 \| 100 \| 91 \| - \| 9 \| 36 \| \| Cottondale \| 100 \| 13 \| 2 \| 85 \| 85 \| 38 \| 8 \| 73 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| 97 \| 87 \| 97 \| 63 \| 10 \| - \| 83 \| Wood is clearly the dominant fuel, although it is noticeable that other fuels are also extensively relied upon - particularly paraffin and also agricultural wastes such as dung, milie cobs and stalks. The exception is Cottondale where crop failures and restricted access to land have limited these alternatives. There has been the beginnings of a shift to the use of commercial fossil fuels such as coal and gas. The use of each of these fuels is discussed below. 2.1.1 Fuelwood The mean annual household and per capita fuelwood consumed for cooking and heating is shown below. The amounts were derived from respondents' estimates of head loads used per week coupled with average head load mass measurements. \| Mean annual domestic fuelwood consumption (kg) \| Per household \| Per capita \| \|-----------------------------------------------\|---------------\|------------\| \| Lujiko \| 3402 \| 766 \| \| Manzimahle \| 2845 \| 650 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2753 \| 484 \| \| Ncanga \| 3777 \| 498 \| \| Cottondale \| 3580 \| 572 \| \| Mokumuru \| 3358 \| 655 \| The above estimates are clearly subject to error as fuelwood consumption varies at different times of the year, and the fact that villager estimates are not exact. Households, though, were asked to provide average or "normal" headload consumption data, and the mean household consumption which was calculated from the total sample is probably close to actual consumption. This is shown when the above amounts are compared with the measured fuelwood consumption of five control households at different times of the year in each of the following areas. --- 5 All fuelwood masses refer to wood as it is used, i.e. air dried with approximately 15% moisture content (dry basis). 6 Wood consumption figures are for fuel consumption only. Wood is also used for fencing, kraals and building purposes. Liegme (1983) estimated the mean volume of wood used per hut to be 2.3 m$^3$. Gandar (1983) estimated the amount of wood used for structural purposes as being between 0.25 and 0.55 m$^3$ per household per annum. 7 It was hoped that measurements could be made in each of the areas in each season. However, time and logistics allowed for measurements to be taken only during the months indicated. On occasion, careful arrangements would be made to visit a community, only to arrive and find that someone had died in the village and the control families were involved in funeral preparations, or it was harvest time, or the weather was unseasonal and normal cooking operations could therefore not be performed. Calculated annual household fuelwood consumption (kg) from daily measurements during month of July 84 September 84 December 84 March 85 Mean \| Location \| July 84 \| September 84 \| December 84 \| March 85 \| Mean \| \|--------------\|---------\|--------------\|-------------\|----------\|------\| \| Clarkebury \| - \| - \| - \| 2366 \| 2400 \| \| Nkanga \| - \| - \| 3629 \| - \| 3900 \| \| Cottondale \| - \| - \| 3010 \| 1703 \| ? \| \| Mokumury \| 4440 \| - \| 2895 \| - \| 3700 \| \| Bendell \| - \| 3080 \| 2788 \| 3154 \| 3100 \| There is a relatively good correspondence between measured and estimated consumption figures which gives one a degree of confidence in the data. The exception is Cottondale where a very much lower wood consumption figure was measured in March than was estimated. One possible explanation is that more coal is used in the colder winter months, and proportionately less wood may be used, mostly only as kindling. This does not fully explain the large discrepancy, and the estimated wood consumption data for Cottondale may be too high. It appears from the above measured data that wood consumption varies by between 10 and 20 per cent in winter and summer from the annual mean. Although great care and effort was taken to ensure accuracy in the measured consumption of the control households, too much store should not be placed on these figures. Even in summer, one of the three measured days, was on occasion colder than usual or even raining and thus households might have been recorded as having used more fuel than is usual for that time of the year. The reverse could be true for some of the measurement days in Winter. The measured data should thus not be viewed as absolute, but rather a check that the estimated consumption data are in the right range. Seasonal variations in fuelwood consumption may be great. These may not only be determined by weather (more fuel is required for heating in winter than summer), but also by social custom. For example, Liegme (1983) found that --- 8 Bendell is a resettlement village in Bophuthutswana, north of Kuruman. Fuelwood measurements were taken during the months indicated, and the data is included here as an indication of seasonal variations and also annual totals for this different bioclimatic zone. the highest fuelwood consumption occurred in August, which is a time of initiation of young girls and considerable quantities of sorghum beer are brewed for the celebrations, requiring additional amounts of fuelwood to that normally used. The above data may be compared with the previous three fuelwood studies in South Africa which are summarized below: \| Mean annual domestic fuelwood consumption (kg) \| Per household \| Per capita \| Source \| \|-----------------------------------------------\|---------------\|------------\|--------------\| \| Jozanna's Nek, Transkei \| 1705 \| 271 \| Best (1979) \| \| Mashunka, Kwazulu \| 4824 \| 1124 \| Best (1979) \| \| Mahlabatini, Kwazulu \| \| \| \| \| High grassland \| 4800 \| 620 \| Gandar (1983)\| \| Valley Lowveld \| 7700 \| 740 \| Gandar (1983)\| \| Giyani area, Gazankulu \| 5440 \| 760 \| Ligeme (1983)\| Care should be taken when comparing per capita consumption data as these are very much dependent on the household size. Per capita consumption may seem to be extraordinarily high at Mashunka, but the average household size was only 4.3 people compared to 10.4 in valley lowveld areas at Mahlabatini. There can often be confusion about the total household size. Interviewees will sometimes include those who are away, and subgroups of the family may cook around different fires. The criteria for household size (to determine per capita consumption) used in this study was the number of people cooked for in one household. In general, the variation in fuelwood consumption reported in previous studies is very much wider than in this study where annual household consumption varied from 2750 kg to 3780 kg, and per capita consumption between half and three-quarters of tonne fuelwood. --- 9 Other comparative fuelwood consumption data are Gay's (1982) estimate of 1250 kg per household per year in the East of Lesotho, Steele's (1983) estimate of 1.8 - 2.6 tonnes in the North of Lesotho, and Wickstead (1984) - 1 - 1.5 tonnes per household per year in the South of Lesotho. Jellenic (1981) studied two villages in Botswana with per capita annual consumption of 350 and 259 kg. It has been previously argued that fuelwood consumption has been found to be closely linked to availability (Best:1979 & Gandar:1983). Availability of wood should not be interpreted merely in terms of the prevalence of local natural woodland cover. The availability and price of wood from plantations will also affect fuelwood consumption levels. All the villages which were studied experience indigenous wood scarcities, although many are now dependent on plantation wood. This is particularly evident at Manzimahle and Clarkebury in the Transkei where very little natural woodland survives within convenient walking distances and households have to pay for wood from plantations. In Lujiko, local scarcities have also forced households to truck wood from neighbouring plantations. In Cottondale, wood is collected 6 to 10 km from the village. Very little dead wood is available in the immediate vicinity, although villagers sometimes use roots dug up for fuel. Some women said that they even went as far as the Manyeti Game Reserve, about 30 km away by track, where they climbed a fence and braved whatever wild animals there were just to be able to collect some wood. Some wood is also available from state and commercial plantations in the area. The majority of respondents claim that it is more difficult and they have to go further to collect fuelwood than a few years ago. (The percentage households claiming this were: Lujiko - 96%, Manzimahle - 63%, Clarkebury - 84%, Nkanga - 82%, Cottondale - 98% and Mokumuru - 93%). Not all areas in South Africa, though, experience acute indigenous fuelwood scarcities. Villages along parts of the well wooded Transkei coastal valleys have access to abundant supplies of natural woodland, although control is still necessary in some areas to ensure that only dead wood is removed. Ardington (1984:132) reports that fuelwood is "plentiful and free" in her area near Nkandla State Forest\textsuperscript{10} near Eshowe in Kwazulu. 80% of respondents had access to free fuel from natural forests or their own small woodlots (established by past generations of workers at the Wattle plantations at Melmoth who had brought back seedlings), but 15% of households buy all their wood. 69% of households considered the supply of wood plentiful and that there was no danger of it running out, although a fifth considered that the supply was running out. However, many, many other areas experience indigenous fuelwood scarcities. Schneider (1984) and Harries (1984) report desperate shortages in parts of the Giyani district in Gazankulu, for example. The heavy reliance on fuelwood by growing populations confined to restricted "homeland" areas has meant that wood has in many areas become increasingly scarce and this has given rise to a number of serious social, economic and environmental consequences. 22.214.171.124 Consequences of fuelwood scarcities Social costs The most immediate effect of natural woodfuel scarcities is the increased social cost to households. An enormous amount of effectively unproductive time is spent collecting head loads from the remaining natural woodland. Generally a group of women set out together early in the morning for fuelwood collection trips. On average women collect headloads weighing about 30 kg\textsuperscript{11}, two or three times a week, walking the following distances and times\textsuperscript{12}: \textsuperscript{10} Dead wood may be collected from the ground at 5c per trip. One guard controls the entire forest - not too effectively. \textsuperscript{11} Liegme (1983) measured headloads with varying means of 15,77 kg to 39,31 kg between households, and an overall mean of 29,95 kg. Her highest measured headload was 67,2 kg, but few weighed more than 50 kg. 60% of headloads weighed 25 - 45 kg. Best (1979) measured average headloads of 15 and 21 kg at Jozanna's Nek and Mashunka with maximums of 34 and 40 kg. Gandar (1983b) reports a mean measurement from 40 headloads of 37,9 kg) \textsuperscript{12} Best (1979) records women spending an average of 3,5 to 4 hrs collecting fuelwood at Jozanna's Nek and Mashunka, or 12 to 15 hours a week, which appears to be an overestimate when compared to his consumption data. Gandar (1983b) records an average distance of 8,3 km and time of 4,5 hours Villagers understandably find it difficult to estimate distances and time accurately, and so the above figures have to be treated with caution. From local observation, however, fuelwood trips would rarely be less than 3 km in distance, and often considerably longer if preferred fuelwood species were sought. Dead wood is rarely available close to the villages and women have to go very much further afield. Frequent wood collection trips are undertaken in those villages which still exploit natural woodland. In the dry season and when crops are not being planted or harvested, women go out more frequently to collect wood so as to stockpile it for use at a later date. Large fuelwood stockpiles were most evident at Mokumuru, to a lesser extent - at Nkanga, and least evident in Cottondale where wood is more scarce, but where people were also evasive where they stored the wood which they used for cooking, probably because they had illegally cut live trees. Some families would use whatever was available in the area, including roots recently dug up during ploughing. Fuelwood collection is less frequent in villages such as Manzimahle and Clarkebury where large loads are collected with hired vehicles from woodlots and plantations. per trip or 9 hours per week for fuelwood collection trips in a high grassland area and 3,6 km and 2,5 hours per trip or 6,75 hours per week for valley lowland areas. In one extreme case he reports encountering a group of women who had spent 9,5 hours gathering single headloads of approximately 40 kg each and having walked a round trip of 19 km. \| \| 1/day \| 1/2days \| 1/3days \| 1/week \| 1/month \| 1/3month \| 1/6month \| \|----------------\|-------\|---------\|---------\|--------\|---------\|----------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 3 \| 58 \| 33 \| 8 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 14 \| 4 \| 2 \| - \| - \| 20 \| 60 \| \| Clarkebury \| 51 \| - \| 11 \| - \| 12 \| 19 \| 8 \| \| Nkanga \| 27 \| 36 \| 27 \| 9 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 24 \| 17 \| 12 \| 40 \| 2 \| - \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 38 \| 22 \| 37 \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| Economic costs A rather startling factor to emerge from this study is the extent to which this once "free" resource has become commercialized. When local resources are depleted, wood has to be trucked in, often at considerable cost. With the exception of Mokumuru$^{13}$, a substantial number of households purchase wood$^{14}$: \| \| Per Cent Households Which Sometimes Purchase Fuelwood \| \|----------------\|------------------------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 51 \| \| Manzimahle \| 77 \| \| Clarkebury \| 42 \| \| Nkanga \| 27 \| \| Cottondale \| 44 \| \| Mokumuru \| 0 \| In Lujiko, there is strict control over the taking of only dead wood from the natural forest, and all additional wood is trucked in from adjacent farms.$^{15}$ --- $^{13}$ There is a relative abundance of woodland on a range of hills 2 to 3 km from Mokumuru. However, other villages which are further way do not have access to this resource and fuelwood availability is very much more of a problem. $^{14}$ Other studies have confirmed this trend. Schneider (1984:369) records that wood is scarce at Dzumeri and Ngove in the Glyani district of Gazankulu and people pay R 2-00 a load which lasts a family about 2 weeks. Moller (1985) reports that 45% of households in rural Kwazulu and Lebowa purchase wood. Gandar (1983b) reports that less than 1% of households in Mahlabatini in Kwazulu sell or buy indigenous wood, but 18% in the valley lowveld region and 72% in the high grassland bought fuelwood grown in plantations. These proportions are much higher than in Malawi where less than 10% of rural households purchase a proportion of their fuelwood (Malawi Energy Unit, 1981). $^{15}$ Liegme (1983:254) reports that in the Glyani area of Gazankulu, permits Households in Manzimahle and Clarkebury generally hire a tractor and trailer or a pickup truck, typically every three to six months, to fetch a large load (about a tonne on trailers or half a tonne on pickup trucks) from a forestry plantation. Wood may be in the form of sectioned logs or consumers may be required to collect thinnings and dead branches from the plantation themselves, a task which can take a whole day and requires the assistance of many friends. \| % Households Obtaining Woodfuel From Natural woodland \| Woodlots \| Vendors/Hired Vehicle \| \|------------------------------------------------------\|----------\|-----------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 82 \| - \| 18 \| \| Manzimahle \| 8 \| 86 \| 4 \| \| Clarkebury \| 62 \| - \| 38 \| \| Nkanga \| 95 \| 5 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 54 \| - \| 46 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| - \| \| % Households in Which Wood is Collected By Headloads \| Truck Load \| Tractor Load \| \|-----------------------------------------------------\|------------\|--------------\| \| Lujiko \| 100 \| \| \| Manzimahle \| 29 \| 7 \| 64 \| \| Clarkebury \| 62 \| 7 \| 31 \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 61 \| 39 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| - \| In many cases, thus, the traditional picture of women being the sole collector of fuelwood (mostly in the form of headloads), no longer holds. Men have become more involved in the collection of fuelwood, particularly if tractors have to be hired, trees cut or logs sectioned. may be bought (R1 - R3) to cut growing indigenous trees for building purposes. 16. Tyeni is one of the few villages in the Clarkebury area where some natural woodland still exists. Fuelwood can only be collected with the written permission of the head or sub headman. Scarcity of wood from natural woodland thus results not only in social hardship in terms of time and effort involved in wood collection, but also economic costs which take up an increasing proportion of the households budget. The major costs tend to be for transport for the collection of wood rather than the wood itself. In the case of Manzimahle a large load (1 tonne) may cost only R 2, but transport will cost between R 30 and R 50. In Cottondale, too, a load of wood from the forestry department at Mariepskop costs R 2 (for about a half tonne) and transport costs R 18, while a load from the SAPPi Green Valley plantation in the same area costs R 10 and transport R 15. It thus no longer makes sense to draw a distinction between non-commercial and commercial fuels and to characterize fuelwood consumption in rural areas as being predominantly non-commercial. Wood has in many areas become a commodity for sale. However, there are very few cases of individual entrepreneurs planting and selling fuelwood. Rather, most fuelwood which has been sold has been from state woodlots. In some areas these were handed over to the tribal authorities and individual chiefs have been able to profit from them. Indigenous wood is sometimes also collected by rural dwellers and transported by "scotch cart", truck or trailer for sale in towns.$^{17}$ In Cottondale, villagers can obtain a permit from the tribal authority for R10 to collect a pickup truck load of indigenous wood. People hire trucks and $^{17}$See Liegme (1983:248) and Kgathi (1984) who studied the fuelwood trade from rural areas to Gaborone. their drivers to collect wood for them for a cost of R 15 to R 30 depending on the distance and load. Health Costs One aspect which has not been directly studied here is the potential deleterious effects on health from both the scarcity of wood and rural people's dependence on it. Many households are perilously close to the minimum energy required to meet basic needs and some are below this level. A lack of fuel means that cooked meals are skipped; extra foods or meat cannot be cooked with the staple mielie meal because it requires more fuel; hot water cannot be heated to increase hygiene and water collected from contaminated sources cannot be boiled before drinking. Another aspect of health related to fuelwood use is the potential for nasopharyngeal cancer from inhaling the dense smoke which builds up within huts where cooking or heating fires are made. Gandar (1983b) reports that soot scrapings from the inside of huts have been shown to contain a number of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons which are carcinogenic. For those unused to it, the smoke filled atmosphere is unbearable. There is much circumstantial evidence that the smoke is harmful to those who commonly experience it, and that it can also lead to eye diseases such as trachoma. Other health dangers associated with fuelwood use are burns from open fires and possible spinal damage from carrying heavy headloads. Environmental degradation Perhaps the most serious long term effect of growing fuelwood demand and scarcities is the environmental degradation associated with the denudation of woodland cover; for whenever the rate of wood collection exceeds the natural regenerative capacity of trees and shrubs and green wood is cut then forests and woodland cover is stripped and denuded and this may exacerbate soil erosion, ultimately resulting in diminished agricultural yields. The effects of fuelwood collection, even in relatively well wooded areas\textsuperscript{18}, in the immediate vicinity of villages are often readily observed: tree stumps and severed branches; lower density of trees; smaller shrubs; no dead wood on the ground and generally only larger stemmed trees. Rural people are usually unwilling to divulge whether they have been cutting green or live trees, particularly where fines are possible. However, when asked whether (other) people in the village do so, a large number of households admitted that green wood is cut. The percentage which acknowledged this was Lujiko - 2%, Manzimahle - 89%, Nkanga 73% and in Cottondale - 7%. The low figures for Cottondale and Lujiko are indicative of the fear of heavy fines imposed for cutting growing trees.\textsuperscript{19} The extent of denudation is not as severe in all areas. In Liegme's study area, for example, (Gazankulu) the annual rate of fuelwood collection (423 kg/ha) would still appear to be lower than the annual wood production for savanna woodland (600 kg/ha).\textsuperscript{20} Gandar (1984) also argues that savanna rangeland such as valley lowveld does have considerable resilience to human encroachment. Many species, particularly the favoured fuelwood species are vigorous coppicers and he reports observing that the radial growth of coppicing \textit{Acacia nilotica} was greater than that of equivalent sized stems of plants which had not been felled. The impact of fuelwood gathering in this area has been to lower the ratio of trees to shrubs and to convert open parklike areas into shrublands. \textsuperscript{18} Best (1979) reports that in Mashunka where wood is readily available, it was noticeable that a number of large trees had been ring barked, an action which eventually kills the tree. \textsuperscript{19} Gandar (1983) observed 8% of fuelwood harvested in valley lowveld in Kwazulu was green and that 42% was green or live wood amongst that collected high grassland areas. \textsuperscript{20} The wood wasted or discarded (pieces which are too small or too large) when collecting should also be taken into account, and some tree species are also avoided, which would make the balance between supply and demand very much less secure. In some areas local custom, tribal law, and state fines have provided some protection for trees and forests, and there is some evidence that some forest areas have been protected. McKenzie (1985), for example, argues that the extent of natural forests in Transkei has altered surprisingly little over the past century. Forests are clearly demarcated in Transkei and in many areas there has been the tradition of forbidding the taking of sharp implements into the forests, so as to prevent the cutting of growing trees, but at the same time to allow the taking out of dead wood. It is questionable, though, whether many of the forests in the Transkei will survive intact in the future. At Nkanga, for example, sharp instruments such as pangas are taken into the forested ravines and there is much evidence of growing trees and branches having being cut. Restrictions on cutting have also not been as effective elsewhere and forests can prove to be extremely vulnerable. Although there is apparent control over the Nkandla forest near Eshowe in Kwazulu, it has in fact receded over time. Ardington (1984) records dramatically that Cetewayo's grave which was originally hidden in the forest 100 years ago is now a couple of kilometers from the nearest tree. Murless (1983) states that of the 250 forests which were proclaimed in the Kwazulu areas in the Land Act of 1936, less than 50 survive. This evidence is in stark contrast to that of Mackenzie for Transkei. One also has to draw a distinction between forests and general woodland which has been severely denuded in many areas. Certainly, in the Manzimahle/Cala area of Transkei the author observed green wood in head loads and much evidence of growing bushes and tree branches having been cut. Harries (1984) reports that Ntlaveni, in the Giyani District, is now badly denuded. It was excised from the Kruger National Park in 1968/9 and the area produced an abundance of fuelwood which people as far afield as Louis Trichardt and Sibasa collected unhindered until 1977. A Conservation Act, two years previously, prohibited the felling of trees, but attempts by tribal police to stop the destruction of trees proved ineffectual and control has now been transferred to the Gazankulu police. A tax on fuelwood collection was introduced in 1982; failure to pay the tax may result in a fine ranging from R20 to R50 or 1 - 3 months in prison. There is much anecdotal evidence of denudation of woodland. Francis Wilson, for example, writes of the slopes of the Leolo mountains near Maandagshoek in Lebowa being completely covered by trees 20 years ago, and today lots of bare ground and rock is visible as people come up from the plain to cut down trees for fuelwood. Only scattered bush is left. The greatest impact on the environment in the form of removal of tree cover has undoubtedly occurred around resettlement sites. This has been abundantly clear on visits by the author to Bendell near Kuruman in the Northern Cape and Thornhill in the Eastern Cape. Many of these areas are suited to extensive stock-farming and with dense human settlement the consequences on the physical environment have been disastrous. Daniel (1984: 6) writes: "The Thornhill resettlement provides an example of vegetation annihilation. In 1976/1977 about 40 00 people (were) moved from the Herschel District and were settled on the flanks of the Ntabathemba, the hill of hope......From the air, this area (now) stands out as a reddish patch of bare soil, virtually devoid of vegetation. In 1976 Ntabathemba had a good cover of thorn trees and bush. By 1981 hardly a tree was to be seen on the slopes of the hill. These slopes are now subject to greater runoff and erosion by water and wind. What has happened here is happening in all areas of denser settlement, unless located near plantations. The influx of large numbers of people has upset the balance that may have existed before between man and his environment. The change is readily observed but there is no hard data as a result of measuring it. This type of political development can only hasten the decline in vegetation cover forecast by Acocks." The rate of environmental degradation is often difficult to quantify or measure. An attempt can be made to relate fuelwood consumption to the natural regenerative capacity of the woodland and this will require painstaking botanical and ecological analysis of tree species used for fuelwood and construction purposes, inter tree competition and growth rates, analysis of aerial photographs and perhaps Landsat satellite images over time. Such work is necessary if more objective and documented evidence is to be obtained. Villagers recognize the growing problems associated with wood use and respondents listed the following problems: \| \| Per Cent Households Indicating Specified Problems With Wood at \| \|------------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| \| Lujiko Manzimahle Clarkebury Mkanga Cottondale Mokumuru \| \| % Sample \| 90 79 96 55 92 97 \| \| Scarce \| 18 13 12 50 57 17 \| \| Too Far \| 59 48 6 33 14 79 \| \| Heavy burden \| 23 16 32 17 - 3 \| \| Expense \| - 18 53 - 9 - \| \| Transport problem \| 13 2 - - 11 - \| \| Child care when collect.\| 5 - - - - - \| \| Fines for cutting green wood \| - - - 11 - - \| Households generally have a very detailed knowledge of natural flora and have different vernacular names for even the most subtle of botanical differences. They also have very definite preferences for different species for specific tasks. \| Tree Species \| Lujiko \| Clarkebury \| Mokumuru \| \|------------------------------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Acacia karroo \| 8 \| - \| 100 \| \| (Umnga - (Xhosa), Mooka (N Sotho) or Mimosa) \| \| \| \| \| Combretum apiculatum \| - \| - \| 2 \| \| (Mohweleri (N Sotho) or Xikukutso (Tsonga)) \| \| \| 97 \| \| Acacia mearnsii \| - \| 79 \| 2 \| \| (Wattle) \| \| \| \| \| Eucalyptus app. \| - \| 6 \| 78 \| \| (Gum) \| \| \| 10 \| \| Scutia myrtina \| - \| - \| 44 \| \| (Ubobo or Sipingo) \| \| \| 73 \| \| Pteroxylon obliquum \| 12 \| - \| 72 \| \| (Umthathi or Sneeze) \| \| \| \| \| Acacia burkei or robusta \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Mokwa) \| \| \| 63 \| \| Cussonia paniculata \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Motshe or motshetse?) \| \| \| 50 \| \| Dalbergia obovata \| - \| - \| 45 \| \| (Uzungu) \| \| \| \| \| Pinus spp. \| - \| - \| 40 \| \| (Pine) \| \| \| 15 \| \| Grewia lasiocarpa \| - \| - \| 36 \| \| ((U)holo) \| \| \| \| \| Combretum imberbe \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Mmondzo - Tsonga, Motswere - N Sotho) \| \| \| 6 \| \| Acacia tortilis \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Moswana or mosu) \| \| \| 30 \| \| Aloe spp. \| - \| - \| 29 \| \| Rhus lancea \| - \| - \| 27 \| \| (Umlakotshane) \| \| \| \| \| Olea europea spp. africana \| 20 \| - \| 9 \| \| (Umquma or Olive) \| \| \| \| \| Maytenus heterophylla \| 20 \| - \| 9 \| \| (Umaqoba) \| \| \| \| \| Schotia brachypetala \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Molope) \| \| \| 20 \| \| Turraea floribunda \| - \| - \| 18 \| \| (Uvuma) \| \| \| \| \| Calodendrum capense \| - \| - \| 9 \| \| (Umbaba) \| \| \| \| \| Zanthoxylum capense \| - \| - \| 9 \| \| (Ummungu mabel) \| \| \| \| \| Combretum erythrophyllum \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Modibo or Moduba) \| \| \| 3 \| \| Strychnos innocua \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Nkawaka) \| \| \| \| \| Dichrostachys cinerea \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Ndzenga (Tsonga) Moreshe (N Sotho)) \| \| \| 8 \| \| Diospyros mespiliformis \| - \| - \| - \| \| (Ntoma) \| \| \| 2 \| Most of the above species are preferred for fuelwood, although some are also used for the construction of kraals and fences. There is also a definite aversion to using certain tree species for fuelwood: eg. in Mokumuru, the Marula (Sclerocarya caffra), Mogorogoro (Strychnos spinosa), Morekuri (Spirostachys africana) because of its smell, Mmilo (Vangueria infausta), and Mogale because it is believed that if burnt cows will produce bull calves only.\textsuperscript{21} Data from other areas is also of interest here. Liegme (1983) reports that in her area of study in Gazankulu, Colophospermum mopane and Combretum apiculatum were regarded as the best fuelwood species and these were also the two which were most often used. Other species also mentioned as producing good firewood were Combretum imberbe and Acacia nigrescens. Altogether, 42 species were found to be used for fuelwood in her study area, but 3 species made up 77% by weight of wood collected and 8 species over 90%. Expressed preferences for fuelwood species do not necessarily coincide with those actually used, as the former, not infrequently, have become more difficult to find. Cunningham (1984) reports that the main fuelwood in Maputaland coastal plains in the Ingwavuma district in Northern Kwazulu/Natal were Sclerocarya caffra, Dialium schlecteri, Strychnos madagascariensis, Acacia burkei, Syzygium cordatum, Terminalia sericea, Trichilia emetica, Albizia adianthifolia and Macaranga capensis. Gwaitta-Magumba (1983) writes that the preferred species in Swaziland are Acacia nigrescens (umkhanga) and A. davyi (umgambe). \textsuperscript{21}Gandar (1983b) also reports that certain species are avoided for fuelwood. It is believed, for example, that the burning of Euclea spp causes strife in the family; Vangueria infausta and Diospyros lycioides are believed to attract lightning; and Spirostachys africana and Euphorbia tirucalli are generally only burnt outside because of their unpleasant or toxic smoke. Kgathi (1984) reports that fuelwood traders who collect fuelwood in the Kaneng District of Botswana and sell it in Gaborone preferentially select Combretum imberbe and C. apiculatum. Less desired fuelwood species are Acacia erubescens, A. karroo, A. tortilis, and Dichrostachys cinerea. And Gandar (1983b) states that preferred species at Mahlabatini in Kwazulu are Maytenus heterophylla, Acacia caffra, A. karoo, A. nigrescens, A. nilotica, A. robusta, A. tortilis, Combretum apiculatum, Ziziphus mucronata, Dichrostachys cinerea, Cassine transvaalensis, Berchemia zeyheri (this is a royal tree and generally protected), and Olea africana. ### 2.1.2 Agricultural Residues Another consequence of fuelwood shortages is the use of agricultural residues as a fuel.$^{22}$ Dung usage The tables below detail the patterns of usage of animal dung. \| % Households Using Dung \| Mean Annual Per Capita Dung Consumption (kg) \| % Obtained From Kraals or Veld \| \|-------------------------\|---------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 66 \| 125 \| 14 86 \| \| Manzimahle \| 73 \| 137 \| 73 50 \| \| Clarkebury \| 100 \| 231 \| 73 98 \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| 126 \| 91 64 \| \| Cottondale \| 23 \| 53 \| 50 97 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| 112 \| 100 100 \| The majority of households in all the villages except Cottondale use dung as a fuel. The low percentage in Cottondale may be attributed to the $^{22}$ In countries such as Malawi where fuelwood is more abundant, the use of crop residues is not nearly as widespread. (Malawi Energy Unit, 1981). The use of dung is most widespread in Lesotho, and to a lesser extent in Botswana, but is uncommon in Zimbabwe. availability of alternative fuels, particularly coal, and also to the small proportion of households which own cattle in that village.\textsuperscript{23} Mainly cattle dung is used, but also horse, donkey, sheep and goat manure. The following animal ownership patterns were observed: \| \| Cattle \| Horses \| Donkeys \| Sheep \| Goats \| Pigs \| Chickens \| \|----------------\|--------\|--------\|---------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 31 \| 2 \| 2 \| 31 \| 41 \| 84 \| 86 \| \| Manzimahle \| 73 \| 10 \| 4 \| 69 \| 31 \| 56 \| 92 \| \| Clarkebury \| 58 \| 16 \| 2 \| 51 \| 15 \| 33 \| 84 \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| 18 \| 0 \| 27 \| 27 \| 82 \| 100 \| \| Cottondale \| 15 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 25 \| 15 \| 85 \| \| Mokumuru \| 47 \| 0 \| 10 \| 20 \| 63 \| 23 \| 90 \| Min and Max Animals Owned in those Households which Have Animals \| \| Cattle \| Sheep \| Goats \| Chickens \| \|----------------\|--------\|-------\|-------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 1 - 12 \| 2 - 35\| 3 - 45\| 2 - 49 \| \| Manzimahle \| 1 - 20 \| 3 - 200\| 1 - 8 \| 1 - 20 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2 - 15 \| 2 - 100\| 1 - 30\| 1 - 30 \| \| Nkanga \| 3 - 16 \| 3 - 26 \| 6 - 26\| 5 - 30 \| \| Cottondale \| 2 - 10 \| - \| 2 - 50\| 1 - 30 \| \| Mokumuru \| 1 - 7 \| 1 - 10\| 1 - 12\| 1 - 11 \| Mean Number of Animals Owned in those Households which Have Animals \| \| Cattle \| Horses \| Donkeys \| Sheep \| Goats \| Pigs \| Chickens \| \|----------------\|--------\|--------\|---------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 4,7 \| 1 \| 4 \| 15 \| 14 \| 1,8 \| 9 \| \| Manzimahle \| 5,6 \| 1,8 \| 2 \| 30 \| 4 \| 1,4 \| 7 \| \| Clarkebury \| 4,7 \| 2 \| 2 \| 13 \| 8 \| 2,2 \| 10 \| \| Nkanga \| 8,6 \| 3 \| 0 \| 14 \| 13 \| 2,1 \| 12 \| \| Cottondale \| 6,9 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 11 \| 3,2 \| 9 \| \| Mokumuru \| 4,0 \| 0 \| 3 \| 3 \| 5 \| 1,9 \| 4 \| We may calculate the total amount of dung theoretically available from the above figures, assuming that about 8 tonnes/annum of dung are produced per unit of cattle, 1,5 tonnes/annum for pigs, 0,5 t/a for sheep and goats and 0,03 t/annum for chickens: \textsuperscript{23}In those areas where fuelwood is still relatively freely available, little dung is used. Ardington (1984:132) reports that only about 3% of households use dung in her study area near Eshowe. \| Village \| Cattle \| Sheep \| Goats \| Pigs \| Chickens \| Consumption \| \|------------\|--------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|----------\|-------------\| \| Lujiko \| 11,6 \| 2,3 \| 2,9 \| 2,3 \| 0,2 \| 0,5 \| \| Manzimahle \| 32,7 \| 10,3 \| 0,6 \| 1,2 \| 0,2 \| 0,46 \| \| Clarkebury \| 21,8 \| 3,3 \| 0,6 \| 1,1 \| 0,3 \| 1,31 \| \| Nkanga \| 68,8 \| 1,9 \| 1,7 \| 2,6 \| 0,4 \| 1,06 \| \| Cottondale \| 8,3 \| 0,0 \| 1,3 \| 0,7 \| 0,2 \| 0,22 \| \| Mokumuru \| 15,0 \| 0,3 \| 1,6 \| 0,6 \| 0,1 \| 0,54 \| The above figures assume that dung from those who have animals is available to all villagers. This is generally true if the animals are free ranging. If animals are kept in kraals, the amount of dung available for those households which have cattle would be very much higher. The moisture content of fresh dung is about 80% (on a dry basis) and that of sun dried dung - about 40%. The mass of sun dried dung available is thus about three-quarters of the figures calculated above. When one compares the above figures with actual dung consumption for fuel it is clear that consumption is very much below the total average dung production. Obviously only a small proportion of the dung will be able to be collected if the animals are free ranging. Nevertheless, dung consumption for cooking and heating is on average less than 1% of total dung production. \| Village \| Mean household dung consumption per annum (kg) \| \|------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 504 \| \| Manzimahle \| 460 \| \| Clarkebury \| 1312 \| \| Nkanga \| 1064 \| \| Cottondale \| 222 \| \| Mokumuru \| 545 \| It cannot therefore be argued that the burning of dung is significantly diverting it from use as a fertilizer. In the villages studied dung is in fact used extensively as a fertilizer. % Households Which Have Used Dung as a Fertilizer \| Location \| % Households \| \|--------------\|--------------\| \| Lujiko \| 52 \| \| Manzimahle \| 90 \| \| Clarkebury \| 67 \| \| Nkanga \| 91 \| \| Cottondale \| 23 \| \| Mokumuru \| 54 \| A small proportion of households consider the use of dung as a fuel to be problematical. % Households indicating problems with Dung \| Location \| Smoke \| Smell \| Scarce \| Poor Fire \| Unhealthy \| \|--------------\|-------\|-------\|--------\|-----------\|-----------\| \| Lujiko \| 12 \| 18 \| 16 \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 8 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Clarkebury \| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 36 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 4 \| 4 \| - \| 2 \| 13 \| \| Mokumuru \| 20 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| Dung gives off a pungent smoke when burnt and it is thus not surprising that a high proportion of complaints centred on these two problems. As a result dung is mostly burnt outside. Few cases were discovered of people buying or selling dung, presumably because it is relatively freely available, although in Cottondale it was reported that some families sold dung from their kraals at a high price. Women, though, did complain of the effort involved in collecting bags or basins of dung. It is used primarily for beer brewing (dung provides a low temperature smoldering fire), and sometimes for cooking and heating water for washing. It is also recognized that dung burns better in windy weather. --- 24 Gay and Khoboko (1982) report that sales of dung (R2-50/bag) occur in Mokhotlong in Lesotho. Crop residues A high proportion of households also use crop residues as a fuel, in winter or after harvest, and mostly for a few weeks until they run out. Crop residues are used not only as a kindling fuel but also as the main cooking fuel. \| % Households Using Wastes as a Fuel \| \|-------------------------------------\| \| Mieliecobs \| Mielie Stalks \| Sorghum Res \| Bean Res \| \|-----------\|--------------\|------------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 90 \| 18 \| 8 \| 22 \| \| Manzimahle\| 92 \| 82 \| 25 \| 29 \| \| Clarkebury\| 100 \| 47 \| - \| 7 \| \| Ncanga \| 100 \| 82 \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale\| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 87 \| 13 \| 7 \| - \| There is no record of residues being sold or bought. Residues are perceived to be an inferior fuel; they burn very rapidly without liberating much heat, and people also complain of the smoke and large flames. The use of residues is a measure of forced substitution because of local scarcities of fuelwood, and the effort and costs involved in wood collection. Crop residues are used mainly for heating water. The incidence of residue usage as a fuel is higher than field and garden plot ownership. Households which do not have fields sometimes ask permission from those who have planted and harvested a crop, to collect some of the residues. \| % Households With Fields and Garden Plots \| \|------------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 88 \| 69 \| \| Manzimahle \| 67 \| 75 \| \| Clarkebury \| 60 \| 55 \| \| Ncanga \| 81 \| 73 \| \| Cottondale \| 94 \| 4 \| \| Mokumuru \| 77 \| 3 \| No measurements were taken of residue consumption, but a rough estimate of the quantity of residues available might be obtained from data on grain production. The table below indicates the mean number of bags of mielies available for grinding in 1984/5 and the calculated residue availability based on 1 bag = 70 kg and 0.4 tonnes residue / tonne grain (pers. comm. Dept of Agriculture, 1985). \| % Households Which Produce Mielies \| Mean No of Producers \| Mean Household Mielies Kg \| Mean Household Residues Kg \| \|-----------------------------------\|----------------------\|---------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 10% \| 3.8 \| 27 \| 11 \| \| Manzimahle \| 73% \| 2.0 \| 102 \| 41 \| \| Clarkebury \| 88% \| 13.0 \| 800 \| 320 \| \| Mkanga \| 100% \| 2.6 \| 182 \| 73 \| \| Cottondale \| 63% \| 5.5 \| 243 \| 97 \| \| Mokumuru \| 83% \| 3.8 \| 221 \| 88 \| It is clear that in the year of the survey, crop residues were not a major fuel, even if it is assumed that all crop residues were burnt. The possible exception was Clarkebury, although the higher figures here cannot readily be explained: Clarkebury is one of the least favourable areas for agriculture amongst the villages surveyed. These figures should be treated with some caution. The survey was undertaken in a drought year and the production of mielies was extremely low, although not untypical of many other areas. Nevertheless, it would seem that the potential of crop residues as a fuel for rural households is limited. Even for a family which produces 20 bags of mielies a year, the available crop residues would be 560 kg. If two thirds of this were used as a fuel the total contribution to household energy use would be less than 7%. --- 25 eg Gandar & Bromberger (1984) report a mean maize production of 4.5 bags per household in the Mahlabatini District in Kwazulu. 2.1.3 Use of commercial fossil fuels The shortage of fuelwood has also led to a greater shift to the use of commercial fossil fuels such as paraffin, gas, coal and batteries. \| Mean annual per capita domestic energy consumption in total sample \| Paraffin 1 \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------\|------------\|---------\|--------\| \| Lujiko \| 28 \| 5 \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 43 \| 24 \| 5,5 \| 0,5 \| \| Clarkebury \| 23 \| 39 \| 29,7 \| 1,6 \| \| M'anga \| 10 \| 20 \| - \| 0,3 \| \| Cottondale \| 24 \| 42 \| 82,5 \| 1,6 \| \| Mokumuru \| 10 \| 33 \| 4,0 \| - \| Paraffin is almost universally used$^{26}$ and a substantial number of households use coal in Cottondale which is close to a railway siding, and at Clarkebury where there are almost no local wood resources left. In the case of Cottondale, coal is transported to Acornhoek by train and people travel to Acornhoek by taxi to collect their coal. The cost of a coal stove can be extremely high (up to R 1000). The stoves can also be quite wasteful of energy, as they generally have more plates than are used and they can not be used effectively for short cooking operations. Quite a large number of those interviewed stated that they experienced problems with the use of paraffin, particularly with regard to its cost. \| Percentage households which experience Problems associated with Paraffin \| Expense \| Smoke/Smell/Messy \| Unhealthy \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------\|-------------------\|-----------\| \| Lujiko \| 94 \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 15 \| - \| 10 \| \| Clarkebury \| 4 \| - \| - \| \| M'anga \| 91 \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 17 \| 23 \| 13 \| \| Mokumuru \| 47 \| - \| - \| $^{26}$ Again, there are exceptions. Ardington (1984) records less than 2% of households using paraffin for cooking, although others used limited amounts for lighting. The expense of coal and gas were also seen as problems, and in the case of gas there was the added difficulty of getting to town for refills. \| % Households Which Use \| Dry Batteries \| Car Batteries \| \|------------------------\|--------------\|---------------\| \| Lujiko \| 69 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 29 \| 2 \| \| Clarkebury \| 40 \| 4 \| \| Ncanga \| 36 \| 3 \| \| Cottondale \| 73 \| 6 \| \| Mokumuru \| 83 \| - \| The majority of households use batteries, usually PM9s and sometimes PM10s, mainly for radios and sometimes hi-fi sets. Car batteries are also sometimes used to power hi-fi sets or lighting. Cottondale was the only village where a car battery powering a television set was observed. One household in Clarkebury had a small generator. No solar cells were observed. 2.1.4 Summary of fuel usage for cooking, heating and lighting The following tables summarize the fuels and energy used for cooking, heating and lighting in rural villages. Mean annual household domestic energy consumption in total sample \| Fuelwood Kg \| Dung Kg \| Paraffin l \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| \|-------------\|---------\|------------\|------------\|---------\|--------\| \| Lujiko \| 3402 \| 504 \| 130 \| 31 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 2845 \| 460 \| 191 \| 117 \| 25 \| 2 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2753 \| 1312 \| 139 \| 220 \| 179 \| 12 \| \| Ncanga \| 3777 \| 1064 \| 84 \| 180 \| - \| 5 \| \| Cottondale \| 3580 \| 222 \| 167 \| 305 \| 554 \| 11 \| \| Mokumuru \| 2920 \| 545 \| 52 \| 174 \| 18 \| - \| 27 Crop residues are also used, but consumption was not measured. Mean annual per capita domestic energy consumption in total sample \| Fuelwood Kg \| Dung Kg \| Paraffin l \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| \|-------------\|---------\|------------\|------------\|---------\|--------\| \| Lujiko \| 766 \| 120 \| 28 \| 5 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 650 \| 94 \| 43 \| 24 \| 5,5 \| \| Clarkebury \| 484 \| 231 \| 23 \| 39 \| 29,7 \| \| Nkanga \| 498 \| 126 \| 10 \| 20 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 572 \| 28 \| 24 \| 42 \| 82,5 \| \| Mokumuru \| 655 \| 108 \| 10 \| 33 \| 4,0 \| These figures may be compared to studies elsewhere in Southern Africa. Domestic Rural Energy Consumption Per Capita Per Year In Southern Africa \| Reference \| Area \| Charcoal tonne \| Fuelwood tonne \| Agric residues tonne \| Petroleum litres \| Overall GJ \| \|--------------------\|-----------------\|----------------\|----------------\|----------------------\|------------------\|------------\| \| Bhagavan (1983) \| Angola \| - \| (.523) \| (.025) \| (.3) \| 9,35 \| \| Wisner (1982) \| Botswana \| - \| (.797) \| (.059) \| (2,3) \| 14,46 \| \| Frolich (1982) \| Lesotho \| - \| (.463) \| (.348) \| (11,1) \| 13,44 \| \| Best (1979) \| Lesotho (East) \| - \| .288 \| .260 \| 5,08 \| (8,2) \| \| Scobey (1982) \| Malawi \| - \| (.628) \| (.033) \| (0,3) \| 11,16 \| \| Jackson (1981) \| Malawi \| - \| (.587) \| x \| x \| (9,98) \| \| Munslow (1982) \| Mozambique \| ,001 \| (1,135) \| (0,134) \| (3,1) \| 21,35 \| \| Munslow (1982) \| Swaziland \| - \| (.495) \| (.033) \| (5,1) \| 9,37 \| \| Susman (1982) \| Zambia \| ,017 \| (.94) \| (.035) \| (1,7) \| 17,32 \| \| Hosier (1982) \| Zimbabwe \| - \| (1,031) \| (.013) \| (.013) \| (3,1) \| \| Banks (1981) \| Zimbabwe \| - \| (.616) \| x \| x \| 10,47 \| Sources: Beijer Institute (1982), Output Tables, and indiv. quoted papers. The tables below record mean consumption data for those families which use the particular fuel. Mean annual per capita domestic energy consumption in households using fuel \| Fuelwood Kg \| Dung Kg \| Paraffin l \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| \|-------------\|---------\|------------\|------------\|---------\|--------\| \| Lujiko \| 766 \| 190 \| 28 \| 12 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 650 \| 187 \| 45 \| 41 \| 88 \| \| Clarkebury \| 484 \| 231 \| 24 \| 40 \| 191 \| \| Nkanga \| 498 \| 126 \| 10 \| 22 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 572 \| 229 \| 28 \| 49 \| 220 \| \| Mokumuru \| 655 \| 112 \| 10 \| 52 \| 40 \| Mean annual domestic consumption per household using fuel \| Fuelwood \| Dung \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| \|----------\|------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\| \| Kg \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| Lujiko \| 3402 \| 797 \| 130 \| 68 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 2845 \| 921 \| 199 \| 201 \| 392 \| 48 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2753 \| 1312 \| 142 \| 225 \| 1148\| 130 \| \| Nkanga \| 3777 \| 1064 \| 96 \| 197 \| - \| 59 \| \| Cottondale \| 3580 \| 1777 \| 196 \| 358 \| 1477\| 129 \| \| Mokumuru \| 3358 \| 565 \| 54 \| 273 \| 179 \| - \| The table below presents the equivalent energy value of fuels used, based on the following values: air dried wood of 15% moisture $^{28}$ (d.b.) – 17 MJ/kg, sun dried dung of 40% moisture (d.b.) – 12 MJ/kg (Bialy, 1979), paraffin – 37 MJ/l, Coal – 27 MJ/kg and Gas – 49 MJ/kg. The calorific value of candle wax is also used, but candles (like batteries) contribute very little to overall energy consumption. Mean annual domestic nett energy consumption in total sample \| Fuelwood \| Dung \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Total \| Total \| \|----------\|------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-------\|-------\| \| Lujiko \| 57,8 \| 6,1 \| 4,8 \| 0,1 \| - \| 68,8 \| 15,5 \| \| Manzimahle \| 48,4 \| 5,5 \| 7,1 \| 0,4 \| 0,7 \| 62,2 \| 14,0 \| \| Clarkebury \| 46,8 \| 15,7 \| 5,1 \| 0,8 \| 4,8 \| 73,8 \| 12,9 \| \| Nkanga \| 64,2 \| 12,7 \| 3,1 \| 0,6 \| - \| 80,9 \| 10,4 \| \| Cottondale \| 60,9 \| 2,7 \| 6,2 \| 1,1 \| 14,9\| 86,3 \| 13,4 \| \| Mokumuru \| 57,1 \| 6,6 \| 1,9 \| 0,6 \| 0,5 \| 66,7 \| 13,0 \| 2.2 FUEL EXPENDITURE The amounts spent annually on fuel are: Mean Annual Household Fuel Expenditure (1984/5 Rand) \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Batteries \| TOTAL \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-----------\|-------\| \| Lujiko \| 104,36 \| 62,27 \| 3,69 \| - \| - \| 170 \| \| Manzimahle \| 109,53 \| 96,56 \| 14,04\| 6,23\| 2,48 \| 229 \| \| Clarkebury \| 115,63 \| 72,16 \| 26,35\| 35,16\| 19,99 \| 269 \| \| Nkanga \| 117,71 \| 41,73 \| 21,56\| - \| 6,42 \| 187 \| \| Cottondale \| 82,16 \| 99,29 \| 36,66\| 44,85\| 8,00 \| 271 \| \| Mokumuru \| - \| 30,79 \| 20,80\| 3,07\| - \| 55 \| $^{28}$Gandar (1983) measured fuelwood from woodpiles with moisture contents of 10 – 37% with a mean of 17%. Expenditures on fuel are highest in Manzimahle, Clarkebury and Cottondale where fuelwood from natural woodland is scarcest. As a result larger amounts have to be spent purchasing wood and also on substitute fuels such as paraffin. Except for Mokumuru, where no wood is bought, wood constitutes the largest expenditure, followed by paraffin. Fuel prices are reasonably constant between different areas, other than coal which is highly dependent on transport costs. \| Mean Fuel Prices (1984/5 Rand) \| Paraffin c/l \| Coal c/kg \| Gas c/kg \| \|-------------------------------\|-------------\|----------\|---------\| \| Lujiko \| 62 \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 52 \| 27 \| 125 \| \| Clarkebury \| 53 \| 19 \| ? \| \| Nkanga \| 52 \| - \| 120 \| \| Cottondale \| 59 \| 8 \| 74 \| \| Mokumuru \| 59 \| 17 \| - \| The income data which was collected was not reliable and has thus not been included here. However, it is apparent that expenditure on fuel can amount to a sizeable proportion of total income - (10 per cent, on average, in the five areas.) 2.3 FUEL PREFERENCES The following fuels are preferred for cooking and heating: \| Fuel Preferences for Cooking (% households) \| Wood \| Gas \| Coal \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| \|--------------------------------------------\|------\|-----\|------\|----------\|--------------\| \| Lujiko \| 92 \| - \| - \| 8 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 65 \| 4 \| 13 \| 7 \| 11 \| \| Clarkebury \| 47 \| 4 \| 36 \| 9 \| 4 \| \| Nkanga \| 44 \| - \| 33 \| 22 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 8 \| 6 \| 39 \| 4 \| 42 \| \| Mokumuru \| 13 \| - \| 53 \| 10 \| 23 \| \| \| Wood \| Gas \| Coal \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| \|----------------\|------\|-----\|------\|----------\|-------------\| \| Lujiko \| 94 \| 2 \| - \| 4 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 53 \| 9 \| 4 \| 23 \| 11 \| \| Clarkebury \| 38 \| 11 \| 35 \| 13 \| 3 \| \| Nkanga \| 36 \| - \| 18 \| 45 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 6 \| 4 \| 38 \| 13 \| 40 \| \| Mokumuru \| 7 \| 3 \| 28 \| 28 \| 31 \| It seems that people generally express preferences for fuels with which they are familiar. Thus fuelwood ranks fairly high and gas very low, presumably because very few rural households have experience with gas. However, it is noticeable that, although very few households use coal (other than in Cottondale) and none use electricity, a sizeable proportion of respondents expressed preferences for these energy sources, which would suggest that these energy sources should not be ignored when considering alternative energy supply strategies for these areas. In Cottondale, an electricity line passes through the area. All are aware of its benefits, but few believe that it is likely or probable that they will be able to gain access. Surprisingly, in Mokumuru, which is perhaps the most "rural" of villages surveyed, both coal and electricity are also preferred in spite of, but also perhaps because of, their existing overwhelming dependence on firewood. Although paraffin is almost universally used, a very much smaller proportion expressed a preference for this fuel, indicating a high level of dissatisfaction with it. It is interesting to note that more households prefer the use of gas and paraffin for heating rather than cooking. These fuels are seen to be able to provide rapid heating. Conversely, more prefer coal for cooking than heating. Coal is preferred because it provides long lasting fires. In Lujiko wood is preferred as the cooking and heating fuel because it is either still "free" or freely available from vendors. Smaller numbers of households prefer this fuel in Manzimahle and Clarkebury where it is mainly available from plantations. The following fuels are preferred for lighting: \| \| Gas \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| Candles \| \|----------------\|-----\|----------\|-------------\|---------\| \| Lujiko \| 4 \| 94 \| - \| 2 \| \| Manzimahle \| 2 \| 51 \| 23 \| 23 \| \| Clarkebury \| 9 \| 44 \| 7 \| 40 \| \| Nkanga \| - \| 11 \| 33 \| 56 \| \| Cottondale \| 9 \| 36 \| 47 \| 8 \| \| Mokumuru \| - \| 53 \| 33 \| 13 \| Paraffin ranks the highest, perhaps because it is the most familiar and available of lighting fuels. Candles are seen to be the cheapest and electricity is preferred because it is able to provide bright and problem free lighting. 2.4 ENERGY USE PATTERNS 2.4.1 Cooking practices Details were collected on cooking patterns in order both to understand the way in which fuels are used and also as a guide to interventionist strategies such as fuel-efficient woodburning stoves or solar cookers. The average number of people cooked for in the various villages is shown over page. Mean No of People Which Are Cooked For \| Location \| Mean \| \|--------------\|------\| \| Lujiko \| 5,4 \| \| Manzimahle \| 5,3 \| \| Clarkebury \| 6,7 \| \| Ncanga \| 9,2 \| \| Cottondale \| 7,2 \| \| Mokumuru \| 5,6 \| Nearly all households cook at least once a day, although about 5 -7% of respondents in Lujiko, Cottondale and Mokumuru cook less often, presumably because of fuel and cash deficiencies. \| Location \| Once/Day \| Twice/Day \| Thrice/Day \| \|--------------\|----------\|-----------\|------------\| \| Lujiko \| 45 \| 36 \| 14 \| \| Manzimahle \| 2 \| 8 \| 90 \| \| Clarkebury \| - \| 12 \| 82 \| \| Ncanga \| 18 \| 27 \| 55 \| \| Cottondale \| 27 \| 29 \| 44 \| \| Mokumuru \| - \| 90 \| 10 \| There does not seem to any obvious relationship between fuelwood scarcities and performing fuelwood-consuming tasks such as cooking less often. \| Location \| Early Morn \| Mid-Morn \| Midday \| Afternoon \| Evening \| \|--------------\|------------\|----------\|--------\|-----------\|---------\| \| Lujiko \| 96 \| 0 \| 65 \| - \| 49 \| \| Manzimahle \| 100 \| 0 \| 81 \| 13 \| 94 \| \| Clarkebury \| 100 \| 0 \| 80 \| 76 \| 27 \| \| Ncanga \| 100 \| 0 \| 82 \| 36 \| 18 \| \| Cottondale \| 66 \| 0 \| 80 \| 8 \| 44 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| 10 \| - \| 93 \| A high proportion of households do their cooking indoors. The proportion is generally higher in the evening because fires and stoves are also used for home heating. \| Village \| % Households Which Cook Indoors \| \|------------\|---------------------------------\| \| \| Morning \| Midday \| Evening \| \| Lujiko \| 73 \| 69 \| 100 \| \| Manzimahle \| 88 \| 34 \| 78 \| \| Clarkebury \| 45 \| 16 \| 25 \| \| M'anga \| 82 \| 30 \| 90 \| \| Cottondale \| 83 \| 90 \| 95 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| 98 \| 100 \| Primus and gas stoves are used more often in the morning. The food which is most often cooked is maize porridge (primarily in the morning) or samp and vegetables (mostly at midday or in the evening) and sometimes bread or meat. Most cooking involves long simmering. Thin mielie meal porridge (usually made in the morning) is made by adding one part of mielie meal porridge to 3 to 6 parts water. The porridge is cooked within 20 minutes but is usually simmered from 1 to 2 hours. Puthu, or stiff porridge, requires 4 parts of mielie meal to be added to 1 to 2 parts water. It should be cooked over a low heat for at least 20 minutes, but frequently from 1 to 2 hours to improve the flavour. Samp and beans are cooked in water for approximately 3 hours. The types of fires/stoves most often used in the different villages are shown below: \| Village \| Most Common Stove & Fuel Used (%) \| \|------------\|-----------------------------------\| \| \| Openfire/Brazier \| Wood/Coalstove \| Primus \| Gas Stove \| \| Lujiko \| 92 \| - \| 8 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 47 \| 25 / 4 \| 23 \| 1 \| \| Clarkebury \| 69 \| / 12 \| 15 \| 4 \| \| M'anga \| 82 \| - \| 18 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 67 \| / 24 \| 7 \| 2 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| Wood is the most often used fuel in fires and stoves, although both dung and --- 29 A useful book on African cooking practices is Renato Coetzee's Funa: food from Africa, Butterworths, Durban & Pretoria, 1982. coal are also widely used.\textsuperscript{30} Fires are used for both cooking and space heating and as a fire often serves both functions it is futile to estimate how much fuel or wood is used for each purpose. The cooking fuels and appliances most often used may be compared to actual appliance ownership below, which would seem to indicate that although most households have paraffin stoves, only a minority regularly use these for cooking - wood fires, of course, being the dominant practice. Paraffin stoves are used frequently for quick and short cooking tasks such as tea making for unexpected guests. A surprising number of households have either coal or wood stoves and a number also gas cookers. \| \| Primus Stove \| Paraffin Wickstove \| Gas Stove \| Coal Stove \| Wood Stove \| Tripod \| Haybox \| \|----------------\|--------------\|--------------------\|-----------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|--------\| \| Lujiko \| 96 \| 6 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 83 \| 44 \| 10 \| 15 \| 8 \| 48 \| 2 \| \| Clarkebury \| 9 \| 40 \| 9 \| 13 \| - \| 12 \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 82 \| 55 \| 3 \| - \| - \| 73 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 69 \| 4 \| 6 \| 35 \| 2 \| 71 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 63 \| 10 \| - \| 13 \| - \| 100 \| - \| Many households have iron tripod stands for pot supports for open fires. Most families make 2 to 3 fires per day and a high proportion move fires, usually when its cold and when cooking fires are used for home heating as well. \| \| Mean Number Of Fires Made per Day \| % Households Which Move Fires \| \|----------------\|-----------------------------------\|------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 2,4 \| 96 \| \| Manzimahle \| 3,0 \| 94 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2,0 \| 74 \| \| Nkanga \| 3,0 \| 100 \| \| Cottondale \| 2,1 \| 43 \| \| Mokumuru \| 2,0 \| 96 \| \textsuperscript{30}Moller (1985) reports 30% of households use dung and 50% use coal for cooking and heating in rural areas in Lebowa and Kwazulu. \| \| Wind \| Rain \| Cold \| Night \| House Heating \| \|----------------\|------\|------\|------\|-------\|---------------\| \| Lujiko \| 78 \| 2 \| 17 \| - \| 3 \| \| Manzimahle \| 22 \| 11 \| 38 \| - \| 30 \| \| Clarkebury \| 10 \| 3 \| 87 \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 56 \| - \| 22 \| 11 \| 11 \| \| Cottondale \| 6 \| 82 \| 6 \| - \| 6 \| \| Mokumuru \| - \| - \| 96 \| - \| - \| Villagers are aware that wind causes unnecessary heat losses from the cooking operation and most cooking fires are also shielded. \| \| % Households Shielding Fire \| \|----------------\|----------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 96 \| \| Manzimahle \| 92 \| \| Clarkebury \| 98 \| \| Nkanga \| 91 \| \| Cottondale \| 83 \| \| Mokumuru \| 73 \| The method most often used to shield fires is simply a corrugated iron sheet. Braziers are also used. Many of the areas have purpose build low walls often constructed in the form of a cross so as to provide a least one corner which is sheltered from the wind. In Cottondale, special cooking shelters, made from bamboo or wood are used for most cooking operations. On occasion even mielie bags and branches are used to shield fires. \| \| Ironsheet \| Brazier \| Xwall \| Wall \| Shelter \| Miliebags \| Branches \| \|----------------\|-----------\|---------\|-------\|------\|---------\|-----------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 76 \| - \| - \| 4 \| - \| 13 \| 6 \| \| Manzimahle \| 91 \| - \| 9 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Clarkebury \| 71 \| 21 \| 7 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 78 \| - \| - \| 22 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 3 \| 3 \| - \| 3 \| 88 \| - \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 59 \| - \| 41 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| An open fire undeniably also serves a social function. It is usually made in the centre of the cooking hut which serves as a focus for the family and visitors. It has been observed that households in which men are at home use very much more fuelwood, probably because of a higher incidence of sitting and chatting around the fire. Each household owns a number of three-legged cast iron pots and flat bottom aluminium saucepans. \| Appliance Ownership (%) \| Iron pots \| Saucepans \| Kettles \| Irons \| \|-------------------------\|-----------\|-----------\|---------\|-------\| \| Lujiko \| 98 \| 94 \| 96 \| 88 \| \| Manzimahle \| 83 \| 77 \| 77 \| 40 \| \| Clarkebury \| 98 \| 89 \| 98 \| 64 \| \| Mkanga \| 100 \| 91 \| 100 \| 64 \| \| Cottondale \| 88 \| 92 \| 71 \| 28 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| 83 \| 100 \| 87 \| ### 2.4.2 Water Heating Water is heated for both tea making and also for washing purposes. Although wood fires are used extensively for heating water for tea, so are paraffin stoves. \| Tea Making Stove & Fuel Used (%) \| Openfire \| Wood/Coalstove \| Gas stove \| Paraffin stove \| \|----------------------------------\|----------\|----------------\|-----------\|----------------\| \| Lujiko \| 62 \| - \| - \| 38 \| \| Manzimahle \| 19 \| 28 / 2 \| 2 \| 49 \| \| Clarkebury \| 45 \| 5 / 9 \| 2 \| 39 \| \| Mkanga \| 33 \| - \| - \| 67 \| \| Cottondale \| 57 \| / 16 \| 4 \| 23 \| \| Mokumuru \| 96 \| - \| - \| 4 \| The fire used for cooking is invariably also used for heating water. Typically, a tin would be placed alongside the fire. Water is heated primarily for bathing and washing dishes in the morning, often with the same water. Hands and faces may be washed again in the evening with the dishes and pots. Hot water is seldom heated for laundry, which is commonly done in cold water with heavy scrubbing on flat rocks next to a stream or in big tubs. \| Openfire/brazier \| Wood/coalstove \| Gas Stove \| Primus Stove \| Quantity l / day \| \|-----------------\|---------------\|-----------\|--------------\|-----------------\| \| Lujiko \| 66 \| - \| - \| 34 \| 10 \| \| Manzimahle \| 63 \| 24 / 3 \| 3 \| 8 \| 19 \| \| Clarkebury \| 61 \| 28 /11 \| - \| - \| 49 \| \| Nkanga \| 44 \| - \| - \| 56 \| 17 \| \| Cottondale \| 69 \| /23 \| 7 \| 1 \| 15 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| The majority of water is heated in the morning and also evening. This has implications for the potential for simple, very low cost solar water heaters - about half of the hot water could not be effectively met from this source without expensive insulated water storage containers. \| % Households Which Heat Water In \| Early Morning \| Mid-Morning \| Midday \| Afternoon \| Evening \| \|---------------------------------\|---------------\|-------------\|--------\|-----------\|---------\| \| Lujiko \| 98 \| - \| - \| - \| 69 \| \| Manzimahle \| 92 \| - \| 17 \| - \| 38 \| \| Clarkebury \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| 82 \| \| Nkanga \| 86 \| - \| 24 \| - \| 29 \| \| Cottondale \| 95 \| 2 \| 14 \| - \| 55 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| 36 \| - \| 82 \| Many households also heat water occasionally for brewing beer. Average quantities of water used are about 70 litres per brew. ### 2.4.3 Home Heating Space heating is accomplished most often with: \| Home Heating (%) \| Openfire \| Wood/Coalstove \| Paraffin Heater \| Gas Heater \| \|------------------\|----------\|----------------\|-----------------\|------------\| \| Lujiko \| 90 \| - \| 10 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 92 \| 4 \| 4 \| - \| \| Clarkebury \| 80 \| 2 \| 9 \| 9 \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 69 \| 25 \| - \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| It is interesting that except in the case of Cottondale, stoves are used relatively little for home heating, whereas fires are used by most households. It would seem to indicate that stoves are used primarily for cooking purposes and that space heating is completely secondary. On the other hand open fires are preferred for heating, probably because of social preferences associated with people sitting and talking around a fire. As with cooking appliances, many more heating appliances are owned than regularly used. Part of the reason would be the expense and irregularity of the supply of paraffin and gas. \| Appliance Ownership (% Households) \| Paraffin Heaters \| Braziers \| Gasheaters \| \|-----------------------------------\|------------------\|----------\|------------\| \| Lujiko \| 14 \| 16 \| 0 \| \| Manzimahle \| 29 \| 89 \| 8 \| \| Clarkebury \| 16 \| - \| 9 \| \| Nkanga \| 9 \| 18 \| 0 \| \| Cottondale \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Mokumuru \| 7 \| - \| 0 \| Requirements for space heating depend largely on the type of dwelling structure - a thatch roof and heavy mass walls will greatly reduce the amount of heating required at night and in cold periods. Because of extended families and the practice of having separate cooking, sleeping and storage huts, many households have more than one house and have experience of different construction types. \| Mean Number of Houses Per Household \| \|-------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 3 \| \| Manzimahle \| 2,4 \| \| Clarkebury \| 3,1 \| \| Nkanga \| 4,7 \| \| Cottondale \| 2,7 \| \| Mokumuru \| 2,7 \| \| \| Thatch \| Iron Sheets \| Thatch&Iron \| Asbestos \| \|----------------\|--------\|-------------\|-------------\|----------\| \| Lujiko \| 2 (14) \| 96 (86) \| - \| 2 \| \| Manzimahle \| 23 (51)\| 23 (36) \| 49 (13) \| 4 \| \| Clarkebury \| 44 (66)\| 7 (33) \| 49 \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 50 (91)\| - (9) \| 50 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 6 (42) \| 54 (56) \| 40 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 20 (27)\| 33 (80) \| 47 \| - \| Many more households prefer thatch roofed dwellings compared to their existing roof type, although a majority in Lujiko, Cottondale and Mokumuru prefer corrugated iron roofs. Some of the reasons for expressed preferences are listed below. \| \| Warmer \| Durable \| Available \| Aesthetic \| Cheaper \| Water Runoff \| \|----------------\|--------\|---------\|-----------\|-----------\|---------\|--------------\| \| Lujiko \| 13 \| 64 \| - \| - \| - \| 23 \| \| Manzimahle \| 70 \| 26 \| - \| - \| - \| \| \| Clarkebury \| 67 \| 5 \| 2 \| - \| - \| 26 \| \| Nkanga \| 64 \| - \| 9 \| - \| - \| 27 \| \| Cottondale \| 25 \| 32 \| - \| 14 \| 5 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 23 \| - \| 60 \| 17 \| - \| - \| The thermal insulation properties of thatch are definitely recognized and thatched houses are seen to be warmer. A minority worry about the fire hazard with thatch, and thatching grass is often scarce. Iron sheet roofing construction is seen to be easier, more modern, and it has the added advantage of being able to collect rainwater. The majority of houses are constructed with wooden pole frames and roof supports with mud or mud/cement blocks or bricks. \| \| Mud \| Bricks \| Wood \| Concrete Bl. \| \|----------------\|-----\|--------\|------\|---------------\| \| Lujiko \| 92 \| - \| - \| 8 \| \| Manzimahle \| 93 \| 2 \| - \| 3 \| \| Clarkebury \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 32 \| - \| 2 \| 66 (mud cement block) \| \| Mokumuru \| 78 \| 22 \| - \| - \| In many areas, particularly in the Transkei, traditional dwellings have been very carefully orientated with open door ways generally facing north or north-east so as to maximize the penetration of solar radiation, which reduces the requirements for space heating.\textsuperscript{31} 2.4.4 Lighting practices Candles and paraffin are the most common fuels used for lighting. \| Z Using Fuel For Lighting \| And Mean Number of Candles Used Per Household Per Week \| \|---------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------\| \| \| Candles \| Paraffin \| Gas \| \| \| Lujiko \| 42 \| 98 \| - \| 1,3 \| \| Manzimahle \| 40 \| 70 \| 4 \| 3,9 \| \| Clarkebury \| 73 \| 42 \| 10 \| 4,3 \| \| Nkanga \| 64 \| 36 \| - \| 3,8 \| \| Cottondale \| 44 \| 60 \| 2 \| 6,9 \| \| Mokumuru \| 53 \| 67 \| - \| 5,3 \| \| Appliance Ownership (%) \| Paraffin Lamps \| Gaslamps \| Torch \| \|---------------------------\|----------------\|----------\|-------\| \| Lujiko \| 96 \| 2 \| 57 \| \| Manzimahle \| 79 \| 4 \| 44 \| \| Clarkebury \| 69 \| 6 \| 22 \| \| Nkanga \| 64 \| - \| 18 \| \| Cottondale \| 71 \| 2 \| 31 \| \| Mokumuru \| 90 \| 7 \| 50 \| Paraffin lamps are usually wick lamps, but pressure lamps are also used as are homemade lamps consisting of a jam jar and a piece of thick rope knotted through the lid. Most families use lighting from sundown to about 21h00 or 21h30, although some families light their houses for the entire night because they are afraid of evil spirits or tsotsis. \textsuperscript{31}See Siegfried's (1984) study of energy conservation in Transkei rural communities. Mean Hours Lighting Per Day \| Location \| Hours \| \|--------------\|-------\| \| Luji ko \| 2,7 \| \| Manzimahle \| 3,8 \| \| Clarkebury \| 4,5 \| \| Nkanga \| 2,9 \| \| Cottondale \| 4,1 \| \| Mokumuru \| 3,3 \| 2.4.5 Other Domestic Energy Uses A small number of families use paraffin and gas fridges. No incidence of solar water heating was discovered. \| Location \| Paraffin Fridge \| Gasfridge \| SWH \| \|--------------\|-----------------\|-----------\|-----\| \| Luji ko \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Manzimahle \| 4 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Clarkebury \| 0 \| 27 \| 0 \| \| Nkanga \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Cottondale \| 8 \| 2 \| 0 \| \| Mokumuru \| 3 \| 0 \| 0 \| Most families use irons which are heated with woodfires, coal, paraffin, or gas stoves. Heating flat irons on paraffin and gas stoves may use considerable amounts of fuel as the stoves are kept alight for more than an hour during which time no other task can be performed other than the alternative heating and pressing. \| Location \| % Using Fuel for Heating Iron \| Ironing Frequency Per Week \| \|--------------\|-------------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| \| Wood \| Paraffin \| Coal \| Gas \| \| \| Luji ko \| 69 \| 52 \| - \| - \| 1,9 \| \| Manzimahle \| 35 \| 51 \| 3 \| 11 \| 1,7 \| \| Clarkebury \| 29 \| 54 \| 4 \| 11 \| 1,8 \| \| Nkanga \| 40 \| 90 \| - \| - \| 2,4 \| \| Cottondale \| 18 \| 55 \| 24 \| 3 \| 2,1 \| \| Mokumuru \| 80 \| 20 \| - \| - \| 1,3 \| The use of alternative fuels is usually dependent on the purchase of new appliances, often at considerable expense. The above data indicated that a number of appliances are already owned by most households, particularly paraffin and wood/coal stoves, paraffin lamps and heaters, and, to a lesser extent, gas appliances. The use of alternative fuels is widespread and is likely to increase as wood scarcities and/or wood prices increase. 2.5 WATER COLLECTION After fuelwood, the most serious energy related problem is water supply. In every area which was visited, clean, reliable and convenient water supply was seen as a priority need by communities. Water delivery is of interest to an energy study such as this, as at present a great deal of human energy is expended in the collection of water, and alternative strategies to improve the delivery of water will have to incorporate energy supply systems for water lifting. The average quantities of water currently consumed are shown below: \| \| Mean Water Collected Per Day (litres) \| \|----------------\|--------------------------------------\| \| \| Per Household \| Per capita \| \| Lujiko \| 74 \| 16,0 \| \| Manzimahle \| 70 \| 16,3 \| \| Clarkebury \| 74 \| 13,0 \| \| Mkanga \| 110 \| 13,1 \| \| Cottondale \| 87 \| 14,1 \| \| Mokumuru \| 81 \| 15,5 \| These figures should be compared to an average daily per capita water consumption of over 300 litres in "white" urban areas and a World Health Organisation recommendation of a minimum of 50 litres. Considerable time and effort is involved in the collection of water. \| Location \| Time Spent Collecting Water (Hrs) \| Distance Spent Collecting Water (Km) \| \|-------------\|----------------------------------\|-------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 0,6 \| 0,9 \| \| Manzimahle \| 0,6 \| 1,4 \| \| Clarkebury \| 2,3 \| 1,8 \| \| Nkanga \| 0,7 \| 1,1 \| \| Cottondale \| 0,9 \| 0,7 \| \| Mokumuru \| 1,0 \| 0,9 \| \| Location \| Per Cent Frequency of Water Collection \| \|-------------\|----------------------------------------\| \| \| LTonce/day \| Once/day \| Twice/day \| Thrice/day \| GTthrice/day \| \| Lujiko \| - \| 4 \| 19 \| 60 \| 17 \| \| Manzimahle \| 2 \| 5 \| 27 \| 61 \| 5 \| \| Clarkebury \| 8 \| 5 \| 35 \| 51 \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 20 \| - \| 20 \| 40 \| 20 \| \| Cottondale \| 9 \| 28 \| 44 \| 19 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| - \| 80 \| - \| 17 \| 3 \| During the recent drought, the supply of water became a serious problem in many areas. With the lowering of the water table, many boreholes dried up or had much reduced flows. At Ntshiquo, between Tsolo and Maclear in the Transkei, for example, women have to wait 2 hours pumping intermittently with a hand pump to fill a bucket of water, and in other areas there have been reports of women queueing through the night in order to gain a share of scarce water resources. Water is obtained either from springs or streams (mostly in villages on the slopes of hills, along the escarpment and near coastal valleys) or from ground water lifted by handpumps or windmills (mostly in villages located on the interior plains). \| Location \| % Households Obtaining Water Obtained From \| \|-------------\|-------------------------------------------\| \| \| Spring \| River \| Tap \| Windmill \| Watertank \| Dam \| Well \| Borehole \| \| Lujiko \| - \| 40 \| 2 \| 4 \| 53 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 57 \| 34 \| - \| 2 \| 6 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Clarkebury \| 22 \| 76 \| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| - \| 24 \| 4 \| - \| - \| 17 \| 52 \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 60 \| - \| - \| 6 \| - \| 34 \| - \| - \| 32 Reported at the Carnegie conference into poverty and development in Southern Africa held at the University of Cape Town in April 1984. Most villages have more than one kind of water supply, although not all villagers have equal access to the source of their choice. Protected springs and water from boreholes are generally preferred as the water is not as likely to be contaminated. In Cottondale, for example, water is collected from shallow depressions dug into the Timbivati River bed. Some people use this water for washing only, however, others use it for drinking as well which probably contributes to the high incidence of disease such as Cholera. There is a borehole with a diesel pump in the village which provides clean water and is the most popular water source. However, the supply is not always continuous and the pumping rate is slow. People usually bring their 25 l containers early in the morning and leave them in a queue. An attendant who lives permanently next to the pump to fill the motor with diesel and do repairs, fills the containers which are collected later. The long queues, and irregular supply at the borehole causes some people rather to collect the polluted river water. Water supply is often a political issue, particularly with regard to access to water sources. In Cottondale, for example, the Sotho side of the village has access to water taps installed by the Lebowa government. However, the Shangaan women are too scared to go across to the Sotho side because they fear intimidation. Even within fairly homogenous villages, certain households traditionally have access to certain water points or springs and some families have to walk farther to collect water than others. Any intervention with new water lifting or supply technologies has to be extremely sensitive to these issues. The collection of water is not performed exclusively by women. Children commonly assist, and in areas of scarcity where water has to be transported, men are also involved. \| Location \| Who Fetches Water \| \|------------\|-------------------\| \| \| Women \| Children \| Men \| \| Lujiko \| 55% \| 42% \| 3% \| \| Manzimahle \| 65 \| 20 \| 15 \| \| Clarkebury \| 98 \| 2 \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 64 \| 36 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 49 \| 42 \| 9 \| \| Mokumuru \| 97 \| 3 \| - \| Water has also become a commodity with a cost in rural areas, to be paid for by those too weak or sick to fetch their own. At Ntshiquo in the Transkei to hire someone to fetch a 15 litre bucket of water costs 50c. About a third of the water collected is used for cooking, 15% for drinking, an equivalent amount for washing dishes and about 40% for bathing. Bathing and dish water is often recycled. 2.6 ENERGY IN AGRICULTURE Many families engage in minimal subsistence type agricultural activities and energy is expended or required for draught power and then for agricultural processing which is generally limited to grain grinding and sometimes sun drying of mielies or sorghum. Few cash crops are grown in underdeveloped areas in Southern Africa and energy is not required for tasks such as tobacco drying or smoking fish which can consume significant amounts of fuelwood in rural areas in East and Central African countries such as Malawi and Tanzania. Those who do have access to fields or garden plots usually do not have more than one of each. However, a fairly large proportion of families do not have access to either. ### 2.6.1 Draft power Common cultivation tasks involve ploughing, harrowing, planting, weeding and harvesting. The table below shows the proportion of households which use either tractors (usually hired), cattle (sometimes hired or used on a share cropping basis) or hand (which can also involve the help of neighbours in share cropping type arrangements). \| \| Tractor/Cattle \| Trac/Cattle/Hand \| Trac/Cattle/Hand \| Trac/Cattle/Hand \| Hand \| \|----------------------\|----------------\|------------------\|------------------\|------------------\|------\| \| Lujiko \| 63 \| 29 \| 9 \| 8 \| 13 \| - \| 30 \| 70 \| - \| 91 \| 93 \| \| Manzimahle \| 96 \| 33 \| 34 \| 62 \| 4 \| 38 \| 57 \| 5 \| 64 \| 34 \| 98 \| \| Clarkebury \| 78 \| 49 \| 68 \| 32 \| - \| 17 \| 79 \| 3 \| 34 \| 66 \| 83 \| \| Mkanga \| 27 \| 91 \| - \| 18 \| - \| - \| 91 \| - \| 73 \| 9 \| 91 \| \| Cottondale \| 29 \| 52 \| 4 \| 8 \| 81 \| 2 \| 2 \| 92 \| - \| 96 \| 96 \| \| Mokumuru \| 73 \| 7 \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 73 \| - \| - \| 60 \| It is clear that there has been quite a significant shift from animal draft power to the hiring of tractors, although cattle are still an important aid to ploughing, harrowing and planting. The numbers of cattle used for these tasks differs from area to area depending on the nature of the terrain and the condition of the cattle. Between 6 and 8 animals are used for ploughing in Lujiko, and 2 - 6 in Manzimahle. In Clarkebury 2 draught animals are usually used, although 4 and 6 may occasionally be seen ploughing. In Mkanga mostly 6 are used for ploughing but sometimes also 2, 4 or 8. Fewer cattle are harnessed for tasks such as harrowing and planting. Weeding and harvesting are most often done by hand. Not all families have equal access to cattle for draft power and the pattern of cattle ownership is highly skewed towards a wealthy minority. It was also the case that the drought severely weakened animals and that even those families which had a few cattle were unable to use them effectively for draft power. The table below shows the pattern of ownership of cattle. \| Cattle Ownership Patterns \| \|---------------------------\| \| % Households Owning Cattle \| Mean Number Owned \| Minimum & Maximum \| \|---------------------------\|------------------\|------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 31 \| 4,7 \| 1 - 12 \| \| Manzimahle \| 73 \| 5,6 \| 1 - 20 \| \| Clarkebury \| 58 \| 4,7 \| 2 - 15 \| \| Nkanga \| 90 \| 8,6 \| 3 - 16 \| \| Cottondale \| 15 \| 6,9 \| 2 - 10 \| \| Mokumuru \| 47 \| 4,0 \| 1 - 7 \| In addition to animal draft, some human energy is expended on the various cultivation tasks. \| Mean Number of Days Labour Spent Per Annum Per Household For Those Households Tending Fields \| \|-----------------------------------------------\| \| Ploughing \| Harrowing \| Planting \| Weeding \| Harvesting \| Total \| \|-----------\|-----------\|----------\|---------\|------------\|-------\| \| Lujiko \| 2,0 \| 1,3 \| 1,8 \| 16 \| 5 \| 26 \| \| Manzimahle\| 1,7 \| 1,5 \| 2,0 \| 12 \| 34 \| 50 \| \| Clarkebury\| 1,4 \| 5,3 \| 4,8 \| 11 \| 24 \| 47 \| \| Nkanga \| 5,0 \| 4,4 \| 4,5 \| 62 \| 30 \| 106 \| \| Cottondale\| 7,2 \| 8,1 \| 6,4 \| 21 \| 10 \| 53 \| \| Mokumuru \| 2,2 \| 0 \| 1,7 \| 32 \| 26 \| 61 \| Cattle are also used for transportation purposes. For example, 22% of Lujiko households, 73% of Manzimahle households and a third in Clarkebury use cattle and sledges for transport, and 6% have ox carts. In Nkanga most households had cattle and sledges for transport. 2.6.2 Grain grinding One of the most time consuming tasks associated with agricultural processing is the grinding of grain. \| % Households Which Have Grain to Grind \| Mielies \| Sorghum \| Wheat \| \|---------------------------------------\|---------\|---------\|-------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| Lujiko \| 10% (3,8)\| 0% \| 4% (3,5) \| \| Manzimahle \| 73% (2,0)\| 21% (1,4)\| 40% (1,6) \| \| Clarkebury \| 88% (13)\| 11% (10)\| 47% (10) \| \| Ncanga \| 100% (2,6)\| 0% \| 0% \| \| Cottondale \| 63% (5,5)\| 0% \| 0% \| \| Mokumuru \| 83% (3,8)\| 0% \| 0% \| Nearly all families grind some flour on their own by hand, mostly with a flat stone on a hollowed stone base and sometimes with a hand machine, but larger amounts are typically taken to a trading store to be ground at a fee with a petrol or diesel driven hammer mill. It is also common practice to exchange bags of mielies for refined mielie meal at both a financial and nutritional loss. \| Grain Grinding Store \| Self/Hand \| % Households Which Exchange Mielies for Flour \| \|----------------------\|-----------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 2 \| 39 \| \| Manzimahle \| 42 \| 27 \| \| Clarkebury \| 61 \| 3 \| \| Ncanga \| 91 \| 9 \| \| Cottondale \| - \| 19 \| \| Mokumuru \| 93 \| - \| 2.7 PERCEPTIONS OF POSSIBLE SOLUTIONS TO WOOD & FUEL SCARCITIES Many villagers do not perceive new solutions to old problems. Those who suffer most from energy related problems consider them as merely their "normal" lot - strenuous wood collecting trips and smoke-filled huts may hardly seem worth a mention. It is also the case that because of the economic dependence of rural areas on metropolitan centres for their survival, that many villagers see solutions in terms of money and employment for money can purchase alternative fuels and food which must otherwise be laboriously produced with their own labour in an increasingly non-viable and impoverished environment. Nevertheless, nearly all households are acutely conscious that a major problem is the absence of freely available fuel resources. When questioned, most stated that they experienced fuelwood shortages and a minority suggested solutions to them. \| Per Cent Households Suggesting Possible Solutions to Wood Shortages \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Mkanga \| Cottondale \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------\|-------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\| \| Cut green trees \| - \| - \| - \| 9 \| 13 \| \| Village woodlots \| 6 \| 25 \| 7 \| 36 \| 10 \| \| Hire trucks \| 6 \| 40 \| 2 \| - \| 2 \| \| Hire people \| 18 \| 8 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Use Coal \| - \| 2 \| - \| - \| 2 \| \| Electricity \| - \| 2 \| - \| - \| 17 \| \| Use Gas \| 9 \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| \| Buy wood \| 58 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Use paraffin \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2.7.1 Afforestation It is interesting that although a minority suggested that woodlots would be a solution to fuelwood scarcities, an overwhelming majority, when asked, considered the planting of trees to be a good idea, although not necessarily for fuelwood only. \| % Households Which Consider the Planting of Trees to be a Good Idea \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Mkanga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|-------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| \| 76 \| 96 \| 100 \| 91 \| 91 \| 100 \| \| % Households Offering Reason Why Trees Should Be Planted \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Nkanga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|--------------------------------------------------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Fuelwood \| 5 \| 53 \| 76 \| 55 \| 25 \| 46 \| \| Building Material \| 8 \| 2 \| - \| 9 \| 2 \| - \| \| Wood Wearer \| 23 \| 4 \| 36 \| - \| - \| 52 \| \| Shelter \| 62 \| 16 \| 16 \| - \| 10 \| - \| \| Fruit \| - \| 4 \| - \| - \| 17 \| - \| \| Shade \| 18 \| 2 \| - \| - \| 11 \| - \| \| Aesthetics \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| \| Conservation \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| \| Herbs \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| \| Fodder \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| \| Against Snakes \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 4 \| - \| \| Dont Like T \| 5 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Skollies \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| It is clear that factors other than fuelwood supply are also considered important in the planting of trees, viz. shelter, fruit, and building material supply. This becomes even clearer when it is observed which trees are planted by villagers. A surprisingly high number of trees have been planted, but this does not seem to be a response to fuelwood scarcities. Most trees planted have been fruit trees, although in Lujiko and Manzimahle some eucalyptus and pine trees were also planted mainly for pole production. \| % Respondents Which Had Planted Trees Last Year \| Mean Number of Trees Planted Per Planter \| \|-------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------\| \| Lujiko \| 12 \| 2,7 \| \| Manzimahle \| 19 \| 2,0 \| \| Clarkebury \| 7 \| 1,7 \| \| Cottondale \| 50 \| 4,1 \| \| Mokumuru \| 37 \| 4,5 \| \| Type of Tree Planted (%) \| Fruit \| Peach \| Apricot \| Fig \| Orange \| Pine \| Gum \| Aloe \| \|--------------------------\|-------\|-------\|---------\|-----\|--------\|------\|-----\|------\| \| Lujiko \| 60 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 40 \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 31 \| 15 \| 8 \| 15 \| 8 \| 15 \| 8 \| 8 \| \| Clarkebury \| - \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Nkanga \| 90 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 96 \| - \| - \| 4 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Mokumuru \| 50 \| - \| - \| 25 \| 25 \| - \| - \| - \| Most of those who planted trees also stated that some trees had died; reasons given were the drought, cold, clay soil, goats, pests, wind and the lack of fertilizer. Villagers were also asked who should be responsible for planting trees and who should control their use. \| Respondents \| Who Should Plant Trees \| \|-------------\|------------------------\| \| \| Community \| Government \| Chief \| Individuals \| \| Lujiko \| 12 \| - \| - \| 100 (women) \| \| Manzimahle \| 32 \| 55 \| 7 \| - \| \| Clarkebury \| - \| 54 \| 46 \| - \| \| Nkanga \| - \| 73 \| 27 \| - \| \| Cottondale \| 5 \| 32 \| 51 \| 5 \| \| Mokumuru \| 17 \| 83 \| - \| - \| From the above, it would seem that people are generally willing and keen to plant trees, that there is a fairly high failure rate, and that trees with multiple uses would be preferred. Agro-forestry would thus appear to have great potential. 2.7.2 Fuel efficient wood-burning stoves Fuelwood scarcities may be dealt with by either increasing the supply of wood (trees) or by utilizing the wood more efficiently and thus mitigating demand. Fuel-efficient stoves may offer greatly improved efficiencies over an open fire, hence peoples' attitudes were sought on mud stoves (which can be self constructed from local clay) and metal stoves (which are more expensive, durable and "modern" looking). \| Respondents \| % Seen Stoves \| % Liked Them \| Preferred Mud \| Preferred Metal \| \|-------------\|---------------\|--------------\|---------------\|----------------\| \| Lujiko \| 88 \| 80 \| 9 \| 91 \| \| Manzimahle \| 68 \| 85 \| 80 \| 20 \| \| Clarkebury \| 24 \| 83 \| 89 \| 11 \| \| Nkanga \| 91 \| 82 \| 20 \| 80 \| \| Cottondale \| 8 \| 83 \| 25 \| 75 \| \| Mokumuru \| 100 \| 93 \| 60 \| 40 \| Reasons Why Prefer Mud or Metal Stoves (% Respondents) \| \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Nkanga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|---------------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Mud cheap \| 7 \| 75 \| 89 \| 22 \| 25 \| 50 \| \| Metal Strong \| 24 \| 3 \| - \| 67 \| 75 \| 19 \| \| Metal is portable \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Wedding Gift \| - \| - \| - \| 11 \| - \| - \| \| Easy to Use \| 7 \| 20 \| 11 \| - \| - \| 31 \| \| Only Kind Seen \| 62 \| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| Reasons Why Would Like To Use Stoves (% Respondents) \| \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Nkanga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|---------------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Savefuel \| - \| 8 \| 11 \| 10 \| - \| 3 \| \| Multiple pots \| 13 \| - \| - \| 40 \| - \| - \| \| Warm House \| 45 \| 3 \| 11 \| 30 \| - \| - \| \| Better heat \| 5 \| 6 \| 11 \| - \| 25 \| - \| \| Easy to Use \| 16 \| 42 \| 11 \| - \| - \| 3 \| \| Includes Oven \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Smoke out \| 5 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Safe \| 3 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Modern \| - \| - \| - \| 10 \| - \| - \| \| Mud is Free \| - \| 28 \| 22 \| - \| 50 \| - \| \| Protect f wind \| - \| 6 \| 11 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Uses wood \| - \| 3 \| 11 \| 10 \| - \| - \| \| Reasons Against \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Use more wood \| 11 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Dont last \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Never Seen \| - \| 3 \| 11 \| - \| - \| - \| It is interesting to note that the fuel saving potential of stoves ranked fairly low and other aspects such as being able to cook with multiple pots, ease of use, space heating, etc. were regarded as being more important. Part of the reason here is that the stoves which are currently available are not particularly fuel efficient, and some respondents actually claimed that stoves used more wood than a fire for equivalent cooking operations. A number of households already own stoves. % Households Owning Wood or Coal Stove \| Location \| % Households \| \|-------------\|--------------\| \| Lujiko \| - \| \| Manzimahle \| 23 \| \| Clarkebury \| 13 \| \| Nkanga \| 1 \| \| Cottondale \| 37 \| \| Mokumuru \| 13 \| 33 Wickstead (1984) study in the south-west of Lesotho indicated 3% of households owned coal or wood stoves, but 60% owned braziers. However, from the previous data on cooking and heating practices, it would appear that fewer households routinely use stoves than actually possess them. One issue frequently raised in connection with the introduction of stoves is the potential drawback in the fuel preparation required in order to feed small wood pieces to the firebox. This proves to be less of an issue when it is observed that most wood collected in Kwazulu, for example, varies between 1.5 cm and 4.5 cm (Gandar: 1983b). Liengme (1983) notes an average fuelwood diameter of 5 cm. Fuelwood piece sizes were not measured in this study. However, from observation, slightly larger sections (up to 10 cm in diameter) were evident in the woodpiles at Mokumuru, and also the woodlot logs at Manzimahle and Clarkebury. Women used axes or pangas to reduce the sizes of pieces before using them in fires. 2.7.3 Ranking of energy related problems versus other needs Finally an attempt was made to ascertain how energy related problems ranked in importance with other perceived problems and needs. The question was open ended (individuals were asked to list their most important problems and needs and then to suggest solutions to them), although the previous focus on energy related questions in the interviews probably did result in a slight bias in priorities. It is a danger of all questionnaire type surveys - that responses will be influenced by the identity of the agency which interviewers represent and these biases need to be recognized. Perceived Problems and Needs Per Cent Which Listed Issue amongst 3 top problems at Lujiko Manzimahle Clarkebury Nkanga Cottondale Mokumuru \| \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| Nkanga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|----------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Water supply \| 41 \| 43 \| 76 \| 9 \| 77 \| 78 \| \| Fuelwood supply\| - \| 29 \| 20 \| 9 \| 64 \| 27 \| \| Money + employment \| 18 \| 50 \| 29 \| - \| 36 \| 30 \| \| Food \| 24 \| 23 \| - \| 64 \| 43 \| 3 \| \| Education \| 18 \| 2 \| 2 \| 18 \| - \| - \| \| Health \| - \| 4 \| - \| 36 \| - \| - \| \| Housing \| 43 \| - \| 2 \| 82 \| 30 \| 3 \| Water supply was regarded to be the most critical problem or need. Money and employment, food, housing and fuelwood were on average very similarly ranked as the next most important needs. Generally far fewer households offered solutions than expressed problems. In many areas morale is very low and villagers cannot see any obvious ways out of their difficulties other than relying on employment or remittances from the metropolitan centres. No solutions were offered in Mokumuru other than the drilling of a bore hole, an issue around which some of the community were organizing. In Cottondale, there was generally a stunned silence when interviewees were asked to suggest solutions to their problems and some felt that the government should be responsible for meeting their needs. Again, the provision of better water supplies ranked highly, but only in Manzimahle was the planting of trees mentioned as a possible solution to their immediate difficulties. Suggested Solutions Per Cent Which Included Issue in Top 3 Problems \| \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| M'anga \| Cottondale \| \|----------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\| \| Money & jobs \| 90 \| 56 \| - \| 100 \| 25 \| \| Skills \| 2 \| 2 \| - \| 9 \| - \| \| Pension \| 2 \| 2 \| - \| - \| 2 \| \| Tractor \| 6 \| 10 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Better yields \| 2 \| 6 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Dams/taps \| - \| 27 \| 2 \| 18 \| 21 \| \| Plant trees \| - \| 25 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Own gardens \| - \| 8 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Cottage Industry \| - \| 10 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Grain grinder \| - \| - \| 2 \| - \| - \| \| Government \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 21 \| \| Cut green wood \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 2 \| In Cottondale, there is some resentment with prohibitions and fines on cutting green wood and some respondents saw permission to cut growing trees as a solution to their immediate problem of fuelwood scarcities. Fuelwood and water collection were also regarded as the most burdensome and tiresome of tasks undertaken by women, although some agricultural tasks such as weeding also ranked highly. Most Burdensome and Difficult Perceived Task for Women Per Cent Which Listed Issue amongst 3 Most Difficult Tasks at \| \| Lujiko \| Manzimahle \| Clarkebury \| M'anga \| Cottondale \| Mokumuru \| \|----------------\|--------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|------------\|----------\| \| Fuelwood collec.\| 79 \| 52 \| 89 \| 91 \| 44 \| 97 \| \| Water collect. \| 6 \| 37 \| 80 \| 18 \| 33 \| 47 \| \| Hoeing \| 4 \| 29 \| - \| 73 \| 22 \| 7 \| \| Weeding \| 90 \| 8 \| 11 \| - \| 92 \| 10 \| \| Harvesting \| - \| 2 \| 22 \| 9 \| 2 \| - \| \| Grinding \| 6 \| 6 \| 42 \| 9 \| 2 \| - \| \| Cooking \| 24 \| 17 \| 22 \| - \| 2 \| - \| \| Cleaning \| 8 \| 8 \| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Child care \| - \| 23 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| \| Mud plaster, brick \| 55 \| 10 \| - \| 64 \| 4 \| 27 \| For men, ploughing (a few days a year), house construction and fencing were regarded as the most burdensome tasks. 34. Includes better wages and employment creation, loan facilities, lower prices, nearer work, etc. Finally, in order to obtain more free ranging types of responses of peoples' needs and wishes, villagers were asked to list which factors would make the village a better place to live in. More households here suggested planting trees or the establishment of a woodlot, but many other factors were regarded as being more important, including improved water supplies, education and health facilities, and even agricultural development. In Nkanga and Cottondale, electricity supply was seen as being more important than woodlots. --- 35 Agricultural development includes better crop yields, tractors, the planting of cash crops, communal and individual vegetable gardening. These points serve to emphasize the fact that any initiative which aims to deal with rural energy scarcities must be integrated with broader rural development needs. 3.1 DOMESTIC FUEL CONSUMPTION An almost totally neglected area in energy research, planning and investments are the closer settlements, the peri-urban sector and the townships around the metropolitan centres. With little access to either agricultural land or natural woodland the opportunities for the collection of "free" fuels are minimal. Neither do these households have access to inexpensive electricity. Sandwiched between the urban and rural areas, this sector experiences energy problems quite different to either. Although still reliant on wood, which is mostly purchased from vendors, these households are heavily reliant on the most costly fuels. The table below summarizes the fuels used in the five peri-urban areas studied: \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Wastes \| Gas \| Batteries \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|--------\|-----\|-----------\| \| Vulindlela \| 98 \| 83 \| 96 \| 3 \| 20 \| 5 \| 87 \| \| QwaQwa \| 68 \| 85 \| 96 \| 96 \| 66 \| 9 \| 21 \| \| Amatlang \| 51 \| 56 \| 64 \| 92 \| 10 \| 10 \| 5 \| \| New Bethesda \| 84 \| 94 \| 88 \| 31 \| 16 \| 9 \| 69 \| \| Crossroads \| 38 \| 100 \| 52 \| 45 \| - \| 4 \| 49 \| Wood, paraffin and coal are the fuels used to meet primary energy needs for cooking and heating. 3.1.1 Fuelwood It has probably not been fully appreciated how dependent peri-urban areas still are on wood. Indeed, even in the black townships in the metropolitan areas, only about a fifth of households have access to electricity and up to 40% still use some wood for cooking and heating (Moller:1985,43). \| Location \| Mean annual per capita fuelwood consumption in total sample (kg) \| \|----------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 742 \| \| QwaQwa \| 39 \| \| Amatlang \| 26 \| \| New Bethesda \| 648 \| \| Crossroads \| 213 \| Fuelwood is used in all these areas, including relatively large amounts in Vulindlela and New Bethesda, but much smaller amounts in Amatlang and QwaQwa. The small amounts of wood which are available in Amatlang are either in private hands or under control of the chief and access is subject to patronage. In QwaQwa the population has risen seventeen fold since 1970 and pressure on natural woodland has been overwhelming. Less than a fifth of those interviewed sometimes still collect their own headloads. For the most part wood is trucked in along with coal, and wood is mostly used only as a starter for coal. \| Location \| % Households in which Fuelwood is All bought/Mostly Bought/Mostly Self Coll/All Collected \| \|----------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 56/11/15/15 \| \| QwaQwa \| 48/25/13/14 \| \| Amatlang \| 37/63 \| \| New Bethesda \| 52/22/7/22 \| \| Crossroads \| 30/70 \| In Vulindlela most households (88%) buy wood from vendors, the rest fetched wood in headloads from woodlots or from farmers. Very few families reported running out of wood (5%) and those that do said that they then use roots or --- 36 In Malawi, 90% of urban households use woodfuels for cooking. paraffin. In QwaQwa, a minority collect wood from natural woodland, the rest buy wood from vendors and wood/coalyards. In Amatelang, 65% of households buy from vendors, 30% from woodlots, and 5% sometimes obtain their wood from natural woodland. In New Bethesda, most wood is obtained from vendors, or farms, a woodlot and returning Cape Provincial roadworks trucks. A third collect themselves from veld and farms. In Crossroads, most households collect wood themselves, either from the surrounding Acacia cyclops and Acacia saligna bushes or from waste wood "liberated" from building sites. Understandably, households do not have as detailed a knowledge as rural people of indigenous tree species as most wood is from plantations of either gum, wattle, pine or poplar. \| Fuelwood Species Bought (& Collected) % \| Eucalyptus \| Wattle \| Pine \| Poplar \| Indigenous \| \|----------------------------------------\|------------\|--------\|------\|--------\|-------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 12 (37) \| 79 (50)\| 9 (11)\| \| (2) \| \| QwaQwa \| 70 \| \| 17 \| 13 \| \| \| Amatelang \| 95 \| \| \| \| (5) \| \| New Bethesda \| 15 (33) \| - \| - \| - \| 85 (66) \| The situation at New Bethesda is slightly different, and the majority of wood is obtained from natural woodland. Acacia spp & karoo (doringbos), Rhus pyroides (taalbos) and Rhus erosa (besem) are the species most often used at New Bethesda. The tree species which are used do not necessarily coincide with species preferences. \| Fuelwood Preferences \| Eucalyptus \| Wattle \| Pine \| Poplar \| Indigenous \| \|----------------------\|------------\|--------\|------\|--------\|-------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 1 \| 96 \| 3 \| \| \| \| QwaQwa \| 58 \| - \| 25 \| 13 \| 4 \| \| New Bethesda \| \| \| \| \| 100 \| Wattle is the preferred species in Vulindlela, but it is not always available. It is interesting that in QwaQwa, slightly more people prefer pine than generally use it, and fewer prefer gum than use it. Generally Eucalyptus trees are regarded as better fuelwoods than softwoods such as pine. It may be that some of the poorer quality gum fuelwoods such as Eucalyptus grandis are being used. The reasons given for preferring wattle are that it burns longer and with a stronger heat. Preferences expressed for gum trees are because it gives a rapid heat and for pine because it can be cut easily. Paraffin is usually used instead when wood runs out. Acacia karoo is preferred at New Bethesda as it is an excellent fuelwood, being a hard wood which produces good embers. Many women, particularly in Crossroads and QwaQwa, expressed the fear that they would be molested on fuelwood collection trips. Other frequently stated problems are fuelwood shortages and rising costs. 3.1.2 The use of wastes as fuel In many areas wood is either too costly or too scarce. Such are the shortages that there have been reports from towns such as Hanover of people chopping out wooden window and door frames from abandoned houses, for fuelwood. There have also been reports of women cutting branches from their own fruit trees. In the Karoo, many households resort to collecting paper, cardboard, milk and beer paper cartons and even grass for cooking fires. \| \| % Households Using Wastes as a Fuel \| \|------------------------\|-------------------------------------\| \| \| Mieliecobs \| Other Agric Wastes \| Cardboard \| Grass \| Other \| \| Vulindlela \| 16 \| 4 \| 1 \| - \| 1 \| \| QwaQwa \| 15 \| - \| 21 \| - \| 25 \| \| Amatelang \| - \| - \| - \| - \| 10 \| \| New Bethesda \| 16 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| - 88 - 3.1.3 Paraffin \| Location \| Mean annual per capita paraffin consumption in total sample (l) \| \|-------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 17 \| \| QwaQwa \| 27 \| \| Amatelang \| 37 \| \| New Bethesda \| 54 \| \| Crossroads \| 96 \| Many households (Vulindlela - 23%, QwaQwa - 53%) stated that they frequently run out of paraffin, often weekly. Families substitute by using wood, coal or candles. Some respondents expressed dissatisfaction with the use of paraffin. \| Location \| Expense \| Smoke/Smell \| Messy \| Dangerous \| Que \| \|-------------------\|---------\|-------------\|-------\|-----------\|-----\| \| Vulindlela (15%) \| 59 \| 6 \| 29 \| 6 \| - \| \| QwaQwa (47%) \| - \| 86 \| 9 \| 5 \| - \| \| Amatelang (13%) \| 80 \| 20 \| - \| - \| - \| \| New Bethesda (13%)\| 25 \| 50 \| 25 \| - \| - \| \| Crossroads (68%) \| 12 \| 36 \| 9 \| 12 \| 31 \| 3.1.4 Coal Very many more households in periurban areas than in villages use coal as a domestic fuel. \| Location \| Mean annual per capita coal consumption in total sample (kg) \| \|-------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 5 \| \| QwaQwa \| 308 \| \| Amatelang \| 195 \| \| New Bethesda \| 54 \| \| Crossroads \| 217 \| In QwaQwa, two-thirds of those which use coal complained of problems, mainly related to smoke, and that the coal doesn't last or burn well. In Amatelang, nearly 90% of coal users sometimes run out of coal, and then use paraffin and wood if available. In Crossroads, a third complained of coal related to headaches, bronchial problems, the danger of asphyxiation and the inconvenience of having to arrange to fetch loads. 3.1.5 Gas A relatively small proportion of households use gas. \| Location \| Mean annual per capita gas consumption in total sample (kg) \| % Households using gas \| \|--------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 0.5 \| 5 \| \| QwaQwa \| 1.8 \| 9 \| \| Amatelang \| 1.8 \| 10 \| \| New Bethesda \| 3.9 \| 9 \| \| Crossroads \| 1.7 \| 4 \| 3.1.6 Candles \| Location \| % Households Which Use Candles \| No used per household \| \|--------------\|--------------------------------\|-----------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 96 \| 62 \| \| QwaQwa \| 96 \| 56 \| \| Amatelang \| 69 \| 45 \| \| New Bethesda \| 88 \| 53 \| \| Crossroads \| 52 \| 37 \| Problems associated with candles are that of wind, being messy, expensive, dangerous, they do not last and are not bright enough. In addition residents of New Bethesda complained that they go soft in Summer. 3.1.7 Batteries A large number of households (excluding Amatelang) use dry batteries; a tenth use car batteries, and a small percentage use generators - typically to power TV sets or for lighting. No households were found to be using The above data does not include the use of car batteries in vehicles. In Vulindlela, car batteries are used for radios (12%), TVs (75%), and HiFi sets (13%). They last on average 6 to 7 days (range 1-24 days) and are recharged at garages and Battery Centres at an average cost of R 2-50. Dry cell batteries (mostly PM9 and PM10s) used for radios (90%) and HiFis. Expressed problems with batteries are their shortlife, expense and the fact that they are not rechargeable. Approximately 11% of households in Vulindlela own cars and 2% own tractors. In QwaQwa, car batteries are used for TV and HiFi sets; they are charged at garages for between R2-50 and R5. Dry Cell batteries, mostly PM 10s, are used for radios and HiFis. Generators are used for lighting. In Amatelang, only one of the households which were interviewed had a TV and this was powered by a car battery. A higher proportion of households in New Bethesda (13%) and Crossroads (12%) owned TV sets which are generally 12 VDC small portable black and white sets. In times of dire need, batteries have been known to be used even as a fuel in cooking fires. This can result in severe lead poisoning and brain damage. First dubbed the "depression disease" in 1933 in Baltimore, similar cases of lead encephalopathy were discovered in six black children in East London in 1976 and reported in the South African Medical Journal by Harris in that year. Three of the children were visited at home and all three families were found to have burnt discarded battery casings in open braziers for fuel. ### 3.1.8 Summary of fuel consumption #### Mean annual household domestic energy consumption in total sample \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\| \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| Vulindlela \| 5213 \| 129 \| 438 \| 32 \| 5 \| \| QwaQwa \| 343 \| 135 \| 301 \| 1661\| 13 \| \| Amatelang \| 263 \| 157 \| 266 \| 998 \| 7 \| \| New Bethesda \| 3042 \| 248 \| 219 \| 282 \| 5 \| \| Crossroads \| 1527 \| 679 \| 262 \| 1553\| 14 \| #### Mean annual per capita domestic energy consumption in total sample \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Total GJ \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-----------\| \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| \| Vulindlela \| 742 \| 17 \| 62 \| 5 \| 0,5 \| 13,8 \| \| QwaQwa \| 39 \| 27 \| 56 \| 308 \| 1,8 \| 10,6 \| \| Amatelang \| 26 \| 37 \| 45 \| 195 \| 1,8 \| 7,7 \| \| New Bethesda \| 648 \| 54 \| 53 \| 54 \| 3,9 \| 14,8 \| \| Crossroads \| 213 \| 96 \| 37 \| 217 \| 1,7 \| 13,3 \| #### Mean annual domestic net energy consumption \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Total GJ \| Total \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-----------\|-------\| \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| \| \| Vulindlela \| 88,6 \| 4,8 \| 1,5 \| 1,9 \| 0,2 \| 96 \| 13,8 \| \| QwaQwa \| 5,8 \| 5,0 \| 1,0 \| 44,8\| 0,6 \| 57 \| 10,6 \| \| Amatelang \| 4,3 \| 5,8 \| 0,8 \| 26,9\| 0,4 \| 38 \| 7,7 \| \| New Bethesda \| 51,7 \| 9,2 \| 0,8 \| 7,6 \| 0,2 \| 69 \| 14,8 \| \| Crossroads \| 25,7 \| 25,1 \| 0,9 \| 41,7\| 0,9 \| 94 \| 13,3 \| #### Mean annual per capita domestic energy consumption in households using fuel \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\| \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| Vulindlela \| 755 \| 20,6 \| 66,3 \| 169 \| 11,9 \| \| QwaQwa \| 56 \| 31,4 \| 58,3 \| 322 \| 21,6 \| \| Amatelang \| 30 \| 65,6 \| 70,7 \| 211 \| 17,1 \| \| New Bethesda \| 648 \| 57,6 \| 60,3 \| 172 \| 42,2 \| \| Crossroads \| 566 \| 95,7 \| 71,0 \| 486 \| 48,7 \| #### Mean annual domestic consumption per household using fuel \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| \|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\| \| Kg \| l \| No \| Kg \| Kg \| \| Vulindlela \| 5214 \| 156 \| 451 \| 1189\| 100 \| \| QwaQwa \| 343 \| 159 \| 314 \| 1734\| 152 \| \| Amatelang \| 263 \| 279 \| 341 \| 1081\| 73 \| \| New Bethesda \| 3042 \| 264 \| 250 \| 903 \| 49 \| \| Crossroads \| 4019 \| 679 \| 504 \| 3451\| 346 \| One would have expected that with the higher levels of disposable income available in periurban in comparison with rural areas, that per capita energy consumption would also increase (Cecelski et al, 1979). The fact that this is not evident is probably explained through a change in the composition of fuels used. Coal, paraffin and gas can be used more efficiently than wood and dung burnt in open fires, and it is probably the greater use of these fuels in peri-urban areas which results in little change in gross energy consumption. In the case of Amatelang, the amount of energy used appears to be substantially less and this is directly related to the lower incomes and severe poverty of this resettlement camp. A quarter of the families in this area reported that they cannot afford fuel to cook every day and it appears likely that the amount of energy used has fallen below that required to meet minimum nutritional requirements. 3.2 EXPENDITURE ON FUEL Most fuelwood is bought, and along with other commercial fuels, it represents a significant part of total household expenditure. Wood and fuels such as paraffin, coal, candles and batteries have also become increasingly costly. \| \| Fuelwood \| Paraffin \| Candles \| Coal \| Gas \| Batteries \| TOTAL \| \|----------------------\|----------\|----------\|---------\|------\|-----\|-----------\|-------\| \| Vulindlela \| 194 \| 66 \| 46 \| 4 \| 7 \| 35 \| 352 \| \| QwaQwa \| 42 \| 79 \| 32 \| 141 \| 14 \| 14 \| 322 \| \| Amatelang \| 58 \| 76 \| 23 \| 108 \| 14 \| 2 \| 280 \| \| New Bethesda \| 162 \| 137 \| 26 \| 18 \| 6 \| 17 \| 366 \| \| Crossroads \| 135 \| 280 \| 29 \| 177 \| 15 \| 59 \| 696 \| \| \| Fuelwood c/kg \| Paraffin c/l \| Candles c/candle \| Coal c/kg \| Gas c/kg \| \|----------------------\|---------------\|--------------\|------------------\|-----------\|----------\| \| Vulindlela \| 5 \| 53 \| 10 \| 12 \| 147 \| \| QwaQwa \| 19 \| 61 \| 10 \| 9 \| 111 \| \| Amatelang \| 23 \| 52 \| 10 \| 11 \| 195 \| \| New Bethesda \| 8 \| 55 \| 12 \| 10 \| 128 \| \| Crossroads \| 9 \| 50 \| 12 \| 13 \| 110 \| The prices of paraffin and candles are fairly uniform throughout the country. As one would expect, coal prices are higher in those areas furthest from the coal fields where transport costs are higher. Prices of wood vary enormously. In general total costs are very much higher than the price of wood sold from state woodlots; the major cost is in transport.\textsuperscript{37} Prices of gas also vary enormously and are largely dependent on the extent of local availability. A large proportion of household income is spent on energy. \begin{center} \textbf{Mean Monthly Household Income (1984/5 Rand)} \end{center} \| Location \| Income \| \|----------------\|---------\| \| Vulindlela \| 361,47 \| \| QwaQwa \| 344,49 \| \| Amatelang \| 207,53 \| \| New Bethesda \| 297,81 \| \| Crossroads \| 281,18 \| \begin{center} \textbf{Per Cent of Income Spent on Fuel} \end{center} \| Location \| Fuel % \| \|----------------\|---------\| \| Vulindlela \| 10,7 \| \| QwaQwa \| 14,1 \| \| Amatelang \| 16,5 \| \| New Bethesda \| 15,9 \| \| Crossroads \| 19,9 \| These amounts may be compared with an average expenditure on electricity of 2,9% of household income in the middle class Cape Town suburb of Pinelands or even 5% and 7,1% in the poorer areas of Heathfield and Bonteheuwel respectively. Once the initial extension fee has been paid, electricity is in most cases cheaper than other fuels for cooking, heating and lighting. In a survey by Rivett-Carnac in July 1979 in Umlazi it was determined that households without electricity spent on average R 42 a month on fuel, while typical middle income households with electricity spent on average R 18 a month, using more energy in a safer and more convenient form. \textsuperscript{37} Kgathi (1984) reports that fuelwood traders who sell wood to residents of Gaborone charged 7c/kg in early 1983 and 4c/kg in 1980. A survey by the author in September 1983 in suburbs around Cape Town revealed that families without electricity could pay up to three times as much on domestic energy than those families which have access to electricity. The former spend, on average a fifth of their incomes on fuel (Eberhard, 1984b). There is thus a strong argument that the absence of an electrical supply impoverishes periurban communities (along with other inadequate and expensive services such as transport) as households are forced to rely on expensive and inconvenient fossil fuels which consume a disproportionate amount of their income. Energy provision is seldom thought to be an important factor in the planning of mass housing projects in urban and peri-urban areas. Yet, through the denial of electricity, and the poor design, insulation, construction and orientation of houses - which increase their heating requirements - households spend more and consume less useful energy than urban households. ### 3.3 FUEL PREFERENCES \| \| Fuel Preferences for Cooking (% households) \| \| \| \| \| \|----------------\|--------------------------------------------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| \| Wood \| Gas \| Coal \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| \| Vulindlela \| 53 \| 2 \| 4 \| 3 \| 38 \| \| QwaQwa \| 2 \| 5 \| 43 \| 14 \| 36 \| \| Amatelang \| 8 \| 14 \| 24 \| 38 \| 16 \| \| New Bethesda \| 19 \| 13 \| – \| 9 \| 59 \| \| Crossroads \| – \| 9 \| 1 \| 12 \| 77 \| \| \| Fuel Preferences for Heating (% households) \| \| \| \| \| \|----------------\|--------------------------------------------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| \| Wood \| Gas \| Coal \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| \| Vulindlela \| 56 \| 3 \| 6 \| 6 \| 29 \| \| QwaQwa \| 2 \| 2 \| 20 \| 38 \| 38 \| \| Amatelang \| 10 \| 45 \| 35 \| 10 \| \| New Bethesda \| 22 \| 13 \| 6 \| 59 \| \| Crossroads \| – \| 5 \| 4 \| 28 \| 63 \| In Vulindlela, wood is preferred for cooking and heating because it is familiar, available, free or cheap, and lasts long; and electricity is preferred because it is quick, convenient, clean, versatile and safe. In QwaQwa, electricity and coal are preferred for cooking and paraffin for heating because respondents consider that they provided a rapid heat. In Amatelang; paraffin and coal are preferred for cooking and heating because they are perceived to be the cheapest available fuels. In New Bethesda and Crossroads, electricity is preferred because it is safe, cheap and fast; wood because it is free. \| Fuel Preferences for Lighting (% households) \| Gas \| Paraffin \| Electricity \| Candles \| \|---------------------------------------------\|-----\|----------\|-------------\|---------\| \| Vulindlela \| 6 \| 8 \| 46 \| 40 \| \| QwaQwa \| 2 \| - \| 45 \| 49 \| \| Amatelang \| 3 \| 3 \| 13 \| 81 \| \| New Bethesda \| 6 \| 23 \| 65 \| 6 \| \| Crossroads \| 7 \| 10 \| 84 \| - \| In Vulindlela and QwaQwa, electricity is preferred by the majority for lighting - because it is capable of providing a bright light - followed by candles because they are cheapest and are easy to get. In Amatelang, candles are seen as being the cheapest, and in New Bethesda electricity is preferred because its use is seen to be trouble free. 3.4 ENERGY USE PATTERNS 3.4.1 Cooking practices The foods most often cooked are porridge and vegetables. A small proportion of families do not cook every day, primarily because they are short of fuel and money. \| % Which do not cook every day \| \|-------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 1 \| \| QwaQwa \| 2 \| \| Amatelang \| 3 \| \| New Bethesda \| 1 \| Most families, though, cook at least once a day, and most often early in the morning, or in the evening. \| \| % Which Cook \| \|----------------\|--------------\| \| \| Once/Day \| Twice/Day \| Thrice/Day \| \| Vulindlela \| 31 \| 47 \| 22 \| \| QwaQwa \| 89 \| 11 \| - \| \| Amatelang \| 57 \| 38 \| 5 \| \| New Bethesda \| 68 \| 26 \| 6 \| \| \| % Which Cook \| \|----------------\|--------------\| \| \| Early Morn \| Mid-Morn \| Midday \| Afternoon \| Evening \| \| Vulindlela \| 60 \| 6 \| 28 \| 75 \| 25 \| \| QwaQwa \| 73 \| 2 \| 0 \| 5 \| 27 \| \| Amatelang \| 33 \| 25 \| 42 \| 0 \| 75 \| \| New Bethesda \| 25 \| 3 \| 41 \| 9 \| 69 \| The average number of people cooked for in the different areas are: \| \| Mean No of People Which Are Cooked For \| \|----------------\|----------------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 8 \| \| QwaQwa \| 5,9 \| \| Amatelang \| 5,6 \| \| New Bethesda \| 5,3 \| \| Crossroads \| 7,1 \| The following stoves and fuels are most commonly used for cooking. \| \| COOKING PRACTICES \| \|----------------\|--------------------\| \| \| Most Common Stove & Fuel Used(%) \| % Which Cook Indoors \| \| \| Openfire/Brazier \| Wood/Coalstove \| Primus \| Gas Stove \| \| Vulindlela \| 50 \| 40 \| 2 \| 8 \| 0 \| 97 \| \| QwaQwa \| 0 \| 93 \| 5 \| 2 \| 2 \| 98 \| \| Amatelang \| 8 \| - \| 25 \| 58 \| 8 \| 91 \| \| New Bethesda \| 14 \| 72 \| 10 \| - \| 4 \| 97 \| \| Crossroads \| 16 \| 6 \| 75 \| 3 \| ? \| ? \| The use of wood/coal stoves is very much more widespread than in rural areas. This is particularly evident in QwaQwa and New Bethesda, and less so in Amatelang and Crossroads where the majority of households use paraffin primus stoves for cooking. Nearly all households cook indoors. A wider range of stoves are owned than are commonly used on an every day basis. In some cases, this is because of the lack of availability or expense of fuels. In Amatelang, for example, most households have coal stoves but very few use them on a regular basis. \| Appliance Ownership \| Primus Stove \| Paraffin Wickstove \| Gas Stove \| Coal Stove \| Wood Stove \| Tripod Stove \| Haybox \| \|---------------------\|--------------\|--------------------\|-----------\|------------\|------------\|-------------\|--------\| \| Vulindlela \| 71 \| 9 \| 3 \| 25 \| 41 \| 83 \| - \| \| QwaQwa \| 79 \| 17 \| 2 \| 91 \| 11 \| 15 \| 0 \| \| Amatelang \| 87 \| 3 \| 10 \| 90 \| 5 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| New Bethesda \| 91 \| 0 \| 16 \| 19 \| 88 \| 53 \| 0 \| \| Crossroads \| 97 \| 4 \| 5 \| - \| ? \| 2 \| \| Paraffin stoves are used preferentially for quick and short heating tasks such as tea making. \| Tea Making \| Stove & Fuel Used (%) \| \|------------\|-----------------------\| \| \| Openfire \| Wood/Coalstove \| Gas stove \| Primus Stove \| \| Vulindlela \| 49 \| 20 \| 1 \| 1 \| 29 \| \| QwaQwa \| 0 \| 2 \| 51 \| 5 \| 42 \| \| Amatelang \| 4 \| - \| 27 \| 8 \| 61 \| \| New Bethesda\| 6 \| 40 \| - \| 6 \| 48 \| ### 3.4.2 Water heating \| Heating Water for Washing \| Stove & Fuel Used (%) \| \|---------------------------\|-----------------------\| \| \| Openfire \| Wood/coalstove \| Gas Stove \| Primus Stove \| \| Vulindlela \| 90 \| 5 \| - \| 5 \| \| QwaQwa \| 4 \| - \| 57 \| 3 \| 36 \| \| Amatelang \| - \| 5 \| 38 \| 5 \| 52 \| \| New Bethesda \| 6 \| 57 \| - \| 3 \| 34 \| \| Hot Water Heated \| Early Morning \| Mid-Morning \| Midday \| Afternoon \| Evening \| \|------------------\|---------------\|-------------\|--------\|-----------\|---------\| \| Vulindlela \| 66 \| 14 \| 20 \| - \| - \| \| QwaQwa \| 96 \| - \| - \| - \| 4 \| \| Amatelang \| 80 \| - \| - \| - \| 20 \| \| New Bethesda \| 50 \| - \| - \| 6 \| 44 \| Nearly all hot water is used for washing bodies or dishes, a little for floors and ailments. 3.4.3 Home heating Wood or coal stoves are commonly used for space heating although the use of paraffin heaters is also widespread, particularly in Crossroads, where coal is also burnt in braziers during the winter. \| Home Heating \| Openfire \| Wood/Coalstove \| Paraffin Heater \| Gas Heater \| \|--------------\|----------\|----------------\|-----------------\|------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 47 \| 43 \| 9 \| - \| \| QwaQwa \| 0 \| 73 \| 25 \| 2 \| \| Amatelang \| 7 \| 69 \| 24 \| - \| \| New Bethesda \| 11 \| 56 \| 33 \| - \| \| Crossroads \| 47 \| 5 \| 47 \| 1 \| \| Appliance Ownership \| Paraffin Heaters \| Brazier's \| Gasheaters \| \|---------------------\|------------------\|-----------\|------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 13 \| 11 \| 1 \| \| QwaQwa \| 51 \| 2 \| 0 \| \| Amatelang \| 28 \| 28 \| 5 \| \| New Bethesda \| 25 \| 34 \| 0 \| \| Crossroads \| 53 \| 29 \| 1 \| Heating requirements are affected by the quality of construction and building materials used for dwellings. \| Type of House Roof (and Preference) % \| Thatch \| Iron Sheets \| Thatch&Iron \| Asbestos \| Tiles \| \|---------------------------------------\|--------\|-------------\|-------------\|----------\|-------\| \| Vulindlela \| 45 (49)\| 53 (28) \| 2 \| - \| 0 (23)\| \| QwaQwa \| 4 (6) \| 92 (40) \| - \| - \| 4 (54)\| \| Amatelang \| 567 (29)\| 22 (50) \| - \| 22 \| - (21)\| \| New Bethesda \| 6 (16) \| 94 (84) \| - \| - \| - \| \| Crossroads \| - \| 100 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Reasons for Roof Preferences \| Warmer \| Durable \| Available \| Aesthetic \| Cheaper \| Water Runoff \| \|------------------------------\|--------\|---------\|-----------\|-----------\|---------\|--------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 68 \| 23 \| 6 \| 1 \| 2 \| - \| \| QwaQwa \| 50 \| 32 \| 2 \| 11 \| 5 \| - \| \| Amatelang \| 31 \| 44 \| 19 \| - \| 6 \| - \| \| New Bethesda \| 67 \| 33 \| - \| - \| - \| - \| ### 3.4.4 Lighting practices Most households use candles and paraffin for lighting. \| \| % Using Fuel For Lighting \| \|----------------\|---------------------------\| \| \| Candles \| Paraffin \| Gas \| \| Vulindlela \| 79 \| 24 \| - \| \| QwaQwa \| 94 \| 19 \| - \| \| Amatelang \| 97 \| 40 \| - \| \| New Bethesda \| 78 \| 90 \| - \| \| Crossroads \| 51 \| 84 \| 2 \| A number of households have gas lamps but few use them regularly - presumably gas is regarded as being expensive and also because of the difficulties in arranging to have gas bottles refilled. Torches are also widely used for lighting. \| \| Appliance Ownership (%) \| \|----------------\|-------------------------\| \| \| Paraffin Lamps \| Gaslamps \| Torch \| \| Vulindlela \| 39 \| 5 \| 45 \| \| QwaQwa \| 45 \| 8 \| 17 \| \| Amatelang \| 41 \| 8 \| 49 \| \| New Bethesda \| 91 \| 3 \| 69 \| \| Crossroads \| 84 \| 2 \| ? \| Lighting is used for about 3 to 4 hours every evening. \| \| Mean Hours Lighting Per Day \| \|----------------\|-------------------------------\| \| Vulindlela \| 2,9 \| \| QwaQwa \| 3,7 \| \| Amatelang \| 4,2 \| \| New Bethesda \| 3,0 \| 3.4.5 Clothes ironing Fuel is also used for ironing clothes. \| \| % Using Fuel for Heating Iron \| Ironing Frequency Per Week \| \|----------------------\|-------------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| \| Wood \| Paraffin \| Coal \| \| \| Vulindlela \| 74 \| 24 \| 2 \| 3,3 \| \| QwaQwa \| - \| 49 \| 51 \| 1,8 \| \| Amatelang \| 8 \| 69 \| 23 \| 1,7 \| \| New Bethesda \| 48 \| 42 \| - \| 1,6 \| 3.4.6 Other appliance ownership Refrigeration is much more common in peri-urban areas than in rural areas. Solar water heating is generally not used. \| \| Appliance Ownership (%) \| \|----------------------\|-------------------------\| \| \| Paraffin \| Fridge \| Gasfridge \| SWH \| \| Vulindlela \| 8 \| 2 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| QwaQwa \| 6 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Amatelang \| 21 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| New Bethesda \| 41 \| 6 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| Crossroads \| 5 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| Fewer households own three-legged cast iron pots than in rural areas. \| \| Appliance Ownership (%) And mean number owned \| \|----------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| \| Iron pots \| Saucepans \| Kettles \| Irons \| \| Vulindlela \| 82% 1,8 \| 94% 3,4 \| 98% 1,5 \| 97% 1,5 \| \| QwaQwa \| 17% \| 64% \| 66% \| 72% \| \| Amatelang \| 28% \| 41% \| 56% \| 51% \| \| New Bethesda \| 6% \| 81% \| 94% \| 88% \| 3.5 RANKING OF ENERGY PROBLEMS VS OTHER NEEDS Households were asked to list major problems and needs, and to suggest possible solutions to them. \| Perceived Problems & Needs \| Vulindlela \| QwaQwa \| Amatelang \| New Bethesda \| \|----------------------------\|------------\|--------\|-----------\|--------------\| \| Water supply \| 41 \| 4 \| 2 \| - \| \| Fuelwood supply \| 33 \| 4 \| - \| 21 \| \| Heating \| 12 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Money + employment \| 24 \| 6 \| 21 \| 47 \| \| Housing \| 13 \| 53 \| 13 \| - \| \| Transport \| 10 \| 19 \| - \| - \| \| Education \| 5 \| 17 \| - \| - \| \| Livestock \| 2 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Consumer goods \| 2 \| 32 \| - \| - \| \| Nearby Shop \| - \| 17 \| - \| - \| \| Food \| - \| 4 \| - \| - \| \| Electricity \| 5 \| 17 \| 12 \| 6 \| \| Paraffin expense \| - \| - \| - \| 22 \| Fuelwood supply ranks fairly highly in perceived problems in Vulindlela, the most "rural" of the peri-urban areas which were studied. The expense of paraffin was a major problem in New Bethesda and the need for electricity was expressed in all areas. \| Suggested Solutions \| Vulindlela \| QwaQwa \| Amatelang \| New Bethesda \| \|---------------------\|------------\|--------\|-----------\|--------------\| \| Taps/dams/boreholes \| 31 \| - \| - \| - \| \| Woodlots/tree plant \| 22 \| - \| - \| 3 \| \| Electricity \| 13 \| - \| 5 \| 34 \| \| Money + employment \| 23 \| 100 \| 3 \| 28 \| \| Start business \| - \| 15 \| - \| 6 \| \| Skills \| - \| - \| 10 \| - \| Better wages and employment opportunities are seen as primary solutions in most areas, and tree planting ranks surprisingly high in Vulindlela. Electrification is also seen as a solution to energy problems in Vulindlela, Amatelang and New Bethesda. There is little doubt that the aspirations of households in peri-urban areas, particularly those close to the metropolitan centres, relate closely to those of urban households. Electrification, with all its perceived advantages of convenience and versatility, is an energy supply option which cannot be ignored in peri-urban areas. CHAPTER FOUR ENERGY CONSUMPTION BY FARM LABOURERS There are approximately 1,3 million employees on commercial farms in South Africa outside of the homelands - blacks comprise nearly 1,1 million, coloureds and asians - 200 000 and whites about 14 000. If one includes families, there are over 4 million blacks living on "white" owned farms, the great majority of which are without electricity and have to rely mainly on wood to meet their cooking and heating requirements. Nearly 1100 questionnaires were sent out to farmers throughout South Africa of which 382 had been returned at the time of writing this report (23% in the Winter Rainfall Area, 23% in the Eastern Cape, 11% in Natal, 28% in the Karoo, 1% in the Orange Free State, and 16% in the Transvaal). The relatively high return rate was probably due to questions also having been asked about ESCOM and diesel fuel costs. The average number of employees per farm was 43. 57% of farms had access to the ESCOM national electricity grid, although only 14% of farms supplied electricity to labourers and their families for lighting and 4% for cooking and heating.$^{38}$ The overwhelming majority of households use fuelwood for cooking and heating (97%), but 5% also use coal, 19% use paraffin and 9% use gas. A small proportion (4%) were also reported to be using cowdung or agricultural residues and one farm reported the use of charcoal.$^{39}$ $^{38}$Moller's (1985) survey of 299 farms in Natal and in the Pietersburg district of Transvaal indicated that 10% of farm labourer households had electricity for lighting and 2% for cooking. $^{39}$Moller (1985) reports very much higher figures of 37% of households using dung for cooking and 31% for heating. She also quotes higher figures for paraffin (52% & 33%), coal (19% & 16%) and lower figures for gas (2%) For lighting, the majority of black farm households use paraffin (65%), 14% use candles and a like number electricity, and 3% use gas. Fifty-four farmers provided estimates of monthly wood consumption by all their labourers and the mean per capita annual wood consumption has been calculated to be 800 kg. A third of the farms obtained their wood from farm woodlots and the rest from natural woodland. Moller (1985:43) estimates that about 9% of farm households are required to purchase fuelwood. The questionnaires were kept fairly short in order to increase the likelihood of returns and thus little qualitative data is available on energy use patterns and problems. CHAPTER FIVE : CONCLUSION 5.1 TOTAL DOMESTIC ENERGY CONSUMPTION IN UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS If one assumes that the energy consumption data from the 6 villages and 5 periurban areas studied are representative of underdeveloped areas, then the average consumption in these sectors can be calculated as: \| \| Fuelwood Kg \| Dung Kg \| Paraffin l \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| Total GJ \| \|----------------------\|-------------\|---------\|------------\|------------\|---------\|--------\|----------\| \| Villages \| 3213 \| 685 \| 127 \| 171 \| 129 \| 5 \| 73 \| \| Peri-urban \| 2078 \| - \| 270 \| 298 \| 905 \| 8.8 \| 71 \| \| \| Fuelwood Kg \| Dung Kg \| Paraffin l \| Candles No \| Coal Kg \| Gas Kg \| Total GJ \| \|----------------------\|-------------\|---------\|------------\|------------\|---------\|--------\|----------\| \| Villages \| 604 \| 118 \| 23 \| 27 \| 20 \| 0,66 \| 13,8 \| \| Peri-urban \| 334 \| - \| 46 \| 51 \| 156 \| 1,90 \| 12,0 \| Based on these figures one can calculate the total energy consumption in the underdeveloped sector. In 1984 the total black population in South Africa (including the TVBC areas) which did not have access to electricity was approximately 20 500 000. Of this 11 500 000 were in rural areas and 4 500 000 on farms. Thus the total domestic energy consumption in the underdeveloped sector was about 275 PJ. Total nett energy consumption (i.e. energy delivered to end users) in 1984 was officially estimated to be 1 774 PJ.$^{40}$ This figure excludes wood consumption which would need to be added to the total nett energy consumption before we could determine the proportion. $^{40}$ Department of Mineral and Energy Affairs, Annual Report Energy Affairs 1985, Table 1. of energy consumed in the underdeveloped sector. It is possible to calculate total wood consumption more accurately, by looking at the breakdown of population in metropolitan areas, towns, farms and the various rural areas, and combining these with estimated wood consumption data. This is shown in the two tables overpage and total wood consumption in 1984 was 12,88 million tonnes (air dried). This is equivalent to 219 PJ. Adding fuelwood usage, the total net energy consumption becomes 1993 PJ. Thus energy consumption in underdeveloped areas constitutes about 14% of the total. Total primary energy consumption (i.e. energy obtained from natural resources before it is converted into other forms such as electricity or synfuels) in 1984 was 3365 PJ without wood or 3584 PJ with wood. Fuelwood consumption thus constitutes 6% of primary energy consumption in the country. PRIMARY ENERGY CONSUMPTION IN SOUTH AFRICA \| POPULATED CATEGORY \| 1980 \| REF \| 1984 \| REF \| GROWTH RATE \| % URBANIZED \| RURAL POP. DENSITY PEOPLE/HA \| NO. USING WOOD \| AVE. WOOD RATE TONNES \| TOTAL WOOD TONNES \| \|--------------------\|------\|-----\|------\|-----\|-------------\|--------------\|-----------------------------\|----------------\|-----------------------\|------------------\| \| TOTAL \| 28 591 100 \| 1/76 \| 31 370 080 \| C \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Whites \| 4 528 100 \| 1 \| 4 743 760 \| C \| 1,17 \| 89 \| \| \| \| \| \| Asians \| 821 320 \| 1 \| 882 760 \| C \| 1,82 \| 91 \| \| \| \| \| \| Coloureds \| 2 612 780 \| 1 \| 2 793 930 \| C \| 1,69 \| 77 \| \| \| \| \| \| Blacks \| 20 628 900 \| 1 \| 22 957 630 \| C \| 2,71 \| 31 \| \| \| \| \| \| BLACKS \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Metropolitan \| 3 915 600 \| 3 / 56 \| 4 626 500 \| C. \| 4,5 \| 3 \| \| \| \| \| \| Towns outside homelands \| 1 691 100 \| 3 / 56 \| 1 839 500 \| C \| 2,1 \| 3 \| \| \| \| \| \| Rural areas outside homelands \| 4 310 000 \| 3 / 56 \| 4 520 630 \| C \| 1,2 \| 3 \| \| \| \| \| \| Total homelands \| 10 712 200 \| C \| 11 980 000 \| C \| 2,1 \| 3 \| \| \| \| \| \| TOTAL \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Refs: 1. Institute for Futures Research (1984). Projections and Analysis of the South African Population for the period 1980-2015, University of Stellenbosch. 2. SAIRR (1983). Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, Johannesburg. 3. Simkins, C (1983). Four essays on the past, present and possible future of the distribution of the black population of South Africa. SALDRV, University of Cape Town. \| POPULATED CATEGORY \| 1980 \| REF \| 1984 \| REF \| GROWTH RATE \| % URBINIZED \| HA \| RURAL POP. DENSITY PEOPLE/HA \| NO. USING WOOD \| AVE. WOOD RATE TONNES \| TOTAL WOOD TONNES \| \|--------------------\|--------\|-----\|--------\|-----\|-------------\|-------------\|--------\|-------------------------------\|----------------\|-----------------------\|------------------\| \| Gazankulu \| 512 000 \| 4 \| 569 580 \| C \| 2,7 \| 2,8 \| 675 000 \| 0,84 \| R PU 553 630 5 000 \| ,76 ,3 \| 420 758 1 500 \| \| Kangwane \| 160 600 \| 4 \| 177 990 \| C \| 2,7 \| 5,4 \| 372 000 \| 0,84 \| R PU 168 380 6 000 \| ,75 ,1 \| 126 285 600 \| \| KwanNdebele \| 156 260 \| 4 \| 173 830 \| C \| 2,7 \| 9,7 \| 92 000 \| 1,89 \| R PU 156 970 10 000 \| ,75 ,1 \| 117 728 1 000 \| \| Kwazulu \| 3 408 200 \| 4 \| 3 791 460 \| C \| 2,7 \| 22,1 \| 3 100 000 \| 1,22 \| R PU 3 106 360 500 000 \| ,7 ,1 \| 2 174 452 50 000 \| \| Lebowa \| 1 739 460 \| 4 \| 1 935 070 \| C \| 2,7 \| 6,3 \| 2 200 000 \| 0,88 \| R PU 1 813 160 90 000 \| ,66 ,1 \| 1 196 686 9 000 \| \| QwaQwa \| 156 480 \| 4 \| 174 080 \| C \| 2,7 \| 9,2 \| 48 000 \| 3,63 \| R PU 174 080 \| ,04 \| 6 963 \| \| Transkei \| 2 323 650 \| 2/102 \| 2 584 950 \| C \| 2,7 \| A \| 4 200 000 \| 0,62 \| R PU 2 481 550 50 000 \| ,65 ,1 \| 1 613 008 5 000 \| \| Boputhutswana \| 1 323 315 \| 2/102 \| 1 472 110 \| C \| 2,7 \| A \| 4 000 073 \| 0,37 \| R PU 1 241 000 180 000 \| ,55 ,1 \| 682 550 18 000 \| \| Venda \| 315 545 \| 2/102 \| 351 030 \| C \| 2,7 \| A \| 687 000 \| 0,51 \| R PU 330 420 15 000 \| ,75 ,1 \| 247 815 1 500 \| \| Ciskei \| 669 340 \| 4 \| 744 610 \| C \| 2,7 \| A \| 650 000 \| 1,15 \| R PU 478 040 150 000 \| ,7 ,1 \| 354 628 15 000 \| \| TOTAL \| \| \| 11 974 710 \| \| \| \| 16 024 000 \| 0,75 \| 11 510 000 \| \| 7 022 473 \| Refs: 2. SAIRR (1983), Survey of Race Relations in South Africa, Johannesburg. 4. Central Statistical Services, S.A. Statistics 1982, Pretoria. 5.2 ENERGY PROBLEMS IN UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS We have observed that the primary energy requirement in underdeveloped areas is domestic energy for cooking and heating, and that this is met primarily with wood. This dependence on fuelwood has led to a number of severe social, economic, health and environmental problems. * The social costs of dependence of fuelwood are high. The average woman spends most of the working day labouring over the provision of basic services which are simply taken for granted and heavily subsidized in most urban areas. Fuelwood and water collection trips are arduous and time consuming and are seen to be one of the key problem areas where alternative solutions would be welcomed. * Dependence on fuelwood by growing populations has led to enormous and severe scarcities of available fuel from natural woodland. This study has shown the significant shift in many areas to a new reliance on purchased wood from plantations. Problems of having to walk long distances to collect headloads are often replaced with the problem and cost of securing suitable transport to fetch wood loads. The actual price of wood, mostly from state woodlots, is still relatively cheap, but because of the cost of transport (often 80% of a delivered load), wood has become the single largest component of expenditure on fuel. Paraffin is also a large cost item and where wood is not available from either natural woodland or plantations, coal is increasingly becoming a significant fuel, most commonly in peri-urban areas, but also in some rural areas, particularly those near railway stations. The continued reliance on wood, even in peri-urban areas, would indicate that for the foreseeable future there will still be a massive market for wood, even as the capacity of natural woodland to meet this demand diminishes. However, largescale planting of woodlots and innovative agroforestry schemes will have to be embarked upon if this demand is to be met. And because fuel will increasingly have to be paid for, even in the remotest areas, there will be a growing market for new low-cost fuels such as reconstituted or briquetted fuels from discard coals, paper and wood wastes. Fuels which are still largely free and now extensively used in rural areas, are dung, mielie cobs and stalks. At present, its total contribution to domestic energy supply is still small, although it can be expected to increase as wood becomes more scarce, and will probably start becoming a commodity for sale (evidence of which was found in Cottondale). Most crop residues are currently used but only a small fraction of available dung is used for fuel, thus having minimal impact on soil fertility or environmental degradation. * Of more serious environmental concern is the evidence of deforestation and denudation of woodland through the harvesting of growing trees for fuelwood. Although the evidence is mixed (and it appears that in at least some areas there has been a measure of control on indiscriminate cutting) the overwhelming evidence from most areas is that fuelwood is becoming scarcer and that demand for fuelwood is shifting the balance towards the destruction of tree cover. Much more detailed ecological work needs to be undertaken in order to objectively document environmental damage consequent on fuelwood harvesting. This is important if we are to understand the long term and potentially irreversible environmental degradation and declining agricultural production which is likely should there be no effort at securing alternative energy supply options for underdeveloped rural areas. * There are also serious health and welfare costs related to the shortage and expense of domestic energy. Many households are perilously close to the minimum fuel required to meet basic needs and some are below this level. Cooked meals are skipped, extra foods or meat cannot be cooked with the staple mielie meal because it requires more fuel, hot water cannot be heated to increase hygiene, and water collected from contaminated sources cannot be boiled before drinking. There is high degree of dissatisfaction with fuels which are currently being used. A majority considered paraffin, gas, coal, wood and batteries to be too expensive and fuels such as gas and candles to constitute a fire danger. Many complained that paraffin and candles are messy to use, that they provide poor light, that smoke from coal and wood fires permeated clothes and that wood was not always readily available from vendors and was often sold green. There is often the risk of fines for wood collection from natural woodland and the problem of secure storage and thefts from household wood piles was also reported. The energy problems of underdeveloped areas have been described mainly as a set of symptoms and there is little dispute concerning general statements of growing fuelwood scarcities, social and environmental costs, and the increased economic burden of this sector which is paying more for less. But policy responses require both an understanding of the processes which underlie these aggregate data and an understanding of their causes. It is perhaps easy merely to document and describe shortages of wood for cooking without understanding that it is part of a larger process of underdevelopment. What may seem to some as an insensitive and mindless destruction of natural woodland and forest cover, can also be interpreted as the last desperate act of survival by people who are denied any alternative by the structure of their society which determines unequal access to land, to trees, to alternative sources of energy and indeed to all the other means of production. It is thus instructive to gain a brief insight into the structure of energy use in the rest of South Africa's economy, in order to understand some of the constraints and options available to underdeveloped areas. 5.3 ENERGY USE IN SOUTH AFRICA'S ECONOMY There is no doubt that electricity is one of the most sophisticated and convenient forms of energy. South Africa was one of the first countries to use electricity on a commercial basis, soon after the development of diamond and gold mining.\textsuperscript{41} Today the Electricity Supply Commission (Escom) ranks among the top seven electricity suppliers in the world. Electricity is produced almost entirely from coal, except a very small amount which is produced from hydro-power and less than 10 per cent from nuclear power when Koeberg is fully commissioned. Coal is the basis of South Africa's energy economy, contributing about 80% of primary energy consumption. Low labour wages have resulted in inexpensive coal which has supported the fast growing electricity supply and industrial sectors, almost half of our liquid fuel requirement with the Sasol plants and more recently growing coal exports have become the most important source of export earnings after gold. The State has remained in almost complete control of the energy supply industry in South Africa. Information on oil and nuclear supplies is controlled through stringent secrecy laws; the state regulates coal prices; it initiated the Sasol plants; and it controls electricity supply through the virtual monopoly of Escom. It is in the electrical supply industry that the role of the state is most apparent in concentrating energy investments almost exclusively in the \textsuperscript{41} Electric street lights were switched on in Kimberley in 1882, only three years after Thomas Edison started generating electricity from the famous Pearl Street power station in New York, and before London had electric lights. interests of mining, transport and manufacture. Since 1905, South Africa has had perhaps the cheapest steam-generated electricity in the world. Cheap power is crucial to most South African production and the amount of energy consumed per unit of gross national product is amongst the highest in the world. Electrification is generally labour saving and the changes in the speed and size of operations made possible by electrical machinery substantially increase labour productivity. Electrical mechanisation is a prime method of increasing capital accumulation. ESCOM produces approximately 60% of Africa's electricity, yet the majority of South Africa's population is denied access to its benefits. Instead the national electricity grid has developed to serve mainly "white" industry and towns. More recently there has been a massive effort to provide electricity to even remote commercial farms, but still the underdeveloped rural areas are bypassed.$^{42}$ 5.4 CONCLUDING DISCUSSION There is no overall shortage of energy in South Africa, only a highly inequitable distribution of and access to energy resources. Energy consumption in South Africa cannot be divorced from patterns of development in the region. It could be argued that the energy problems of underdeveloped areas are largely a result of historical processes and the development of economic structures which required the establishment of labour migration and the restriction of a large growing population to small "homeland" areas. Acute pressures on resources in these confined areas results in scarcity of traditional energy sources, environmental degradation and human hardship. $^{42}$ In 1984 a total of 5920 new farms supplies were provided. In the Rand and Orange Free State Region alone more than 3800 km of rural lines were built during that year. The provision of household energy takes up a substantial part of the resources of poor households either in cash purchases or in the time and effort required to gather wood or agricultural residues. We have seen how women in rural areas spend most of their working day labouring in non-productive activity over the provision of basic services that are simply taken for granted and which are usually subsidized in most urban areas. It has been argued frequently elsewhere that rural areas in Southern Africa are predominantly reproductive in character. A corollary to the need for our industrial capitalist economy to produce commodities at the maximum possible profit has been the need to reproduce labour at its minimum cost. This situation has had a direct bearing on the quality of services such as fuel and water supply in these areas which themselves do not have the means of production for viable rural development. Among the rural and peri-urban poor, energy is used almost exclusively to satisfy the most basic of human needs, in particular food preparation. It is unlikely that current consumption could be reduced any further without an even further decline in nutritional standards, and a concomitant decline in productive capacities. In many senses the "homelands" or reserves have become functionally urbanized: they are dependent on remittances and pensions for survival; but what they desire most is physical infrastructure and social services or items of collective consumption such as those commonly demanded in South Africa's townships: viz. domestic water supply, fuel, electricity, transport, housing, etc. The results of the needs assessment summarized earlier in this report reveal that services are a high priority. Yet economic structures which allocate energy investments primarily according to the requirements of production mean that rural and periurban areas on the periphery of the industrial centres receive often only the minimum necessary for survival. This is seen most acutely in the resettlement camps of the "surplus people" such as at Amatelang. The environmental and social costs of energy scarcities in other areas are also mounting. 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Saldru Working Paper No. 32, University of Cape Town. SMITH, J H (1983). "Electricity Supply in South Africa - A Strategy for Electric Utilities", pp 42-49 in the proceedings of the conference, South African Energy in perspective, SANWEC, Pretoria. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC PLANNING COUNCIL (1946). The Native Reserves and their Place in the Economy of the Union of South Africa. Government Printer Pretoria. VILLAGE ENERGY SURVEY Village: ............................................................... Name of Interviewer: .................................................. Name of household being interviewed: .............................. DOMESTIC ENERGY USE 1. Which of the following do you use for cooking, keeping warm, lighting, and other household activities? State how many. [ ] open fire [ ] fire in brazier (tin) [ ] paraffin primus stove [ ] paraffin wick (flame) stove [ ] gas stove [ ] coal stove [ ] metal or mud wood-burning stove [ ] wonderbox [ ] 3 legged iron pot [ ] saucepans [ ] kettle [ ] tripod stand [ ] solar water heater [ ] Any other appliances - specify .......................... [ ] paraffin heater [ ] gas heater [ ] candles [ ] paraffin lamp [ ] gas lamp [ ] torch [ ] flat iron for pressing clothes [ ] paraffin fridge [ ] gas fridge [ ] petrol/diesel generator [ ] car battery [ ] dry cell batteries [ ] solar cells 2. Do you usually do the cooking? ................................. 3. For how many people do you or your family cook each day? ..... 4. Do you or your family cook every day? ......................... If no, how often do you cook? ................................. 5. Yesterday, or the last day you cooked, what foods did you cook, at what time of day, with what kind of stove, with what fuel, and was it indoors or outdoors? \| Time of Day \| Food Cooked \| Type of Stove \| Type of Fuel \| Indoors or Outdoors \| \|-------------\|-------------\|---------------\|--------------\|---------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 6. Do you usually cook any other kinds of food? ................. Specify ........................................................................ 7. Other than for cooking, what do you heat water for? ............ 8. Do you heat water for washing? ............... If yes, how much do you heat each day? With what fuel and stove? And at what times of the day? 9. Do you heat water for tea or coffee? ............ At what times of the day? With what fuel and stove? 10. How many buckets of water does the family use per day? ...... What size are the buckets? (litres or small/medium/large) 11. How often do you brew beer per month? ...................... How much do you usually brew? 12. How do you keep your houses warm in winter? .................. 13. How many houses does your family have? ...................... With what kind of roofs (ie grass/thatch or iron)? What kind of roof do you prefer? Why? What kind of materials are the walls made of? 14. What do you use for light at night? ....................... How long do you usually light your house each night? How many candles do you use each week? 15. How many times a week do you iron clothes? .................. What fuel do you use to heat the iron? 16. How many fires do you make each day?....................... 17. Do you ever move the fire from outside to indoors ........... When and Why? .............................................. 18. If you make a fire outside, do you shield it from the wind? How do you shield it? 19. Do you or your family use firewood? ........................ Where do you get it from? Who collects it? How is it collected? How far is it and how long does it take to collect it? How much is collected each time? How often is wood collected? How much wood is used each week? Do you buy wood? ......, at what price? 20. Are there any problems with the collection or use of wood, and what would be the best way of overcoming these problems? \| Problem \| Possible Solutions \| \|---------\|---------------------\| \| \| \| 21. Which kinds of wood do you prefer, is it easy or difficult to find them, and what do you usually use them for? \| Preferred kinds of wood \| Difficult to find (yes/no) \| Used for \| \|-------------------------\|----------------------------\|----------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 22. Do people collect only dead wood or do they cut growing trees and branches? 23. Is it more difficult, and do you have to go further to collect firewood now than a few years ago? 24. Do you think it is good idea to plant trees? Why? 25. How many trees, of what type, have you planted in the past year? If you ever planted trees which did not live, explain what type you planted, in what kind of place, and why you think they died. 26. Who should plant trees and who should control when they can be cut? 27. Have you ever seen a metal or mud cooking stove which uses firewood? Would you like to use one of these stoves? Why? Would you prefer a mud or a metal stove? Why? 28. Do you use dung for making fires ........................................... (If no, skip to question 29) If yes, do you collect it from cattle kraals ....................... or from the veld? .................................................. How much do you use each week? .................................... Do you ever have to pay for dung? ................................. If yes, what price? .............................................. Do you prefer to use dung for specific cooking or heating operations? ....... explain ....................................... ............................................................... Are there any problems with burning dung ........................... ............................................................... 29. Do you use mielie cobs for making fires ............................... or mielie stalks ............... or sorghum stalks ................. or bean stalks ............. or any other crop stalks ........... specify ....................................................... (If no, skip to question 30) At what times of the year do you use these crop residues? ............................................................... Do you ever have to pay for crop residues? ........................ If yes, what price? .............................................. Do you use these crop residues for any specific cooking or heating operation? ....... explain ................................ ............................................................... Are there any problems with burning crop residues? ................ ............................................................... 30. Do you use charcoal? ............................................... (If no, skip to question 31) If yes, where do you buy it from? ................................. How much charcoal did you buy last time? ......................... How long does it last? ............................................ How much did you pay for it? ..................................... Do you always buy more as soon as it is finished? ............... Or do you sometimes do without? .................................. Give details: How often are you without charcoal? ............................... For how long at a time? .......................................... What do you do during these periods? ............................. ............................................................... ............................................................... Are there any problems using paraffin? ............................. ............................................................... 31. Do you use paraffin? ....................................................... (If no, skip to question 32) If yes, where do you buy it from? .......................................... How much paraffin did you buy last time? .................................... How long does it last? .......................................................... How much did you pay for it? .................................................. Do you always buy more paraffin as soon as it is finished? .............. Or do you sometimes do without? ............................................... Give details: How often are you without paraffin? .......................................... For how long at a time? ......................................................... What do you do during these periods? ......................................... ........................................................................................................ Are there any problems using paraffin? ........................................ ........................................................................................................ 32. Do you use coal? ............................................................... (If no, skip to question 33) If yes, where do you get it from? ............................................... How much did you buy last time? ................................................. How long does it last? ............................................................... How much did you pay for it? ..................................................... Do you always buy more coal as soon as it is finished? .................... Or do you sometimes do without? ............................................... Give details: How often are you without coal? ................................................. For how long at a time? ............................................................. What do you do during these periods? ........................................... ........................................................................................................ Are there any problems using coal? ............................................... ........................................................................................................ 33. Do you use gas? ............................................................... (If no, skip to question 34) If yes, where do you get it from ................................................. How much gas did you buy last time? ............................................ How long does it last? ............................................................... How much did you pay for it? ..................................................... Do you always buy more gas as soon as it is finished? .................... Or do you sometimes do without? ............................................... Give details: How often are you without? ....................................................... For how long at a time? ............................................................. What do you do during these periods? ........................................... ........................................................................................................ Are there problems with using gas? ............................................... ........................................................................................................ 34. Do you use batteries? ....................................................... (If no, skip to question 35) If yes, what do you use them for? ........................................... ............................................................... What type do you buy, and how much do they cost? ........................... ............................................................... How long do they last? ....................................................... Do you always buy more as soon as they are finished? .................... Or do you sometimes do without? ........................................... Give details: How often are you without? ................................................... For how long at a time? ....................................................... What do you do during these periods? ...................................... ............................................................... Are there problems using batteries? ........................................ ............................................................... 35. If you had a choice, which fuel would you prefer to use for cooking? (tick) wood ...... charcoal ...... gas coal ...... paraffin ...... electricity ..... What is the reason for your choice? ........................................ ............................................................... 36. Which fuel would you prefer to use for heating? (tick) wood ...... charcoal ...... gas coal ...... paraffin ...... electricity ..... What is the reason for your choice? ........................................ ............................................................... 37. Which fuel would you prefer to use for lighting (tick) gas ...... paraffin ..... electricity ..... candles ..... What is the reason for your choice? ........................................ ............................................................... ENERGY IN AGRICULTURE 38. How many livestock do your family own? cattle .... horses/mules .... donkeys .... sheep .... goats .... pigs ........... chickens ... other ........................ 39. Have you ever used dung as a fertiliser for the growing of crops? ............................................................... 40. How many fields ..... or garden plots ..... do you have? 41. What do you use to plough your fields? Do you hire a tractor? ........................................... Or how many cattle do you use? ............................... What do you use to harrow? .................................... And to plant? .................................................. And to weed? ................................................... And to harvest? .................................................. 42. How many days each year are spent ploughing your fields? ............................................................... And harrowing? .................................................. And planting? .................................................. And weeding? ................................................... And harvesting? ................................................. 43. For transport or carrying things, do you use: donkeys ...... , horses ....... , cattle ....... a cart ...... , sleigh ......... 44. Where do you take your mielies, wheat or sorghum to be ground? ......................................................... 45. How many bags of mielies do you grind per year? ........... how many bags sorghum? .......... and wheat ................. 46. Do you ever exchange your mielies for ground flour at the shop? ........................................................... 47. Do you ever grind small quantities by hand? ................. Describe what you use for grinding ........................... 48. Where do you get your water? ................................. Who fetches water in your family? ........................... How often is water fetched? ............................... How far do people walk to fetch water? ..................... How long does it take each time? ............................ GENERAL 49. How many children ...... women ........ and men ......... are there in your household ? 50. Is any one working away from home? ............ Give details ............................................................................. 51. How much money does your household earn? \| Source \| Per month \| Per year \| \|-------------------------\|-----------\|----------\| \| Money sent by away workers \| \| \| \| Sale of crops \| \| \| \| Pensions \| \| \| \| Disability grants \| \| \| \| Other (specify) \| \| \| VILLAGE ENERGY SURVEY NOTES FOR ENUMERATORS Q1 Note down the number of each appliance used by the household and those details of the appliances eg. record whether the kitchen has gas, stoves, charcoal or more cooking stoves, or whether fuel is wood, charcoal, or other. Q2 If the answer is "no" try to find the person who cooks. If that person is not available, attempt the questionnaire, but be prepared to abandon it and resubmit another time if it does not go well. Q3 Make sure that you include all meals cooked in the morning, midday and evening, but do not include tea or coffee making as there is a separate question on this. Q4 Record the fuel which is burnt during cooking eg. wood, coal, paraffin, gas, etc. Q5 ie. are paraffin or gas heaters used or do they sit around the cooking fire to keep warm? Q6 ie. are corrugated iron roofs preferred because of a shortage of thatching grass or because iron roofs are seen to be more modern? Q7 ie. are paraffin or gas lamps, candles or torches used? Q8 ie. is the iron heated on a paraffin, gas or coal stove? Q9 The amount of wood collected in headloads must be weighed. Ask households to show you how big the headloads usually are and weigh these with your spring balance. Ask them how long the bundle usually lasts to estimate how much wood is used each week. Q10 Record the local name of trees that people prefer for firewood. Also write down those trees which people think make bad firewood, stating this clearly on the form. Q 22 Find out also if there are any local laws or regulations which control firewood collection and whether the chiefs can impose fines for the collection of green wood. Q 28-34 If people do not use these fuels, skip to the next question. If people use dung or coal it is important to weigh a few tins, or sacks of these fuels. One thing to look out for is that bags may have a weight marked on it, but this may not be the actual weight of the fuel. For example, coal is sometimes delivered in 10kg potatoe bags. This does not mean 10kg of coal, and some bags should be weighed as a check. Another point is that when people buy paraffin this may be in 750ml or 1 litre bottles or in 10 or 20 litre tins. This should be stated clearly on the forms. When recording how much money is spent on fuel, make sure that the quantity is also written down: eg. 72c for 6 candles, or R 1-20 for 1 litre of paraffin, or R 5-30 for 40kg of coal, etc. Q 38 - It may be wise to ask the men in the household these questions. Q 43 Also write down here whether people own a car or truck. Q 51 If people are reluctant to answer this question then skip it. Q 52-54 Try to find out in these questions whether people see firewood, or the cost or availability of other fuels as a serious problem or whether there are more serious problems, eg water, or employment, or the need for clinics, etc. Q 56. Any points not covered by the previous questions should be noted down here. GENERAL Whenever you see a women carrying a headload of firewood, ask her if you can weigh the bundle. Write down these measurements on a separate piece of paper. 1. Which of the following do you use for cooking, keeping warm, lighting, and other household activities? Say how many. - open fire - fire in brazier (tin) - paraffin primus stove - paraffin wick (flame) stove - gas stove - coal stove - metal or mud wood-burning stove - wonderbox - 3 legged iron pot - saucepans - kettle - tripod stand - solar water heater - mains electricity - paraffin heater - gas heater - candles - paraffin lamp - gas lamp - torch - flat iron for pressing clothes - paraffin fridge - gas fridge - petrol/diesel generator - car battery - dry cell batteries - solar cells Any other appliances - specify ........................................... 2. Do you usually do the cooking? ........................................... 3. For how many people do you or your family cook each day? ....... 4. Do you or your family cook every day? ................................... If no, how often do you cook? ............................................ 5. Yesterday, or the last day you cooked, what foods did you cook, at what time of day, with what kind of stove, with what fuel, and was it indoors or outdoors? \| Time of Day \| Food Cooked \| Type of Stove \| Type of Fuel \| Indoors or Outdoors \| \|-------------\|-------------\|---------------\|--------------\|---------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 6. What other foods do you most often cook? .................................................................................. 7. Do you heat water for tea or coffee? ........................................... At what times of the day? .................................................................. With what fuel and stove? ................................................................... 8. Do you heat water for washing? ..................................................... With what fuel and appliance ................................................................. And at what times of the day ................................................................. 9. Do you heat water for any other purpose? ..................................... Give details .......................................................................................... 10. How do you keep your house warm in winter? ............................... .............................................................................................................. 11. What kind of roof does your house have (ie. thatch, iron or tiles)? .... What kind of roof do you prefer? ..................................................... Why? ................................................................................................. What kind of materials are the walls made of? .................................. 12. What do you use for light at night? .............................................. How long do you usually light your house each night? ........................ 13. How many times a week do you iron clothes? ............................... What fuel do you use to heat the iron? ............................................. 14. Do you use paraffin? ............................................................... (If no, skip to question 15) If yes, where do you buy it from? ................................................. How much paraffin did you buy last time? ..................................... How long does it last? ..................................................................... How much did you pay for it? ......................................................... Do you always buy more paraffin as soon as it is finished? Or do you sometimes do without? ................................................... Give details: How often are you without paraffin? ............................................ For how long at a time? ................................................................. What do you do during these periods? ............................................. ........................................................................................................... Are there any problems using paraffin? ........................................... 15. Do you use gas? ....................................................... (If no, skip to question 16) If yes, where do you get it from ........................................ How much gas did you buy last time? .................................... How long does it last? .................................................. How much did you pay for it? ........................................... Do you always buy more gas as soon as it is finished? .............. Or do you sometimes do without? ........................................ Give details: How often are you without? ............................................. For how long at a time? ................................................. What do you do during these periods? ................................... ............................................................. Are there problems with using gas? ....................................... ............................................................. 16. Do you use coal? ....................................................... (If no, skip to question 17) If yes, where do you get it from? ........................................ How much did you buy last time? ........................................ How long does it last? .................................................. How much did you pay for it? ........................................... Do you always buy more coal as soon as it is finished? .............. Or do you sometimes do without? ........................................ Give details: How often are you without coal? ......................................... For how long at a time? ................................................. What do you do during these periods? ................................... ............................................................. Are there any problems using coal? ....................................... ............................................................. 17. Do you use charcoal? ................................................... (If no, skip to question 18) If yes, where do you buy it from? ........................................ How much charcoal did you buy last time? ................................ How long does it last? .................................................. How much did you pay for it? ........................................... Do you always buy more as soon as it is finished? ...................... Or do you sometimes do without? ........................................ Give details: How often are you without charcoal? .................................... For how long at a time? ................................................. What do you do during these periods? ................................... ............................................................. Are there any problems using charcoal? ................................... ............................................................. 18. Do you or your family use firewood? ........................................... (If no, skip to question 19) If yes, is it all bought? ..................................................... mostly bought? ............................................................. mostly gathered yourself .................................................. all gathered ............................................................... If you buy firewood, where do you get it from? ........................................ ............................................................... How much did you buy last time? ................................................... How long does it last? ........................................................... How much did you pay for it? ................................................... What kind of firewood do you buy? ................................................ ............................................................... If you gather your own firewood, where do you collect it? ...................... ............................................................... How is it collected? ............................................................ How far is it and how long does it take to collect it? ............................. ............................................................... How much did you collect last time? ................................................ How long does it last? ........................................................... Do you have to pay to gather your own firewood? ................................... If so, how much? ............................................................... What kind of wood do you collect? ................................................ ............................................................... What kind of wood do you prefer? ................................................ ............................................................... Give reasons ................................................................ ............................................................... Do you always get more wood as soon as it is finished? ......................... Or do you sometimes do without? ................................................ Give details: How often are you without? ..................................................... For how long at a time? ....................................................... What do you do during these periods? ............................................. ............................................................... Are there problems in getting or burning wood? ................................... ............................................................... 19. Do you sometimes burn other things such as cardboard boxes, mielie cobs, etc. ........... Give details ........................................ ............................................................... 20. Do you use candles? ........................................................... (If no, skip to question 21) If yes, where do you buy them from? ................................................ How many candles did you buy last time? ........................................ How long do they last? ........................................................... How much did you pay for them? ................................................ Do you always buy more as soon as they are finished? ......................... Or do you sometimes do without? ................................................ Give details: How often are you without candles? ................................................ For how long at a time? ....................................................... What do you do during these periods? ............................................. ............................................................... Are there any problems using candles? ........................................... 21. Do you use batteries? (If no, skip to question 22) If yes, do you use car batteries? How many? ....................................................... What do you use them for? ........................................ How long does it last before you have to recharge it? ...... How do you recharge it? ........................................ How much does it cost to recharge it? ........................ After the battery is flat do you often wait before recharging it? ............................................................ How long do you usually wait? .................................. Do you use dry cell batteries? ................................. What type do you buy? ........................................... What do you use them for? ...................................... How much do they cost? ......................................... How long do they last? ......................................... Do you always buy more as soon as they are finished? ........ Or do you sometimes do without? ................................ Give details: How often are you without? ..................................... For how long at a time? ........................................ What do you do during these periods? ........................... Are there problems using batteries? ............................ 22. Do you use anything else for heating, lighting or cooking (eg solar water heaters, petrol generators, mains electricity, etc)? .......................................................... (If no, skip to question 23) If yes, give details. What do you use? .............................................. What do you use it for? ....................................... How much fuel do you use? .................................... What does it cost per month? ................................. 23. If you had a choice, which fuel would you prefer to use for cooking? (tick) wood ...... charcoal ...... gas ...... coal ...... paraffin ...... electricity ...... What is the reason for your choice? ......................... ................................................................ 24. Which fuel would you prefer to use for heating? (tick) wood ...... charcoal ...... gas ...... coal ...... paraffin ...... electricity ...... What is the reason for your choice? ......................... ............................................................. 25. Which fuel would you prefer to use for lighting (tick) gas ::::: paraffin :::: electricity ::::: candles :::: What is the reason for your choice? ............................................... ................................................................................................................... 26. Do you use any electric appliances such as washing machines, television sets, hi fi sets, drills, etc............................... Give details ........................................................................................ 27. Do you own a car, truck, tractor or any other vehicle? ...... (If no, skip to question 28) If yes, give details ........................................................................... ................................................................................................................... How much petrol or diesel do you use for these vehicles each week? ................................................................................................................... How much do you pay for petrol or diesel for these vehicles each week? ................................................................................................................... GENERAL 28. How many children ........ women ........ and men ........ are there in your household? 29. How much money does your household earn? \| Source \| Per week \| Per month \| Per year \| \|-------------------------\|----------\|-----------\|----------\| \| Women workers \| \| \| \| \| Men workers \| \| \| \| \| Weekend workers \| \| \| \| \| Money sent by away workers \| \| \| \| \| Pensions \| \| \| \| \| Disability grants \| \| \| \| \| Other (specify) \| \| \| \| 30. List the most important needs and problems of your household? Rank these according to importance. What do you think should be done to solve these needs and problems? \| Need or problem \| Possible solution \| \|-----------------\|-------------------\| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 32. ANY COMMENTS OR OBSERVATIONS Q 1 Note down the number of each appliance used by the household. Note details of the appliance: eg. record whether a gas stove has one, two or more cooking rings, or whether it has an oven; or if a generator is used, what size, and whether it uses petrol or diesel; etc. Some explanations: (i) an open fire is one that is not made in a wood or coal burning stove or brazier (tin); (ii) a wonderbox is a box, usually made of cardboard, with some form of insulation in which a hot pot is placed for the food to carry on cooking; (iii) a tripod stand is a frame with 3 legs on which a cooking pot is placed and underneath which a fire is made; (iv) a solar water heater is a device which is placed in the sun to heat water; (vi) a petrol or diesel generator is an engine which produces electricity; (v) examples of dry cell batteries are torch batteries or the larger PM10 batteries for radios, etc. (vi) solar cells are flat panels placed in the sun to produce electricity. Q 2 If the answer is "no" try to find the person who cooks. If that person is not available, attempt the questionnaire, but be prepared to abandon it and return another time if it does not go well. Q 5 Make sure that you include all meals cooked in the morning, midday and evening, but do not include tea or coffee making as there is a separate question on this. Fuel is that which is burnt during cooking: eg. wood, coal, paraffin, gas, etc. Q 9 ie. are paraffin or gas heaters used or do they sit around a fire or stove to keep warm? Q 11 If corrugated iron roofs are preferred find out whether this is because of a shortage of thatching grass or because iron roofs are seen to be more "modern". Q 12 ie. are paraffin or gas lamps, candles or torches used? Q 13 ie. is the iron heated on a paraffin, gas or coal stove? Q 14 Paraffin is bought either in 750ml or 1 litre bottles, or in 10 or 20 litre tins. Ask to see paraffin containers and record the quantities bought accurately. Q 16-18 If people use coal, charcoal or firewood it is important to weigh sacks or tins of these fuels so that accurate weights may be recorded. One thing to look out for is that bags may have a weight marked on it, but this may not be the actual weight of the fuel. For example, coal is sometimes delivered in 10kg potatoe bags. This does not mean 10kg of coal, and some bags should be weighed as a check. When recording how much money is spent on fuel, make sure that the quantity is also written down: eg. 72c for 6 candles, or R 1-20 for 1 litre of paraffin, or R 5-30 for 40kg of coal, etc. Q 19 Find out whether people use anything else for cooking: eg. do they burn waste paper, or grass, or crop wastes, or dung, etc. Q 30 Try to find out whether people think that the cost or availability of fuels such as paraffin, gas, coal, wood, candles and batteries is a serious problem or whether there are more serious problems, eg water, or employment, or the need for clinics, etc. Q 32 Any points not covered by the previous questions should be noted down here. ## FUEL USAGE (Moller:1985) \| \| Lighting \| Cooking \| Heating \| \|----------------------\|----------\|---------\|---------\| \| Rural: \| \| \| \| \| Electricity \| 3 \| 2 \| 2 \| \| Wood \| 2 \| 88 \| 81 \| \| Dung \| 1 \| 32 \| 30 \| \| Coal \| 1 \| 52 \| 51 \| \| Candles \| 94 \| - \| - \| \| Paraffin/petroleum \| 74 \| 70 \| 48 \| \| Gas \| 4 \| 6 \| 4 \| \| White Farm: \| \| \| \| \| Electricity \| 10 \| 2 \| 1 \| \| Wood \| 5 \| 93 \| 83 \| \| Dung \| 0 \| 37 \| 31 \| \| Coal \| 0 \| 19 \| 16 \| \| Candles \| 90 \| - \| - \| \| Paraffin/petroleum \| 67 \| 52 \| 33 \| \| Gas \| 2 \| 2 \| 1 \| \| Township: \| \| \| \| \| Electricity \| 29 \| 24 \| 19 \| \| Wood \| 2 \| 38 \| 26 \| \| Dung \| 0 \| 2 \| 1 \| \| Coal \| 3 \| 47 \| 38 \| \| Candles \| 77 \| - \| - \| \| Paraffin/petroleum \| 53 \| 71 \| 52 \| \| Gas \| 8 \| 14 \| 8 \| \| Shacks: \| \| \| \| \| Electricity \| 1 \| 1 \| 1 \| \| Wood \| 4 \| 30 \| 28 \| \| Dung \| 0 \| 1 \| 1 \| \| Coal \| 0 \| 9 \| 8 \| \| Candles \| 93 \| - \| - \| \| Paraffin/petroleum \| 70 \| 88 \| 75 \| \| Gas \| 5 \| 7 \| 5 \| *Multiple responses \| Access to wood (Wood users only) \| Rural \| White Farm \| Township \| Shacks \| \|----------------------------------\|-------\|------------\|----------\|--------\| \| Bought \| 45 \| 9 \| 74 \| 18 \| \| Collected nearby \| 45 \| 90 \| 2 \| 62 \| \| Collected more than 30 minutes walk away \| 10 \| 1 \| 24 \| 21 \| \| \| 100 \| 100 \| 100 \| 100 \| (N) (297) (246) (710) (39) Source: Moller, V (1985). Rural blacks' perceptions of basic need fulfilment. Centre for Applied Social Sciences, University of Natal, Durban. 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Reading comprehension skills are essential to a student’s academic growth. These skills can benefit a person for a lifetime. In an effort to nurture both the habits of good reading and the love of reading, as well as develop strong reading skills, the following reading assignment has been assigned to all English I Gifted level students. Every English I Gifted student must read and annotate the novella The Pearl over the summer. Reading and annotations must be completed no later than August 12th, 2022, so get started now! It is strongly suggested that a personal copy of this novel be obtained and annotated. However, one may be checked out from the library and annotations can be done on post-it notes or as split-page notes. Book Synopsis: Like his father and grandfather before him, Kino is a poor diver, gathering pearls from the gulf beds that once brought great wealth to the Kings of Spain and now provide Kino, Juana, and their infant son with meager subsistence. Then, on a day like any other, Kino emerges from the sea with a pearl as large as a seagull's egg, as "perfect as the moon." With the pearl comes hope, the promise of comfort and of security . . . A story of classic simplicity, based on a Mexican folk tale, The Pearl explores the secrets of man's nature, the darkest depths of evil, and the luminous possibilities of love. Assignment: Annotate this novel using the attached annotation guidelines. Complete reading and annotations no later than Friday, August 12th. Complete the Summer Reading Project for Friday, August 19th. Project instructions will be delivered on Monday, August 8th. Task: The most common complaint about annotating is that it slows down your reading. Yes, it does. That’s the point. If annotating as you read annoys you, read a chapter, then go back and annotate. Reading a text a second time is preferable anyway. Bring your annotations to class the first day to be sure you’re on the right track. Approach the work with an open mind. Let the text inspire you and stretch your imagination. Annotation Guidelines: Annotation is a key component of close reading. Since we will annotate texts all year, you need to develop a system that works for you (within the following guidelines). Effective annotating is both economical and consistent. The techniques are almost limitless. Use any combination of the following: • Make brief comments in the margins. Use any white space available - inside cover, random blank pages • Make brief comments between or within lines of the text. Do not be afraid to mark within the text itself. In fact, you must. • Circle or put boxes, triangles, or clouds around words or phrases. • Use abbreviations or symbols - brackets, stars, exclamation points, question marks, numbers, etc. • Connect words, phrases, ideas, circles, boxes, etc. with lines or arrows. • Underline – CAUTION: Use this method sparingly. Underline only a few words. Always combine with another method such as comment. Never underline an entire passage. Doing so takes too much time and loses effectiveness. If you wish to mark an entire paragraph or passage, draw a line down the margin or use brackets. • Highlight – See underline. You cannot write with a highlighter anyway. • Create your own code. • Use post-it notes only if you have exhausted all available space (unlikely). What should you annotate? Again, the possibilities are limitless. Keep in mind the reasons we annotate. Your annotations must include comments. I want to see evidence of thinking. Have a conversation with the text. Talk to it. Ask questions (essential to active reading). Comment on the actions or development of a character. Does the character change? Why? How? The result? Comment on something that intrigues, impresses, amuses, shocks, puzzles, disturbs, repulses, aggravates, etc. Comment on lines / quotations you think are especially significant, powerful, or meaningful. Express agreement or disagreement. Summarize key events. Make predictions. Connect ideas to each other or to other texts. Note if you experience an epiphany. Note anything you would like to discuss or do not understand. Note how the author uses language: Note the significance if you can. Note effects of word choice (diction) or sentence structure or type (syntax) point of view / effect, reliability of narrator, repetition of words, phrases, actions, events – patterns - motifs or cluster ideas narrative pace / time / order of sequence of events, tone / mood, irony***, imagery, contrasts / contradictions / juxtapositions / shifts/themes, allusions, setting / historical period, any other figure of speech or literary device, symbols, etc. How-to-Annotate Bookmark Before Reading: - Examine the front and back covers - Read the title & any subtitles - Examine illustrations - Examine the print (bold, italic) - Examine the way the text is set up (i.e. Book, Short Story, Dialogue, Diary, Article, Etc.) During Reading: - Mark in the text: Characters (who), Setting (when/where), Vocabulary (squiggly line) - Important ideas (straight line) - Write in the margins: - Summarize / Make Predictions - Formulate opinions / Make Connections / Ask Questions / - Analyze Author’s Craft / - Reflect – React – Comment on Patterns After Reading: - Re-read annotations - Re-read introduction and conclusion - Examine Patterns and Repetitions / Examine the title - Draw Conclusions – Make Connections Annotation Instructions and Rubric Print this page and cut out the attached bookmark. Use it to help you read for important information. Obviously, annotation is as personal as reading, and there are MANY ways to annotate a book. This system is a suggestion. For example, some people prefer to use colors to differentiate elements, and some prefer to use “Post Its.” 93 – 100 Points There should be markings and written commentary throughout the book including: - Recognition of plot points - Commentary on character development - Commentary on theme development - Notation of motifs - Notation of literary devices There will be something significant in every chapter. 85 – 92 Points There should be markings and commentary throughout most of the book including: - Recognition of plot points - Commentary on character development - Commentary on theme development - Notation of literary devices There will be something noted in nearly every chapter. 75 – 84 Points There should be markings and commentary throughout the book though some sections may be marked less than others. Highlights and commentary should still show a basic understanding of the plot and characters. 0 – 74 Points Annotation reflects that reading was incomplete or there was a lack of understanding. Entire sections may have been skipped or random/insignificant material has been highlighted.	<urn:uuid:33befd28-e518-418e-96e7-62c428028c84>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	http://slidellhigh.stpsb.org/Slidell%20High%20School%20Summer%20Reading%20Engl%20I%20(G).pdf	2022-08-14T00:46:50+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00675.warc.gz	45,420,854	1,434	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996186	eng_Latn	0.997319	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2068, 4707, 6842 ]	[ 3.96875 ]	2	0
Armbagsleken från Evertsberg (Sweden) Translation: Elbow dance from Evertsberg. Pronunciation: Cassette: Englund cassette - Stockton 1991 Formation: 1st Variation Music - very slow tempo Beginning position: equal numbers of M and W in a circle holding hands down. Facing from front, W are in a half circle on the L, M in a half circle on the R. 2nd Variation Music - slow tempo Beginning pos like above but with dancers very close to each other. Hold: Elbow hold, free arm hanging. Steps: Step A. With slightly bent knee, R ft takes one step fwd (1); rest (2); make 1/4 turn to the R on R sole while lifting L ft (2 and); L ft steps in front of R ft while hand hold is dropped (3); slight turn to L on L sole (3 and). Step B. With slightly bent knees, step fwd on R ft (1); rest (2); make 1/4 turn to the L on R sole while lifting L ft (2 and); fwd step with L ft (3); turn slightly to the R on the L sole (3 and). R ft steps in front of L (1); rest (2); and so on ... Note that the rest takes place on the and 2, the turning on 2 and, and 3 and. R ft steps decisively. Execution: During the 4 introductory cts, the hold is dropped. The dancers turn so that the lead cpl (standing together in the front) are facing one another, W CCW, M CW. The dancers behind the lead cpl face the same direction as the lead cpl. Lead cpl start dance with Step A by reaching out R arms and grabbing the ptr’s elbow from underneath thereby causing the insides of the lower arms to be resting on one another (1); rest (2); release grip (3). On the next meas the next cpl in line enter the dance with Step B by turning to the L on the L sole (3 and) taking L elbow hold and taking a step fwd on the R ft. One by one, the dancers who have so far stood still get into the dance, every other one starting with R elbow hold and Step A, and L elbow hold with Step B until all are dancing. Presented by Tommy and Ewa Englund FOLK DANCE CAMP - 1991	<urn:uuid:7fae013d-40a6-4f8c-b29e-a0d40f0e8d1a>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://socalfolkdance.org/dances/A/Armbagsleken_fran_Evertsberg.pdf	2022-08-14T01:11:44+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00673.warc.gz	473,745,066	534	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995282	eng_Latn	0.995282	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1935 ]	[ 2.1875 ]	1	0
Activities 13-23 March 2024 • Mar. 13: arrived at Vientiane • Mar. 14: move to Khounkham Dist., Khammouan Prov. • Mar. 15: Tad Namsanarm, Khounkham District, Khammouan Prov. NPA, Near Ban Kaengbid, Khamkeuth Dist; Bolikhamxai Prov. • Mar. 16: near Ban Nong Kok, Khamkeuth Dist; Bolikhamxai Prov. • Mar. 17: Phouphamarn walking trail, Khounkham District, Khammouan Prov. • Mar. 18: Nam Kading NPA; near ban Naphong, Pak Kading Dist; Bolikhamxai Prov. • Mar. 19: Rock View Point walkway, Khounkham District, Khammouan Province; [afternoon] Khounkham District, Khammouan Province • Mar. 20: Ban Nakhue Nok, Pakkading Dist., Bolikhamxai Province; back to Vientiane • Mar. 21-23: take care of specimens & herbarium work at FOF Members • Phetlasy Souladeth, Keooudone Souvannakhoummane, Deuanta Kongxaisavath, Sengthonh Anousone, Kachonesak Phengmala • Son Dang Van, Quoc Bao Nguyen • Shuichiro Tagane, Takenori Yamamoto, Nobuyuki Tanaka, Kotaro Takahashi Mar. 13: Arrived at Watthay Airport, Vientiane Mar. 14: Move to Khammouan Prov. Mar. 15: Tad Namsanarm, Khounkham District, Khammouan Prov. & NPA, Near Ban Kaengbid, Khamkeuth Dist., Bolikhamxai Prov. A group of people is standing on a dirt path in a forest, surrounded by tall trees and lush greenery. One person appears to be reaching up towards the trees, possibly picking something or examining them closely. The group seems to be engaged in some form of outdoor activity, possibly related to nature conservation or research. The setting is serene and natural, with the sound of rustling leaves and birds chirping likely filling the air. A woman smiles while holding a snake, with another person taking a photo in the background. Inset: A close-up of the snake. A group of people standing in a forested area with rocks and a stream. The students are engaged in fieldwork, examining plants and taking notes. A person is examining a plant in a forested area. The students are actively engaged in fieldwork, collecting and identifying plant specimens. The researchers are collecting plant samples in the forest. The project aims to protect and conserve the natural resources in the area, including the forest ecosystem, wildlife, and biodiversity. The project also promotes sustainable development practices that respect and preserve the environment. A person is taking a photograph in a forested area, with a backpack and other equipment nearby. A person is walking through a dense forest, carrying a bag and wearing a hat. The forest is lush with green foliage and tall trees. The image shows a tree trunk with a vine growing up its side, surrounded by dense forest vegetation. The ground is covered with fallen leaves and branches. Four people standing in front of a large tree in a forest. The forest is a place where we can find many different types of plants and animals. It is also a place where we can learn about nature and how to take care of it. Participants in the field trip to study the biodiversity of the stream ecosystem. Mar. 16: near Ban Nong Kok, Khamkeuth Dist., Bolikhamxai Prov. Group photo from the field trip to Phu Thap Boek, Thailand. A person is walking through a dense bamboo forest, carrying a backpack and wearing a cap. The path is narrow and surrounded by tall bamboo stalks. In the forest, we found a group of people who had been searching for something. They were carrying backpacks and seemed to be looking for something specific. It was a bit confusing, but they seemed to know what they were doing. The team is conducting fieldwork in the forest, examining plants and collecting data. The team is collecting plant samples in the forest. The team is examining a banana plant in the forest. Participants in the field training session actively engage with the materials, demonstrating their commitment to learning and applying the techniques discussed. The team is conducting fieldwork in a forested area, examining and documenting plants. A person is kneeling on the ground, working with small objects on a black cloth spread out in front of them. The ground around them is covered with dry leaves and twigs. In the foreground, there is a box containing various tools or materials. The leaves and branches are laid out on a blue tarp, ready for use in the ritual. 15-08-2023 www.mem.gov.la Mar. 17: Phouphamarn walking trail, Khounkham District, Khammouan Prov. The forest is dense and misty, with tall trees and lush greenery. Participants in the forest. Fieldwork in the rainforest. Two individuals are crouched in a forested area, examining something on the ground. One person is wearing a camouflage-patterned sweater and blue jeans, while the other is dressed in a light-colored outfit with a hat and carrying a backpack. They appear to be engaged in some form of fieldwork or research. The team is conducting fieldwork in the forest. The research team conducting fieldwork in the forest. The image shows a dense forest with large, weathered rock formations. There are two people standing near a pile of equipment or supplies on the ground. The forest floor is covered with leaves and vegetation, and there are some plants growing around the rocks. The scene appears to be in a remote area, possibly for scientific research or exploration. A person stands in a forested area with a large rock formation in the background. A group of people is seen in the forest, likely engaged in some form of research or exploration. The dense foliage and tall trees create a natural setting for their activity. Researchers examining a tree in the forest. Group photo from the field trip to Phu Hin Rong Kla National Park, Thailand. The team is working on a project involving cardboard and green straps. Mar. 18: Ban Napong, Pakkading Dist., Bolikhamxai Province The team is conducting fieldwork in a forested area, with vehicles parked along a dirt path surrounded by dense vegetation. The team is preparing for a field survey in the forest. A man walks through a forested area with stacks of wood and a large tree in the foreground. A group of people standing in a forested area, with some wearing backpacks and hats. The team is working on identifying and cataloging the plants they have collected in the forest. Left: A group of people in a forest, one person is holding a camera and another is holding a blue bag. Right: A person climbing a tree in a forest. A group of people walking through a dense forest, carrying backpacks and wearing hats. In the forest, we found a group of people who had been searching for something. They were carrying backpacks and seemed to be looking for something specific. It was a bit confusing, but they seemed to know what they were doing. In the forest, we found a large bamboo plant that was over 10 meters tall. The bamboo was growing in a dense forest with many other plants and trees around it. We were able to cut off some branches from the bamboo and take them back to our campsite for further study. A person is crouching down in a forested area, examining something on the ground. The surrounding environment is lush with greenery and there is a small stream or water source nearby. A woman and a man standing on a fallen tree in a forest. The woman is holding a bundle of leaves and smiling, while the man is pointing towards something off-camera. Both are wearing outdoor gear suitable for hiking or fieldwork. A group of people is standing in a forest, with one person holding a plant and another holding a bottle. They appear to be on a hike or nature walk. The team is collecting data on the forest floor, which includes measuring the height and diameter of trees, recording the species of plants, and taking soil samples. This information will help researchers understand the health and diversity of the rainforest ecosystem. The students are engaged in various activities, including working with plants and newspapers, and handling cardboard boxes. Mar. 19: The Rock View walkway and its adjacent area, Khammouan Province The group of hikers is ascending a wooden staircase that is built into the rocky terrain, with railings on both sides for safety. The path is surrounded by dense vegetation and rocky cliffs, indicating a natural, possibly mountainous or forested area. The hikers are carrying backpacks, suggesting they are prepared for a day of hiking. Some of them are wearing hats, which could be to protect themselves from the sun. The overall atmosphere suggests an adventurous and physically demanding activity in a natural setting. A person is standing on a wooden platform with a railing, looking up at a large rock face. The rock face has a rough texture and is surrounded by trees and foliage. The person appears to be observing or studying something on the rock face. A person is climbing up a rocky cliff, wearing a blue long-sleeved shirt, brown pants, and a hat. They are holding onto a branch with one hand and appear to be looking at something on the ground. The background consists of large rocks and some dry branches. The image shows a rugged landscape with steep, rocky cliffs and dense vegetation. The cliffs are dark gray and appear to be made of limestone or similar rock, characterized by their jagged edges and sharp peaks. The vegetation is a mix of green trees and shrubs, some of which are bare, indicating a dry season or a lack of water. The sky is overcast, giving the scene a somber and dramatic atmosphere. The overall impression is one of natural beauty and raw, untamed wilderness. The image shows a group of people standing on a wooden walkway with metal railings, overlooking a landscape of jagged, rocky formations. The rocks have a dark gray color and appear to be part of a karst formation, characterized by their sharp, pointed edges. There are some trees and plants growing among the rocks, but they are sparse and mostly bare, suggesting a dry or arid environment. The sky is overcast, adding to the dramatic and somewhat desolate atmosphere of the scene. The people on the walkway seem to be observing the landscape, possibly tourists or hikers. The image shows a person standing on a rocky terrain with sharp, jagged formations. The landscape is characterized by dark, weathered rocks and sparse vegetation. The sky appears overcast, suggesting a cloudy day. The person is wearing a yellow shirt and beige pants, and they seem to be interacting with the environment, possibly examining or touching the rocks. The overall scene suggests an outdoor setting, likely in a natural or protected area known for its unique geological features. The image shows a group of people ascending a staircase in a rocky, mountainous area. The staircase is equipped with black railings and is surrounded by large, jagged rocks. Some individuals are carrying bags or wearing hats, suggesting they might be tourists or hikers. The environment appears to be natural and rugged, with sparse vegetation visible on the rocks. 4612 21195 21194 2018 2/30 The group is walking along a dirt path surrounded by lush greenery and trees, with a rocky outcrop visible in the background. A man wearing a hat and carrying a camera is holding up a long, thin object that appears to be a piece of wood or bark. He is standing on a rocky path next to a stone wall. The background is filled with trees and foliage. The team is preparing to cross a river in the forest. Mar. 20: Ban Nakhue Nok, Pakkading Dist., Bolikhamxai Province; back to Vientiane Group photo at the field site in Thailand. Mar. 21-23: Vientiane; The herbarium of Faculty of Forest Science (FOF), National University of Laos A group photo of the participants in the workshop. The meeting was held at a coffee shop in Hanoi, Vietnam. A group of people is working at a table in a room with white cabinets and a microscope on top of one of the cabinets. There are laptops on the table, and a backpack is placed on the floor next to the table. The room has a tiled floor and a wooden door. 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In the previous chapter we have studied about the meaning of demand for a commodity, determinants of demand and the law of demand. But the buyers will be able to buy a commodity only when it is available in the market. So the question arises, who supplies the commodities in the market? A commodity must be produced first, stored properly and transported to the market in order to be available for the buyers. Have you ever visited an agricultural farm? Since farmers produce food grains, fruits and vegetables etc. in their farms, they are the producers of these commodities. Similarly consumer goods such as garments, soaps, tooth paste, tooth brush, shoes, pens, etc are manufactured in the factories. Producers of such items are called manufacturers. Buyers buy these items from the sellers in the market. The original producer and the seller in the market could be the same person or different persons. If they are different, it simply means that the sellers in the market have procured these items from the original producers to sell them to the buyers in the market. So the farmers, manufactures and sellers supply the commodities in the market. They are all called producers. The production unit in which production of a commodity takes place is called a firm. Thus we can say that firms supply the commodities. OBJECTIVES After completing this lesson, you will be able to: - understand the meaning of stock and supply; - understand the meaning of individual supply and market supply of a commodity; - explain the determinants or factors affecting supply of a commodity; - understand the relation between price of a commodity and its quantity supplied; - explain how to construct an individual supply curve and know its shape. 10.1 MEANING OF SUPPLY We should not confuse between “availability of a commodity in the market” and “supply of that commodity.” They are not the same. Even if a commodity is available, it does not mean that it has been supplied. The definition of supply is given as follows: Supply of a commodity is the quantity of the commodity that a seller offers for sale at a given price at a given time. The definition of supply includes the following three things: 1. The quantity of a commodity offered for sale by a seller. 2. The price of the commodity given in the market at which the seller is willing to sell that quantity of the commodity. 3. The time period during which the seller is willing to sell that quantity of the commodity. Examples of Supply - Ganga Singh sold 120 litres of milk at a price of Rs. 25 per litre during last week from his dairy farm. - The fruit seller sold 600 Kg of apples during past 15 days at Rs. 50 per Kg of apple. - A firm called ‘X’ Ltd. sold 8 quintals of sugar at a price of Rs. 2800 per quintal in one day. - The grain merchant sold 300 quintals of rice at Rs. 2300 per quintal in the month of August. Note that the time period may vary. It may be a month, a week or two weeks and so on. 10.2 STOCK AND SUPPLY The total quantity of a commodity available with a seller/firm at a particular point of time is called stock. On the other hand, supply is that part of stock of the commodity that the seller is ready to sell at some given price during a given time period. So supply is a flow. Stock is measured at a particular point of time whereas supply is measured over a period of time. Take the example given above—“The grain merchant supplied 300 quintals of rice at Rs. 2300 per quintal in the month of August.” Let us say that the merchant procured 820 quintals of rice on the first day of August 2011. This was called the stock as on 1st August 2011. Here 1st August 2011 is the point of time at which the stock has been measured. The supply of 300 quintals at a price of Rs.2300 during August was the flow. Since there are 31 days in August, we term it as period of time during which the supply has been measured. Over these 31 days the merchant sold some amount every day which if added becomes 300 quintals at the end of that month at the given market price of Rs. 2300. So, supply is a part of the stock of the Commodity. INTEXT QUESTIONS 10.1 1. Define supply. 2. Name three elements included in the definition of supply. 3. Distinguish between stock and supply. 10.3 FACTORS AFFECTING INDIVIDUAL SUPPLY What factors influence the individual supply of a commodity? The most important factors are the following: - Price of the commodity - Technology of production - Price of inputs - Price of other related goods - Objective of the firm - Government policy (i) Price of the commodity: Price of the commodity is an important determinant of supply of a commodity. When a producer produces a commodity he incurs a lot of expenditure on factors of production and raw materials etc. which we call cost of production. He can recover these costs by selling the product at certain price in the market. Since price is also the average revenue, higher the price higher will be the average revenue and accordingly higher will be total revenue. So price is a very important determinant of supply. (ii) Technology of production: An improvement in technology of production reduces the cost of production per unit of the commodity which increases the margin of profit of the firm. This induces the firm to supply more of the commodity with the use of improved technology. On the other hand if a firm uses old and inferior technology; it increases the cost of production per unit of the commodity and reduces the margin of profit which leads to decrease in supply of the commodity. (iii) Price of inputs: Suppose a firm is producing ice cream. If the price of milk falls, the cost of production per unit of ice creams will fall. It will lead to increase in margin of profit per unit. So, the firm will increase the supply of ice cream. On the other hand, if the price of milk increases, cost of production per unit of ice cream will increase. It will lead to decrease in margin of profit and firm will decrease the supply of ice cream. Thus, if price of any input used in production of a commodity falls, it leads to decrease in cost of the production per unit and as a result supply of the commodity will increase. On the other hand, an increase in price of any input used in production of a commodity increases cost of production per unit and decreases supply of the commodity. (iv) Price of other related goods: Supply of a commodity is also influenced by the price of other related goods. Let us suppose that a farmer produces two goods wheat and rice with the help of given resources. If the price of rice increases, it will be more profitable for the farmer to produce more of rice. The farmer will divert his resources from production of wheat to production of rice. As a result the supply of rice will increase and that of wheat will decrease. On the other hand, a fall in price of rice will result in decrease in supply of rice and an increase in supply of wheat. (v) Objective of the firm: Different firms have different objectives. Some firms have an objective to maximize their profits whereas some may have an objective of maximizing sales. Some other firms may have an objective to increase their goodwill/prestige and some may have an objective of increasing employment opportunities. A firm having an objective of increasing sales may supply more of a commodity even at a lower price. Thus supply of a commodity is influenced by the priority given to the objective by the firm and readiness to sacrifice the one for the other. (vi) Government policy: Government policy also influences the supply of a commodity. For example if the government increases the rate of value added tax or sales tax on a commodity, it will increase the cost of production per unit which will decrease the supply of the commodity. On the other hand, a reduction in the tax on a commodity will decrease cost of production per unit and increase the supply of the commodity. ### 10.4 INDIVIDUAL SUPPLY SCHEDULE OF A COMMODITY Supply of a commodity by an individual firm is called individual supply. In order to construct an individual supply schedule of a commodity, we need information on quantities supplied at different prices. In all the examples on supply given earlier in this lesson, we have only mentioned a particular quantity of the good supplied at a particular price over a given period. We know that in reality price of the commodity does change. Now let us ask the question- what happens if the price of the commodity changes? Accordingly it is expected that the quantity of the commodity will also change. Let us take an example of a firm X Ltd which sold 8 quintals of sugar in a day at the given price of Rs. 2800 per quintal. Suppose the price increased to Rs.2900 per quintal. It is found that X Ltd supplied 9 quintals sugar in a day at this price. Similarly when the price increased to Rs.3000 the quantity supplied increased to 10 quintals. Further at prices Rs.3100 and 3200 the quantity supplied increased to 12 and 15 quintals respectively. This information about the different quantities supplied at different prices is given in the Table 10.1 below. Table 10.1 Supply of sugar of ‘X’ Ltd. \| Price (Rs per quintal) \| Quantity supplied of sugar per day (in quintal) \| \|------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| 2800 \| 8 \| \| 2900 \| 9 \| \| 3000 \| 10 \| \| 3100 \| 12 \| \| 3200 \| 15 \| Such a tabular presentation of different quantities of a commodity supplied by a firm at different prices is called individual supply schedule. 10.5 LAW OF SUPPLY Just now we said that the six major factors determining supply of a commodity are – price of commodity, price of other related goods, price of inputs, technology of production, objective of the firm and government policy. A change in any one or all of these factors may lead to change in the quantity supplied of the commodity. Suppose we want to know the manner in which the quantity supplied of a commodity changes due to change in one of the factors. In other words, let us try to know the effect of change in any one factor on the quantity supplied. To know this we must keep all other factors unchanged or constant. To begin with, out of the six factors, let us only consider the effect of change in price of the commodity on its quantity supplied. To know this we must assume that all other factors such as price of other related goods, price of inputs, technology of production and government policy etc. remain constant or do not change at this time. The relationship between price and quantity supplied, when all factors other than price of the commodity remain constant, is given by the law of supply. Consider table 10.1 again. It shows different quantities of sugar supplied by ‘X’ Ltd. at different prices. In the table you can only see two columns on price and quantity supplied. The absence of columns on other factors implies that they are held constant. You can see that when price of sugar is Rs 3000 per quintal, the firm offers 10 quintals of sugar for sale per day. When price rises to Rs 3200 per quintal, it offers more i.e. 15 quintals of sugar for sale per day. On the other hand, when price of sugar falls to Rs 2800 per quintal it offers less, i.e. 8 quintals for sale per day. It means the firm supplies more quantity of a commodity at a higher price and less of it at a lower price. We can state it as a law in the following manner. All other factors determining supply remaining constant, the price of a commodity and its quantity supplied are directly related. The law of supply can be explained with the help of another example given in table 10.2. Table 10.2 Supply of mangoes by Mohan \| Price of mangoes (Rs per kg) \| Quantity supplied of mangoes per day (in kgs) \| \|-----------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\| \| 20 \| 100 \| \| 30 \| 200 \| \| 40 \| 300 \| \| 50 \| 400 \| \| 60 \| 500 \| The table 12.2 shows the different quantities of mangoes supplied by Mohan, a seller of mangoes, at different prices. Mohan supplied 100 kg of mangoes per day when the price is Rs 20 per kg, when price rises to Rs 40 per kg he is ready to supply 300 kg of mangoes per day, and so on. Thus the quantity supplied increases as the price of mangoes increases. This is in accordance of law of supply. ### 10.6 SUPPLY CURVE The information given in table 10.2 can also be represented diagrammatically. The diagrammatic representation of law of supply is called the supply curve. Thus, supply curve shows different quantities of a commodity supplied at different prices per unit of time in diagrammatic form. We can construct an individual supply curve with the help of the information given in table 10.2. The supply curve is drawn in Fig. 10.1 Take quantity supplied of mangoes on X-axis and price of mangoes on Y-axis. On the Y-axis (vertical) the prices starting from Rs 20 to 60 are plotted. On the X-axis (horizontal) the quantities of mangoes starting from 100 to 500 kg are plotted. Mohan has supplied 100 kg of mangoes at Rs 20. This combination is shown at point A in graph given in Fig. 10.1. Similarly, the other combinations of price and quantity of mangoes as given in table 10.2 are shown as points B, C, D, E and F. By joining these points Mohan’s supply curve for mangoes has been derived. 10.7 SHAPE OF THE SUPPLY CURVE According to the law of supply when other factors determining supply remain constant, a firm offers more quantity of a commodity for sale at a higher price and less of it at a lower price. Due to this direct relationship of price and quantity supplied of the commodity, the supply curve is upward sloping. This means that the supply curve which looks as a straight line in the diagram, starts from a point closer to the origin and then moves up towards right. Now, the question arises, why does a firm supply more quantity of a commodity at a higher price and less of it at a lower price i.e. why does the supply curve slope upwards? The following factors are responsible for upward slope of the supply curve: (i) A rise in price of the commodity causes rise in profits, as a result firms are induced to supply more quantity of the commodity to increase profit. (ii) A rise in price of the commodity induces the seller to dispose of at least a part of his stock. The reverse happens when there is a fall in price of the commodity. (iii) An increase in the price of the commodity causing higher profit attracts the new firms to enter the market and this adds to the supply of the commodity leading to more quantity supplied at a higher price. INTEXT QUESTION 10.2 1. Draw a supply curve with the help of data given below: \| Price (Rs per unit) \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| \|---------------------\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| Quantity supplied (in units) \| 50 \| 100 \| 150 \| 200 \| 250 \| 2. Draw a supply curve by using Table 10.1. 10.8 MARKET SUPPLY OF A COMMODITY ‘X’ Ltd is not the only firm in the market supplying the sugar. There may be other firms also supplying sugar in the market. In order to know the total quantity of sugar supplied by all the firms taken together in the market we have to simply add the individual quantities at the prevailing price and time. The resultant quantity will be called the market supply of sugar. Hence the total quantity of a commodity supplied by all the firms in the market at a given price at a given time is called the market supply of that commodity. Example Suppose, there are only three firms X, Y and Z who are supplying sugar in the market. At a price of Rs. 2800 per quintal X, Y and Z supplied 8, 10 and 15 quintals of sugar respectively in a day. Adding these quantities, we get 33. So the market supply of sugar is 33 quintals per day at a price of Rs. 2800. 10.9 MARKET SUPPLY SCHEDULE OF A COMMODITY Like an individual supply schedule, the market supply schedule of a commodity is the sum of the quantities of the commodity supplied by all the firms in the market at different prices. We have seen that in case of individual firm/seller, when price of the commodity increases, the quantity of the same increases and when the price decreases the quantity decreases as per law of supply. Similarly all other firms/sellers in the market will also increase or decrease their respective quantities. Accordingly there will be different quantities supplied at different prices by all firms/sellers taken together in the market. Continue with the example of supply of sugar. Study the market supply schedule of sugar as given in table 10.3. Table 10.3 Market supply of sugar \| Price (Rs per quintal) \| Quantity supplied of sugar per day (in quintals) \| Market supply of sugar (in quintal) \| \|------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------\| \| \| Firm X \| Firm Y \| Firm Z \| \| \| 2800 \| 8 \| 10 \| 15 \| 33 \| \| 2900 \| 9 \| 11 \| 16 \| 36 \| \| 3000 \| 10 \| 12 \| 17 \| 39 \| \| 3100 \| 12 \| 14 \| 20 \| 46 \| \| 3200 \| 15 \| 17 \| 25 \| 57 \| You can see in table 10.3 that when price of sugar is Rs 2800 per quintal, firm X supplies 8 quintals, firm Y supplies 10 quintals and firm Z supplies 15 quintals of sugar per day. Therefore market supply of sugar at a price of Rs. 2800 per quintal is $8 + 10 + 15 = 33$ quintals per day. When the price changed to Rs.2900, the supply of X, Y and Z was 9, 11 and 16 quintals respectively which comes to 36 quintals. So at price Rs.2900 the market supply of sugar was 36 quintals. Similarly you can see the individual and the market supply of sugar at prices Rs.3000, 3100 and 3200 respectively in the table. INTEXT QUESTIONS 10.3 1. If there are only three firms A, B and C in the market supplying a commodity, find out the market supply of the commodity with the help of their supply schedules as given below \| Price (Rs/unit) \| Quantity supplied (in unit) \| Market supply (in unit) \| \|-----------------\|-----------------------------\|-------------------------\| \| \| Firm A \| Firm B \| Firm C \| \| \| 100 \| 1000 \| 1500 \| 2000 \| – \| \| 200 \| 2000 \| 2000 \| 3000 \| – \| \| 300 \| 3000 \| 2500 \| 4000 \| – \| \| 400 \| 4000 \| 3000 \| 5000 \| – \| \| 500 \| 5000 \| 3500 \| 6000 \| – \| 2. Complete the following table (assuming that there are only three firms A, B and C in the market) \| Price (Rs per unit) \| Quantity supplied (in units) \| Market supply (in units) \| \|---------------------\|------------------------------\|--------------------------\| \| \| Firm A \| Firm B \| Firm C \| \| \| 10 \| 150 \| – \| 200 \| 650 \| \| 11 \| 200 \| – \| 300 \| 1000 \| \| 12 \| 250 \| – \| 400 \| 1350 \| \| 13 \| 300 \| – \| 500 \| 1700 \| \| 14 \| 350 \| – \| 600 \| 2050 \| 10.10 FACTORS DETERMINING MARKET SUPPLY All the factors which influence individual supply of a commodity also influence its market supply. In addition to these factors, the market supply of a commodity is also influenced by following two factors: - Number of sellers/firms - Expected future price (i) Number of sellers/firms: Market supply is an aggregate of all individual supply schedules in the market. Consider table 10.2 showing market supply of sugar. There are three firms X, Y and Z supplying sugar in the market. Now suppose another firm ‘W’ comes into existence and starts supplying sugar. What will happen to the market supply of sugar? Market supply of sugar will increase. Therefore, it is clear that if the number of firms increases, market supply will also increase. On the other hand, if number of firms decreases, the market supply will also decrease. (ii) Expected future price: If the price of a commodity is expected to rise in the near future, the firm will supply less quantity of the commodity at present in expectation of higher profit due to rise in price in future. But if the price of a commodity is expected to fall in near future, firms will offer more quantity of the commodity for sale at present in expectation of less profit in future. INTEXT QUESTIONS 10.4 1. Fill in the blanks with appropriate words: (i) Supply of a commodity ......................, when its price increases. (ii) A firm having an objective of maximization of profit will supply .................. quantity of a commodity at a higher price. (iii) If a firm produces two goods X and Y with given resources and price of good Y falls, supply of good X will ..................... (iv) A fall in wage rate will lead to ....................... in supply of a commodity. (v) An increase in excise duty on production of T.V. sets will ......................... the supply of T.V. sets. 2. What will happen to the supply of a commodity, when (i) The price of raw material used in production of the commodity increases. (ii) A new firm supplying the commodity comes into existence. (iii) There is a technological progress. 3. What will happen to the supply of stainless steel utensils if the price of stainless steel falls? WHAT YOU HAVE LEARNT - Supply of a commodity is the quantity of a commodity that a seller/firm offers for sale at given price per unit of time. - The total quantity available with a seller/firm at a particular point of time is called stock. Supply is that part of stock of the commodity that the seller is ready to sell at a given price during a given period of time. - Individual supply schedule shows the quantities of a commodity offered for sale by an individual firm at different prices in a tabular form. Individual supply curve is derived from an individual supply schedule. - Market supply is the total quantity of a commodity offered for sale by all the firms in the market at given price and given time. - The determinants of individual supply are – price of the commodity, price of other related goods, change in technology of production, change in price of inputs, objective of the firm and government policy. - The determinants of market supply are number of firms supplying the commodity, expected future price in addition to the determinants of individual supply. - The law of supply states that other factors determining supply remaining constant, price of a commodity and quantity supplied are directly related. - Supply curve is a diagrammatic representation of law of supply. - The supply curve of a commodity slopes upwards as per law of supply. TERMINAL EXERCISE 1. Define supply. Distinguish between individual supply and market supply. 2. Explain the factors which affect individual supply of a commodity. 3. Explain three determinants of market supply of a commodity in brief. 4. Distinguish between stock and supply with the help of a suitable example. 5. State and explain the law of supply using a suitable numerical example. 6. What is a supply curve? Draw an individual supply curve with the help of a hypothetical supply schedule. 7. Why does the supply curve slope upwards? 8. What are the reasons behind the law of supply? ANSWERS TO INTEXT QUESTIONS Intext Questions 10.1 1. Supply refers to the quantity of a commodity offered for sale at given price per unit of time. 2. Price of the commodity, quantity supplied and time period. 3. Stock is the total quantity of a commodity available with a firm at a particular point of time. Supply is that part of stock of a commodity that the seller is ready to sell at given price during a given period of time. Intext Questions 10.3 1. 4500, 7000, 9500, 12000, 14,500 2. 300, 500, 700, 900, 1100 Intext Questions 10.4 1. (i) Increases (ii) More (iii) Increase (iv) Increase (v) decrease 2. (i) supply of the commodity will decrease (ii) supply of the commodity will increase (iii) supply of the commodity will increase 3. Supply of stainless steel utensils will increase.	<urn:uuid:7df8af80-e59d-460d-9a09-e0ff1849dc7b>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.nios.ac.in/media/documents/SecEcoCour/English/Chapter-10.pdf	2022-08-13T23:50:37+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00672.warc.gz	799,610,519	5,498	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995446	eng_Latn	0.99816	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1741, 3749, 5586, 8462, 11388, 14022, 15598, 18054, 20158, 22421, 24395, 25222 ]	[ 3.96875, 3.59375 ]	3	0
The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science: 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data that allows efficient access, modification, and manipulation. 3. Database: A collection of data organized in a structured manner so that it can be accessed, managed, and updated efficiently. 4. Database Management System (DBMS): A software system that provides services for creating, maintaining, and using databases. 5. Encryption: The process of converting information into a coded form to prevent unauthorized access. 6. Hashing: A technique for mapping data of arbitrary size to fixed-size values. 7. Interface: A boundary between two systems or components that allows them to communicate with each other. 8. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that uses objects to represent real-world entities and their interactions. 9. Protocol: A set of rules and procedures that govern communication between different systems or components. 10. Query: A request for information from a database. 11. Security: The measures taken to protect data and systems from unauthorized access, use, disclosure, disruption, modification, or destruction. 12. Software: A collection of instructions that directs a computer to perform specific tasks. 13. System: A collection of interrelated components that work together to achieve a common goal. 14. User Interface (UI): The part of a software application that interacts with the user, allowing them to input data and receive output. 15. Virtual Machine (VM): A software implementation of a computer system that runs on top of a physical machine or another virtual machine. These terms are fundamental to understanding the concepts and practices in computer science, and they are widely used across various fields and industries. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 171 THE NORTH ALASKAN ESKIMO A STUDY IN ECOLOGY AND SOCIETY By ROBERT F. SPENCER The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science. It is intended to provide a quick reference for those who need to understand these concepts. 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data in a computer program so that it can be accessed efficiently. 3. Database: A collection of data organized in a way that allows for easy retrieval and manipulation. 4. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that it cannot be read by unauthorized users. 5. Hashing: The process of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, which can be used to quickly locate the original data. 6. Interpolation: The process of estimating values between two known values. 7. Machine Learning: A subfield of artificial intelligence that focuses on building systems that can learn from data without being explicitly programmed. 8. Neural Network: A computational model inspired by the structure and function of the human brain, used for tasks such as image recognition and natural language processing. 9. Optimization: The process of finding the best solution to a problem, given certain constraints. 10. Pattern Recognition: The process of identifying patterns in data, which can be used to make predictions or draw conclusions. 11. Regression Analysis: A statistical technique used to model the relationship between a dependent variable and one or more independent variables. 12. Sorting: The process of arranging data in a specific order, typically ascending or descending. 13. Statistics: The branch of mathematics concerned with the collection, analysis, interpretation, and presentation of data. 14. Time Complexity: A measure of how the running time of an algorithm increases as the size of the input data increases. 15. Tree: A data structure consisting of nodes connected by edges, where each node has zero or more child nodes. 16. Vector: A mathematical object representing a direction and magnitude, often used in machine learning and computer graphics. 17. Vector Space: A mathematical concept used in linear algebra, where vectors are represented as points in a multi-dimensional space. 18. Web Scraping: The process of extracting data from websites using automated tools. 19. XML: A markup language used for structuring and storing data, similar to HTML but designed for machine-readable purposes. 20. YAML: A human-readable data serialization format, often used for configuration files and data exchange. SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 171 THE NORTH ALASKAN ESKIMO A STUDY IN ECOLOGY AND SOCIETY By ROBERT F. SPENCER UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: 1959 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U. S. Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D. C. Price $2.50 (paper) LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C., December 27, 1957. Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith a manuscript entitled "The North Alaskan Eskimo: A Study in Ecology and Society," by Robert F. Spencer, and to recommend that it be published as a bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology. Very respectfully yours, M. W. Stirling, Director. Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. # CONTENTS \| Topic \| Page \| \|--------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Introduction \| 1 \| \| The problem \| 6 \| \| The land and the people \| 9 \| \| The land \| 9 \| \| North Alaskan Eskimo settlements \| 13 \| \| Human relation to the biota \| 23 \| \| Flora \| 23 \| \| Fauna \| 25 \| \| Summary \| 38 \| \| Language \| 39 \| \| Houses and settlements \| 43 \| \| Houses of the nuunamiut \| 44 \| \| Houses of the tareumiut \| 49 \| \| Family and kinship \| 62 \| \| Introduction \| 62 \| \| The nuclear family \| 63 \| \| The extended family \| 65 \| \| Kinship terminology \| 66 \| \| Lineal and nuclear consanguines \| 66 \| \| Consanguineal kin—collaterals \| 67 \| \| Affinal kin \| 68 \| \| Step- and adoptive relationships \| 69 \| \| Combined kin terms \| 69 \| \| Factors in the system \| 70 \| \| Collective responsibility \| 71 \| \| Marriage \| 75 \| \| Divorce \| 82 \| \| Wife lending and wife exchange \| 83 \| \| qatanuuitigii \| 84 \| \| Adoption \| 87 \| \| Abandonment \| 92 \| \| Conclusion \| 95 \| \| Customary law \| 97 \| \| Economy and society \| 124 \| \| Introduction \| 124 \| \| Human ecology of the Alaskan Arctic slope\| 126 \| \| 1. nuunamiut and tareumiut \| 126 \| \| 2. The nuunamiut \| 132 \| \| 3. The tareumiut \| 139 \| \| Summary: nuunamiut vs. tareumiut \| 146 \| \| Property, wealth, and status \| 147 \| \| Ownership \| 147 \| \| Wealth \| 151 \| \| Competition and cooperation \| 159 \| \| Topic \| Page \| \|--------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Voluntary associations \| 166 \| \| Partnerships \| 167 \| \| Joking partnerships \| 172 \| \| Women's partnerships \| 177 \| \| The hunting group and the umcaliq \| 177 \| \| The karigi \| 182 \| \| Trade \| 193 \| \| Open trade \| 193 \| \| Structured trade \| 198 \| \| The Messenger Feast (kimpie) \| 210 \| \| Conclusion \| 227 \| \| The individual and the life cycle \| 229 \| \| Introduction \| 229 \| \| Pregnancy \| 229 \| \| Birth \| 231 \| \| Infancy \| 234 \| \| Childhood \| 237 \| \| Puberty \| 241 \| \| Sexual behavior \| 244 \| \| Marital behavior \| 249 \| \| Old age \| 251 \| \| Death \| 252 \| \| Conclusion \| 253 \| \| The supernatural \| 255 \| \| Introduction \| 255 \| \| Cosmic view \| 257 \| \| Dwarfs, mermen, monsters, and other \| 259 \| \| supernatural beings \| \| \| Relation to animals \| 264 \| \| Land animals \| 267 \| \| Sea animals \| 272 \| \| Songs \| 277 \| \| Charms and amulets \| 282 \| \| Names \| 286 \| \| Ghosts and souls \| 291 \| \| Dreams and portents \| 293 \| \| Masks \| 293 \| \| Summary \| 294 \| \| The wiivaksat—Strangers in the Sky \| 296 \| \| Shamanism \| 299 \| \| Examples of shamanistic behavior \| 315 \| \| The treatment of disease \| 327 \| \| The cults \| 331 \| \| The cult of the whale \| 332 \| \| Whaling charms and songs \| 338 \| \| Taking the whale \| 342 \| \| Greeting the whale \| 344 \| \| Close of the whaling season \| 347 \| \| nalukataq \| 350 \| \| The cult of the caribou \| 353 \| \| Culture change \| 358 \| \| Sources of money (1888–1948) \| 360 \| \| Seasonal activities \| 366 \| \| Topic \| Page \| \|--------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Culture change—Continued \| \| \| Food \| 371 \| \| Meals \| 375 \| \| Family and budgets \| 376 \| \| Summary of modern economic life \| 377 \| \| Christianity \| 378 \| \| Folklore \| 383 \| \| The folktales \| 384 \| \| Texts \| 428 \| \| Children's stories \| 438 \| \| Conclusions \| 440 \| \| Ecology and society in North Alaska \| 440 \| \| The place of North Alaska in Eskimo culture\| 446 \| \| North Alaska and Eskimo culture history \| 452 \| \| Bibliography \| 455 \| \| Appendix 1. Tobacco \| 462 \| \| Appendix 2. Dogs \| 465 \| \| Appendix 3. Pottery \| 470 \| \| Appendix 4. Time reckoning; enumeration \| 475 \| \| Index \| 479 \| ILLUSTRATIONS (All plates follow page 477) PLATES 1. Informants at Point Barrow. 2. Barrow village today. 3. $a$, A sod house in use at Point Lay. $b$, The icellik, tent of the nuunamiut. $c$, Storage racks, meat cache, and umiak frame, Point Lay. 4. $a$, The 1953 summer settlement of nuunamiut at Anatuvuk Pass. $b$, A house ruin at Tikeraaq (Point Hope). $c$, Summer house of the Barrow village people at piyiniq (Birnirk), the duck shooting station. 5. $a$, The spring whaling camp at an ice lead near Barrow village. $b$, An umiak in tow, stern foremost. $c$, Barrow village men shooting walrus from an ice floe. 6. $a$, Barrow village women engaged in skinning a polar bear. $b$, nalukataq. The “blanket toss” celebration held at the close of a successful spring whaling season. $c$, Informant and interpreter Mr. Alfred Hopson, shown with his daughter. 7. $a$, Chorus of men singing at a social dance at Barrow village. $b$, The traditional Eskimo tambourine. $c$, Women join the men in singing, seated near or behind them. 8. $a$, Informants at Anaktuvuk Pass. Nuunamiut man and wife. $b$, Sikvayungaq shown with the box drum used in the Messenger Feast. 9. Ayaraq (string figure). $a$, Sawiaxlukak carrying his kayak. $b$, Aakluq, the two brown bears. $c$, Amawk, the wolf. TEXT FIGURES \| TEXT FIGURE \| PAGE \| \|-------------\|------\| \| 1. Maritime Eskimo house: $a$, floor plan; $b$, cross section \| 49 \| \| 2. The old town of utkeaaγvik, about 1895 \| 50 \| MAPS \| MAP \| PAGE \| \|-----\|------\| \| 1. Local groups of North Alaskan Eskimo \| 8 \| \| 2. Travel routes, Point Barrow area \| 198 \| \| 3. Aboriginal trade routes, North Alaska \| 200 \| \| 4. Route taken by Naval Expedition, 1886 (Stoney, 1900) \| 202 \| INTRODUCTION Ethnographic studies among the North Alaskan Eskimo were carried on in the summer and early fall of both 1952 and 1953. The work was made possible in 1952 through a contract between the University of Minnesota and the United States Navy, Office of Naval Research, while in 1953 the research was supported by the Arctic Institute of North America and the Office of Naval Research. Fieldwork was carried on through the facilities of the Arctic Research Laboratory, located at Point Barrow, Alaska, and logistic support was provided by the Laboratory. The sincere thanks of the writer are due both the Office of Naval Research and the Arctic Institute of North America for making the research possible. A special debt is due the Arctic Research Laboratory and its director, Dr. Ira L. Wiggins, for aiding the investigations. It is difficult to conceive of a more ideal research climate than that provided by the Laboratory. It is hoped that the research results which are recorded here will in some measure justify the support which these investigations were accorded. It is to be regretted that the press of duties elsewhere prevented an observation of the year-round cycle and pattern of life of the North Alaskan Eskimo. It is hoped that at some future time this may be accomplished. Since, however, the primary concern of this research lies with the aboriginal North Alaskan Eskimo culture, much of the data obtained had to be dependent on the memory of older living informants. In the contemporary culture there is much to suggest the undisrupted native past, but many institutions have been subjected to change and it is only from the older peoples, those whose memories reach back to the last decades of the 1800's, that the facts of the integrated and untouched native society can be elicited. The original aim of this project was the examination of patterns of contemporary social behavior among the Eskimo of northern Alaska. The 1952 season was devoted to the community of Barrow itself, Barrow Village, the town most intimately involved in the naval petroleum project on the Naval Petroleum Reserve IV. An original point of interest was the examination of the changes which have come about as a result of the introduction of a moneyed economy. It was thought that this, the result of employment of many Eskimo by the Arctic Contractors, Ltd., would have far-reaching effects, both in the native economic system and in social organization. Indeed, a point of much concern to the Alaska Native Service and to many serious-minded civic and welfare groups in the territory was that the Barrow Eskimo would be greatly corrupted by the effects of the high wages made available to them by their new employment. It was felt, for example, that men employed at the naval installation, and thus unable to devote the proper amount of time to hunting, would bring some privation to themselves and their families. Among so many of the American Indians located on reservations in all parts of the United States, such social change has worked a serious hardship. An initial attempt of the present study was to evaluate the effects of the changing economy. But the introduction of money into the native economy did not have quite the effects which were predicted, and disorganization both of society and of personality was not so rampant as some of the welfare services believed. A point often forgotten when the Barrow naval project and its relation to them is considered, is that the Eskimo had long been aware of money, both through the 19th-century contacts with the traders and Euro-American whaling vessels, and later through the fur industry. Field research quickly revealed that much more of the aboriginal patterns of life remained than was expected. Instead of a disorganized society, a smoothly functioning one was encountered, one in which many older precontact institutions were still actively operative. Money and modern industrialized technology, it is true, had made inroads and changes; both modern education and Christian missionizing had effected modifications of some patterns. But the native social structure was one in which cooperative institutions had to be brought to the fore. The Eskimo of North Alaska had solved the problem of living together by establishing a strong cooperative kinship bond. This remains, despite the collapse of some other social forms, and in remaining, continues to provide the keystone of the social structure, a nuclear point around which all other institutional aspects constellate. Family and kinship are thus primary, and it seems safe to predict that this social entity cannot be considered disorganized until the breakdown of the family system itself. When the present investigations were conducted, this had not yet taken place. As soon as the nature of the social organization and of the integrative function of the family became clear in the field, attention was given primarily to the aboriginal culture. If the changes which have come about as the result of contact with the dominant culture of the United States are to be observed, it follows that as clear a picture of the native organization of the precontact native past must be obtained. A complete ethnographic study of the Eskimo of northern Alaska had not in any case been undertaken. When the area was visited by the Point Barrow Expedition of 1881–82, many ethnographical observations were made. Both Lieutenant Ray and John Murdoch were keen observers and able to elicit a great deal of information on the lives of the people. But the fact that neither man knew the language resulted in primary attention to material culture and to museum collections. Murdoch’s report (1892) stresses technology and presents only a small section on society and other nonmaterial aspects. An earlier description of life at Point Barrow had been published by Dr. John Simpson, R. N. (1855), who had spent several seasons in the area 30 years before and who proved to be a somewhat keener observer than either Ray or Murdoch. Important though the analysis of the material culture might be, the present writer felt that his own research might be directed to the analysis of the social structure in view of the absence of any systematic treatment of it elsewhere. The season of 1952 was thus devoted to the Barrow community and to the reconstruction of aboriginal culture patterns among the people formerly known as the utkeavmiut and the nuwunmiut. Considerable data on their economy, society, and religion were collected between mid-June and the end of September of that year. When the results of the 1952 field season were considered, however, it became clear that to treat the Barrow area out of context from its neighboring areas led to certain false impressions. The peoples of the northern villages, utkcaayvik and nuwuk, had contacts both down the coasts and with a great many groups of inland Eskimo. There were permanent settlements between Point Hope (tikeraaq) and Point Barrow but little by way of permanent settlement along the northern Alaskan coasts to the west of Barrow. Indeed, once the North Alaskan Eskimo are left behind, there is evidence that populations were very scanty until the mouth of the McKenzie was reached. The apparent reason for the development of settlements on the northwest coast of Alaska lay in the presence of the baleen whales. The coastal settlements of the area were thus preoccupied with whaling, and it is possible to define a maritime whaling province, an area marked not only by common habits, customs, and language, but also by ties of kinship. There remains, however, the problem of the inland Eskimo, the groups variously called nunamiut, nunataymiut, nunatarmiut, etc. These were always somewhat of a problem for the early Alaskan investigators, and their cultural position has never been adequately understood. They were inland Eskimo who had evolved a dependence on interior caribou hunting and who were thus wholly differently oriented from their coastal neighbors. Moreover, these groups were in some measure dependent on the maritime peoples with the result that a remarkable balance of society and economy was achieved. When this interaction between the two groups was understood, it became evident that the culture area of whaling (in which whales were the primary focus of ceremonial activity, although a variety of other sea mammals were hunted as well) had to be examined in respect to the interrelationships between its villages and that the inland Eskimo likewise had to be described in order to comprehend the nature of the contacts between the two groups. The season of 1953 was devoted to this problem. The data collected at Barrow were a starting point for further analysis of the area at large. The 1953 investigations were again carried on primarily at Barrow, although opportunities were found to visit other communities for short periods of time. As a result of the employment offered to the Eskimo by the naval installation, a large group of North Alaskan Eskimo had assembled at the town of Barrow. Individuals and families had come from as far away as Kotzebue to the south, not to mention Cape Prince of Wales and some other southern communities, as well as from Barter Island to the east. Virtually all the communities of North Alaska were represented in the Barrow situation, not only by younger employable people but by the members of an older generation who had accompanied them. Inland as well as maritime communities were represented. This being so, it was possible to obtain at Barrow the services of a representative sample of good respondents from all areas concerned. Indeed, care had to be taken to avoid the all too willing services of individuals whose backgrounds lay outside the area. An examination of the web of kinship, of genealogical backgrounds, and of point of origin of each informant made selection fairly readily possible. Aside from casual contacts made with scores of individuals, about 35 respondents from all communities were questioned intensively. The informants, ranging in age from the mid-thirties to the very aged, were selected primarily because of their conservatism, which tended to preserve as well as possible the precontact institutions (pl. 1, a–d). Of these, 20 were men and women who had been born and raised in the Barrow area (utkeaaγvik and nuwuk) itself; 5 came from Wainwright, considering themselves kuγmiut, attached to the maritime village but with wide inland experience as well; 4 Point Hope people served as informants, although one of them was associated with the town of Point Lay, a modern settlement or colony of Point Hope. The remainder were inland Eskimo, those who had lived and moved along the Colville drainage, along the mountain slopes of the Brooks Range, and as far west as the Noatak and Kobuk Rivers. These informants, located at Barrow for the reasons indicated, were supplemented by several others in the local communities themselves. A visit to the killiγmiut, located in Anaktuvuk Pass in the Brooks Range in the summer of 1953, was unfortunately cut short because of the writer's illness, but not before some 10 days of work with this highly unacculturated band. The Alaska Native Service supplies the communities of the Arctic coast with materials for the stores, schools, and hospitals. Once a year, usually in early September, the towns are visited by a supply ship, which makes the quick voyage during the period when the ocean is essentially free of ice. Through the courtesy of the Alaska Native Service, it was possible to travel with this vessel, the SS North Star, and to obtain some further perspective on the native communities to the south and west of Point Barrow. Some 6 days were spent at Point Hope, for example, and contacts were readily made with relatives of individuals with whom contacts had been made in the Barrow area. A debt of appreciation to the captain and the crew of the SS North Star is acknowledged. Thus, although the data from the area were obtained principally at Barrow village, from informants who were either native there or who had come to Barrow relatively recently, it was possible to secure an integrated perspective. The North Alaskan culture area with its twofold ecology emerges as a unit, and it is possible to understand the forces which shaped it. The native language remains the primary means of communication in the area even today. In spite of the efforts of the Government schools, the North Alaskan dialect of Eskimo remains in force as the language of the home and virtually all interpersonal intercourse. Interpreters were employed. Any ethnographer who has elicited information through an interpreter is aware of the pitfalls. It is only when the investigator himself begins to achieve sufficient knowledge by way of auditory comprehension that a check can be made on the reliability of the interpreter. The latter must be trained not to impose his own value judgments and not to color the situations which he describes. The writer found himself particularly fortunate in this regard, having the services of a woman of middle age whose father was a European. She possessed a remarkable curiosity about the older culture and felt herself sufficiently detached from it as to interpret exactly. A later check revealed her remarkable reliability. Several other interpreters were used from time to time. Needless to say, in the interest of maintaining good community relations and of not violating confidences so freely given no purpose is served here by naming either the informants or the interpreters. Other interpreters were men, one from the Utokak area, another from Barrow itself, a third from the group formerly settled along the Ikpikpuk River, and a fourth from the Anaktuvuk Pass region. Of these, none proved so satisfactory as their female counterpart, serving better as informants than as interpreters. While it is possible to develop an adequate comprehension of spoken Eskimo in a few months, the morphological intricacies in the language do not lend themselves to freedom of expression for the beginner. An interpreter is a necessity in the field situation. The present writer, with his research assistant Marietta B. Spencer, is pleased that the work which was undertaken proved so fruitful insofar, at least, as obtaining full data is concerned. Speaking personally, the writer wishes to note that of the various field experiences which he has had, none has proved more satisfying or rewarding than this one in Alaska. The people, with their great personal dignity and integrity, as well as their joyous but subtle humor and individual warmth, make for ideal respondents. Theirs is an almost scientific objectivity; in all cases there was encountered a virtual passion for truth and accuracy. The informants reacted at once to the idea that some of the older traditions should be preserved in writing. To this they brought a desire to cooperate and an eagerness for accurately conceived data. It is to them, the North Alaskan Eskimo, and particularly, to the informants whose time and thoughts were so freely given that this work is dedicated. THE PROBLEM Since the shift was made from attention to the contemporary life to that of the past, several significant problems suggest themselves. In the main, these rest in the theoretical implications of Eskimo ethnology. When the limits of the north Alaskan area, as a cultural focus, became clear, the primary problem which emerged was that of the analysis of two differing ways of life operating within the framework of a common culture. As may be noted, there is the same language, the same world view, the same cultural preoccupations—in short, the same overall ethos; but there are differences which rest in environment. The coastal peoples have adapted themselves to their environment in one particular way, the inland groups in another. Basically, one might say that the social understandings characteristic of the groups are different in degree only, being no more than variations on a common theme. But it is evident that such differences exist and that they are in large measure predicated on adjustments to the terrain and to the business of making a living within it. A question which this study asks is: what is the relation between economy and society? This is thus a study in differing patterns of human ecology. In no sense, however, may it be understood that environment is anything more than a limiting factor in human development. The stress which has been laid on the Eskimo as a group operating in the face of a hostile environment has a point, to be sure, but one may agree with Kroeber (1939, p. 1) that the causes of cultural phenomena are other cultural phenomena. That culture and society are rooted in nature cannot be denied. Among the groups in question, the environment played a significant part in placing severe limitations on activities and in providing the raw materials on which the groups depended to keep alive. Even in an area in which the limitations are so onerous, however, there is a choice. The culture history of the Eskimo has permitted the realization of certain kinds of mechanisms by which their society can perpetuate itself. The keynote became cooperation, but, as will be seen, a kind of particularly structured cooperation, one in which choices were made which have little or no relationship to the environment. As a means of understanding the culture of north Alaska an attempt has been made to analyze the cooperative devices at work in the society, the particular selections which were made in the creation of institutional forms. As society relates to the ecology, it is examined in detail. This is first a study in social structure and social culture. It aims at the analysis of the culture whole and attempts to show how a basic culture oriented itself around the two contrasting ecological patterns of whaling and caribou hunting. There is a further consideration. This study seeks to balance the two ecological patterns and to provide some point of common focus for them. It seeks to bring the data on the inland Eskimo collected by Lieutenant Stoney (1900), by the archeologists Giddings (1952), Irving (1951), and Solecki (1951), and by the zoologist Rausch (1951), into somewhat broader perspective. Similarly, the early descriptions of the maritime groups by Murdoch (1892), Ray (1885b, c), John Simpson (1855), and some others, such as Stefansson (1914), can be supplemented. For the same area, an attempt is made to fit Rainey's excellent study of Point Hope (1947) into the area at large. Hitherto, the inland and maritime groups were treated as two essentially separate entities. It is Larsen and Rainey (1948) who begin to suggest the essential interdependence between the two, even if the conclusions which they reach are not perhaps wholly warranted. There is thus raised again the old problem of Eskimo temporal sequence, the question which has aroused so much attention for so long. Given the two ecological systems, can any statement be made as to the priority of one over the other? Do the inland Eskimo represent an earlier developmental stage of Eskimo history and the maritime life a later specialization? An examination of the data on the nature of the socioeconomic interdependence between the two, as well as on the kinds of specializations developed by each group, may in part serve to refocus the problem. It may serve to shed some ethnological light on the matter of the temporal sequence of the Eskimo cultures. It is to be hoped that the data supplied here will speak for themselves. Map 1.—Local groups of North Alaskan Eskimo. THE LAND AND THE PEOPLE THE LAND In northwestern North America, between the Brooks Range and the Arctic Ocean, lie some seventy-odd thousand square miles of tundra. Wholly within the Arctic Circle, this region is bounded on the east by the Colville Delta, on the south by the jagged peaks of the glaciated Brooks Range, on the north by the Arctic Ocean itself. The western sections of the region, likewise bounded by the ocean, incline from northeast to southwest, and form, at the southern end, a point at which mountain and sea come together. This axis, beginning at Point Barrow, ending at Point Hope in the southwest, constitutes the Arctic slope of northwestern Alaska. In this area of tundra, a desert of cold, are to be found two configurations of aboriginal Eskimo culture, a situation which throws the caribou hunters of the inland regions sharply into contrast with the whalers of the coastal slope. Physiographically, this vast area may be divided into three major zones. These provinces run generally in an east-west direction and consist of the Brooks Range, the Arctic foothills, and the Arctic coastal plain. The Brooks Range, the northwesternmost extension of the main continental mountain system of North America, forms a topographic barrier, setting off the forested lands which flank the Yukon tributaries to the south from the treeless Arctic plain. It forms a continental divide, its streams going either north, meandering lazily across the tundra, or southward, joining the great river systems of central Alaska. The highest peaks of the Brooks Range are found in the eastern sections, where, perennially snow covered, they rise to heights of 9,000 feet. In its western end, the range splits, being flanked by the smaller De Long Range and by the Baird Mountains. Near the general area of Point Hope, east of Cape Lisburne, the Brooks Range has given way to a series of rolling highlands across which the peaks of the De Long Mountains loom large (cf. Smith and Mertie, 1930; Schrader, 1904; Solecki, 1951). The Brooks Range province is roughly 600 miles long. The range itself consists of heavily weathered yet resistant Palozoic rock still marked by the presence of numerous small glaciers. Several large stream-fed lakes are to be found along the northern edge of the range. These, in turn, contribute to the rivers flowing northward to the Arctic Ocean across the tundra. The Brooks Range is characterized by rugged peaks and numerous hanging valleys. Except for three well-defined passes which serve to connect the drainages on both north and south, the mountains are most difficult of access. These three passes in the middle of the range—the Howard, the Survey, and the Anaktuvuk—serving as routes for the caribou movements, have been vital to human residence in the area. In the passes and along the lakes there is evidence of a long period of Eskimo habitation (Solecki, 1951, pp. 478–492; cf. also Giddings, 1944, 1952; W. Irving, 1951). Icebound in winter, and subject to extremes of wind and cold, the areas of human settlement in the mountains have proved wholly adequate for hunting and fishing. Indeed, it is in the summer that the range province becomes less tolerable with its marshes and its clouds of mosquitoes. To the north of the mountains lies the province of the foothills, an area intermediate between the range itself and the Arctic plain. The general pattern is one of a gradual descent from south to north, there being no sudden break on the northern slopes of the Brooks Range. The southern foothills range from 2,500 to 3,500 feet in height, and taper off in the northern sections to ridges aligned in an east-west direction and no higher than 200 to 600 feet. In the main, the zone of foothills has not been glaciated, although wind and weather and the seasonal freezing and thawing combine to create some deformation. A Mesozoic complex, warped and folded especially on the southern side, the foothills were subjected to less violent warping in the north. Here the slope becomes gentle, the streams sluggish and beginning to take on the diffuse drainage aspect which characterizes the Arctic plain. In the northern foothills, hard layers, more impervious to weathering, top the ridges. As the Arctic coastal plain is reached, the streams begin to wander at random, and there is the formation of numerous lakes and marshes. The area, extending to a depth of about 70 miles from the coast, is wholly flat except for a few isolated hummocks and knobs. Until recent geologic time this province was submerged (Solecki, 1951, p. 476; Smith and Mertie, 1930, p. 238). It is characterized by alluvial deposits of sands, clays, and gravels, and by perpetually frozen ground, the permafrost so characteristic of the typical Arctic. This phenomenon, also evident in the foothills and in the glacial silts of the mountain passes, reaches a depth of several hundred feet. Only in the short summer does the ground thaw and then only to a depth of a few inches (Wiggins, 1953, pp. 8–9). The flat plain is poorly drained and is thus, in summer, marked by its stagnant pools, its marshes, and its haphazard, meandering water courses. Although, like the foothills, the Arctic plain has not been subjected to glaciation, frost wedges, accumulations of subsurface ice, have formed and remain present through the year. In many places along the coasts the shoreline is ill defined, although here and there beach ridges, some rising 30 to 40 feet in height, have been formed as a result of the action of pack ice driven in against the land. Along the coasts, too, some windblown deposits of sand appear. This loess, the so-called Gubik Sands, has been found rich in Pleistocene fossils and it has been suggested that some evidence of early human remains, paralleling the discoveries of artifacts already made in the pass and foothill regions, may yet be found here (Solecki, 1951, p. 476). The plain is not characterized by any well-defined series of marine deposits (Smith and Mertie, 1930, p. 238). In the truest sense, the Alaskan Arctic plain is a desert. Rain and snowfall are very slight, averaging no more than 5 to 7 inches per year. It has been suggested that this limited precipitation is the primary factor in hindering the spread of glaciers northward. The principal basis for seasonal differentiation lies not in rainfall, but in the differing intensity of temperature and in the length of daylight. The brief summer season is marked by a thaw and, for a 2-month period, by 24-hour sunshine. The transition from 24 hours of sunlight in late July to the fall equinox is most rapid, and, again, the shift from the equinox to the winter solstice involves the change in a short period from 12 hours of daylight to total darkness. At Point Barrow, for example, at 71° 23' N., 72 days of winter darkness, beginning November 15, are the rule. Temperature changes cannot be regarded as extreme. In summer, the averages hover somewhat above freezing, although highs of 60° or 65° F. may be reached for short periods. From this, there is a gradual shift to the winter temperatures. These are not so extreme as might be imagined, particularly along the coast where 30° F. below zero may be regarded as essentially average. As Larsen and Rainey (1948, p. 23) point out, the winter temperatures of the region, while by no means so cold in comparison with the 50° to 70° below zero readings of the deeper interior, as in the forested zones of continental type climate, are nonetheless infinitely more severe as a result of intensity of wind. In the Arctic plain and foothills, a somewhat more adequate adjustment on the part of humans in terms of clothing and housing is a necessity. The frigid winters are very long and the summer brief. Physiographic change is slow and little climatic variation has been noted since the 1880's when climatic data were compiled for the first time and the coastal temperatures at Point Barrow were found to average on a yearly basis 8° F. above zero (Murdoch, 1892, p. 30). Streams and lakes are blocked with ice for much of the year and usually by November the ice has begun to form on the ocean, creating a pack which may remain unbroken until the following summer, often as late as August or September, or later. Travel in the area is thus fairly limited and comes to depend on particular types of specialization. Throughout the long winter season, travel by dog sled is everywhere possible throughout the region. Summer travel is arduous except by the watercourses. The prevailing method remains the skin boat, the Eskimo umiak, both for travel along the rivers and on the open sea. As the limited snow melts, the land forms characteristic of the tundra, the polygonal ground, appear. These polygons, shapes caused on the surface by alternate freezing and thawing, create small depressions in which undrained water rests. Boggy areas are formed in this way; they are crossed on foot only with difficulty. Inland travel along the water courses follows the configuration of the foothills and ridges, being east and west in accord with the axes of the higher ground. The great Colville system, for example, moves eastward along the foothill base until it turns northward to fan out into the plain. The Colville rises from a divide in the west. Here, at Howard Pass, the eastward moving Colville tributaries are set off from the Noatak system which flows south and west into Kotzebue Sound. The entire region of northwestern Alaska, from the bare northern flanks of the Brooks Range northward to the Arctic Ocean, has been described as barren, treeless, and monotonously dun colored. But this is hardly a fair description. Not only do the land forms gradually change from mountain to plain, but the many streams and lakes, the knolls and hummocks, create considerable diversity in physiographic pattern. It is true that winters are marked by sufficient snowfall as to present a vast white land, but the driving polar winds clear patches of ground, leaving bare black ridges and forming the small deposits of snow into random and sometimes heavy drifts. Along the coasts, the pack-ice crushes in along the beaches and, reaching surprising heights as the result of action of wind and wave, creates a temporary landscape full of amazing shapes as one berg piles up against another. As the winds shift, so also do the configurations of land and sea. Nor is the landscape monotonous in summer. As the tundra thaws, the shallow rooted vegetation begins to sprout in abundance, hastily to enjoy its brief life in the 24-hour sunshine. There are no trees, to be sure, and except for a few clumps of stunted willow that are prominent in the foothills and mountain passes but increasingly less significant in the plain, the plant life reaches no marked growth. On the other hand, the many species of flowering plants, minute though they are, and the many varieties of lichens and mosses cover the tundra in all directions and offer a meadowlike prospect. Seasonal changes, contrasts between light and darkness, between wind, storm, fog, and sunshine, not to mention the richness of plant and animal life, combine to make the tundra regions an area of great fascination. One shading moves into another, day by day, season by season, subtly, but perceptibly. NORTH ALASKAN ESKIMO SETTLEMENTS Throughout this great area live the scattered groups of Eskimo. These represent a people settled over centuries but not the first groups in the region. Since Alaska formed the land bridge by which man entered the New World from Asia, there is widespread evidence of human antiquity, of the Paleo-Indian, the precursors of the pre-Columbian Indian tribes of North and South America. In northern Alaska, through the area which has been described, there was a backwash of the main stream of movement. The archeologist has given considerable attention to this and his researches have shed much light on the important problem of the origin of man in the Americas. The interior regions of Alaska are especially rich in remote prehistoric remains, the most ancient levels being characterized by flint tools of types which correlate with sequences established elsewhere in the Americas and which, in many instances, are suggestive of Asia. Evidence of Folsom culture—polyhedral core and lamellar flake industries—has come to light in northwestern Alaska; the so-called "Mesolithic" forms have been detected in the northern foothills; and along the coasts, at Cape Denbigh on Norton Sound, the recent discoveries of burins point to an origin in Asia (Solecki, 1951, pp. 478–493). As the evidence is weighed and new data are collected, man's antiquity in Alaska is shown to be remote. But in addition to these and many other ancient remains, there is the tremendous richness of the prehistory of the Eskimo themselves. While not so remote in time, the Eskimo cultures of the past pose a good many as yet unsolved problems. The Eskimo cultures might be resolved in terms of varying degrees of specialization and of influences emanating from distant culture centers. Thus, while the remoter prehistory of the region indicates an orientation toward the hunting of land animals, a sequence which carries through into the prehistoric Eskimo cultures of the inland regions, such a culture as that of the Ipiutak at Point Hope has been described as marginal to a central Siberian bronze and iron age culture (Larsen and Rainey, 1948, p. 160; Collins, 1951, p. 432). However this may be, the Eskimo cultures of the past are never simple, and the various suggestions as to their origin are being clarified slowly as new data come to light. Even in the general prehistoric picture, however, the question of the human ecology, of specializations on land or sea and of degrees between, needs resolution. In Alaska, at least, the archeological evidence presupposes the ethnological development. Northern Alaska demonstrates the interaction, both in the prehistoric past and in the ethnological present, of groups each reflecting a major ecological pattern. These are two, the nuunamiut, people of the land, whose life developed around the caribou, and the tareumiut, the people of the sea, whose primary orientation was toward sea mammal hunting, and in the area of the Arctic slope, at least, especially toward whaling. Whatever may be said of the local specializations of the cultures of northwestern Alaska in the past, whether the concern is with the Ipiutak, the Old Bering Sea, the Birnirk, or whatever, these are maritime cultures set off against inland caribou hunting cultures. The generalized Thule culture, typologically definable, basically maritime but orienting itself as well toward caribou hunting, does not, in Alaska, modify this basic ecological picture. There remains, in the historic present, the inland nomad set off against the village dweller at the sea. While a fuller discussion of the two groups is yet to be given, the general pattern of geographic settlement must be kept in mind in order properly to designate the peoples of the region. The terms nuunamiut (nuunataqmiut) and tareumiut are of course derivative of native designations for the two ecological groupings. These terms are descriptive of a way of life and cannot be regarded as tribal designations. As is well known, aboriginal Eskimo society consisted of aggregates of individuals that formed bands or villages. Since membership and residence in either depended pretty much on the choice of the individual, and since the size of the group could expand or contract depending on local circumstances, it is difficult to do other than to point out certain of the major groupings and to define them at a particular point in time. The situation today is atypical, Barrow village having grown inordinately as the result of the employment opportunities afforded by the naval installation there. Today, moreover, the delicate balance that once existed between the inland peoples and those on the sea has been completely disrupted. Except for a small band that still chooses to reside in the foothills and the passes of the Brooks Range and another which moves about in the Kobuk-Noatak region, the inland cultures are virtually extinct. To obtain a proper perspective on the distribution of peoples in the area, the stage must be set at a century ago, in the period when mutual interdependence of inland and maritime life was still paramount and before the distortions in the native economy took place as a result of the presence of European whalers, the growth of the governmentally sponsored schools, and missionization. It is considerably easier to discuss the settlements of the coastal groups where a greater degree of permanence was achieved. Coastal villages were well integrated around dance houses and the concept of the whaling crew and its leader. Moreover, the maritime villages came to have fairly well-defined territories in which their respective residents moved. Not that these were in any sense owned; in the main, this came about as the result of exploitation of familiar terrain. It was possible, and still remains so, to determine a man's place of origin by noting who his relatives were and also by his speech, since each village had its own phonetic idiosyncrasy. The inland peoples, while in the main definable as to local territory, tended to lack the incipient formalization of the concept of chieftainship. Because, as bands, they tended to move much more widely and to lack fixed villages, they become somewhat more difficult to name. This is complicated further by the fact that although such local groups had names for themselves, the name might or might not coincide with the name applied to them by the coastal peoples. There was by no means uniformity of names, either as designations for local bands or for topographic and geographic features. And it must also be emphasized that Eskimo culture requires an exactness of names in respect both to ethnic groups and places. There has thus been some confusion of Eskimo group names, much depending on the point of reference from which the name is applied. All the native peoples of the region, however, are agreed on the basic nomenclature distinguishing caribou from sea mammal hunter. Local groups within each classification can be recognized and it is suggested here, for purposes of convenience, that the names applied by the natives of Barrow village to their neighbors be selected as standard. The major settlements and groupings of the coastal regions are as follows. At the Point, on the northernmost tip of land of the North American mainland, was the now abandoned village of nuwuk, the people of which were known as the nuwugmiut. In 1852–53, nuwuk had 54 inhabited houses, with a population of 309, 166 of which were men (John Simpson, 1855, p. 237). In 1854 a fuel shortage had reduced the number of inhabited houses to 48. Dr. John Simpson, whose observations these are, believed the population to be declining, a fact which he substantiated by the presence of an abandoned dance house at nuwuk and of several ruined dwellings. Forty persons had died of influenza in 1851, and again, in 1853–54, there were 27 deaths, mainly the result of starvation. When the next observations were made, in 1882–83, nuwuk had a population of 150 (Ray, 1885 b, p. 38). Down from nuwuk, on the sea side, were several campsites. All of these bore names, designations which apply still, but none were sufficiently large or continuously inhabited to merit their being called villages. The site of piyinik, from which the archeological horizon of Birnirk is named, was not inhabited in the recent period, although families have been known to reside there the year round and the location forms the duck hunting reserve of the Barrow Eskimo. Several village units combined into one at the site of the modern Barrow village (pl. 2, a). This is the location of the older town of utkeaayvik, the people of which were known up and down the coast as the utkeavinmiut. Like nuwuk, this village grew and declined in population depending on circumstances. Simpson lists 40 houses and 250 people in 1852–53, with a decline as a result of famine in 1853–54, 40 deaths having occurred (J. Simpson, 1855, p. 237). Ray and Murdoch, in 1882–83, record 23 families present at Cape Smythe (utkeaaγvik) with a total population of 130 (Ray, 1885 b, pp. 33, 39). Moving southward from Cape Smythe, one passes considerable distance down the coast to the next historic settlement, although again scattered houses and families might be met at any point. All campsites, and indeed, any significant location of any kind, whether creek mouth, high bank, or gully, was named, a reflection of a major cultural preoccupation with geography. Individuals and families, moreover, were designated as coming from a particular place, the name of which was at once familiar. Ray records 8 families and 50 individuals resident at Point Belcher on the sea side south and west of Peard Bay (ibid., p. 38). These he terms the Sidarumiut. As nearly as can be judged, this was not a permanent settlement in historic times. Groups moved in and out of the Point Belcher area, this being a favored location for summer caribou hunting. Several groups are described as having lived at and near Peard Bay, from sinaraat (Skull Cliff) to the Wainwright Inlet. At the modern village of Wainwright, the Kuk River empties into a lagoon; the people are hence designated as the ku-μiut. Ten families are listed as resident there in 1882–83, with a total population of 80 persons (ibid., p. 38). Kuk means simply “river.” Leaving Wainwright, one passes another area of extremely sparse population before the next major settlement is reached. This is Icy Cape, a village which was very important a century ago as a native whaling center but which was abandoned no later than 1890. The building of the whaling station at Cape Smythe by New England whalers evidently caused the desertion of several previously inhabited hamlets and villages. It also increased momentarily the population of Barrow village. Icy Cape was known as kayaakserevik, the residents as the kayaakseerviμiut. No census data are available, but the group was unquestionably small, there being only one dance house there in the recollection of living informants. South of Icy Cape, the long narrow lagoon, known as kasegaluk, was formed by the alluvial reefs deposited by the Utokuk River. At the mouth of the Utokuk itself lay a quasipermanent settlement, likewise abandoned in the late 19th century, also known as utokuk. The people who derive their name from this settlement, the utokay-miut, are a recognized nuunamiut grouping who came to the sea periodically for trading and for social activities such as the Messenger Feast. They were not drawn into the whaling complex. This group was allegedly the largest of the inland Eskimo north of the mountains. At the southern end of the kasegaluk lagoon, on the coast itself, is the modern village of Point Lay. This was a hamlet consisting of a house or two until 1929-30, when a group of Eskimo from Point Hope "colonized" there (Rainey, 1947, p. 236). Point Lay bears the name kalli, the people being the kallimmiut. The residents of this village hunt seal, some walrus, and an occasional beluga, but do not engage in whaling, the coastline being indented away from the usual course taken by whales. It is now a considerable distance to the south until the next village is reached. As before, several hamlets lay between—not the least of which was at Cape Lisburne, a point known as wiivak (place of return). Point Hope was the next major settlement, the southern limit of intensive whaling, a large village, comparable to nuwuk and utkeaaγvik in the north. It had an estimated population of 250 in 1880, a number which it retains today very closely (ibid., p. 236). The village is located on a sand and gravel bar formed by the Kukpuk River and is thus somewhat comparable in location to nuwuk, a village resting on the long narrow spit of Point Barrow itself. Point Hope is known as tikeraaq (index finger) and the people living there as the tikeraγmiut. Point Barrow marks the northern limit of the area of intensive whaling, Point Hope the southern. The principal groupings of peoples in this area of the Alaskan Arctic Slope are thus those listed. Southward from Point Hope and eastward from Point Barrow other groups are encountered, it is true; these, however, reflect a different ecological adjustment and are allied more closely with the aboriginal inland groupings. Although to the east of Barrow there are numerous campsites, they are for the most part remains left by the utkeavin-miut and the nuwujmiut as they traveled to the mouth of the Colville for trade with the inland Eskimo. No permanent settlements are indicated. Nor do there seem to have been people permanently resident at neyiq, on the Colville Delta, or at Oliktok Point, the sites of trading assemblages. The next major settlement to the east is Barter Island (tikixtak, tikixtaγmiut) and beyond this, on the Canadian side, is Herschel Island (kikiktaaruk), both suggesting a Thule type culture with different orientations. The nearest neighbors of the modern Point Hope group are those of the village to the south along the coast. This village bears the name kivalina (to the east), and the people are designated as the kivalinermiut. This is a recent village, founded at the turn of the present century by a group of inland Eskimo who pushed to the sea (ibid., pp. 236-237). The orientation of this group is virtually wholly toward the inland regions and they may be properly regarded as nuunamiut. Except for some sealing and the hunting of an occasional beluga, the kivalinermiut depend basically on caribou hunting in the western foothills. The various groups farther to the east and south may also be regarded as inland Eskimo even though many bands formerly settled on the coast for various periods of time. In summary, therefore, the people classed as the tareumiut are specifically those residing in permanent coastal villages, devoting themselves primarily to sea mammal hunting, particularly to whaling, and building a series of complex social and religious patterns around the whale. These groups consist of the nuwunmiut, the utkeavinmiut, the kuymiut, the kayaaakserevignmiut, the recently established group of kallimmiut, and the tikeraymiut. To these may be added the many minor settlements, some wholly temporary, some of longer duration, inhabited by a family or two for a time and then abandoned. In such cases, the people were designated either with the name of the place where they chose to reside or continued to bear the name of the group from which they originally came. These temporary hamlets along the coasts tend to render the matter of population estimates somewhat difficult. As has been seen from the estimates provided by the different 19th century explorers of the region, population fluctuated greatly. That it may have been considerably greater in the remote past is indicated by the richness of archeological materials, the 600 dwellings at Ipiutak, for example, the large and presumably communal houses at Birnirk, and the many ruins, both near modern and ancient, scattered along the coasts. According to the census obtained in 1881-83 by the Point Barrow Expedition, and adding these to the known figures for the Point Hope-Point Lay area for the same period, population of slightly less than 1,000 may be supposed for the coastal villages in the late 19th century (Ray, 1885 b, p. 38; Rainey, 1947, p. 236). This would represent a considerable decrease, perhaps by as many as 500, from the period of the 1850's, a loss attributable in large measure to the European diseases to which the Eskimo lacked resistance, such as measles, influenza, and tuberculosis, and to famine. In the recent period, the tendency has been to abandon the scattered dwellings and to converge on the towns. This has been the result of the building of schools, mission churches, and hospitals established either by mission bodies or the United States Department of the Interior. Educational and medical care provided at Barrow, for example, effectively brought about the end of the nuwuk settlement, the people having gradually given up residence there and built new homes at Barrow village. The process of change was a slow one, to be sure, but the number of coastal settlements is now limited to four along the Arctic slope. Throughout the 20th century, it would appear that the coastal villages have held their own in terms of population. This is true, however, only in a superficial sense. The establishment of coastal villages as administrative centers has affected the resettlement of inland Eskimo with the result that the nuunamiut have virtually ceased to exist. Many have now chosen to live on the coast in the four whaling villages of Barrow, Wainwright, Point Lay, and Point Hope, or they have elected to settle on the coast farther to the south, such as at kivalina, on the Noatak River, or at Kotzebue at Hotham Inlet. Thus, if the coastal population has remained stable, it has been at the expense of the marked decrease of inland groups. The situation at Barrow village is further anomalous, the population here having swelled out of all proportion in the period of 1946–1953, a result of the employment opportunities offered by the naval installation on the petroleum reserve of northern Alaska. Census returns will vary with the year; in the most recent period, Barrow population has averaged about 1,500, while the other towns have fewer inhabitants. According to the count of the Alaska Native Service, an administrative arm of the United States Indian Bureau, Wainwright, in the most recent period, has had 180 inhabitants, Point Lay 90, and Point Hope 240. All intermediate settlements were abandoned in the period after 1900, the last family resident at nuwuk having moved to Barrow village in 1942. Other coastal settlements had disappeared somewhat earlier. The inland Eskimo are thus virtually gone. There is a vanishing group still resident north of the Brooks Range. This is an alliance of two formerly fairly large bands, the killiγmiut, a group taking its name from the Killik River, and the tulugaγmiut, residents of Anaktuvuk Pass and named from Lake Tulugak, in the lower reaches of the pass. When visited by the writer in 1953, this group consisted of 58 persons. The group hunts over a wide area, from Chandler Lake to the many watercourses of the Colville. It has thus far resisted schools and medical care, although it has been Christianized, and it seems a matter of a few years at most before the group vanishes completely (pl. 4, a). In the western foothills, however, there are still Eskimo groups, all of them small, located along the Noatak, Kobuk, and Selawik Rivers. No adequate census figures for these groups can be given, however, although 200 is probably excessive, for the reason that this is a floating population. The people have ties to the now fairly large town of Kotzebue and look to this center as a source of cash and various necessities. Families are known to move about hunting and fishing for extended periods of time, 2 years and more, and then to return for a like period to a settlement. Unlike the group resident in the Anaktuvuk area, these inland peoples no longer retain the sense of group autonomy. As the more recent history of the inland zone is considered, however, it is seen that the ethnic groups were once fairly large. Because of the diffuse nature of the way of life, it is again difficult to obtain either an accurate census or adequate designations for the groups themselves. The principal basis for estimates of population must come from natives themselves who can recall the assemblages at the height of the season of trading. Although these congregations varied in size from year to year, there is no doubt that the majority of the inland Eskimo visited them, being forced by necessity to go at least once yearly to the coast to obtain the necessary commodity of seal oil. The earliest census is that given by McLenegan in 1885 for the people of the Noatak area. This suggests 225 noataqmiut (Healy, 1887, p. 75). But this does not take into account the many Eskimo who may have been absent from the settlements at the time. Larsen's informant, the utokaymiu, qamaq, describes a convocation of the utokaymiut at utokuk at the mouth of the river. He recalls two rows of 80 tents each and estimates 10 persons to a tent. Larsen and Rainey, although they believe the estimate excessive, are of the opinion that even if this number were halved, there would still be a possibility of 800 people in the assemblage (Larsen and Rainey, 1948, p. 31). Stefansson (1914 b, p. 10) believes that the utokaymiut formed the largest grouping of inland Eskimo. To these figures may be added the groupings further to the east. Names for these groupings tend to vary somewhat depending on the point of reference. The utkeavinmiut, for example, referred to the Colville River as kupik; any grouping along the Colville proper was thus called kupiymiut. This might be broken down further depending on the specific locale or tributary with which the grouping was usually associated. Thus the groups along the ikpikpuk were the ikpikpauymiut; those along the Meade River (koluyuraak), the koluyuraymiut, or more specifically, since the modern Meade River village bears the name of the old campsite, tikereeluq, as the tikereeluymiut. A term commonly used to refer to the Colville River people was kangianermiut, essentially synonymous with the kupiymiut of Barrow usage. Others might be listed that are subdivisions of these, groups which draw their names from various localities, especially from streams, but the designations are by no means exact. Of importance, for example, are the still surviving killiymiut, or, farther to the east, the now vanished kaymalliymiut, a grouping visited and described by Stefansson.$^1$ At the mouth of the Colville, on one of the arms of the delta, was the site of neyliq, where the utkeavigniut and the nuwugmiut met with the inland Eskimo in July and August for purposes of trade. Living informants who went there as traders in the early years of the present century are agreed that an amazing number of people made the trip down the Colville from the inland regions. qiwak, an utkeavigniut, counted over 400 tents pitched there by the many groups from all areas, including those to the mouth of the McKenzie, Herschel and Barter Islands, and was unable to complete a count. When it is remembered that people came to neyliq from as far away as noatak, as well as from virtually every stream across the tundra, the assemblage of 1,500 there is not too surprising. When, however, this is added to the parallel assemblage held at Hotham Inlet between inland Eskimo farther to the south and those from the coast from Wainwright to Point Hope, the numbers of inland Eskimo begin to emerge somewhat more clearly. Larsen and Rainey estimate the population of the inland regions in the period of roughly 1895 to 1905 as 3,000. This figure agrees with that arrived at by the present writer. This would, however, include the groups located on the western plateaus of the Brooks Range and those of the Hotham Inlet region, the people of the Noatak (noataymiut), of the Kobuk (kovunjmiut), and the Selawik (selawiymiut) Rivers. On this basis, the ratio between tareumiut and nununamiut would be about one to three. But the groups of inland Eskimo have gradually dropped away. Even in 1924, Rasmussen encountered about 500 Eskimo at the Colville mouth (Rasmussen, 1927, p. 317). This area is wholly deserted today. As is noted above, the populations of the Noatak-Kobuk-Selawik drainages can hardly be said to be permanent, a fact which suggests to the present writer a grouping of about 200 more or less fixed Eskimo. Actually, a count of 1939 reveals 1,400 residents of interior Alaska north and west of the Brooks Range, and a decade ago Larsen and Rainey suggest the inland populations as being about 900 (Larsen and Rainey, 1948, p. 31). Although there is unquestionably great mobility of population, the Alaska Native Service has done all in its power to draw the inland groups to the coast for administra- $^1$ Stefansson (1914 a, p. 9) This author differentiates the kupiymiut from the kangianermiut, placing the latter on the upper reaches of the Colville, the former on the lower. tive purposes. Coupled with this is the recent employment incentive at Barrow. The inland populations today do concentrate along the westward flowing rivers. The peoples to the north of the Brooks Range, in the Anaktuvuk Pass area, remain as a small group of conservative diehards. The modern Meade River village, not far from Barrow, is wholly recent and has a mixed nuunamiut-tareumiut population settled there to work a coal mine. It is, however, an old nuunamiut station. Various factors—an imposed administrative situation, the introduction of a money economy, and not the least, the health problem—have combined to decimate the inland Eskimo. As may be seen, however, the maritime villages have not grown correspondingly. The chief problem associated with the determining of groupings of the inland Eskimo arises from the ephemeral nature of their organization. Rainey argues convincingly for the designation of both tareumiut and nuunamiut groupings as tribes, thereby implying a fixed territory, common interests, and essential group stability (Rainey, 1947, p. 240). All of this was certainly true but because the so-called tribes were secondary to the emphasis placed on kinship, and because the ties of kinship cut across tribal lines, this designation is perhaps not the most favorable. Since these peoples lacked any unifying force beyond kinship, and since each individual was free, either with or without his immediate relatives, to settle where he chose, provided he could establish some claim of kinship, the concept of tribe is wholly subordinated. That there were certain unifying institutions which went beyond kinship can be established. In no case, however, were these inclusive of all of the population of a grouping. The whaling crew on the coast, and the communal caribou hunt inland serve as a locus of interests and are non-kin associations. It is thus difficult to discover any activity in which a grouping engaged as a whole. Some sense of rivalry existed between the maritime villages, especially with regard to intervillage contests arising at the time of the major socioeconomic festival, the Messenger Feast. Even here, however, the majority of the village inhabitants merely occupied the role of spectators. Statuses were fixed, but not in relation to a village group; these, too, tended to cut across residence lines. The upshot of this situation permits a designation of the various groupings only in terms of activity that produce localized culture areas. The basic distinction of nuunamiut as against tareumiut is permissible as a basic ecological and cultural division. Other than this, one can only refer to the various subgroupings by name and with the understanding that these are meaningful only in the sense of geographical divisions within each culture and ecological area. Far more important is the interlocking of circles of kinship and the significant fact that nuunamiut is distinguished from tareumiut not only on the basis of way of life but also because of the absence of kinship ties between them. Kinship extends within an ecological area, never across its boundaries. For convenient reference, it is possible to designate the coastal settlements as villages, and the contracting and expanding inland groupings as bands. HUMAN RELATION TO THE BIOTA FLORA In the exploitation of the resources of his domain, the aboriginal Eskimo chose to be selective and to make exclusive capital of the products of hunting. Meat, whether of sea mammals, of the various mammalian species taken on land, of fowl, or of fish, remains the basis of human diet in the area of northern Alaska. One result of the primary orientation toward meat was the neglect of almost all plant foods and the restriction of their use chiefly to cases of dire emergency. Plants were used more to meet certain utilitarian needs than as food. The attention to plant foods was indirect, in that the partially digested stomach contents of the various kinds of herbivorous game was frequently eaten. The various mosses on which the caribou depend, the seaborne plankton that forms the basis of subsistence for the baleen whales, created side dishes in the Eskimo diet. But in terms of actual use, the flora of the region yields a small inventory only. Of the two human ecological orientations, the nuunamiut, the peoples of the inland regions, made far greater use of the available plant life. For example, the many species and varieties of berries collected on the mountain slopes may be regarded as forming the most important contribution of vegetable foods to the native diet. Mixed with caribou fat, soaked in seal oil, or pounded into meat to make a pemmican, such berries became an important item in the aboriginal trade between the interior and the coast. The most complete list of the various berries used is that made by Lieut. George M. Stoney (1900, p. 99) in his explorations of the region in 1885. He does not, however, identify these beyond noting the native name, nor does he specify the localities in which the berries are picked. Stoney gives 10 different species, the chief of which were the salmonberry (aakpuk) and the various blueberries (pawnraat). He notes that all are preferred with oil or meat and are sometimes eaten before meat. Only in cases of extreme need would the inland peoples subsist solely on berries. Stoney notes that at isiyuq, on the lower Colville, there is an edible clay which is sometimes eaten with oil and berries (ibid., p. 100). Apart from berries, there was random use of various plants as food. So indifferent are the native peoples to these, as well as to berries, that they could not be persuaded, at Anaktuvuk Pass, for example, to locate some of the edible plants for purposes of identification.$^2$ The most important root vegetable was a knotweed, faintly resembling a parsnip (Polygonum bistortum), known by the native term "masu," which was gathered in the passes and foothills. This was eaten raw or boiled, and the leaves also were sometimes gathered and soaked in oil. The same treatment was given to a kind of rhubarb, to willow shoots, and, in Stoney's observation, to a dozen other plants, including roots and grasses (Stoney, 1900, p. 99). Beyond the use of the paunch contents of herbivores, and the berries obtained by trade from the nuunamiut, the coastal Eskimo had no plant foods. Edible seaweeds were collected south of Point Hope but as nearly as can be judged, they did not find their way northward. The seaweeds did travel to the inland peoples by trade. One especially, nay'kuwik, found its way inland along the Kobuk and Noatak routes. Stoney (1900, p. 99) remarks of this that it had to be boiled in seal oil; to eat it raw caused crossed eyes. Among the inland bands, there was extensive use of plants for other purposes than as food. Spruce bark, for example, was shredded and used to enforce cordage, and the spruce roots were sometimes eaten. The various willows had many uses, not the least of which was as fuel in the passes and foothills. The heavier willows (konunyuq) are still used to make snowshoe frames, and as was formerly the case bows were made from them when birch (ulaalelug) was scarce. The smaller willows were differentiated as waakpiq, akutuaq, and nuwunyuq. The latter was used to make a red dye, its bark being finely scraped and soaked in water. A generic term for the willow is ukpiq. Along the coasts, there was some employment of mosses for various purposes. The rich sphagnum moss which grows in areas of decayed animal matter, such as at abandoned campsites, was used to line the interior of boots. The tareumiut preferred shredded baleen for this purpose. Mosses were regularly used for infant diapering and for the wick of the ubiquitous lamp. The exploitation of plant resources was somewhat increased when tobacco was introduced to the Eskimo south of Bering Strait. This took place in the early 19th century, and within a short time tobacco was obtainable by the north Alaskan groups through the processes of trade. So valuable a commodity had at all costs to be saved as $^2$ An amusing illustration of this was provided at Anaktuvuk Pass. An old informant, queried on plant foods, indicated both his lack of interest and distaste for them. He had lived for a time with a married daughter in Fairbanks, but had returned to the north because, as he said, "I couldn't stand eating them flowers all the time; I wanted meat". He went on to say that he ate no "flowers" now. long as possible. Traded always in leaf form, the tobacco was made ready for smoking—the principal use to which the Eskimo applied it—by adulterating it with cottonwood bark, willow bark, fungi, and grasses. Even in this instance, however, dog or caribou hair was frequently mixed with tobacco and was in any case always placed at the bottom of the pipe bowl as a filter. Along the coasts, the only source of wood was that which drifted in on the beaches. This was found in surprisingly large quantities and came to serve as the source of supply for the making of house beams, planking, sleds, weapons, and many other things. Even the inland Eskimo came to depend on this source of supply, obtaining logs and planks by trade from the coast. Unconcerned with plants as food, and dependent on driftwood for meeting various important needs, the maritime Eskimo made no effort to utilize the local vegetation. Even if the inland Eskimo made greater use of plants, it is clear that some needs which might have been met by a fuller use of vegetable products were filled in other ways. FAUNA The Eskimo food quest was thus centered wholly in the wildlife of the region. It is this, in its various manifestations, which underlies adjustments in ecology and culture. In the patterned dichotomy of existence are seen the differences of inland nomadism, of bands organized around caribou hunting, as against the settled village life with its whaling emphasis. In both settings, despite the uniformities of language and kinship organization, there were vast differences in the social forms which went beyond kinship and in ceremonial life. The relations of man to the native fauna must accordingly be conceived in terms of the two primary orientations. Of the two, the maritime Eskimo had the far richer life, able as they were to direct attention to inland hunting on the tundra when not engaged in sea mammal pursuit. Thus, they hunted caribou in the summer and fall, fished extensively in the fresh-water streams, and were skilled in the uses of the various traps. In some measure, they thus acquired the skills of inland life while the reverse was not true; the inland Eskimo were not prepared to deal with the hazards of the sea, of whaling in the ice leads, or of sealing at breathing holes in the ice. But for the maritime Eskimo, inland hunting was largely an individual matter; it did not call for the communal enterprise characteristic of the nuunamiut or for the same ceremonial orientations. The various animals known and used, a wide variety, are best listed and some evaluation of their role in the native economy given. 1. The whale.—This is the polar, or bowhead, whale (Balaena mysticetus Linn.) which begins to swim up through the Bering Strait as soon as the ice permits free movement. Herds of these animals feed through the summer along the edges of the polar cap, returning southward in the fall when the ocean ice begins to thicken. Today as in the past, the baleen whales appear in the off-shore ice leads beginning in late April. They may still be sighted in early June. Whaling camps were set up on the edges of the leads and the crews pursued the whales in umiaks, each with several harpoons with two seal-bladder floats on each. The attempt was made to place as many harpoons as possible in the whale. When the animal tired and rose for air in the limited space of the ice lead, it was lanced, a special lance with a large stone head being used for this purpose. An attempt was made to spear the whale in the heart, lungs, or brain and so to kill it. The carcass was then towed back to the camp at the edge of the lead, tugged by communal effort on the ice, and divided. It is in respect to this whole activity that an extremely elaborate series of ceremonial usages arise and that a basis for extra-kin associations is seen. The general term for the common baleen whale is naayvik. An especially large specimen—and it is worth noting that some exceed 60 feet in length and that a rough computation can be made of 1 ton per foot—is called qayrelrik. Smaller specimens, the poggy whales, 20 to 30 feet in length, with 3 or 4 feet of baleen, and reflecting a varietal difference, are inutuk. A larger specimen of this type is inutuvak. The northern villages engaged in whaling in the fall also, when the herds began to move south again. But this season cannot be considered important since it affected only nuwuk and utkeaaayvik. Even for these towns, no elaboration of ceremonial activity took place in the fall, this being reserved for the earlier season. At this time, whales were hunted in the open water, obviously a much more difficult undertaking in the fragile umiak. Two or three animals might be captured at this time, although this by no means compares with a successful spring season, when as many as 25 whales, representing hundreds of tons of meat, might be brought in. --- 2 Murdoch (1883 a, p. 101). The faunal nomenclature has in most instances been drawn from Murdoch's treatment of the natural history of the region and from data obtained at the Arctic Research Laboratory at Point Barrow. These were checked against G. S. Miller, Jr., and R. Kellogg's "List of North American Recent Mammals," 1955. Identifications of inland fauna have been made by Kausch (1931) and Murie (1936). 3 Ibid., p. 101. Murdoch mentions the introduction of techniques derived from European whalers as well as their equipment. By 1881, the Eskimo at Cape Smythe (Barrow) were using steel lances and whaling bombs. A resistance to these methods arose in 1883, the prevailing attitude being that the stone-headed lance should still be used to dispatch the whale and barring this, an ivory harpoon should strike the whale first. When this was done, steel harpoons could safely be used. By 1900, this custom had fallen away. The meat was divided in various ways between participating crews. It was carefully stored in ice cellars after being distributed according to well-defined regulation and ceremony. Use was made of virtually every part of the whale carcass. Apart from the especially prized skin—the delicate muktuk, eaten raw and boiled—and the blubber and meat, the bones were used much as wood, in making house beams, sleds, and many other artifacts, and the baleen, the long-fringed strainers in the mouth of the plankton-eating whales, was likewise used for many purposes, including the making of ornaments and amulets, of sledges, and of armor. Oil in great quantities, for use as food and fuel, was stored in seal bladders and skins. The upshot of the whaling, given an average year, made for considerable surplus of food and a basic ease of life. If, however, the herds changed their course for a year or two, the result was often starvation, or at least, limited rations. The population of a coastal community rose with a successful year, and declined markedly if few whales were taken, as the inhabitants struck out alone or in small groups to wrest a living from other sources. 2. The caribou.—What the whale was to the tareumiut, the caribou was to the nuunamiut. Its presence was vital to inland life and, like the whale on the coast, it became the keystone of economic, social, and religious activity, involved with an infinite number of restrictions, attitudes, and modes of treatment. The caribou (Rangifer arcticus stonei (Allen)), Eskimo tuttu, spreads widely over the American Arctic and sub-Arctic, appearing in herds of literally thousands. Through the north Alaskan regions the migrations of these animals are quite complex and the relations of the Brooks Range herds to those farther to the south are only imperfectly understood. (Rausch, 1951, pp. 186–87). The caribou move through the passes of the Brooks Range, not once, but often several times yearly, the movements themselves being quite irregular and erratic. The unpredictability of the caribou migrations has long affected the patterning of settlement of the inland Eskimo, inasmuch as these groups are obliged to cover wide areas both in search of the herds and to follow them for long distances once they have been located. The animals tend to move northward through the passes between January and June, a definite sequence beginning with cows and calves, followed by bulls, and lastly, old bulls, having been noted by Rausch (ibid., pp. 187–88). Calves are born on the Arctic slope side between April and June. By October, the entire herds move southward again. These movements are usual but by no means consistent or wholly predictable. Nor do the herds remain stable in numbers, small herds sometimes returning to the place where an extremely large herd had been sighted the previous year. In the Central Brooks Range, a not unusual pattern is seen in the movement northward along the Killik River, while the southward trek takes place along the Anaktuvuk River, through the pass of that name, and so to the south along the John River (ibid., p. 187). Whatever the route of movement, one may expect to encounter herds of caribou along the foothills and adjacent tundra plain in the spring. The rutting season of these animals is generally in October. The animals, having milled about the tundra, feeding on moss, have begun to move southward in order, as the Eskimo say, to escape the mosquitoes. On the Arctic plain, the herds tend to break into eastern and western sections. Some stragglers remain in or near the passes, while advance guards may reach the coasts at various points. The patterning of movement has evidently changed in recent years. Murdoch mentions the presence of caribou in spring along the Ikpikpuk, Meade, and Kuaru Rivers, but indicates that the herds do not come to the coast or near it (Murdoch, 1885 a, p. 98). In recent years, however, fairly large herds have regularly been seen along the beaches to the south of Barrow village, along the Kuk River and Peard Bay. Since they appear in the areas close to the coast, they become an important source of food supply to the modern coastal Eskimo. Farther to the south, the noataγmiut and the utokaymiut have been wholly dependent on the westward movements of caribou herds and remain so. There appears to be no evidence that the caribou herds are disappearing. Indeed, the killiγmiut indicate that the herds today are larger than they were a quarter of a century and more ago. In fact, hunting by the Eskimo, with the disappearance of the inland bands, is not nearly so intensive as it was formerly. There is always the threat to the herds brought on by wolves and other predators, but this, as may be anticipated, seems cyclical. The introduction of reindeer blood lines, as the result of the failure of the reindeer industry in northern Alaska, appears not to have modified the caribou population. More significant is the disappearance of the inland Eskimo. This has come about, not, as has been suggested by some, because of decimation of the caribou herds, but rather because the peoples of the coast discontinued the patterns of trade on which the nuunamiut so vitally depended. Once this took place, the inland Eskimo were forced to come to the coast and to revise their mode of life. That the caribou movements are erratic is indicated by the experiences of the Anaktuvuk Eskimo in the summer of 1953. The spring had not been successful in that the caribou had failed to materialize in the Central Brooks Range. The small group of remaining Eskimo were at short rations and were later obliged to move to the east in order to catch the southward movement. This has been the usual situation, with the result that inland Eskimo life has always been precariously balanced between feast and famine. The inland Eskimo regularly undertook their intensive caribou hunting in the spring. The meat was usually jerked, being hung on racks. As soon as the weather permitted this, the great drives began to take place. This was usually by April, which meant that much of the hunting was directed toward the younger bulls, a preferred quarry because of their greater fat storage. In the past, cows and calves were hunted less for meat and more for the hides. These skins especially were important as a main item of trade with the coast, being in demand for making into undergarments. Eskimo terms for the caribou vary in differentiating both age and sex and the lexicon is large. The general term "tuttu" applies to any adult caribou, but bulls, pukniq, are distinguished from cows, kulavag, and the younger animals ranked as to age. There is a general term for calf, nuyaq, and for a young bull, nukataγaq; young bulls with fully grown antlers, nukataγaakruq, are distinguished from yearlings, qayukl'aaakruq. The hunting of caribou among the inland Eskimo reached a high degree of specialization in aboriginal times, skills being involved in which the peoples of the coast did not wholly share. Caribou hunting by the tareumiut was more frequently an individual matter, or at least one in which several men might informally share. In the inland sections, however, the hunting was elaborated and communal, providing the basis for the structuring of lines of authority and prestige. The great spring hunt was undertaken by means of one of two well-defined methods involving activity on the part of virtually every member of the community. The first technique was the impound drive, the second, a variation of the first, a lake drive. Each inland band, having its defined hunting area, chose several sites within this territory, depending on the route of caribou migration, for the erection of a corral. The impound itself, kajjγak, was located at a point beyond a ford and concealed, if possible, behind a ridge. The corral itself was made from different materials depending on the season. A spring corral was often made with stones and willow branches, while in the late fall or early spring, walls of ice were erected. A usual technique was to build several roughly parallel walls at the far end of the corral, leaving openings through which the caribou might advance, only to be caught by snares in the further spaces. While the area covered by the corral might vary, the average might run to as much as 50 yards in width and from 75 to 100 yards in length. The herds of caribou were led into the corral by converging lines of posts set up at intervals of 30 to 100 yards apart and leading directly to the ford and the corral entrance. These were logs, cairns of stones, or piles of brush, often covered with discarded clothing or with pieces of skin which flapped in the breeze. These were known as in'uktsuk (like a man, i.e. a scarecrow) and were stretched out for as much as 5 miles away from the corral opening. The men of the hunting party often remained in blinds along the way; when the caribou began to move into the row of in'uktsut they would run behind the herd to prevent its milling and breaking through the rows of uprights. Once the caribou forded the stream and had begun to enter the corral, men stationed in blinds at the entrance emerged to close the entrance with brush and to begin shooting with arrows into the milling caribou. The animals in the corral, many caught at the snares at the far end, others milling and trampling, could then be dispatched at leisure. Using this method, the hunters most frequently killed the animals in the corral with arrows. Boys who had not previously participated in the caribou drive were accorded the privilege of shooting the first arrows. The animals caught in the snares at the end of the corral were dispatched with spears. When the colder weather had begun, the corrals were made of mounds of snow and were covered with discarded clothing as in the case of the spring and summer in'uktsut, the hunting method being essentially the same. The sod, willow, and stone corrals of the spring hunt were kept permanently in place and could be repeatedly used. It can be readily noted that large numbers of caribou could be taken by this method and large amounts of meat obtained. It would, however, be difficult to estimate the average catch, the size of the herds themselves being so variable from year to year. The process could be repeated over several days or weeks, and it would appear possible that 200 to 300 animals could be taken in a day's hunting, and the corral cleared and made ready for the following day. A variant of the impound method was the water drive. In this, the tuttusiuvaktuat, the in'uktsut led to a small lake or lagoon. The caribou were driven as before and forced into the water. Here, hunters in kayaks awaited them, spearing the animals as they began swimming. If the body of water was small, a stockade was erected on the far side so that any that escaped were ensnared as they regained the land. The tareumiut knew this method and used it along the Arctic plain. The more elaborate stockade, however, was preferred in the passes and foothills. When the caribou were collected, the women of the group went to the work of skinning them. The meat was cut in strings for drying and pounding with fat and berries, and the leg bones were cracked for marrow. The paunch and intestines were emptied of their contents and this vegetable matter was eaten. Foctuses were also boiled and eaten. The choice parts of the caribou were the marrow bones. The leg bones were cracked for the marrow and stored with fat in the emptied paunch. This favored combination (akutuq) made a light and easily transportable food. Caribou meat was divided according to well-defined regulation, each family receiving a share. The usual practice was to strip the meat, dry it, and cache it. A family that left the group during the summer season regularly left some of the dried meat at the usual campsite, taking the remainder as provender for any journey. The tareumiut treated the caribou differently, not stripping the meat, but preserving it intact in the ice cellars in a frozen state. Between the two groups, there was also marked difference in ceremonial usage; the inland Eskimo always removed the head of the caribou at once, "lest the animal suffer," while this practice was not followed on the coast. Several other methods of taking caribou were known and employed. Individual hunters set up traps on the tundra, often in defiles through which the caribou must pass. Depending on the nature of the terrain, looped cords were fixed to catch either the antlers or the legs of the caribou. Murdoch (1885 a, p. 99) mentions the pitfall as a means of taking caribou, but living informants do not recall this. A preferred time for individual hunting was in the rutting season. At this time the caribou become curious and will approach a man. With the introduction of firearms, the older methods of caribou hunting tended to fall by the way. Only older residents of the area recall the use of corrals or the water drive, while Murdoch notes that the Barrow Eskimo of 1883 were hunting with guns, circling the herds and firing into them from a distance (ibid., p. 99). Rausch (1951, p. 192) remarks that the natives of the Anaktuvuk area have not used the corral for about 75 years. Stefansson (1914 a, p. 385) obtained the details of a corral from Point Hope informants and indicates the use of the corral had fallen by the way at the time of his visits with Anderson in the first decade of the present century. Thus, in the treatment of the whale and caribou, the two primary foci of the patterning of human ecology of the Alaskan Arctic slope are considered. To do justice to the elaborate exploitation of the faunal resources, however, some listing of the animals associated with each setting is necessary. The tareumiut, able to draw the bulk of their food from the sea, were nevertheless intimately involved in the hunting of many land animals. On the other hand, the nuunamiut, while they hunted a great variety of animals widely and successfully, were obliged to depend primarily on the caribou, the only animal which could be taken in quantity. The following treatment does not attempt to do other than note those animals that were of marked economic importance to either group. It is perhaps sufficient to note that there are numerous small animals and birds which assumed little or no economic role in Eskimo life. The rodents and nonmigratory fowl, for example, played little part in native life. Those to which attention is given are significant as contributing vitally to the food supply of either ecological setting or are important as objects of ritual behavior. In a general way, ritualism and economic importance coincide, although this is not always the case. 3. The wolf, Canis lupus tundrarum (Miller), Eskimo amawk, and amaruq, was trapped by both tareumiut and nuunamiut, although it was more important to the economy of the latter. The traps were of many different kinds, their use being hemmed in with innumerable restrictions of a supernatural kind. Wolfskins were valuable as items of trade, the outer parka and trousers often being made of them. A thick fur was valued as a facepiece on a parka hood. Wolf skulls were prized as whaling charms by the tareumiut. Both groups ate the flesh. 4. Foxes, Vulpes fulva alascensis (Merriam), appear in several varieties—the red fox, kayaktuq; the cross fox, kenraq; the silver fox, kerenektaq; the blue fox, kenraktunuq; ciriganeak, so-called “white fox,” possibly Alopex lagopus innuitus (Merriam). The attitudes and treatment of foxes parallel that directed toward wolves. 5. The wolverine, Gulo luscus luscus (Linn.).—This animal is fairly frequent in the mountains. The fur was much valued as a decoration for clothing and for parka facepieces. As such, wolverine pelts became an important trading item and reached the coasts via the inland trade routes. The taking of the wolverine was also hemmed in with considerable ritual. 5. Grizzly bear (Arctic grizzly), Ursus rich ardsoni (Swainson), Eskimo aakluq. This animal is fairly widely distributed on the northern slopes of the Brooks Range (Rausch, 1951, pp. 165–170). In aboriginal times, these bears were evidently frequently met not only by the nuunamiut, but also by parties of tareumiut, and there are records of such bears having wandered into the various coastal villages. The hunting of such bears was surrounded with a particularly elaborate ritual. 6. Polar bear, Thalarctos maritimus (Phipps).—This animal is very common along the coastal Arctic slope, is principally a water feeder and inhabits the moving ice, rarely coming ashore. Polar bear (Eskimo, naanuk) meat is particularly favored by the maritime Eskimo. 7. Seals. Excepting the bearded seal, these animals were taken on the winter ice pack at breathing holes (aadluk) either with nets or by spearing. Nets were set out across the lagoons and stream mouths in summer. Three principal species are taken by this method. They are: (a) Phoca vitulina richardii (Gray), the harbor seal, Eskimo kasigeaq; (b) Phoca hispida beaufortiana (Anderson), ringed seal, Eskimo necik, nunuq; (c) Phoca fasciata (Gill), the ribbon seal, Eskimo kayxolik. Of the three, the ringed seal is by far the most common. It remains through the year along the Arctic coast but is most plentiful on the winter ice. All the ingenuity attributed to the Eskimo reaches its peak in respect to the hunting of seals. Largely an individual matter, the hunter strings his nets under the winter ice, scratching with seal claws to attract the animals. The baleen nets strangle the seal or may break the animal's neck when dragged in. Formerly, as the ice receded and the seals rested on the rotten ice, alternately napping and waking, the hunter, equipped with harpoon, crept up on them, timing his movements with those of his quarry. With whale, seals formed a significant part of the maritime Eskimo diet. The skins were used for clothing and the oil was carefully collected for use as food, fuel, and as an important item of trade. The bearded seal is somewhat less common than the ringed seal and is of seasonal occurrence. It is found on the ice from the end of the whaling season in late spring and is still taken up to the time the ice recedes in late summer. The maritime Eskimo sought this animal eagerly in view of the valuable skin, six of which were sufficient to cover an umiak frame. The bearded seal, Erignathus barbatus naticus (Pallas.), Eskimo ugruk, was hunted communally, unlike the other seals that were taken as the result of individual effort. 8. The walrus, Odobaeus rosmarus divergens (Illiger), Eskimo ayvuq, Pacific walrus. This animal, appearing in herds, is seasonal, coming with the movement of ice floes northward at midsummer. It has been noted that the majority of animals taken along the Arctic coast are males, principally old bulls. The cows and calves have evidently split off from the bulls and summer on the Siberian side. Hunting was done with umiak, as a group venture, and the walrus harpooned. The ivory was much sought, but the meat, while useful and plentiful, was not valued as food for human consumption. Flipper parts and certain of the internal organs were eaten, the former being allowed to sour before cooking. Walrus meat went largely to the maintenance of dogs. Calfskins were used for the manufacture of whaling lines, the whole skins of grown animals, carefully thinned by scraping, sometimes being employed as umiak covers, three to four skins serving to cover a frame. 9. Beluga (white whales), Delphinapterus leucas (Pallas), Eskimo, kil'elluaq, sisuak. This small whale has never been too plentiful in the northern sections of the coastal Arctic slope and is considerably more important to the maritime Eskimo farther down the coast, such as at Icy Cape, Point Lay, and Point Hope. Indeed, the kivalinermiut, for all that they are an original nuunamiut grouping, have taken to hunting the beluga somewhat intensively. Formerly, the beluga skins were valued as whaling and walrus lines and as boot soles. The animals, traveling in schools, were harpooned in shallow water, sometimes being driven into waiting hunters on a beach or spit. At present, they are shot rather than harpooned. 10. The killer whale, Orca orca (Linn.); Grampus rectipinnna (Cope.), the Pacific killer whale, Eskimo, aaxlu. Never economically significant, never purposely hunted, in fact, the killer whale is worth noting in view of the numerous tales which have arisen around it and the anxieties which it still produces. 11. Mountain or Dall sheep, Ovis dalli dalli (Nelson), Eskimo, inmaeq.—The mountain sheep were snared in the mountains by the nuunamiut. On rare occasions, a party of tareumiut would hunt them for sport in the mountains to the east, and on the coast just south of Barter Island. The sheep were not obtained in sufficient numbers by either group to be economically important, but their horns were eagerly sought, serving as caribou spearheads and dippers, and becoming an important item of trade. The list of mammals might be extended at length. The smaller mammals, however, become less important to the native economy although their use might depend on emergency. The nuunamiut made some use of the various squirrels (Citellus parryii barrowensis (Merriam)), the marmots, weasels, and hares, all of which might be snared when caribou was scarce and the skins of which were used for underclothing and for children's garments. Similarly, the tareumiut, when traveling inland, might trap squirrels and rabbits (Lepus arcticus arcticus (Ross)) if these were found in abundance. Weasels (ermine) were snared for their pelts, which were used as decoration on parkas with matched skins. The various lemmings seem to have had no economic value, no record being obtainable of anyone having eaten the flesh of lemmings. The myth persists that the lemming comes from the clouds, this bit of folklore also having been noted in Scandinavia. A few larger mammals might also be mentioned but likewise are economically not significant. The coastal natives know both the narwhal (Monodon monoceros (Linn.)) and various porpoises but are not concerned with them. The former remain as a memory but no living Eskimo were encountered who recall seeing one. A porpoise was taken at Barrow in the summer of 1952 but is otherwise very rare. Both groups know the musk ox (Ovibos moschatus (Gmel.)) and skulls turn up from time to time on the tundra, but the species appears to be extinct north of the Brooks Range, or, indeed, in all of Alaska. Mountain lions are known south of the Brooks Range as are moose, but they are generally removed from the Eskimo sphere of interest. In summary, the mammalian domain of the North Alaskan Eskimo was not large. But if the species hunted were few, the quantity taken more than compensated for the variety. Fowl.—In the area of bird hunting, the Eskimo of the region also tended to be selective. The fowl that formed a part of the native diet were principally the ducks and the geese, the hunting of which became a preoccupation of the maritime Eskimo, although it was not limited to them, and the various species of ptarmigan, to which the nuunamiut directed their primary attention. Ptarmigan abound in the watercourses flowing out from the foothills and are found back into the mountain passes. They are principally the Lagopus albus (Aud.), the willow ptarmigan. There are other species as well, however, chief among them being the Lagopus rupestris (Leach), the rock ptarmigan. The nuunamiut decoyed them into nets and snares, using stuffed birds during the mating season. These were attacked by live birds, which became enmeshed in the spread nets. Noose traps, nets, the latter of baleen traded from the coast and strung in lines, and many other devices were used in the trapping. The nuunamiut also used baleen nets to take waterfowl on the lakes, sinking the nets and enmeshing the birds as they dove. Small spears were used for geese and ducks during the moulting season. The many species of waterfowl which flew along the coasts provided an important secondary food source for the tareumiut. The most sought after of these ducks were the various eiders which continue to fly across Elson Lagoon across the Point Barrow spit and which fly in flocks down the Arctic coast. Most tareumiut groups maintained camps where families might go, particularly during the summer months, for duck hunting. At utkeaaγvik and nuwuk, for example, the old site of piyiniq was used as a shooting station (pl. 4, c). Similarly, there were duck shooting stations along the lagoons south of Icy Cape which were periodically used by the people of the various southern villages. At Point Barrow, the eider ducks were hunted with the bola as they flew low over the sandspit, but, as in the inland regions, there was also intensive netting and snaring. The utkeavimmiut and nuwunmiut erected a series of in'uxsut, similar to the scarecrows used by the nuunamiut in caribou hunting, along the south side of Elson Lagoon, the purpose being to drive the ducks over the sandspit, thus preventing them from swinging to the south. These devices were evidently wholly successful. The principal eider ducks taken in this manner are Somateria spectabilis (Linn.), the king eider, Eskimo kin'yaluk; Somateria V-nigra (Gray), the Pacific eider, Eskimo amawlik ("like a wolf"); Arctonetta fischeri (Brandt), the spectacled eider, Eskimo tuttuluk ("like caribou"). Others, including the brant geese, Bernia nigricans (Lawr.), involve the squaw duck, Harelda glacialis (Leach), Steller's duck, Polysticta stelleri (Brandt), Eskimo ignikawktuq, and many others. Important though the various fowl are to the native food supply, it is of interest to note that few integrated usages appear in association with them. Of the two principal types of fowl, those of the land, the various ptarmigan, play a much more significant role in folklore and legend. On the coasts, the ducks were preserved in oil and fat. When needed, they were skinned rather than plucked and the fat eaten carefully. Essentially similar treatment was accorded the ptarmigan among the inland groups, although the facilities for storing the birds were not so readily available. Fish.—Like fowl, fish formed part of the secondary diet of the peoples of the area. Lacking the reserves of fat, fish were never a staple food, serving to supplement the diet of meat. Not much fishing was actually done in the sea by the maritime people and then only when certain species came up the coasts in schools and could be obtained in quantity. These were principally the tomcod (Boreogadus saida), a winter fish, obtained through holes in the ice, and the eulachon (candlefish), obtainable in summer. While other species were available from the sea, they could not be obtained in sufficient quantity to be of economic importance. Fishing, for both the nuunamiut and the tareumiut, was focused on the fresh water of the inland lakes and streams. Here, fish of many kinds could be had in sufficient quantity to justify an intensive activity. The nuunamiut fished both summer and winter, fishing through the ice in the latter season, while the tareumiut limited their fishing, except for the seaborne tomcod, to the summer months when the streams were open. Only rarely would a family remain at a fishing site into the fall or winter, although it was of course possible to continue fishing into the dark of the year. In general, fishing was a woman's activity, although men would assist in setting out the nets. Families from both ecological settings would remain at fishing camps for part of the year, the men engaging in caribou hunting while the women, with their smaller children, would congregate at the river or lake banks, drawing in the nets, gutting and drying or freezing the catch. Fish were stored by the tareumiut in ice cellars in a frozen state and were dried and cached by the nuunamiut. Fish known to the area may be listed as follows: \| Fish—gen. \| ikaaluq \| \|-------------------\|---------\| \| Fishing activity \| ikaluneaktuak \| \| Small fishes \| ikallowayaat \| \| Arctic lamprey \| nimmeaq (var. nimmereaq) \| \| Dog salmon \| ikalluguruuaq \| \| Humpback salmon \| amaktuq \| \| Arctic char \| ikaluukpiq \| \| Dolly Varden \| ikaluukpiq \| \| Lake trout \| ikaluakpuq \| \| Grayling \| sulukpawak \| \| She-fish \| siiriroaq \| \| White fish (gen.) \| ikalluapeq \| \| White fish (round)\| anaakhiq \| \| White fish (Coregonus) \| piyuktuuk \| \| White fish (Autumnalis) \| kaktuq (var. tipu) \| \| White fish (Sardinella) \| ikalusaaq \| \| Smelt \| ixγoaniq \| \| Smelt larvae \| irituun'iq \| \| Capeling \| pagmageruq \| \| Herring \| uxruxtuq \| \| Pike \| siiyuliq \| \| Blackfish \| ixluγukiniq \| \| Sucker \| milluweaq \| \| Freshwater cod \| tittaliq \| \| Polar cod (tomcod)\| ikalluwaq \| \| Siberian cod \| uuγaq \| \| Flounder \| nataaγnaq \| \| Sculpin \| qanayuq \| \| Stickleback \| kakiiγesuq \| \| “Eel-port” (Lycoides) \| kuγurawnaq \| Lampetra japonica Oncorhynchus keta O. gorbuscha Salvelinus alpinus S. malma S. namaycush Thymallus signifer Stenodus spp. Prosopium spp. Coregonus spp. Leucichthys autumnalis L. sardinella complex Osmerus dentez Mallotus villosus Clupea pallasi Esox lucius Dallia pectoralis Catostomus spp. Lota maculosa Boreogadus saida Eleginus spp. Pleuronectidae (fam.) Cottidae (fam.) Pungitius pungitius Lycoidae (fam.) Of the above, the white fishes, the grayling, and the various trout formed the principal items in the native diet. Fish taken in the summer were frequently left at the site where the fishing had been done until the onset of winter. With sled, accompanied by sufficient number of dogs, a man would go out in winter to return the summer’s catch. If a family planned on it, they traveled to the fishing station by umiak and made it back to the settlement before the winter freeze set in. Each grouping, whether basically oriented toward the sea or the land, tended to move to the same general fishing areas. This meant that the foothill and plain provinces were dotted with established camps where the fishing took place. It is not to be implied that these were in any sense owned by any one group; in the course of summer travel by families over familiar routes certain places were selected as sites for fishing. In the summers, small communities --- 4 The writer is indebted to Dr. Norman Wilmovsky, Stanford University, for the identification of the various piscine forms, as well as for the location of the various fishing stations of the maritime groups. often grew up around them, dispersing when the winter freeze began. Some, it is true, remained behind for as long as they chose. Among the maritime people, those from the larger villages, it was not unusual, nor is it today, for a family to build a semipermanent house at such a fishing camp, returning there summer after summer. Some, indeed, went so far as to build an ice cellar at the site, storing both the fish taken by the women and the caribou shot by the men. While it would be of marked interest to offer details of the location of each fishing camp of each group, it was not found possible to list these. It may, however, suffice to note those to which the natives of utkeaaγvik and nuwuk were regularly accustomed to go and which remain important at present for fishing activity. The camps, varying in size and location, are often some days' journey from the Point Barrow villages and could be reached only by water in summer or by dog sled in winter. They are as follows (cf. map 2.): sunoyaraq----------------------------- 71°2′25″N, 156°28′30″W. poleaq------------------------------- 70°54′10″N, 156°18′30″W. iiiviksuq----------------------------- 70°53′40″N, 156°37′W. nawlat------------------------------- 70°52′40″N, 156°53′10″W. opikisuq------------------------------ 70°41′30″N, 156°36′20″W. kaveiarat----------------------------- 70°40′30″N, 157°1′W. wiireiaq------------------------------ 70°18′30″N, 157°24′40″W. payuuγvit----------------------------- 70°51′N, 156°24′30″W. tupaaγaruuq--------------------------- 70°40′N, 155°50′W. avirhawvik--------------------------- Near latter on Chipp River. aalaktak------------------------------- 70°46′30″N, 155°3′W. piquuguuruuaerevic--------------------- 70°53′5″N, 156°43′5″W. puleyiceax----------------------------- 70°55′5″N, 156°13′20″W. aatut--------------------------------- 70°39′N, 157°14′W. uyaraalik----------------------------- ? SUMMARY As may be seen, the human relation to the biota was a selective one, the exploitation being of those animals of which considerable quantity could be obtained. Each setting came to stress the game most readily available and was intent on amassing surplus supplies of food, not only as insurance against the ever present threat of famine, but also because possession of surplus food and goods counted as wealth and underlay the status system for both nuunamiut and tareumiut. In the course of the utilization of the resources which the land provided, it was inevitable that small groups were most effective, both because the supply potential was limited and because the game, in its general seasonal movements, was sporadic and unpredictable. Given this kind of limitation, the social units alined themselves, structured themselves, and created a high degree of order. Eskimoan or Eskimo-Aleut, as is well known, constitutes a wholly independent linguistic grouping. Efforts to relate Eskimo to any of the other North American language families, to the Hyperborean languages of Northeastern Siberia, or to some of the better formulated stocks of northern and central Eurasia, such as to Tungusic or Finno-Ugric, have proved fruitless. A recent suggestion, made by the Danish linguist Hammerich that Eskimoan and Indo-European may have a common root, likewise seems untenable, although of course the idea is a stimulating one (Hammerich, 1951b). While there is a distinct difference between Eskimo and Aleut, the two being wholly mutually unintelligible, there are sufficient common points in both morphology and cognates to permit the formulation of a relationship. The languages spoken by the Eskimo themselves, ranging from Greenland to southern Alaska, suggest dialects rather than separate tongues. The natives of Barrow recall that when Rasmussen and some Greenland Eskimo visited in 1924, Rasmussen himself delivered an address in Greenlandic which was intelligible to the north Alaskan people. The absence of any sharp dialectic distinctions or of a series of well-defined different languages might point to a relatively recent dissemination of the Eskimo-speaking peoples across the American Arctic. That there are local dialects must be considered. These tend to be based on phonological and lexical differences rather than on morphological or syntactical ones. Throughout the Eskimo area, and certainly on the north Alaskan slope, there is considerable consciousness of language. A man's speech usually served as a criterion of his birthplace. The utkeavinniut, for example, the people of Barrow, were said to speak more slowly and evenly, while those of Point Hope, the tikeraamiut, are alleged to speak rapidly and with a much more marked intonation pattern. But even in such closely situated villages as nuwuk, utkeaaγvik, and piyiniq, or between local settlements anywhere, there were reputedly some dialectical differences. Not that the dialects digressed so far as to become mutually unintelligible; it was often a matter merely of certain lexical selections. It is not known why this should have come about. The fact that a group dropped a word in favor of another for the same object or concept could conceivably have a supernatural basis but no data were to be had regarding word taboos. In certain communities words took on a fadlike character, particularly in nouns designating animals, birds, and plants. This process is by no means gone. New words are continually evolving. Such may depend on the fondness for puns and word play which the groups share. When it is recalled that the cultures placed a great emphasis on compulsive formulas in the form of songs, it is perhaps not difficult to see that lexicon might in some measure be affected. This would point to the present continuing importance of the native language. Today, despite the efforts of the local schools to develop a written and spoken knowledge of English, Eskimo is spoken in the home and remains the language of social usage among old and young alike. This has meant that any ethnographer, the writer included, has been obliged to make use of an interpreter in dealing with informants. A comparative few speak English adequately. The Eskimoan dialects have been so completely analyzed that there is little point in attempting a further description here. The Danes, with their interests in Greenland, have perhaps done the most complete summary of Eskimo linguistics, although the field has by no means been neglected by American scholars. A recent reconstruction of proto-Eskimo by Swadesh (Swadesh, 1951, 1952 a–d), as well as a number of comprehensive descriptive statements, make Eskimo one of the most intensively studied languages of native North America. Interesting though the specific analysis of the north Alaska dialects might be, this area not having been adequately worked linguistically in comparison with other regions, and while the writer is convinced that language offers aids in the elicitation of culture patterns, the present investigation could give no more than cursory attention to linguistic patterns. By working through an interpreter for several hours daily, the present ethnographer was able to attain some degree of comprehension of spoken Eskimo. But a complete linguistic analysis prevents attention to other aspects; little time was given to language except as an ethnographic aid. In the sections which follow, native terms are given. There are also three folk tales which were transcribed in Eskimo as well as a number of songs. It was found possible to resolve the phonology but little attention could be given either to morphology or syntax. It is, however, possible to define the morphological unit or word. There is a high degree of inflection, both of nouns and verbs, the principal constructions involving root suffixation. Nouns and verbs offer a tremendous number of possible inflections, with numerous noun cases, as well as complex verb constructions involving mode, tense, negation, validity, and the like. The verbal system stresses the validity of an action primarily and is only secondarily concerned with factors of tense. In the following sections, where nouns are given, they appear as constructs, as absolutatives rather than as nominatives. Dual and plural number are given where necessary. The language permits great facility of expression, is rich in metaphor and imagery, and remains valuable to the contemporary culture as an important element of social integration. Phonology.—The phonemes of the north Alaska dialects, Barrow in particular, are as follows: \| Consonants: \| \| \|-------------\|---\| \| p \| v \| \| t \| s \| \| l \| c \| \| n \| l \| \| nʰ \| ly\| \| k \| g \| \| x \| \| \| q \| \| \| w \| y \| \| Semivowels: \| \| \|-------------\|---\| \| w \| \| \| y \| \| \| Vowels: \| \| \|-------------\|---\| \| i \| e \| \| o \| u \| \| a \| \| There are thus 18 consonantal phonemes, two semivocalic, and 5 vocalic phonemes. Length is suprasegmental; stress is nonphonemic. Of the consonants, the stops, p, t, k, g, and q, are in the main unaspirated. p is bilabial; t is alveolar rather than dental, with some retroflexion; k, the only stop with a corresponding voiced equivalent, is velar, but the point of articulation is drawn back further against the velum than in English; q is uvular and contrasts phonemically with k. The spirantized series is not distinctive. l is a continuant (tl), x is strongly articulated and velar, γ is a uvularized spirant, sometimes trilled. v is bilabial, unrounded in contrast to w, and voiced. There is one affricate, c, alveopalatal, unvoiced (tch). The nasals nʰ and η are palatalized and velar respectively. The lateral lʰ is palatalized. r is post-palatal in point of articulation. Some speakers make a uvular trill with wide aperture. It is, however, contrasted with γ, which employs a close aperture. The vowels are not complex. There is a distinct pattern of vocalic harmony. In unstressed syllables following long vowel with stress, the vocalic quality becomes indeterminate. It is clear, however, that shewa is not phonemic but rather that a harmonic pattern of short vowels is established. e and o are phonemic. Vowels appear in conjunctive clusters with semivowels and in disjunctive clusters with each other. Length.—Vowel length has been indicated by orthographic gemination as ii, ee, aa, oo, uu. Consonants appear as geminate clusters rather than as lengthened forms. Examples are iccavik, tukumminaroad, etc. Stress.—Stress is both primary and secondary and nonphonemic. The clustering of morphemic units (agglutination) creates some complexity in stress (Thalbitzer, 1910, pp. 981–983). These general patterns are, however, consistently observable: 1. Stress occurs on any long vowel in open or closed syllable. Examples are: tiijileráatak; ukúutaq, etc. 2. All vowel clusters are stressed, likewise the first member of a disjunctive cluster. Examples are: tiijileráwtak; amáwk; taréumiut. 3. Stress falls on any short vowel in a closed syllable, including syllables closed by consonantal gemination. Examples are sakfrqaq; túttu; kfkíktáaxruk, etc. In such cases, primary stress is accorded either a long vowel or vowel cluster; short vowels assume secondary stress. 4. Stress is in the main recessive. With short vowels and no closed syllables, stress occurs on the initial vowel. In words of some length, barring the presence of long vowel or cluster, the initial syllable and either the penult or ultima may bear stress, this being, in the latter instances, a secondary stress. Examples are: núkaceak; tátarúrug, etc. HOUSES AND SETTLEMENTS Although the present study makes no attempt to analyze the complex technology and material culture of the North Alaskan Eskimo or to present any systematic treatment of it, the arrangements of the houses as well as of the surroundings of the village and camp have marked implications for the organization of society. There are also several cultural historical points suggested by the presence, in both ecological settings, of construction features in common, however much the basic dwellings may differ in outward form; Several areas of overlapping may also be noted in the forms of summer shelters; tents, brush shelters, and other temporary dwellings could be the same for both ecological groups. The permanent houses, designating these as the winter quarters, did differ quite markedly in outward form. It is worth remarking that the dome-shaped ice lodge, while known at nuvuk and utkeaaγvik, and sometimes used by these villagers, diffuses neither inland nor farther southward along the coast. Its westernmost point of diffusion may properly be regarded as Barter Island (Kroeber, 1939, p. 24). Quite apart from the importance of the house in whatever form as a shelter, there were significant attitudes which surround the dwelling and which should be evaluated in order to give proper focus to the relations between house and society. The dwelling was the center of activity for the nuclear family, and while it has been shown that the personnel of such a group might change with varying conditions, the attachment to the house was an emotional one and very strong. For the individuals who resided in it, it was ever a source of refuge and sanctuary. No nonresident entered except by invitation, although once this was given, there was thereafter a greater degree of freedom. Actually, there were well-defined regulations by which houses could be approached and entered by nonresidents. Anyone desiring to enter, for example, shouted into the skylight or called through the passageway. The cultures of the various Eskimo groups are marked by a high degree of sociability, a development no less true of the North Alaskan peoples. But in Alaska, at least, social activities were not centered in the houses, nor were the recreational periods tied into interhouse visiting. These centered rather in the karigi (pl. kariyit), the quasi-ceremonial gathering place. The karigi (qalegi, or kashim, as it is variously designated) was a social hall for men primarily, although women also entered it from time to time, and is seen widely among the Alaskan Eskimo, its distribution ranging from Point Barrow, but not farther to the east, down into southern Alaska. In a general way, it may be said that kinsmen could and did meet in each other's houses; the meeting place for those who were not connected by ties of kinship lay in the ceremonial house. But even kinsmen did not have freedom of one another's houses and visited specifically by invitation. While ownership was not invested in any one individual in the house residents, it is clear that all who lived in it had essentially equal rights to it, there being, however, a few areas within the house the rights to which were limited by age and sex. In summary, the house, even though its location might be changed and the number of those resident in it might vary, was a primary factor in cementing the primary group. The nuclear family can be equated with the household. The general term for any dwelling is iylu (pl. iyut). Specifically, this term refers to a permanent dwelling and thus comes to be applied to the more or less continuously inhabited houses of the tareumiut. An elaborate and complex lexicon exists to describe the many variations in tents, in shelters of various kinds, and the more permanent houses. Similarly, the many terms for the parts of the house and the details of construction types and materials reflect the intimate preoccupation with the habitation (cf. Rausch, 1951, pp. 159–161). HOUSES OF THE NUUNAMIUT (Pl. 3, b) The small band of Eskimo which continues to reside in the foothills along the Kililik River, moving into Anaktuvuk Pass and the area of Chandler Lake, still makes use of an aboriginal house type. This is the iccellik, so named from the iceuk, a caribou hide used as a cover. It is a portable, tentlike structure made from caribou hides stretched over a willow frame. This type of dwelling is also designated as kaluyvik, i.e. a frame, but this is a general term for any tent in which poles are used. The iccellik is a wholly practical house, warm, fairly spacious, and easily erected and transported. In ground plan, at least in modern times, the house is oval, although in the past it is said to have been round, a fact substantiated by the presence of rings of sod at old campsites. Dwelling size varies, depending on the number of inhabitants, and may run from 10 to 15 feet in length and in some instances 8 to 10 feet in width. The inland Eskimo pattern, followed here in the erection of the iccellik, but also employed to construct a sod house and other variations, involves the placing of four center upright posts, connected at the top by light beams, to which willow withes, usually 2 dozen in number, are joined. The latter, often tied together to effect greater length, radiate out from the central upright posts and are fastened to the ground, either forced into the ground or blocked into position with sod and stones. In the center, on one of the longer sides away from the prevailing wind direction, are set two posts for the door frame. Lacking the heavier uprights, a light willow frame is set up in a dome shape, the willow rods being lashed together at the point where they cross. When the frame is in position, the skins, 20 to 25 in number, are drawn over it. The skins are scraped on one side only and the hair side is turned outward. Once in position, they may be pinned or sewed together. A principle of insulation is employed in that a second cover, formerly consisting either of skins completely scraped, i.e. with the hair removed, or of skins with the hair side turned inward, is laid over the first in winter. This creates an air cell between the two covers, ensuring additional warmth. This may perhaps be regarded as an extension of the principle used in respect to clothing, two suits being the winter garb and affording the same kind of insulation. The door to the iccellik is usually covered with the skin of the grizzly bear, this being sufficiently heavy as to keep out draughts. It rests against the house with the hair side turned inward. The iccellik usually has a window, the traditional skylight of the Eskimo house. This is most frequently located next to the door, being somewhat higher than the doorframe itself. Formerly, this was made of grizzly bear intestine, sewed together and mounted in place with a frame of wood. Not infrequently, too, the skylight (igalaq) was made from ugruk intestine obtained from the coasts by trade. Among the present killiŋmiut, the outer cover of the iccellik is of canvas, although caribou skins still are used for the inner lining, and commercial materials are used for the skylight. The iccellik remains a wholly satisfactory dwelling in which an average of 10 persons can quite adequately live. The house is draught-proof, being banked at the base with sod, and is capable of being warmed readily; the lamp was formerly used for warmth, although fires were also built in winter in front of the door and a smokehole made above the door. The mention by some sources that the iccellik is covered with snow in winter is apparently incorrect. Snow was applied to sod houses at times, especially if the sod, in being dried out by heat, contracted and let in draughts. Moreover, a snow-covered willow frame was used as a parturition hut. The iccellik itself, however, is sufficiently weathertight as to require no additional insulation (Rausch, 1951, p. 160; Ingstad, 1952, pp. 31–35). In heating today, metal stoves with pipes are used. Formerly, the heating in the iccellik was kept to a minimum and much of the actual cooking done outside. The general structure of the iccellik, or indeed of any kaluγvik, did not involve an excavation. When the tent was to be erected, the snow was simply cleared away and the dwelling rested on the surface of the ground. This point is worth noting in view of the presence of excavations in some of the nuunamiut habitations. On the move, the iccellik could be erected in a matter of a few minutes. The poles for the supporting structure were carried by sled or umiak as were the skins which made up the covers and the bedding. If the tent were to be left standing for any period of time, willow branches were cut and laid in the interior along the sides to form the sleeping places. The various items necessary to the maintenance of the household—vessels, weapons, extra clothing, and the like—no particularly elaborate inventory being involved, were also transported with the household. This meant, of course, that in travel a sled or boat was heavily loaded and reduced much of the actual travel to walking by the able-bodied members of the group. But the tent structures were not the sole habitations of the nuunamiut, even if today there has been principal emphasis on the iccellik. Sod houses were known and employed. These would be located at the chief winter settlements of the various inland bands. In keeping with the emphasis on the hunting of caribou in seasonal drives, each larger grouping had settlements from which the seasonal migratory round was begun and which served as centers for the caribou hunting when it became a concerted group activity. It was these settlements which lent a sense of cohesion to the inland groups and which permits, as has been shown, some designation of these groupings by territory and name. Not all the inland peoples had such semipermanent settlements and it is also true that the settlement itself could move after a period of time as the caribou migration routes themselves shifted. The most elaborate development of such villages, if this term may be applied to them, was in the Noatak, Kobuk, and Selawik regions, those of the areas farther to the east and north becoming considerably less well defined. The archeological investigations of Giddings and others point to the presence of continuous settlements existing over long periods of time, while the naval explorer, Stoney, lists the names of some of these settlements which he visited (cf. Giddings, 1944, 1952; Stoney, 1900, p. 46.) The noataγmiut, for example, according to a man born at the headwaters of the Noatak, had a winter hunting village at pinalu. Here, the iccellik type of house as well as the semipermanent sod house were employed. Houses erected at the winter hunting sites formed the base of operations for most nunamiut. Here they were able to keep extra supplies of food in caches and to store any equipment not immediately needed. The houses themselves were of several types. There were those families who chose to use the iccellik the year round and there were those who built somewhat more elaborate structures of sod. The sod houses were erected on the general principle described above, making use of central posts and a willow branch frame. In the square space left by the four uprights was placed the skylight. A general term for the sod-covered winter house was iivlulik, a complex which might vary considerably in plan and structure. There were those, for example, who chose to remove the skin cover of the iccellik and to place sod over the frame, sometimes covering the entire structure with snow. In spring, the sod could be removed and the frame transported. But in addition several other plans appeared. A double sod house was known, the akil7ereik (opposite each other—dual), which consisted of two apartments joined by a central passageway, in the center of which was the door. Two related families or the families of trading partners might share such a house, each family taking one apartment but cooking and eating together. This house likewise could be built up on tent frames, and, indeed, most frequently was, since such double family houses were rarely used for more than one season. A more permanent sod house, suggestive of the coastal dwellings, was the paamerak, a house built to last longer than one winter and usually erected at a more permanent site, such as at a fishing station or in the neighborhood of a caribou stockade. This plan made use of a passageway leading into the house although the more elaborate wooden interiors of the coastal peoples were lacking. Similarly, while an excavation might be made for this type of dwelling, it rarely went to a depth of more than a few inches, sufficient perhaps as to have permitted the removal of a bit of the topsoil in summer before the permafrost was reached. A double paamerak, with a short passage leading from that which connected the two apartments, was also known. A single-room dwelling of sod was known as tawvsiliq. The permanent sod structures were thus built with a passage and a skylight and had banked areas of sod placed along the side walls for sleeping and reclining. A fireplace was located under the skylight, the gut window being rolled back when fires were built and serving as a smokehole. General heating was done with the stone lamp. Stoney (1900, p. 46) remarks that panes of ice were sometimes used as the skylight. Ingstad (1952, pp. 174–175) obtained additional information on the shape of such houses and differentiates an elongated from a round type and one with the passage along the side rather than in the center. Stoney also noted longer passageways than were described by modern informants and points out that the passage might also be equipped with a skylight, a feature paralleled along the coasts (Stoney, ibid.). It is to be indicated that none of these types were particularly marked in height; 5 feet from floor to ceiling at the highest point of the dome seems reasonable, a feature still to be seen in the modern iccellik. In general, too, the inland houses were smaller than those on the coast. They lacked the spaces off the passage of which the tareumiut made such good use, and they do not seem in any way so carefully finished. In traveling inland and in setting up campsites at fishing stations, the tareumiut also made use of the paamerak and iivlulik. The nuunamiut camp was differentiated as to season. Thus, a winter camp was known as ukiivik; the spring camp was called upinaksiliivik; the summer settlement, upineriivik. An abandoned campsite, and there were many, was called iniroaq and inigiroaq. To form some impression of the distribution of the nuunamiut in relation to permanent and temporary houses, the case of the ikpikpanmiut may serve as an example. This group, broken up into families as indicated, moved up and down the Ikpikpuk River. The permanent base at the headwaters of the Ikpikpuk was located at a point in the foothills. This was known as ikpikpuk and it was here that the paamerat and iivlulit were to be found. A second permanent camp of the ikpikpanmiut was at aviulaavik, some 25 miles from the mouth of the Chipp River. It was not impossible for families to own houses in both locations and spend part of the year in each, moving in the meantime and living in the transportable tent. A third campsite, also more or less permanent, was at kaxkraavik, located at the confluence of streams along the Chipp. Here, too, semipermanent houses were set up. All those who identified themselves with the ikpikpanmiut, however, regarded ikpikpuk itself as the home base. This was the point at which the hunt for caribou started and it was here that the principal ceremonial activities took place. Here, too, was the karigi. The nuunamiut settlement—and from the foregoing it is not possible to give any statement as to how many people might be found in it at any one time, population expanding and contracting with the seasons—was thus made up of some temporary houses, of the tent variety, others seasonal, tent posts covered with sod, and still others semipermanent. The actual population of any such settlement at the height of the caribou drive would probably rarely exceed 200 to 300, making up a maximum of 50 to 100 able-bodied hunters. Indeed, this figure seems exceptional and the general pattern was 30 hunters, all of whom could use the same karigi. A village thus consisted of the houses as noted and a karigi. Unlike the karigi of the tareumiut, that of the inland Eskimo was a temporary structure. Stoney (1900, p. 72) mentions that at kinalik, (cf. map 4) a large dance house was set up and that each man gave The first step in the process is to identify the problem or issue that needs to be addressed. This can be done through research, analysis, and consultation with experts in the field. Once the problem has been identified, a plan of action can be developed to address it. This may involve creating new policies, implementing new technologies, or changing existing practices. Throughout the process, it is important to communicate effectively with all stakeholders involved. This includes providing regular updates on progress, seeking feedback, and addressing any concerns or questions that arise. Finally, once the plan has been implemented, it should be evaluated to determine its effectiveness. This may involve collecting data, conducting surveys, or consulting with experts to assess the impact of the changes made. In conclusion, addressing problems and issues requires careful planning, effective communication, and ongoing evaluation. By following these steps, organizations can work towards achieving their goals and improving the lives of those they serve. several skins for its construction. The karigi of the nuunamiut was merely an elaborated and extended tent made up of willow branches supported on four uprights. A tent passage led to the main door, and the skylight was usually of ice. This type of karigi was also seen at nuwuk and utkeaayvik, the karigis of these villages being less permanent than those farther to the south. The ceremonial preparations for hunting, the Messenger Feast, as well as an elaborated series of recreational activities took place in the karigi. The nuunamiut village, if such it may be called, was thus a fairly ephemeral unit. The fact that it could move, and frequently did, caused several marked differences in the choice of dwelling. If a family owned a more or less permanent house, they frequently stored extra food, clothing, and skins in it. As a house, it was inviolable and there was clearly no danger of marauders or trespassers. The houses of the nuunamiut, however, lacked the complex series of household amulets and charms which characterize those of the tareumiut. The village was not so well integrated as that on the coast nor were the houses so well constructed. HOUSES OF THE TAREUMIUT (Cf. fig. 1) The house and settlement along the coast were far more elaborate than in the interior. The village itself had defined locations which were allocated to specific tasks. Paths led through the villages, and around these paths certain definite usages developed. At utkeaayvik, for example, the paths which ran along the bluffs facing the beach could not be used by pregnant women. If they were to walk on them, they would die in childbirth. The larger towns, such as tikeraaq and utkeaayvik, were marked by the presence of several kariyit. There were three at utkeaayvik in 1895, and six or seven at tikeraaq, although only three or four of these were active. One karigi stood at nuwuk but there was another at piyinik which was built and maintained by whaling crews from the nuwuŋmiut. There was, further, one karigi at Wainwright and still another at Icy Cape. Point Lay was not yet existent in 1895. The karigi at tikeraaq was a permanent structure, analogous to the house in construction, and historically related to the ceremonial houses of Cape Prince of Wales and the regions farther to the south. Along the northern sections of the Arctic coast, the karigi was not usually so well developed. An abandoned house, refurnished and expanded somewhat, might serve, but the tendency was to use the tent in much the same manner as the nuunamiut. In any case, the place at which the karigi stood was well defined, the karigi was named, and the men who belonged to it bore the name of it. While the nature of karigi names and the import of the karigi to the Figure 1.—Maritime Eskimo house: $a$, floor plan; $b$, cross section. The following is a list of the most important and frequently used terms in the field of computer science. It is intended to provide a quick reference for those who need to understand these concepts. 1. Algorithm: A step-by-step procedure for solving a problem or performing a task. 2. Data Structure: A way of organizing data in a computer program so that it can be accessed efficiently. 3. Database: A collection of data organized in a way that allows for easy retrieval and manipulation. 4. Encryption: The process of converting information into a code so that it cannot be read by unauthorized users. 5. Hashing: A method of converting data into a fixed-size string of characters, which can be used for security purposes. 6. Interface: A way of communicating between two systems or programs. 7. Object-Oriented Programming (OOP): A programming paradigm that emphasizes the use of objects to represent real-world entities. 8. Protocol: A set of rules that govern how data is transmitted between two systems. 9. Security: The protection of data from unauthorized access, modification, or destruction. 10. Software: A set of instructions that tell a computer what to do. 11. System: A collection of hardware and software components that work together to perform a specific task. 12. User Interface: The way in which a user interacts with a computer system. 13. Virtual Machine: A software implementation of a computer system that can run on top of another computer system. 14. Web Application: A software application that runs on a web server and is accessed through a web browser. 15. XML: A markup language used to structure and organize data in a way that can be easily parsed and manipulated by computers. Figure 2.—The old town or utkeaa2vik about 1895. (For explanation, see opposite page.) community can be reserved for later discussion, suffice it to note that the place for the structure was designated and played an important part in each village. It was a cleared area where dances and the whaling celebrations could be held, where men and women could come to sit in the summer sun and busy themselves at various tasks. The cleared space by the karigi was the aaneravik. Nearby was the shed where the crew leaders, the umalit, kept their whaling umiaks and where work on them and other whaling gear was done. In short, through the karigi a focus was given to the physical arrangement of the village, an element which was not nearly so well defined among the nuunamiut. The houses in each maritime village were scattered somewhat at random over the village area. All houses were named, either from the owning family, that is, the name of the family head, or from the distinctive charm which the house possessed and was conceived to own. In the accompanying sketch of utkeaayvik (fig. 2) the general arrangement of houses flanking the beach can be seen. The same pattern was followed in all of the coastal villages. The total impression was one of a series of mounds scattered over a fairly wide area. Unlike the inland houses, those of the coast made use of a fairly marked excavation and were built, at least in terms of the finishing in the interior, with considerable care, employing both driftwood EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 2 The houses which made up the old town of utkeaayvik are now largely in ruins and were abandoned when the people moved a few hundred yards northward to cluster about the Cape Smythe Whaling Company's installations and the school. Archeological excavations were undertaken by Stefansson in 1912 and later by Rasmussen and Ford. Living informants recall the houses and their residents. Houses had names which were either descriptive of the house itself or were the names of the family heads. The names of such houses as living residents could recall were as follows (located by number on sketch): 4. uyaloy----------------- Name of the owner 5. misagmeuy------------- "All wet around it", owned by sisan 6. sakanaraamiut--------- "The people who face the sun" 7. kivalekpaaak----------- "Which is on the end (east)", owned by uwiiyuruq 8. avinyaaumut------------ "People with lots of 'mice.'" House No. 2 was destroyed by crush ice one winter and a man inside was killed. Two women were said to have starved in house No. 3. When this happened, the houses were abandoned and the corpses were left. In house No. 1 the murder of masagarook took place (see Customary Law, pp. 114–115). The village faced westward to the sea. Trails ran along the bluff above the beach. Pregnant women were obliged to use the eastward trail and could not come down to the water lest they die in childbirth. and whalebone. In construction, the maritime house, with its semi-subterranean aspect and its benched areas, shows historical affinities with other house types in Asia and farther south in North America. There was no well defined sexual division of labor in respect to house construction. When a man decided he wished to build, having collected a sufficient number of whale ribs and skulls, as well as driftwood, he and his wife began the structure. Building was fairly well individualized, although relatives and neighbors might lend a hand. Certainly, there was no defined pattern of cooperation in house building. The children were sent to cut sod and to bring it back to the site. For obvious reasons, houses were built in summer. Even in this case, however, the 5-foot excavation into the permanently frozen ground was long and laborious work. Several days were taken in making the excavation, since the heat of the sun is sufficient to melt only an inch or two of permafrost at a time (pl. 3, a). Once the excavation was completed and the passageway, with its proper slope inward toward the main room of the house arranged, the wooden and bone understructure was begun (pl. 4, b). The passage was lined with whale jaws and ribs, and the skull of a whale was placed as a stepping stone into the passage itself. The entrance to the passage was frequently effected through an outer hall which served as a kind of storm porch and which rested on level ground. This was usually 4 to 5 feet square and was made by setting four uprights in the ground and joining them at the top with beams. A skylight was often placed in this outer vestibule to illuminate the passage. From the porch, one stepped down into the passage (kani-cen) by means of the whale skull. Here the depth of the passage was about 2 feet and gradually sloped to a full depth of about 5 feet. It terminated under a floor of planking which was part of the iγlu, the central room of the house. The planked flooring made it necessary to come up from the passage through a trapdoor (kataq) into the main chamber. On either side of the trapdoor, as one ascended into the house proper, were stone lamps, the main source of light and heat for the building. The iγlu, the upper room above the passage, was often quite spacious, measurements taken at abandoned houses at nuwuk suggesting as much as 20 feet in diameter. In plan, the room was square, although the banked sod on the outside gave a circular effect. The floor planking was supported on studs which rested on the frozen ground below and which were sometimes carried up so as to make up the walls. The upright posts and the floor planking were sometimes notched and fitted. The roof was arched and cleverly made by running posts across between the sod blocks which were banked up as soon as the planking was put in place. A good house was carefully finished in the interior; the planking was fitted and scraped, and often bleached with human urine. In the main chamber, opposite the trapdoor in the floor, was a bench which ran the width of the house and which might extend almost halfway across the room from the far wall. This compares with the benched mounds of the houses of the nuunamiut mentioned above. The roof was not entirely finished off, a space being left for the skylight (igalak). This was placed over a frame (itkax) which was fitted into position in the aperture left in the roof. The skylight was made of ugruk or walrus intestine, finely scraped, sections being sewed together, and carefully stretched. It gave an effective, although opaque, window. In heavy weather a cover of planks could be fitted over the skylight. Adjoining the skylight at the rear of the house was a covered well, a few inches in diameter and frequently made of wood, which served as a ventilator. This was the kinq̂ (nostril), through which the outgoing draught could be regulated. The passageway led to a fairly spacious area under the floor planking. This area did not, however, go to the far wall of the house, since some of the rear planking of the iylu rested on ground level. The excavation of the house, in short, was not complete. It took in an area under the front part of the house toward the passageway. This room under the kataq was cut into the permafrost and not finished off. It could serve as an extra storage space and if the meat supply were particularly plentiful, extra meat was frozen and stored here. The actual storage places, however, were alcoves cut into the passage itself. As has been noted, sod was placed in position against the planking and the supports for the passageway as these were being constructed. This meant that the structure was in some measure held in place by the sod. Actually, except the two skylight areas, the entire house was covered with sod. The house was snug, windproof, and wholly effective. It required no additional banking of snow, although if the sod became somewhat soft, water was poured over it. As soon as this froze, the structure was again sound. In the heat of the seal-oil lamp and with the bodily warmth of the inhabitants, the house heated quickly and well. The passage was flanked with two to four alcoves. These were often sufficiently large as to accommodate sleepers. Those who slept in skins on the floor of the passage rooms were called kaanegimiut, that is, those who inhabit the passageway. The alcove at the right end of the passage toward the house was the iga, the kitchen, or cooking place. It stood near the kataq so that the woman who cooked there could readily reach food up through the circular trapdoor and serve the men inside. In the iga was a smokehole and stones were placed there both as a fireplace and as a support for conical-bottomed pottery vessels. Boiling was done in both these and in wooden vessels by the stone-boiling method. Fuel was oil and blubber, or moss soaked in oil. Wood was rarely used, being too valuable a commodity. When the woman cooked in the iga—the term refers specifically to the place where the fire is made—she was expected to wear clothing especially for the purpose. She changed her boots and donned an apronlike parka with a tail both front and back. This was a purely practical arrangement and prevented oil and soot from being trailed over the house. In cooking, the woman knelt by the iga. When the cooking was done, the woman put her kitchen clothing aside and returned to her usual garments. A meal was cooked once daily—a point likewise true of the nuunamiut—although people ate much more frequently. In the space for the iga were kept all the necessary cooking pots and kitchen equipment. Opposite the iga, at the left side of the passage, was the place for storage of food needed for immediate consumption. This larder was called suwiceaq and any meat needed for the next day's meal was kept here. Racks were here so that meat taken frozen from the deeper and filled storage places could thaw out. While the iga was most frequently an area flanked with stones, the suwiceaq and its racks were made from whale ribs. On the left side of the passage as one entered, was a large bin, most frequently made from whale ribs which were placed upright. This was the makpik, the place for food storage. It was usually large enough to hold several tons of meat. The flesh of whales, seals, caribou, the frozen fish, and the ducks soaked in oil, as well as quantities of sea mammal fat, were thrown into the makpik at random. This was not the principal storage place, the ice cellar being reserved for this away from the house proper, but such food as might be needed ahead for several days was kept here. As the supply dropped, as the daily meals were eaten, the men of the house kept the makpik filled with meat. If the supply of meat were very large and extra space for storage were needed, the katawnata, the space under the floor boards near the kataq, was used. The woman of the household preferred not to have meat here, since it was here that she preferred to keep the skins on which she was sewing and to store some of the extra bedding clothing. The katawnata was often planked as well so that a useful nook was made available by it. In a sense, being located near the iga, the katawnata was the woman's area of the house. Returning to the front of the passageway, a fairly large alcove was usually placed at the right as one entered the passage from the vestibule. This was the suuvik, an area which was also planked and which made a small roomlike cubicle. This was primarily a place for the storage of good furs, the better clothing, and piles of extra skins. It was here that many chose to sleep. It was to this area, too, that people retired for sexual intercourse. When wife exchange took place, the head of the house took the borrowed sexual partner here with some sense of ceremony. While women went up into the iylu, the planked upper chamber of the house, they rarely slept there. If so, they slept near the trapdoor, never on the bench or under it. This was a section reserved for men and for the older women who had passed the climacteric. Women might sleep near the lamp, tending it as needed and when engaged in sewing or skin work, might sit in the iylu near the kataq. Women frequently ate in the katawnata, as indeed, did men. At any social occasion, as, for example, at a shamanistic seance held in the house, food was passed into the iylu. Men, during the winter and whaling season, generally went to the karigi with which they were associated, remaining there all day. Wives brought their husbands' food to the karigi. Very old people in the house generally remained in the upper chamber and their meals were reached into them on a trencher. Old men frequently met on the floor of the iylu to smoke, when tobacco was introduced, lighting their pipes from the lamp with a kukun, a long thin stick which could be reached from the bench over to the lamp or thrust down into the cooking fire. The bench was known as iigilpuq and was often set as high as 3 to 4 feet off the floor, leaving little space between the ceiling wall and the bench itself. People who slept on the bench were referred to as igiilut (pl.), while those who slept under the bench were kaanermiruat. In a sense, both were status terms, as was the reference to those who slept in the hallway. The owner and his honored relatives, i.e., father, uncles, etc., slept on the bench. His mother and sons slept under it, while women and less honored persons slept in the hallway or near the kataq. Such terms were useful in referring to the relations within the household. To say to another that this person is "my igiiluq" implies that he is either a close and revered relative, a partner, or some individual to whom the highest worth is accorded. As has been noted, the trapdoor, the circular well at the passage end of the iylu, was flanked by lamps. The tendency was to place them either at each side of the door or to move them to the sides of the house where racks were present for the drying of boots and other items of clothing. A lamp might also be put at the end of the passage under the kataq, by the light of which a woman could do a certain amount of household work. This lamp also lighted the way into the upper chamber and could be set on the whale skull which served as a step into the kataq. If fuel was short, the woman of the house could take the lamp down to the iga and cook with it. This was more usual among the nuunamiut, however, who were not usually so well supplied with fuel as their maritime neighbors. The lamp of the Eskimo, as an adjunct of household furnishing, has been too well described elsewhere to require additional description here. It was known throughout the North Alaskan area as nanniq, although the term "kulleq" was preferred at Point Barrow. The lamp of the area was both of pottery, manufactured locally, and of steatite, reaching the Colville mouth by trade. The lamp was felt vaguely to be sacred, and there were certain taboos which arose in relation to its handling. If a lamp fell, for example, it had to be extinguished before it could be picked up. If this were not done, the person picking up a lighted lamp suffered from nosebleed. The lamp was ignited from the fire by means of a stick, the fuel being seal oil and a moss wick being used. In the aboriginal culture of both tareumiut and nuunamiut, fires were made with flints which the woman of the house kept in a bag about her neck. These rested in a bed of "Alaska cotton" to keep them dry. The drill was also used in firemaking and was worked against soft woods. Either men or women could make fires and it was to the lamp, rather than to the fire itself, that any religious attitudes were extended. The household amulets and charms were many and varied. The general term aanaroat was applied to them. As may be seen, charms were given by especially qualified persons—shamans or old people—both to individuals and to the house itself. In case of an illness befalling a family so that several members became ill either in succession or simultaneously, a shaman might prescribe a charm for the house. This could be virtually anything—a mask, a stuffed animal, such as a goose, a whaling charm, a personal charm—and in one recent case, after the advent of the European whalers, a loaf of dried bread. The charm was hung above the kataq. As has been mentioned, the nuunamiut were less inclined to such household amulets. In the maritime house, where it was quite warm and dry, men, on entering the house, removed their outer clothing and boots and went about in the house barefoot and wearing their trousers. A man who came in from hunting left the game he brought outside the house, entered, and hung up his weapons on the walls of the passageway. Here were hangers of bone and antler for the purpose. Women, too, went bare to the waist inside the house, although they wore a longer trouserlike garment with the feet, in the form of socks or light mukluks, sewed on. Both sexes hung their garments in the suuvik, the boarded room at the right of the passageway after the entrance, as soon as they entered the house. It may be noted that among the nuunamiut, where such elaborate passages and adjacent rooms were lacking, clothing and weapons were hung up in the houses themselves. Aside from the fact that women could not sleep on the bench and did not generally sleep on the planked floor of the iyu, arrangements were left fairly free. People slept when and where convenient and the arrangements, on the level of daily living, depended pretty much on family composition and on the number of families resident in the house. A man could sleep with his wife in the katawnata if he chose, using the same coverings, for a time, move up to the bench, or out into the hallway, as the mood took him. Status terms for the various sleeping places did, however, apply, but were limited to formal usage. As may be expected, the nuunamiut lacked these formalities, although the place farthest away from the door was a place of honor. On rising, the people in the household urinated in a wooden vessel. The urine was stored for use in skin tanning, for wounds, and for washing and cleaning. Members of the household urinated and defecated in the hallway. Human feces were often dried and fed to the dogs. If there were adolescent boys in the household they were urged to arise early and to go out in the open and exercise before eating or urinating. After a few minutes of this, often stripped to the waist, they were permitted to return and urinate. The concept here was, of course, to toughen the boys and make them hardy and indifferent to cold and pain. Dogs were allowed in the hallway in severe weather. Among the nuunamiut, the short hallway was often especially for the dogs. Generally, however, the dogs were staked outside the house and able to burrow into the snow banks to keep warm. On the whole, dogs were valued as property rather than as pets, but a favorite dog might be allowed into the passageway. Similarly, a bitch with puppies was brought in from the outside. Among the tareumiut, menstruating women were not secluded outside of the house. They could not, however, come up into the iyu, but remained in the katawnata and were expected to sleep there. Among the nuunamiut, there was a more marked sense of seclusion for the woman at menstruation. Parturition taboos were likewise somewhat more vigorously enforced. If the group were traveling, the menstruating or pregnant woman was expected to lag behind and might be required to sleep in a special hut of willow branches covered with snow. Among the tareumiut, men left the house at a birth and did not return to it for some time. A menstruating woman was not permitted to change her clothes in the house, or, indeed, during her period. In a shamanistic seance, the shaman came up into the iyu. He straddled the kataq, his back to the bench and the onlookers, and drummed facing the passageway. His spirit helpers called to him from out of the passageway. If there were guests in the house, as there sometimes might be, in the form of a man's partners from other localities, of visiting kinsmen, or of qatanutigiiq (q. v.), there was usually a place for them on or under the bench. A partner always got the favored bench place, sharing the bench with other men in the household. Any such guest sat next to the host, lest anyone in the house, visiting or otherwise, attempt to rake up old feuds or to challenge the guest to a contest of strength. When a stranger arrived in a community, attempts were made to determine his identity. If he belonged to a family with which a group in the community was feuding, he might be in for some trouble. The host took on the role of protector in this case and offered a stranger whose identity was established his protection and hospitality. A guest was usually given a plate of his own from which to eat. A tendency in the area was to eat the one communal meal a day from a communal dish, although at nuwuk and utkeaaγvik the tendency to serve food on individual dishes was more characteristic. When two families shared a house, the heads, usually kinsmen, may have elected to build together. But if the family heads were not kinsmen, as might occur when two men were partners and living in the same community, or when they were members of the same crew and karigi, the pattern was to build one iγlu and to erect a separate passageway for each family. This served to keep both possessions and cooking arrangements separate. But the two families might eat together and share the cooking and their food. This was regarded as an economical and convenient arrangement and was not uncommon. It was worked out frequently between neighbors who had separate houses. If two related families lived together, they used only one entrance and one passageway. If there were two larger families who wished to live together, they might share the passageway, or at least parts of it and build off a branch passage and another iγlu. All such arrangements had to be formally worked out in advance and there were specific rules governing the establishment of such relationships, especially as between nonkin. It involved the creating of a partnership, in itself a highly formalized procedure. Definite rules of etiquette applied to entering another's house. Good manners demanded that no one enter a house where he had not been formally invited. Even then, a polite and respectful person would still refuse to enter. It was unthinkable that any one enter a strange house when the owners were away. People, it is said "were afraid to do this," the fear arising from adverse public opinion. As has been remarked, interdining, invitations, feasting, were reserved for the karigi. It was only when a stranger came into the community and could establish himself in one of the recognized ways that he might be invited to a house and allowed to eat and sleep. Actually, if this privilege were extended to nonkin, it is evident that the host extended sexual privileges to the guest as well, offering him a wife or daughter as company for the night: When a shaman held a seance in a house, as was frequently the case in winter, either to demonstrate his powers or to effect a cure, the house owner might then invite others to come in and watch. Because of the sense of good usage in respect to entering a house, the skylight was always used to summon people or to announce one's presence. If a person had something for sale or trade, he walked up onto the roof of the house and called through the skylight to the inhabitants. A man who had caught a seal or other animal, especially during the winter hunting, was often asked for some of the meat. The people who came to beg some always approached the hunter through his skylight. It is worth noting that such requests were almost never refused, the hunter being unwilling to appear niggardly. A man who was a member of a whaling crew was often called by the umealiq for one or another duty. Again, the call was sent out for him and he was summoned by a messenger calling through his skylight. Anyone might take over an abandoned house. The relatives of the people who had left it had first claim but if they had no wish for it, it was open property. A house was regarded as abandoned when it had not been lived in for a year and when the owner's possessions were taken away. The abandoning of a house was not infrequent, because of the movement through the area. A man might announce that he was leaving the community and try to give his house to another, expecting a return gift. In leaving, a man might place his property mark on the house. The house then remained his and would not be invaded. The winter houses sometimes collapsed as a result of heavy snow or ice packed up on them. When this happened, it was regarded as a highly disastrous portent and the house was abandoned at once. Nor was it ever entered again. Houses along the coast were sometimes caught in ice which packed too closely against the shore. This is recorded as having occurred at Point Barrow several times. It is an event always remembered and spoken of with some anxiety. If people were trapped inside and killed, no attempt was made to recover the bodies and the people living nearby might likewise abandon their houses. The house was technically owned by the head of the family, the chief hunter in it. As has been seen, the house sometimes bore his name. But the rights to ownership were never questioned except at the death of the nominal owner. The widow might inherit or at least hold the property in trust for the children. There was, however, no established rule in this matter. The kinsmen of the deceased, brothers or cousins, might simply seize the house and the dead man's property and evict the widow and children. In this instance, the widow might seek aid of her own kinsmen who, if sufficiently strong, might back her claim. If her group were weak, it followed that attempts to dispossess her were more likely to occur. A man could trade a house and often did. A house was equal to an umiak in value. A house could be given as payment to a shaman. In historic times, a house was often sold for a gun or for whaling gear. It follows that a house was not lightly abandoned. Abandonment, at least among the tareumiut, generally arose when a man left with his family to travel and then failed to return because of accident or trouble with a stranger group. Among the nuunamiut, the sense of house ownership and the emotional attachment to it were not so strong. Primarily the winter residence, the house, it is true, was left a good part of the time. Old people who resided in it tended to stay at the winter camp through the year. Even here, however, and if the family elected to remain in the coastal village, they rarely lived in the house proper during the summer. The tendency was to erect a tent near the house or at the beach. This created a sense of change and a kind of holiday. It is of interest to note that the pattern is still followed. The tent was a simple conical tent mounted on a frame. Planks were sometimes put on the floor to hold the bedding. In general, there was no tendency toward building a sod substructure for the tent as was the case among the nuunamiut. Adjacent to the house were the ice cellars (siril'uaq). Although quite large and spacious today, the aboriginal cellars were smaller, cut laboriously into the permafrost with bone picks. The cellar was supported with whale ribs and a whale skull placed at the entrance, the roof covered with sod. Virtually every household had its own cellar where meat of all kinds was stored. Men of wealth had larger cellars. As food was needed from the cellar, it was brought in and stored in the makpik. The ice cellar, like the house, was regarded as private property and thus inviolable. People could and did ask for food and it was freely given. The ice cellar is a tareumiut development. The nuunamiut, drying their meat, were not in need of such elaborate storage space and were in any case obliged to take much food with them in the seasonal round. The inland Eskimo cached food in the semipermanent houses which they built. Another feature in the tareumiut house was the rack (ikirrak). This was made of driftwood and stood in the rear of virtually every winter dwelling. In summer the sled was placed on it, in winter the kayak and umiak. Stored skins, food, any property not immediately needed were thrown up onto the rack. The dog teams were most frequently staked out under it. (Pl. 3, c.) Houses may perhaps serve to point up some of the outstanding differences in way of life between the nuunamiut and tareumiut. It is evident that the maritime settlement had the greater degree of stability with its permanent houses and its other features which served to lend a symbolic focus. Although the nuunamiut, as groups, did not have the same precise organization of their maritime counterpart, the two groups, however different materially, were more alike than different in their societal organization. From the setting of economy and settlement, it is possible to move to a consideration of the social groupings which functioned in each ecological area. FAMILY AND KINSHIP INTRODUCTION In virtually every respect the aboriginal family structure carries through into the present. However much the inroads of modern living have disrupted other aspects of the cultures of the north Alaskan slope, the system of mutual aid, of social control, and of reciprocal obligation inherent in the family remains paramount. Many features have, it is true, fallen into disuse. The charms and amulets which might pass through a family line are of course no longer used, at least overtly, and the collective responsibility with its implications of blood feud which underlay so much of what may be called law is likewise gone. Individualization, so characteristic of western culture, is beginning to make its imprint on the Eskimo family. As yet, however, it has not fully supplanted the aboriginal family institution. Social controls today still rest in the family. There has been no adequate development, among the native population at least, of political institutions, with the result that there is essential lack of interest in the attempts of the Alaska Native Service to effect community organization. So long as the family continues to provide the social cornerstone, no need is felt for institutional surrogates. There are those who have claimed that Eskimo society is communalistic. To some extent this is true, if the extended family is regarded as the communal or collective element. Any other non-familial forms of either sharing or cooperation were, as has been shown, strictly patterned and somewhat limited. Neither the maritime community nor the nomadic band were permanent units; they depended for their existence on the kinship section which lived together, worked together, and moved together forming a collective entity, but there were recognized ties of kinship that went far beyond the local situation. Aboriginally, along the whole Arctic coast of Alaska, from Point Hope to Barter Island and Herschel Island, there were the intertwined threads of recognized kinship. Here was neither a formalized clan type of society nor a recognition of unilineal descent. This meant, and means, that there was a recognition of bilineal kinship and that in the individual, membership in two different lineages was possible. Sexual relations with those who were designated by a kinship term were rigorously tabooed. Not that the prohibition was enforced in any tangible way, and there were exceptions. But such deviations were few and bore the brunt of unfavorable public opinion. A basic principle of social organization of the cultures in question was to extend, either through the blood tie or through an acceptable substitute for it, the sphere of kinship. It was between such related individuals that the strong bond of cooperation lay. One might argue that cousin marriage was defined as incestuous because it hindered the development of the patterned cooperative institutions, or at least prevented new ones from coming into being. Because of bilateral descent, the individual could count on a wide circle of kin, reckoning both his father's and his mother's kin grouping as his own. Such recognition was extended to the kin of his grandparents as well, although the tie became quite tenuous when pushed further back. Each individual, therefore, had kinship ties with several different groupings. He belonged to the circle in which he happened to be and his economic contributions related to it. His other kindred, however, likewise had a claim on him and he on them. The ultimate definition of kinship lay first in the designation of kin by specific kinship terms, and second, in the obligations incumbent on the individual to succor his kin and to assume responsibility for their actions. Kinship was and is a reality; it was a practical matter in that the blood tie was known and recognized. The individual thus belonged to a nuclear family and then to an extended kin grouping or at least to groupings which reached a point of convergence in himself. And beyond this lay the realm of quasi-kinship, the formalized extensions of the cooperative tie to nonkin. THE NUCLEAR FAMILY People who lived together in one house, who worked together, who might move together for inland hunting or trade, and who called each other by kinship terms were ketuuneraareic, a localized family grouping. In practice, this consisted of as many as chose to live together. It might be parents and children, or it might consist of two brothers and their children. A wife's relative or relatives might also be present in the group. They, with the wife herself, represented different lines of descent although good relations were felt to be mandatory among affined kin. As will be seen, however, if a dispute arose, one took the side of one's kin rather than that of one's spouse, presumably placing the offspring, who would belong to both factions, in a dilemma. Because there was no prevailing attitude toward residence, this being arranged in a wholly practical way, the nuclear group was slanted toward either the male or the female branch. Thus, if it were felt expedient, the man, on marriage, might choose to live in his wife's grouping. Or the reverse was true. As nearly as one can judge, there was a fairly even split as to residence, with perhaps some tendency toward a patrilocal and virilocal arrangement. Dependence was placed on needs of the moment. If a family were poor, which might mean that they had only daughters and no active provider, uxorilocal residence was called for. If a son were the only provider to aged parents, residence was patrilocal. Or a married couple simply built a new house in a community, although here again, residence near the family grouping of either the wife or the husband might be a factor. Informal though such an arrangement might be, there was nevertheless a consideration to be met. If a husband had a recognized place in a crew, whether for caribou hunting or whaling, the matter of residence had to be carefully weighed; he would be reluctant to abandon a remunerative connection with a crew or karigi. There was some further recognition of residence situations. A family which resided with a married son was called anayokaareic. If a married child lived with his parents, i.e. in their house, the situation was called ataatak. The basis of these terms will be readily seen: ataata refers to the grandfather, anayokaak to the parents, and ketuunarak (from which ketuuneraareic is derived) to one's own children. While there was thus no specific residence requirement, a man felt himself to be more closely allied to the kin among whom he grew up. However much he might be responsible to other kin in other places, it was to the local group to which his loyalties were naturally first given. This tended to alleviate the situation of dilemma in which the individual might find himself if his relatives, no kin to each other, engaged in a feud or dispute. His role was properly that of peacemaker. An example will point this out: ujaruk's father and uncle were threatened by a man who went so far as to shoot at them both. At this, ujaruk and his uncle's son, his cousin, agreed to take revenge. They got their guns and went to kill their fathers' attacker. The latter heard that they were coming and was waiting in the hallway of his house with his gun in hand. As the two advanced to engage him, a woman, the aunt of the fathers of the two boys, came between them. The man whom they sought to kill and who had attacked their fathers was cousin to the aunt through another lineal affiliation. She had then very properly taken over the role of peacemaker and did so effectively. The boys and the man settled their difference and no feud was begun. It is thus readily seen how the ties of kinship operate. They apply not only in respect to the nuclear family but also in respect to a much wider group. The nuclear family consideration is thus technically superseded by the demands of the wider circle of kinship. The question may then justly be asked: what is the ultimate function of the nuclear family? This was a residence unit and an economic unit. In the matter of day-to-day living, in the preparation of food, the making of clothing, and in the procurement of food through hunting, here being a reflection of the well-defined sexual division of labor, it was the nuclear family which came to the fore. In broader aspects, however, such as in mutual interdependence and aid, in assistance in times of stress, and perhaps most important, in the general pattern of basic individual security, it was the wider circle of kin which began to function. THE EXTENDED FAMILY The extended family was illyagie. These were, for the individual, kin on both the maternal and paternal side. In the final analysis, this was for the individual a circle based wholly on actual relationship. It was not otherwise a formalized institution. There was no family chief, no structuring of power or authority in the group. Mention has already been made of the umealiq, the man of wealth, the boat owner. In keeping his crew, he might be obliged to depend on the contributions which his kin made to him in return for his protection and assistance. While the umealiq might be a recognized leader in the community, it was the community which accorded him his post, rather than the family itself. His function was local and his sphere of influence limited itself to his community and to his post of prestige among the several households making up his kin in the community. Neither were there ceremonial prerogatives associated with the extended kin group. Charms and amulets might be inherited, it is true, as apparently might property marks, but the question here arose as between individuals and not in whole families. The north Alaskan slope appears to differ in this respect from the cultures to the south where a lineage system and a quasi-totemism arise (Lantis, 1946, p. 239). The bilateral kinship designation and collective responsibility were the underlying elements of the formation of the wider kinship grouping. It was regarded as important, in the socialization process, that a child be taught the names of his grandparents as a means of identifying kin. Children also learned the names and the appropriate kinship designation for all relatives, however distant they might be. There were also means of extending the reciprocal obligations of kinship to nonkin, the result being to create a secondary circle of cooperation. The child was also taught the names of his parents' partners as well as the names of those to whom he stood in a qatanutigiiit (q.v.) relationship. But regardless of secondary ties, it was to the blood kin that the primary loyalties were directed. The individual was taught to offer aid to his kindred and to support their actions. Kinship was regarded as a sacred trust; one did not joke with one's relatives nor was it necessary to enter into any barter agreements or partnerships with them. A relative would always be of assistance, an arrangement which pointed primarily to the sharing of food and the granting of shelter. Such cooperation between kin did not mean that one could freely use the possessions of his relatives. Property was personal and not held collectively in the kin grouping; food, however, was to be shared. In summary, the individual quickly learned what was incumbent on him as a member of a wide kinship circle and the extent to which he could go in imposing on those who were his blood relatives. KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY The uniform social organization of the North Alaskan Eskimo brought the same general type of kinship terminology into being. It is slightly different from that described for other western Eskimo groups. Several influences may have been operative in the formation of the system, a fact which may be substantiated by the presence of a number of specific differentiating factors. There are both general classificatory and generation factors in the system and to a point, sex differentiation is important. The terms which follow are those of the utkeavgiunt, and of the anaktuvumiaut. There are no fundamental differences between the two sets of terms. The structure of the system is generally uniform throughout the area, but there are local preferences for certain terms. Informants say that some terms have been recent in their development and that others are archaic. Local synonyms are given where available. The following terms are referential and except for designations of such close ties as the parents do not appear in vocative form. The importance of the kinship system in family and household formation and integration is discussed below. Terms are as follows.$^6$ LINEAL AND NUCLEAR CONSANGUINES Third ascending and descending generations, i.e. any relative, regardless of sex, in the generation of the FFF or ChChCh: amaw Grandparental generation: ataata (FF; MF; FFB; MFB; FMB; MMB) aanna (FM; MM; FFSs; MFSs; FMSs; MMSs) Affinals may also be so designated (FFSsH; FMSsH; MFSsH; MMSsH by ataata; FFBW; MFBW; FMBW; MMBW by aanna), but this would apply only if coresident with Ego.$^7$ They would otherwise be sakirrak, ajaaruk, or asoa'ceek (q.v.). $^6$Abbreviations: F=Father; M=Mother; B=Brother; Ss=Sister; Sb=Sibling; Ch=Child; S=Son; D=Daughter; GCh=Grandchild; H=Husband; W=Wife; o=older; y=younger. Parental generation: aapa (F) aapaŋ (address) aapaγa (1st person singular poss.) aaka (M) aakan (address) aakaγa (1st person singular poss.) anak (FB; MB) ("Archaic" term, specifically FB akaakuk) aacuk (FSs; MSs) It may be noted that unlike the traditional "Eskimo" system, there are only two terms for the siblings of the parents, rather than four (cf. Spier, 1925, p. 79). Where there is coresidence with Ego, an "uncle" or "aunt" term is used for such affinals as FSsH and MSsH, FBW, and MBW, respectively. Males affined through the siblings of the parents are otherwise anaaruk, while females affined through the brothers of the parents are asoayeek. As with the affinals in the grandparental generation, both may be sakirrak, although this term is generally reserved for Ego's and descending generations. A father's co-wife may be called akkaγak; a mother's cohusband (not the father), apaarak. Ego's generation: aapayax (oB) aapaxatuya—my eldest brother nuqaaceax (yB) nuqaaxa—my younger brother nuqaxluq (youngest B) nuqaxluya (1st person poss. superlative, i.e., my youngest brother) akiiceax (oSs) nayaq (ySs) nayakaxtuq (youngest Ss) nayakaxtuya—my youngest sister First descending generation: iriniq (S) paniq (D) Second descending generation: tutiq (GCh)—Variants: inaγootak. Today, tutaaluk is preferred at Barrow; it is a "modern" form. The latter term may apply originally to the B/SsChCh, for which it may still be used. There is no sex differentiation. Third descending generation: amaw CONSANGUINEAL KIN—COLLATERALS Ego's generation: There are two terms for parallel cousin. anutaken—Children of two brothers. This is often rendered referentially in the dual form—anutakatigik, i.e., Ego and his parallel cousin. aaxanaken—Children of two sisters. Dual—aaxanakatigik. Sibling terms are not used to designate the parallel cousin. Cross cousins are il'orcik, a derivative of il'ya "of us," that is, a relative. There is no cross cousin marriage. The cross cousin term can vary in that the female cross cousin may be designated as aaγn'orcik (aγnak—a woman). These terms are extended. Thus the child of the cross cousin of the parent is also a cross cousin. The child of a parallel cousin of the parent is also a parallel cousin. Ego designates the cousins of the parents by the term which the parent uses and is reciprocally so designated. It follows that neither generation nor the sex of Ego are factors in the designation of collaterals. The child of a sibling is uyooγo. A variant form is uyuruq. There is no sex differentiation. The child of a sibling's child is designated by the grandchild term, tutiq (or tutaaluk). This term thus serves to classify relatives in the second descending generation. Similarly, the children of tutiq are amaw. AFFINAL KIN Parental generations: aaparuak (HF; WF) aakaruak (HM; WM) Ego’s generation: uwii, also win'zi (H) nuleaq (W) Also, aytpaax, “cowife,” used to designate the second wife in polygynous unions. From the point of view of Ego, other affinals are differentiated as to sex but not strictly as to generation. The following terms are encountered: nigaw---------- This term applies to any male in Ego’s generation and below who is married into the group which is represented by the speaker. The term thus applies to SsH, DH, DDH, in short, the husband of any woman designated as uyooγo or tutiq, or by a sister or daughter term. ukuwak-------- The female counterpart of nigaw, applying to any female married into Ego’s kinship group into his generation or those below. So designated are BW, SW, SSW, thus the wife of any man designated by a brother, son, nephew, or grandchild term. sakirrak-------- This term, reflecting no sex differentiation, applies to affinals outside the family of reference. An example is seen in the fact that although Ego is designated as nigaw by his wife’s brother, being thus regarded as affined to the kin grouping of his wife, the wife’s brother stands to Ego as his sakirrak. Here is a reflection of the retention of kinship unit of birth; regardless of residence arrangement, Ego retains his own kinship unit affiliation and is technically not involved in the workings of the kinship grouping of his spouse. The term is reserved in the main for the nuclear familial situation. Thus it does not apply to the spouses of the cousins of the spouse. It serves to designate WB, WSs, WSsH, WBW, HB, HSs, HBW, HSsH, children of WB, WSs, HB, HSs. In ascending generations, the designation also applies to a point. The spouse of a sibling of a parent or grandparent is sakirrak if not coresident with Ego. If coresident, however, anaaruk, refers to FFSsH, MFSsH, FMSsH, MMSsH, FSsH, MSsH. Ego is then reciprocally uyoooyo or tutiq. The female relative affined in this way, FFBW, MBW, etc. is asoqyeek. This term applies to the parent of the child's spouse. It is a general reciprocal referential designation. STEP- AND ADOPTIVE RELATIONSHIPS While adoption is an extremely common element in the social organization of the north Alaskan Eskimo, special adoptive terms are not used. An adopted child is referred to as tiguak but is so quickly drawn into the family grouping that consanguineal terms apply to him. The adopted child will use consanguineal terms in reference both to his native and to his adoptive group. His adoptive parents are called by parent terms. His true parents, if living, are sometimes designated by grandparent terms. In such cases, the adopted child is felt to belong to two families, assuming that he has been adopted by nonkin, and derives benefits from both and is theoretically responsible to both. There are no terms to designate a foster, step-, or "half" relationship. A half-brother is a brother, a wife's child a son or daughter. The half-sibling, under certain circumstances (note below) may be qatajun. COMBINED KIN TERMS The Eskimo language makes full use of the dual number. Reference to persons in formal narrative style, as in myths, folktales, and the like may call forth various dual combinations of kinship terms. The following have been noted: irinqereeik Parent, i.e., father or mother, and son. panigijik Parent and daughter. tutaaluwiik Grandparent and grandchild; any consanguineal relative in the grandparental generation and grandchild. The term tuticareeik was given as an archaic synonym for this compound; it is no longer used but survives in various myths. FACTORS IN THE SYSTEM It will be seen that the north Alaskan Eskimo kinship system consists of a series of unmodified terms in which primary emphasis is laid on the nuclear family. Collateral kin are merged as in the cousin designations while sex differentiation applies only in the nuclear situation. Classification by generation operates in the second descending generation and in the third ascending and descending generation. With respect to sibling terms, there is the designation of younger siblings as opposed to the differentiation between oldest and youngest, a phenomenon described for other Eskimo groups and characteristic of an "Eskimo" type system (Lantis, 1946, pp. 235–236; Spier, 1925, p. 79). While there are separate sibling terms, the children of siblings are classified and not specifically designated. There is a single nepotic term. It is in the affinal designations that the emphasis on the nuclear family is lent perspective. With the exception of parent-in-law terms and the terms which may be applied to the spouses of the parents' siblings in a coresidence situation, there is classificatory designation of affinal kin. There is the general term denoting male "in-law," and a corresponding female one applicable to Ego's generation and below. These terms apply only to the group outside the unit of reference. There are no implications in the system for either the sororate or levirate. There is some feeling against the marital union of affined kin, and a strong one indeed against union with those defined by the terms reflecting nuclear relationship and consanguine collateral relationship. The presence of various synonymous terms does not complicate the system. There are apparently some differences in terms between the maritime and nomadic peoples, and between the coastal villages as well. The structure of the system, however, seems constant throughout the area. An interesting change is at present taking place in the system. Because the family, both nuclear and extended, retains its importance, the kinship terms likewise are still applied. Many today are beginning to call the father by an English term in reference and address, while the father term aapa is being applied to the grandfather specifically, presumably as a point of distinction from the classificatory ataata. The same is beginning to be true of the grandmother-mother terms. A significant factor in the kinship system was coresidence. Thus it becomes important to define the place of Ego in the system. As may be seen from the affinal terms, it is the factor of residence which provides the basis for designations. It is easily seen why this becomes important, emerging as it does from the economic functions of the household. While the coresident group might consist of representatives from several kin groupings it was, under normal circumstances, fairly well knit and fairly permanent. Kinship designations might be transferred to the coresident affinals, and sibling terms to remoter coresident collaterals, the situation paralleling that of adoption. COLLECTIVE RESPONSIBILITY As has been noted, all those who called each other by kinship terms reflecting the consanguineal tie stood in a relationship of cooperation, mutual aid, and were, in the eyes of the society, responsible for each other's actions. Properly speaking, there was no institution of warfare on the Alaskan Arctic slope. There were, however, feuds, some of which were apparently of long duration. These feuds arose between extended families. The society possessed no formal mechanism by which a situation of feuding could be halted. Only the kin groups involved could reach an agreement to cease their activities. This, as has been seen, might occur when a person with relationships in both families acted as a mediator. The general theory behind the collective responsibility incumbent on the members of the family grouping lay in the evaluation of life for life. Feuds arose because of murder and, properly, for no other reason. Retaliation for other offenses took place, of course, but unless a killing was involved, it was a personal matter and did not call forth the joint action of a kin grouping. Indeed, a man's relatives, fearful lest a feud begin, might attempt to dissuade a man from retaliating for an offense. As has been remarked, a man of integrity would often prefer to suffer in silence and take no action against an offender. If he did so, however, continued insults could lead to a killing and to the inexorable involvement of the entire kin grouping into the blood feud. It is said that if a person wished to begin an argument, his course of action was to kill an enemy's dog. This brought a dispute out into the open and might lead to bloodshed. Even here, however, an "honest" man let the matter pass. As a result of the blood revenge concept, there arose in the intergroup situations of the area the sole basis for legal procedure. This might justifiably be termed "customary law," several examples of which are given in the sections which follow. The various instances serve to indicate how the problems involving interfamily quarrels might be resolved. When a blood feud existed, the normal patterns of cooperation were disrupted. The term for feud was makuruak "disorder." It referred to any kind of disagreement or strife, including domestic argument. Between families feuding there could be no mutual aid of any kind, no sharing of food, no joint undertakings. This so disrupted the normal flow of life that an individual might come before his enemies, often unarmed, saying "kill me!" If they did so, the feud naturally continued. If they did not, however, this might also serve to end the matter. Or, at least, it might end the matter so far as a feud in a single community was concerned. It could readily break out again, however, since other kin in other communities were also involved and could take revenge without reference to what had happened in some other settlement. The feuds are said to have gone on endlessly, being remembered after several generations. A father or mother is said to have instilled hatred for the enemy group in a child. But while such hatreds between kin groupings might go on over long periods, it did not follow that a "shoot on sight" pattern arose. Again, the reservation, the unwillingness to take immediate action, came to be operative. Hatred and enmity might apply, but it did not always result in overt killing. The stranger was in a particularly unfavorable position, another factor which undoubtedly made for solidarity of the local group. The stranger, assuming he came to a settlement where he had no kin, was immediately catechized as to his relationships. He was unwise to give them, since he might conceivably step into a feud situation all unknowingly. The stranger, subject to such rough treatment as being pummeled and having his clothes torn by the residents of the settlement he entered, in any case, would attempt to get the names of house or tent owners in the community. In this way, he might be able to claim relationship and protection, being thus able to establish some connections in the community. It is readily seen how blood might be shed in an argument. It was the custom to carry two knives, one on each side under the parka. In an argument, the knife could be drawn with either hand. Even a wound might lead to murder in retaliation. The impression is obtained that such killings took place in the heat of the moment. They appear to have been planned less often. Kin groups might agree to meet for "war," called, in this case, anuyuq. In this event each side marshaled as many men as possible, armor was donned, and the one group went forth against the other. Such "battles" seem always to have been indecisive and did not succeed in terminating a lasting feud. Several Barrow families even today carry bitter memories of feuds with groups from the Point Hope area. Another example of a feud which was averted is the following: Two men wished to be good runners. They became involved in an argument over the matter. "You are slow like an owl," said one. "You think you can move as fast as an ermine," replied the other. As they argued, the father of one of them came out and suggested that they run a race to settle the matter. "Owl" ran ahead of "Ermine" but the latter caught him and threw him to the ground. They wrestled but "Owl" broke away and this time "Ermine" couldn't catch him. "Ermine," speechless with rage, went home and got his bow. "Owl" was warned by others and ran after "Ermine." "What are you going to do?" he asked. "Ermine" replied, "I'm going to kill you right now." "Here I am," said "Owl." At this "Ermine" said, "I forgot myself." "There's no use killing me," said "Owl," "my relatives will make trouble for you," and they were "friends" after that. Relationships thus existed as between kin which demanded that the individual fight for relatives and avenge them. There was no social mechanism which enforced such vengeance, although a man would obviously suffer if he failed to take any action whatsoever over a long period of time. He was then regarded as unfilial and could be made fun at. But his action might simply involve confronting his enemies to say "Perhaps you will kill me, too." In so acting, the individual was demonstrating the ideal of "patience." He thus took no vengeance but succeeded in "saving face." The chance was very good that the enemies would do nothing. The individual might, indeed, place them in a bad light in public opinion. Only if a man stood in an unprotected position, lacking the backing of his kin group, would he then be in greater danger. This is why the stranger occupied a somewhat precarious place. The question is worth raising as to the fate of the person who killed a member of his own group. Since it was an intrakin group affair, no such mechanism as a feud would be called for. Extenuating circumstances were considered. This might also be true in the case of interfamily killings, where if the affront were sufficiently grave, the killer was not harmed nor were any of his kin. But within the family a particularly quarrelsome person who might murder a family member was often driven away to starve. Without the cooperation from his kin, this was not unlikely. While such situations have been mentioned, no one could recall a case of murder of one family member by another. When, however, a murder occurs between affined kin, the blood feud again takes place, since marriage is not regarded as creating a situation of collective responsibility between the principals. There is a folktale which reflects this situation: Five brothers lived together. The oldest was the provider and married a woman who came to live with them. The youngest brother was still a little boy. For some reason, the woman hated this boy and resolved to kill him. She waited until the four older brothers were out hunting. She then murdered her young brother-in-law with her ulu. She hid the body on the rack on the back of the house. The other brothers looked for him for a long time but not until much later did they find the body. The corpse was infested with worms. The brothers now worked out a punishment for the murderous wife. They decided that since the worms had eaten their brother, this should be her fate as well. They suggested a race around a lagoon to see who could run around it the greatest number of times. The woman lagged behind. Her husband caught up to her from behind and threw her into the water. The brothers had attracted the worms in the water by throwing pieces of meat in beforehand. The woman was attacked by the worms who stripped her body of flesh. After a time, only her lungs appeared floating on the surface of the lagoon. While this tale, which again uses the worm theme, and reflects the morbid fear of worms which these groups had, is clearly folklore, it may serve to indicate that marriage was regarded as no primary bond. Clearly, it was second to blood kinship. Always the mistreated wife could demand and get aid from her kin. To her husband's family she made no appeal and could expect no backing from them. With children, of course, with long time co-residence, this differentiation between the kin groupings of spouses became less well defined. It has been shown that a person had kinship affiliations in more than one family. He belonged to both a paternal and maternal group. The demands of collective responsibility applied principally to the kin grouping in which he grew up. It was again the factor of co-residence which determined the primary loyalty. However, an adopted child was responsible for the group of his adoption and was regarded as a member of it. Moreover, he was obliged to defend the blood kin, the family grouping out of which he had been adopted. The adoptive relationship extended the demands of responsibility. This was true not only in cases of formal adoption, where a child of one family had been raised by another, but it extended also to the husband of one's mother, if, for instance, the mother had remarried. Such a man was in a sense an adoptive father. The child was thus placed in the position of greater responsibility than the spouse. As the kinship situation is examined, it is clear that a bilineal organization emerges. There was no formality regarding residence requirements. Patrilocal or matrilocal residence, or separate residence, in fact, depended wholly on expediency. The kinship terminology reflects no bifurcation of paternal and maternal kin. There is, however, some slight evidence that the patrilineal bond was considered somewhat more important. A man was embroiled in dispute because of his kinship affiliations through his mother but it appears that the kin related through the father could make a more forceful plea for assistance, support, and defense. All that this could be said to amount to was that if a choice were involved, the individual sought the kin grouping of his father. Similarly, the stranger, if catechized as to his kinship affiliations, was generally asked first the name of his paternal grandfather. No other evidence of a preference for paternal descent can be cited, neither the matter of inheritance, whether of tangible or supernatural property, nor residence being involved. In summary, the kinship grouping was a perennial source of support. One was not only safe wherever one had blood relatives, but could also enlist their aid in any enterprise, and could without fear of refusal demand of them food, clothing, lodging, and comforts. In return, one had to be prepared to accord blood kin the same favors. But above all, defense of one's blood kin, vengeance for them, and responsibility for their actions were primary factors which served to effect family integration. MARRIAGE The family groupings to which the individual belonged were ideally exogamous. It is evident that a goal in marriage was to extend as far as possible the bonds of mutual aid and cooperation. For this reason, marriage between cousins was not desirable and similarly, there was no levirate or sororate. Cousin marriage is reported as occurring in a few instances; here, however, even the second collateral degree was held improper, such marriages occurring only between relatives of the third collateral degree. But even such marriages were frowned on. It was felt that marriage between blood kin, however remote the tie, produced inferior offspring, individuals who were "not quite human." This seems to be an aboriginal concept and not derived from Euro-American contact. One informant was asked if her own children could marry the children of her brother's daughter, the respective children designating each other by "cousin" terms. She remarked that this "wouldn't look good" and indicated that she felt very strongly against such a union. Indeed, the only circumstances which would justify such a marriage arose when a person found himself alone, lacking the benefits of the nuclear family. Then he might marry a cousin, albeit a distant one, in order to reaffirm family ties. The feeling was carried further in that the adopted child was subject to the same restrictions in regard to the family of his adoption. Not only were his blood kin prohibited but the adoptive kin as well. Recently a case arose where a family had adopted a boy and girl. They married and their behavior was considered highly scandalous. "It looked terribly bad." The various towns of the maritime peoples tended toward endogamy. Here again, however, there was no rigid regulation. The nuunamiut, subject essentially to the same regulations of marriage, might tend to endogamy in the extended band. Here, however, the regulations of kinship exogamy on all sides might necessitate going fairly far afield for a wife. It might generally be said that a man married into a family with which he was acquainted. To take a wife from an unknown group was simply to court trouble in that one could never be sure of the industry of the woman, of the reputation of her family, or of any number of possible involvements. A problem of some interest emerges in respect to the contacts between the nuunamiut and the tareumiut. These, as has been seen, were principally of a trading nature, a mutual interdependence based on the exchange of certain commodities. That there were sexual unions between members of the two groups goes without saying, in view of the exchanges of wives which took place between partners at the great trading sessions. Marriage between the two groups was, however, rare. It occurred sometimes but was, in general, exceptional. And, again, such marriages did not take place unless there was a thorough acquaintance of long standing. A man of the ikpikpanmiut, for example, came regularly to piyiniq to trade. While there, he married a woman named tupineraaaluq and took her back to the inland country with him. Everyone, it is said, felt sorry for her. She was obliged to adjust to the inland life and to learn new skills. Moreover, she would have to move about all the time. She adjusted well to the inland life, however, and came with her husband back to piyiniq every summer, and visited her family at this time. There are a few other instances of such marriages between the two ecological groups, but it is to be emphasized that such unions were not sought. Each group had its own sets of skills, its own type of adjustment. The result was to keep contacts on the trading level but not to effect any greater degree of intimacy through marriages. As between the two groups there would thus be the relationship of the qataŋun (qatanjuutigiit) but not of actual kinship. A man did not marry sisters in the accepted polygynous unions, nor could he marry a mother and daughter. There was also the strong feeling that a man could not marry the sister of a deceased wife, nor a woman her dead husband's brother. Two brothers were likewise forbidden to marry two sisters. There is one instance of such marriage recalled today, the case involving marriage between a man and woman whose respective sister and brother also married. This "only happened once" and "it was a terrible thing." In another case, quite recently in Barrow, a woman married the brother of her deceased husband. This was "not right." No one had ever heard of an incestuous relationship between brother and sister. In only one instance was there recalled an incest situation. A family had adopted a daughter. When the wife died, the daughter remained with her adoptive father as his wife. People said of this man, "He should be ashamed" and of the girl that "she had no pride." While no group action could be taken in such a case, the guilty parties could be made to feel the full force of adverse public opinion. When the girl's adoptive father died, she was claimed by another family in marriage. It is thus clear that there was no lasting stigma in such cases. In the case of the death of a spouse, particularly of a woman, and there were young children of the union, it was felt that the widow should remain with her husband's group. There was no rule regarding this, but if a woman resided with the family of her husband and had good relations with them she might hold the husband's property in trust for her own children. The husband's family would support her in this. It also happened that the husband's family would seize his property, his house, umiak, or other possessions and simply drive the widow away. In short, there was no rule of prescribed behavior relating to disposition of property or residence following the death of a spouse. A widow might be seized immediately at her husband's death by some man who desired her. This was a kind of marriage by capture, which took place at any time, since a woman who lacked the backing of her kin or of that of her deceased husband was regarded as fair game. An unprotected girl or widow would simply be seized by a man who wanted a wife or an addition to his household. Or it might merely be a matter of rape. A widow with children could generally rely on the support of her dead husband's kin. If, however, she continued to reside with her husband's family, and, marrying again, brought her new husband to live with her among them, there was usually no objection, another worker being welcomed. If a man continually plagued a widow to come with him as his wife, she objecting, and if he raped her or sought to do so several times, as again might well occur, her own kin and that of her dead husband were likely to offer protection and might even kill the man who desired her. Marriage in these cultures was of course essential. The unmarried man was virtually helpless since he then lacked the work which a woman could provide. It would appear that marriages were more or less permanent, since a couple learned to adjust to each other's ways and a strong bond of affection might arise. But while the state of marriage operated largely in economic terms, and was permanent on this basis, it was defined sexually. As will be seen, when a man and woman had had sexual relations, a state of marriage was considered to have existed between them. The result was to call forth certain kinds of attitudes and behavior reflecting a cooperative situation into which not only the principals concerned, but others as well, might be drawn. The criterion of a permanent marriage was of course co-residence. Divorce was simply the breaking of the residence tie. But there was a vague sense of marital arrangement, particularly in the case of young people entering marriage for the first time. Parents, especially the women, made the arrangement directly and informally. Such arrangements were frequently made between families in the same community whose members felt that they could agree. A "good" marriage resulted in peaceful relations between the families involved. It was also desirable that marriage within the community or group, should this be a nomadic situation, take place. This kept the closeness of family ties between the principals. There was also a vague feeling that marriage should be patrilocal. Again, however, there was nothing which enforced any of these points. When an agreement was made, the parents of the girl made a gift to the boy—a knife, a harpoon, a parka—while he in turn came to their house to work for them. Such bride service was of short duration, although somewhat formalized, since the boy might merely catch a seal and give it to his prospective parents-in-law. The marriage might be consummated at any time during these proceedings. And once consummated, it was viewed as marriage. There was no demand for chastity or virginity. It is worth repeating that while there were no definite residence requirements, patrilocal residence was generally preferred. Much, however, depended on the allocation of men. A married couple, if it did not at once choose to build its own house, might move back and forth to the various in-laws. If, for example, a woman’s father was dead and she had only younger brothers, her husband would be expected to support her family. Or, if both families were small and there was only the husband to act as chief hunter, there was nothing against bringing the two sets of in-laws together under one roof. In marriage arrangements, a girl particularly was often reluctant to leave her family for a husband. If so, her parents would attempt to talk her into marriage by saying such things as: “Another girl will take him away from you if you don’t go to him”; “His parents will treat you nicely if you marry him”; “Look out, some other man will grab you and take you to his house.” If a girl refused marriage, and her freedom of choice was clearly recognized, her suitor might marry another. If her own later marriage either failed or ran into difficulties, the parents told her, “You see, you should have married when we wanted you to; now you have made only trouble for yourself.” A feeling that the arranged marriages were preferable was strong. This was because the parents selected a partner from a family which they knew and liked. “In-law” troubles were a frequent cause of divorce. Since chastity was not valued, and premarital sexual relations were usual, and these must be defined as on a temporary, noneconomic level, there was no stigma placed on a fatherless child. Since the father can always be recognized because “the child looks like him,” as is still the strong feeling, the illegitimate child created no problem. Indeed, it was often the kin of the father of the child which insisted on claiming the child, rather than the reverse. It meant adding a family member and creating a potential worker for the group. Hence, when an unmarried woman had a child, there were always those who would marry her. Parenthood was desired and reflected status. Hence, if it were known that a woman was not barren, she was desirable. She might then have a choice of marriage partners. The kin grouping of the purported father might urge him to assume his place as the woman's husband and might be very angry if she then refused him. A girl who was sexually free was not considered too desirable. The feeling appears to have been that she spent too much time with her romantic affairs and too little in "being busy." In short, such a girl was chided for laziness, not for her morals. Hence, a young girl was kept in check so as to meet the ideal of industry. If a girl had several affairs and became pregnant, the family looked at the new-born child to see whom it resembled. The father, if a desirable "catch," was usually allowed to marry her. But this did not always follow. Any man might take her. If she had a reputation of philandering, hence of laziness, she might have some difficulty in getting a husband. But the girl who philandered a good deal and then denied that she did so was considered most reprehensible. Here the feeling against falsehood was strong. Such a girl might be taken by her father and have her mouth cut through the cheeks. Her father then might say, "Now you have a big mouth; tell all the lies you want." There was room in the society for romantic love. A love match was considered a good risk. Romantic affairs often went on after marriage and there was a definite ideal of female beauty. Men went after beautiful women, so it is said. A woman of beauty might succeed in playing one suitor off against the other. Her family often warned her not to do this, since she then might be seized by an older and stronger man and take a place as a second wife. Indeed, this not infrequently occurred. When a man desired a woman, he might simply seize her, take her to his house, and rely on his kin to see that she neither escaped nor was rescued by her own family. Both single girls and married women were taken in this way. Seizing a woman and keeping her as a wife was nusukaaktuat, "grabbing off a wife." If a single girl was taken, her kin usually let the matter go and permitted her to remain with the abductor. If the abductor were undesirable from the family's point of view, they might complain but there was usually no action. In fact, a family might abet an abductor. If a girl refused to marry, especially a man of the family's choice, they arranged for a kidnaping. Or, if she were abducted, it was said, "This is what she has been wanting." But such abductions went well beyond marriage since married women were also seized. Sometimes it was merely a matter of rape and no permanent alliance was contemplated. Some men had reputations as "women chasers," although women might likewise attempt to attract men. If anything, the woman was blamed more than the man. It was felt that a busy, modest woman "wouldn't get into trouble." A man who wished sexual relations with a woman solicited them by seizing her belt. She might then agree to a clandestine meeting. Jealousy was frequent and many men felt that they had to "watch their wives." Because sexual rights were in a sense property rights and linked with male status, a cuckolded husband might feel some revenge necessary. His retaliation against his wife's seducer was to rape his wife or to attempt to arrange a meeting with her. A husband and his wife's seducer stood as nuliinuaroak to each other, the sense being that they shared a woman. The term aŋutawkun, also aŋutawkattigüit, etymologically like that for parallel cousin, was employed in two specific ways. It referred to men, partners, who had exchanged wives. It also designated the men who had been married to the same woman at different times. A synonym was in'ukawtigicuq. Conceptually, this might be a significant relationship, especially since the woman's children by both men would be half-siblings. The men so involved might thus share an interest in the children and in each other. If partners, they would in any case have a common interest and tie. If a man desired to keep a married woman as his own mate, he generally informed his kin of his intentions. They either agreed to support him or tried to dissuade him. If they did assist him in capturing the wife of another, the woman was simply dragged off and kept in the house or the band of the captor. The abduction of a wife was not a cause of a feud. But the husband could enlist the aid of his kin in getting the woman back and her own kindred could also offer their help. If the ensuing dispute resulted in bloodshed, as was not unlikely, a feud then resulted. A wife was free to return to her husband if she escaped her captor. But it seemingly frequently occurred that the abduction took place with the woman's connivance. If so, and if the husband from whom she was taken knew or suspected it, he might make no effort to recover her. The decision was his to make. It would be incorrect to assume that wife-capture followed a uniform pattern. The resulting situation might be wholly benign with the result that no bad feelings or enmity arose between the husband who lost his wife and the man who had taken her. It might result in bitter feelings and continued hatred. Witness, for example, the case of the man who found his wife's captor asleep and who tied a dog to his foot, indicating that he had had him at his mercy but had declined the opportunity to kill him. The situation was not formalized and the following possible results can be listed: 1. The man who lost his wife to another and made no effort to force her to return was "honest," "patient," and in no sense a laughing stock. Indeed, if her absence were ignored and she then returned to her husband, his action in allowing her to resume her position as wife was regarded as highly magnanimous and virtuous. 2. Should he decide to let the matter go and not attempt to force a return of his wife, the affronted husband could demand compensation from his wife's abductor. If this were given, the husband relinquished all claim on the woman. If it were not given, the kin grouping was enlisted to effect a recovery of the woman. When the matter is followed through, any number of possible solutions to the problem of wife loss by abduction arise. For example, if the man who had lost his wife demanded compensation and it was given, it was then inevitable that the two men involved should become friendly. This was because they had conceptually effected a trade. More significantly, however, does the fact emerge that the two shared an interest in children resulting from either union. A factor to be considered here was residence. If a woman were taken from a husband within the community, she might bring her children to her abductor's house. They would then stand in an adoptive relationship to the mother's captor. But they would of course retain ties with their own father. If the abduction took place as between communities, the kindred of the father would be reluctant to let the children go. But children born of the second union were then half-siblings to the children of the first. Since there was no recognition of step or foster relationship, they might extend to the mother's first husband the same term which their half-siblings used, that is, father. Similarly, the children of the first marriage, even if they continued to live with their natural father, the mother being gone, called the mother's second husband by a father term and were obliged to defend this man. This tie was indeed strengthened when children were born of the second union. Thus the term nuliniuroak (nuliniuaroak) which arose between two husbands of one woman reflected not shame or disgrace, but rather a quasi-kinship in which a certain degree of cooperation and mutual aid was implicit. The same term was applied to men living with a woman in a so-called polyandrous situation. In the latter case, there would be no question of actual paternity since the child "always resembles the father." In these cases, residence was always a factor. If a man living with his wife's kin lost his wife, both he and the kin of the wife would be unwilling to let the children join their mother in her new marriage. Even when no children were involved, however, if a man occupied the position of provider to his wife's family he continued to reside with them. If he remarried, he either brought his new wife to them or left them. The possibilities described above were all regarded as conceivable in terms of the social structure. It appears that any bad feelings could be alleviated by an exchange. But a wife abductor, often fearing the anger of the former husband, frequently made his decision to leave the community, taking the new wife with him. The absence of formal regulation as well as the impermanence of the marital tie created the great variability in solving the problems which arose. Far from creating an immediate and outright enmity, however, the resulting situations appear to have extended kinship involvements. Both polygyny and nonfraternal and temporary polyandry were possible under the system. The latter was apparently less frequent. DIVORCE The precontact cultures did not insist on marriage as a permanent union. Indeed, marriage may be defined only in terms of its economic involvements. In one sense, any sexual union or liaison constituted marriage inasmuch as there were recognized status shifts which arose as a result of sexual relations. More specifically, however, marriage, as a recognized institution, might be said to result when a couple shared the same house and worked together toward the upkeep of the house, each contributing a share of labor to its maintenance. Children, of course, created a basis for stability. But since marriage must be defined so loosely, divorce likewise cannot be regarded as a formalized mechanism. The pattern in general was that if the couple agreed, shared its labor, had offspring, became recognized as sharing a common social role, the two were married. The same status was accorded to individuals with more than one mate. If, therefore, there was any discord, if a wife were abducted, if either partner chose to leave, divorce was recognized. If a couple disagreed or if a man mistreated his wife, relatives of either partner might urge divorce as a logical course of action. Divorce was not an item of gossip but rather a usual means of solving a problem. In the precontact cultures, it would appear that virtually everyone had been married and was divorced at least once. Here again, however, it becomes difficult to offer an exact definition. Sexual relations did not constitute marriage in the exact social sense but there were other involvements arising from sex. A person may have "played the field" before settling down to a more permanent marital union. Once a couple became used to each other's ways, it was unlikely that divorce would occur. Since there was no formalized property involvement in marriage, divorce did not entail any redistribution of property. Each partner took his own personal possessions, such as clothing, tools, boats, dogs, or whatever. The matter of the house itself was decided by whatever arrangement had originally been made as to residence. If the couple had built its own house, and several children had arrived, divorce was in any case unlikely. An offended partner who left forfeited rights to a house. This matter can be somewhat complex when it is considered that a husband might leave, move to another place, take another wife, and so settle down elsewhere. His first wife might thus be left with house and property. She, in turn, might marry again. The couple is thus presumably divorced, even though it has made no formal decision on the matter. On the other hand, the husband might then return to take up with his abandoned wife again. He might also retain a wife in another place. By this token, divorce becomes difficult of definition. If there was a formal disagreement, however, an actual makaruak, the offended partner might leave. He or she often did so on the advice of relatives. In such a case, custody of children was left to the most expedient solution. Children might be given a choice of parent; they might be divided between the separating couple; they might be given out to others in adoption. There was clearly no hard and fast rule. WIFE LENDING AND WIFE EXCHANGE It is clear that the marriage bond, while essential to the successful functioning of the culture, was not conceptually a permanent one. It frequently occurred that a man went to trade or on a prolonged hunting expedition and left his wife behind. If he had many relatives about, he could safely leave the woman with them. But if he had few, he might impose on a partner or neighbor, asking him to take the woman in charge. This situation was known as aleupaaktuat. A friend, partner, or neighbor had sexual rights to the woman, a relative of the husband did not. If a man thus went to trade, leaving his wife in a friend’s care, he generally had some commission to discharge for the man in return. Between partners, especially those of long standing and proven friendship, there could be wife exchange on a temporary basis. This was also true of “friends,” often as between those who had established a joking relationship. Hospitality might involve wife lending, since such hospitality would be extended in any case only to individuals occupying a special status in relation to a host. Wife exchange on a temporary basis took place only between men who occupied a status of formally defined friendship or partnership. Aside from partners and joking partners, there was no institutionalized friendship. Informal good relations, however, as between men in a whaling crew, in the same karigi, might call wife exchange into being. Men who exchanged wives were anutawkattigiiit. The two men involved agreed to exchange their wives and did not consult the women involved. A woman was told, "Go over and stay with so and so." The exchange lasted for a few days, the women then returning to their husbands. The return of a woman after an exchange was called allupaareik. The woman was taken to the house of a man to whom she was lent. Among the maritime people sexual relations took place in the suuvik. The Eskimo of the area deny that such exchanges were economic and insist that they were purely sexual. In wife exchange, the cooperative tie between the men and women involved was enforced. The respective children stood to each other as qatanuutigiiit and, as will be seen, were likewise drawn into a situation of cooperation. Wife exchange was thus always arranged and had no implications of rape or abduction such as were described in the previous section. It was in a sense an exchange of property rights and led to the exchange of other forms of property, hence again to mutual aid. Rape or wife abduction, on the other hand, was wilful violation of property right and it was for this reason that the various mechanisms described might arise. A wife was lent, as noted, when a man was obliged to be gone from the community for some time. The man to whom he lent his wife might request the same assistance at a later time. When a man's partner visited, assuming he came alone, his host might offer him sexual rights to the wife. If partners came together with their wives, they frequently exchanged wives on a temporary basis. It was felt to be advantageous to do so, since it strengthened the bond of partnership and extended the system of mutual aid to the children of the respective couples. Sexual trading, wife lending, or wife exchange, was called simmixsuat. The point that it was a sexual matter and not an economic one should be emphasized. It has been said that such exchange might arise of work specializations which each woman commanded. This does not seem to be the case, since in the cooperative situation of community living, work was freely exchanged without reference to sexual privilege. Women who were exchanged were known as aytpareik. It apparently happened not infrequently that the exchange might be permanent. This would arise out of a matter of preference. Several such instances are recalled. QATANUUTIGIIT It would be erroneous to assume that the sexual freedom inherent in the cultures of the area was wholly random and uncontrolled. 7 A paper describing this rather unusual social institution was read at the 1953 meetings of the American Anthropological Association, Tucson, Ariz., December 29, 1953. Sexual relations carried with them a degree of responsibility and served to create a series of reciprocal obligations not only between the principals concerned but also between the kin of those involved. Even casual sexual affairs had certain consequences, as, for example, in the case of the girl who was "free." Here the failure to exert a degree of control over the situation was disturbing to her kin. Because sexual relations were regarded as rights, and because defined obligations arose from sexual activity, it is clear that a well-defined pattern of behavior arose in connection with sexual affairs and that the involvements of the individual were channeled and predictable. Perhaps in no case is this more precisely defined than in the development of the qatanuutigiit (dual) relationship. As one considers the balance between social forms and economic life, it is apparent that the North Alaskan Eskimo sought in every way possible to extend the patterns of economic cooperation. Not only is the kin and household unit founded in cooperation but marriage itself was a device which served to extend the forms of cooperation between otherwise unrelated family groupings. The strong feelings against the levirate, sororate, or cousin marriage may be explained on this basis. But there were also ways of developing lasting relationships between nonkin. An obvious way lay in the ties of crew and karigi, another in partnerships and in joking partnerships, both of which came as close to an idea of blood brotherhood as was possible without some formalistic declaration. And it is further evident that sexual relations provided a clinching point, serving to cement the ties of friendship and mutual aid. Wife exchange was thus not wholly lustful; it had a definite function in the society as a means of extending a cooperative relationship. When sexual relations took place, and when of such intercourse children were engendered, the offspring of the various unions came to occupy a special cooperative relationship to each other. They stood to each other as qatanuutigiit (sing. qatajun). This relationship arose between nonrelatives on the basis of previous sexual relationships. It came about under the following circumstances: 1. If two persons, divorced or widowed, married, each having offspring from the previous marriage, their respective offspring became qatanuutigiit to each other. 2. When wives were exchanged, the respective children of the two couples who then had engaged in an exchange stood in this relationship. 3. This provides the basic point of definition. From the point of view of Ego, the children of any person with whom his father or mother had previously had sexual relations were his qatanuutigiit. The qatanuutigiit (pl. qatanuutigiic) were thus not blood relatives. Under most circumstances, they could marry. This would be forbidden in the first instance listed above, where a man and woman marry, each having children. This was then an adoptive situation, the children called each other by sibling terms, and were forbidden to marry. They might extend the relationship here, designating it as nukaxrarceik—half-siblings—a term not otherwise used. Basically, this was a cooperative situation. A child was told that when he went to some other place where there were no kin, he should seek out such and such a person who would aid him. "He is your qataqun." An individual could, in traveling, always seek out the children of his father's partners, assuming that in the partnership wives had been exchanged, and demand of them assistance and support. It was freely given. It is worth mentioning that here was a basis for forming new partnerships and it is in this respect that partnerships tended to follow along family lines, the two families involved retaining the relationship. Some examples may serve to point up the importance of the relationship: 1. When taaluq traveled down the coast, he stopped at Kotzebue camping near two houses some distance from town. He was invited into one of the houses where a woman was living. She asked him who his father was and where he came from. He told her. She said, "My children are like your brothers." Then he remembered that his father had told him that he had been married to this woman. After that, in his journeys up and down the coast, he always stopped at that house. The woman's daughters would repair his clothes and chew his boots. He had intercourse with them. 2. A man from Barrow went down to Noatak. The people there were very suspicious of him and tried to kill him. They shut him up in the karigi and gave him no food and prevented his coming out. He had a qataqun there, however, who got food to him and finally set him free. In escaping from Noatak, the man was lent a sled by his qataqun. The latter urged him not to return to Noatak but said that if he did so, he would always be given help. The resuer's mother had once had sexual relations with the father of the man from Barrow. 3. A stranger came to utkeaaγvik from kuvuk (Kobuk). He was accorded the usual treatment reserved for strangers, the men coming out and pummeling him, tearing his clothes, and crying, "hii, hii." His qatanautigiiit recognized him and pulled him away from the others, bringing him home and caring for him. As a result of the development of this relationship, it became necessary to recall the former sexual partners, to keep the tie with them alive, and to inform one's children of their whereabouts. The result was a quasi-kinship. While the family loyalties came first, it nevertheless followed that one attempted to give assistance to one's qatanuutigiiit whenever possible. It was an important relationship in other ways, as, for example, in terminating a blood feud. If a sexual arrangement could be worked out between a man and woman in the two feuding factions, the respective children then became qatanuutigiit to each other and the now existing cooperative relationship forbade further bloodshed. At present, there is still a strong sense for the relationship. Many who still recognize qataqutigiiit call them by sibling terms and are close friends with them. As one woman remarks today, however, "You are just talking about your parents' sins when you have this." This statement would indicate, perhaps, that the coordinated patterns of mutual aid are falling away. ADOPTION In the qataqutigiiit relation was seen one means by which the kinship tie could be extended in effect to nonkin. Another such way lay in the adoption of children who were then raised in the household of their adoptive parents, no distinction being made between them and natural children. The patterns of adoption were well worked out and the institution continues to be an important element in the contemporary society. Either a couple with children or a childless couple could be eligible to adopt. If anything, the former were preferred as adoptive parents, since their success as parents and their kindness would presumably have been demonstrated. The motivation in adoption is clear: not only did adoption extend the kinship circle and hence the bonds of cooperation, but it served also as a kind of insurance; "children take care of you and look after you when you are old." There was no social stigma attached to barrenness but childless individuals or couples might find themselves in dire straits if they lacked the support that children might give. A woman now living at Barrow has the reputation of being "cruel"—"She is mean to all her relatives and now no one will help her." Although she had children of her own, all are now dead, their deaths, it is said, being directly attributable to her own negligence. Such a woman, even though her husband enjoys a somewhat better reputation than she, could not hope to take children in adoption. Adoption took place within the extended family, as in the case of a brother adopting the child of a sibling, a parent adopting a child's child, adoption through cousins, and the like. But there was no regulation prescribing this. Adoptions might occur just as frequently between nonrelated groups of kindred. A couple who wished to adopt looked about for available children. Such might be an orphaned child, but it might be the youngest in a large family. Economic stress being what it was, some infanticide was practiced. If in traveling under stress, a woman gave birth to a child, it might have to be left. This was spoken of as "throwing a baby away." Some would say, "Don't throw the baby away—give it to me." There are accounts of individuals who had been adopted in this way and who survived to become men of wealth and position. If a parent were ill, impoverished, or had too many mouths to feed, a solution to the problem was to let a child or two leave in adoption. In such cases, the parent might select the adoptive parents on the basis of their proven worth and kindness. When an agreement relating to adoption had been reached, there was a sense that the arrangement should be witnessed by competent adults. This prevented a change of heart on the part of the parent who was relinquishing the child and the demand that the child be returned. These informal witnesses served merely to offer a reflection of public opinion that the adoption was legal. The factors in adoption were, as may be surmised, coresidence and support. When a parent who had relinquished a child demanded it back, he might encounter difficulty. Certainly he would receive no backing of public opinion. Nor would his kin support the demand for a return of the child. Several instances of this kind were described. In one, a couple took a child back after it had been given out in adoption. The child's mother's father felt that a wrong had been done to the adoptive family. When a child was born to his own wife, he insisted, over his wife's objections, that the child be given to the family from whom his grandchild had been taken. In modern times, the sense for this pattern is still present. When a woman who was suffering from tuberculosis was hospitalized, she left her new-born infant with her parents. On her return from the sanatorium, she attempted to get her child back from them. They refused to surrender it and she did not press the matter. A person with a sufficiently aggressive character might force the return of a child given out in adoption. In another modern instance, a baby girl, the mother having died in childbirth, was given in adoption to a family which had only boys. The adoptive parents kept the child for some months and then the father, uncle to the pair, who was about to remarry, demanded the return of the child. He insisted and the adoptive parents gave in, but there has been bad feeling between them since. It would be more frequent, however, that the adoptive parents would refuse to return the child and public opinion would unquestionably back them. But only in extreme cases, it is said, would the natural parents demand the return of a child given out in adoption. The effects of public opinion are clear; the natural parent who demanded his child back was held guilty of an immoral act. In another such instance, which occurred many years ago, a woman, delivering a child, experienced a protracted and difficult labor. Another woman came to assist her. The parturient's husband stated that if the child was alive, the midwife and her husband might take it as their own. The child, a son, was delivered and given to the mother's helper. About 2 years later, the natural parents demanded the return of the child. The adoptive parents refused at first but the natural father became so persistent, threatening and bullying, that at last they reluctantly consented. Public opinion was aroused, but no action was taken. The behavior of the natural parents was viewed as particularly offensive because, in taking their child back, they made no payment to the adoptive parents. The couple who thus took their child back then went inland and had an extremely difficult winter. They became so short of food that they were obliged to give their child away again, this time to okumayl'puq and his wife. They became very fond of the boy, who began to call them "father and mother." Somewhat later, however, they encountered an old man who knew the background of the boy. He urged that they return the child to his natural parents again lest okumayl'puq and his wife have misfortunes too. While they were reluctant to do this, they felt that this was the wiser course and so returned the child again to his natural parents. The child's father was thereafter known as a man who "broke his promise." When a couple desired a child, they might select some family which they admired and ask a child of them. This request might be granted. The father of the family could indicate that the next child would be given out in adoption to the people who requested it. Only families who had proven industry and proper kindness and modesty could qualify for a child. Some people, it is said, were "careless" with their children. Only if families failed to give proper care did the children die. A couple who had children but whose children had then died could not qualify as adoptive parents. The feeling was that if they had taken proper care of their natural offspring, they would have lived. To give them a child in adoption was to take a serious risk. To be eligible as an adoptive parent, one had to have a good reputation of industry. The natural parents or guardians of the child took care to note that the child could be properly cared for and given food, clothing, and lodging in a dependable way. Similarly, families with reputations as "scolds" could not qualify for adoption of a child. Adoption was considered to be permanent. The family who had given the child out in adoption relinquished claim to him and could not demand anything of him or of the foster parents. On the other hand, the foster parents might occasionally make a request of the child's natural parents for food or clothing for the child. The natural parents who refused such a request would again suffer from adverse public opinion. The fact that "they had done nothing for their own" and had given their child out in adoption did not relieve them entirely of responsibility. In the aboriginal culture, if the child's mother had died of some illness, the child was not considered a good adoptive risk. Such children were often not adopted. They became "orphans" and might be shunted about from family to family without ever being taken in as family members under adoption. This pattern suggests a kind of "service" in that the child then might be obliged to work for his keep and was not accorded kinship status. There are several such cases still operative in the village of Barrow and many individuals are living who had this kind of upbringing. It is also evident that families were reluctant to adopt an older child. Although this occurred, the tendency was to take an infant in adoption and not a child whose loyalties were already fixed. The child who lost his family through death was expected, provided he could do some amount of fending for himself, to attach himself to any of his remaining kin. It is at this level that the role of the "orphan" becomes established in the society. Such an individual was a child too old to be taken in adoption and while his services might be desired, he did not come to occupy a status and role of family member. A family which took such a child in did not call him by kinship terms, nor did he reciprocate. The "orphan" concept provides so marked a basis for folktales, accounts of the "poor" boy who becomes a great hero, that it is evident that the status was a fairly well-established one. In some instances the "orphan" was sought as a mate for a daughter. This might occur when the family was reluctant to let a daughter go from their household. The orphan boy with no other family commitments might them come in as husband and adopted son. Sometimes the individual made a choice for himself. In one such instance a boy, apparently well into adolescence, made a connection with a family not related to his own. He became so fond of them and they of him that he left his own parents and went to live with the family of his choice. This was viewed as a true adoption, inasmuch as he employed kinship terms in referring to his foster parents. Having called the daughter of this family "sister," he could not have married her. Now and again he returned to the house of his natural parents and made them gifts of food. For all practical purposes, however, he had severed his ties with his own family. Thus when a child was adopted, he became a member of the kinship groupings of his adoptive parents and was involved in the pattern of collective responsibility in that relationship. He called his adoptive family by kinship terms and was accepted as a full member of the group with all the rights and obligations incumbent on a blood member. He was, moreover, forbidden from marrying his adoptive kin. A child was told of his adoption but often much later in life. When he was told, it apparently often came as a profound shock and was resisted. It was necessary to inform the adopted individual of his antecedents since he was responsible not only to his family of adoption but was also involved with his genetic kindred. If the latter became involved in a feud, he was likewise obliged to take their side. Many examples were cited by informants of adoptive children who refused to accept the truth of their adoption and who insisted that the "real" parents were the adoptive parents. It might happen that the child enjoyed good relations both with his adoptive parents and his natural parents and might call both by parent terms. More often he called his adoptive parents by parent terms and designated his natural parents by name. There was no exact rule relating to this, however. It is not to be supposed that adoptions always took place between families in no way connected by ties of kinship. On the contrary, common practice was to give a child in adoption to a kinsman, there being a tendency, in fact, to prefer the choice of a kinsman as foster parent. Thus it is not uncommon for a grandparent, a brother, or a cousin to assume responsibilities for a child. okumay'pug, for example, adopted his sister's daughter. The sister's husband became involved in an expedition going to trade at Herschel Island. The sister wished to accompany him but had a small daughter whose presence on the trip might have caused delay. She therefore gave the child to okumay'pug and his wife. He asked her if she wished the child returned. On her indicating that she did not, he took the child as his own. Numerous other instances of such adoption might be cited. kanayuruq's son chooses to live with his mother's brother and calls him "father." Although this has disturbed kanayuruq and his wife, they have agreed that the uncle may keep the boy. On the death of his son-in-law, sikvayungaq took his daughter's two boys in adoption. Although they are his grandchildren, he designates them as his "sons" and does not distinguish them from his other children. It was generally agreed that the adopted child was "dearer to the heart" than a natural child. One reason given for this was that the adoptive parents so admired the natural parents of the child that deep affection was inevitable. Informants also remarked that there "was no pain in adopting a child." The basic element in this would apparently lie in the fact the adoption had to be justified before the community and the adoptive parents proved worthy of their trust. It would be difficult to estimate the number of adoptions in relation to the population at large. They were extremely frequent, and it seems safe to say that almost every family was either directly or indirectly involved in the institution. Certainly, this remains true today. There was much adopting between relatives, and the benefits arising from the extension of kinship bonds by the adoption of nonkin were eagerly sought. Children were, and are, much desired and were given out in adoption or abandoned with great reluctance. ABANDONMENT Intimately relating to the matter of the family tie was the question of the abandonment of the very young, the aged, and the sick or infirm. This has been treated so frequently for the Arctic Eskimo from the point of view of the outsider that some further mention of it is required here for the purpose of clarification. The economic demands of Arctic life, particularly of travel in the Arctic, might require that one relative be left by the others so that the whole group could survive. As such, abandonment would have been more common among the nuunamiut since the nomadic way of life was much more precarious. On the coasts, settled life as well as provision by way of food storage somewhat minimized the problem. It is clear that modern inroads have by no means changed attitudes toward this problem. If a relative had to be abandoned, it was "very sad," "a hard decision," but the group might be saved at the expense of one life. The most recent case that anyone can recall took place in 1939, when an old shaman and his wife were left inland to starve. The family head, a son of the old man, was obliged to leave his father and stepmother and go on by team to get food. He was unable to return in time to save his parents. No blame was of course attached to such an action. In fact, the older people often asked to be abandoned if times were hard and faced the prospect of death with equanimity. Captain Brower, who found himself with an old woman on his hands when he had saved her, was extremely puzzled as to what he should do with her. It was strongly felt that a parent would stint on his own food in order to save the life of a child. Similarly, the older people sacrificed their own food to the younger members of a party. In a sense, abandonment revolved around the matter of production. When a person was no longer able to produce, he had no right to expect continued support. This might be given and willingly so, as a filial duty, but in emergencies it was the non-productive who were sacrificed. This is not to imply a disrespect for the aged. Indeed, the earlier accounts point clearly to the important role of old people in giving counsel and in making decisions. A new-born baby might be "thrown away." This was quite literally true, since a woman, having given birth to a child, and being unable to care for it, simply left it. If the child were named, however, and had been taken along with the group, every attempt might be made to save it. It was rather the unnamed child, the child who was not regarded as a member of the society as yet, who was subject to abandonment. Such infanticide as did occur, and it was rare, considering the desire for children, was not limited to girls. Babies of either sex might be left should the circumstances warrant it. In the pattern of abandonment, one again encounters the primary loyalty to blood kin. In times of stress, a man could leave his wife and his wife's kin and strike out on his own. If however, he abandoned his own children or his own blood kin, his action was considered most reprehensible. In general, however, a man who saved himself at the expense of a number of others was felt to have acted in a criminal way and might be hunted down by the kin of those he left. The same was true of the use of food, either in caches inland or in cellars on the coast, by those to whom it did not belong. One could take food from a cache or cellar to meet his own needs and was welcome to do so. If, however, he took all the food, causing the starvation of those to whom it belonged, as might occur, he was guilty of murder. If known, a blood feud began. A woman was less under obligation than was a man to stand by kin. Several instances of starvation are reported where a woman and her children might go to her own parents in times of stress, leaving her husband and his family. One such took place in the piyiniq area. The family needed food. The wife went to her parents at utkcaaγvik, leaving her husband. He in turn walked to Wainwright where he had a brother. Later, when food was again available, the husband, tawyuaq, returned to his wife and the two took up residence together again. This was expected behavior, both on the part of the man's parents-in-law and of his wife. It relates to the fact that one depends on one's own parents and kin regardless of the marital tie. Tawyuaq felt no resentment at such treatment. In another instance, a woman was left by her husband when food was short. She had several siblings on whom she could depend. The husband later returned and tried to claim her. Her siblings, however, refused to allow her to return to him. They argued, "He'll do the same thing again to you." But any case of abandonment was hard. Only in the direst of circumstances would it have taken place. There is the impression that the individual upbraided himself for leaving those dependent on him. When a newborn baby was abandoned, it might have to be torn forcibly from the mother. This suggests that the decision was not an arbitrary one on the part of an individual but a carefully considered group action. It was when an individual left others and so failed them that his action was condemned. In the case of the abandonment of infants, the family might agree to sacrifice a girl child rather than a boy. The economic potential of the boy was considered greater. The instance of the woman, utaatuq, illustrates fairly well how a problem of abandonment might have been faced. Among the nuunamiut, during the winter travel, utaatuq became a burden to her group. She had an adopted son and was pregnant. A daughter which had been born to her the previous winter had been abandoned. Her husband urged her to abandon the small boy she was carrying also but she steadfastly refused. Because of her pregnancy, she lagged more and more behind the group which, pressed for food, was obliged to travel as rapidly as it could. At last, she could no longer keep up the pace and was left behind, her adopted baby still on her back. She found a likely place to camp and, taking sinew from her sewing kit, made ptarmigan snares and fish lines. She got enough food through the winter although she continued to live on the edge of starvation. At last her baby was born. There was hardly sufficient food for herself and the adopted infant and she found herself unable to nurse the newborn child. Obliged to abandon it, she moved to another camp, locating herself in an abandoned house. Now relieved of the burden of her pregnancy, she lived more adequately the rest of the winter, trapping squirrels (siqsiq), ptarmigan, and fishing. She made clothing from the squirrel skins and used their fat for oil and light. Gradually, she built up some surplus food and was able to survive. In the spring she was found by a hunting party and brought to utkaaayvik. Here she established contact with her husband and rejoined him. While a family might caution a girl against marrying a man who had been involved in a case of abandonment, pointing out that such might be her fate, circumstances in such cases were generally recognized as sufficiently pressing as to justify the action. utaatuq herself felt no resentment against her husband for having left her under the circumstances. Cases of abandonment were much more frequent among the nuunamiut. The reason is clear in view of the more precarious inland life. The settled maritime village generally built up its food surpluses and could last through a lean year. This was not the case among the more nomadic inland peoples who lacked the same facilities for storage of food. Similarly, if the maritime village did become subject to starvation, whole settlements would suffer together. The smaller groups of nuunamiut were thus frequently obliged to make greater concession to the environment. In traveling, for example, as the above instance illustrates, no place could be made for the laggard, especially if dogs were few, as was most frequently the case. One woman of the ikpikpanmiut recalls that her mother "threw three babies away," in spite of her own childish protests and tears. It must be said that every attempt was made to save an infant; if the group was large, efforts were made to place it in adoption. While some children were saved in this way, many were left to perish. It is said of the nuunamut by those of the coasts, "They are just like animals; they let everyone die," a reflection of the fact that some sense of difference between the two ecological groups existed. In only one instance, as nearly as anyone living can recall, was cannibalism practiced. Several women were left alone. When the mother and sisters of kivigloaok, one of the women, died she ate their flesh and survived. People talked of it, saying that it was regarded as very sad but there was otherwise no stigma attached to the cannibal. While the rather harrowing tales of abandonment of aged relatives might be strung out at length, it is perhaps sufficient to note that here again the family operated as a unit. CONCLUSION The family and kinship situation as it has been described for the North Alaskan Eskimo groups appears on the surface vague. There was little by way of strictly formalized structure. The local situations, the crossing of family lines, the factors of common residence do, however, combine to produce a unit of cooperation and a strong sense for kinship. Of interest in this respect are the patterns by which the bond of kinship can be extended so that even random sexuality becomes a means of reaffirming and developing certain social ties. In summary, the means by which kinship ties could be extended to nonkin were as follows: 1. In the partnership relationship. 2. In the sexual involvements following a broken marriage or wife exchanging giving rise to the qatanjuitigiiit relationship. 3. In adoption. Friendships were not otherwise formalized. There were, of course, economic interrelationships of other types, such as that between crew members and men hunting together. If a more meaningful relationship were desired than that arising from hunting interests, it was necessary to undertake and establish the kind of relationships indicated above. The term illyonaaruq was used to mean "friend" or more properly, one's "pal," but the term had little meaning unless extended to kinship in one of the above ways. One can only admire the familial institution of the groups in question. It does not exist because of economic or environmental factors. On the contrary, it makes possible ease of living in a hostile territory. The family was a supple tool, arranging and rearranging itself to meet the needs of the moment and to effect the workings for the common good. Of political structure there was none. Nor indeed, was any necessary. It was the kinship grouping which remained the potent instrument of social control. Blood feuds are gone, but the sharing institution of the family and the inherent collective responsibility still serve to effect integration of North Alaskan Eskimo society. A yardstick by which to measure social behavior, social controls, and individual responsibility is best provided by an analysis of actions which deviate from the social norm. Even though, like many other primitive groups, the Eskimo of northern Alaska lacked an elaborated system of legal procedures, there was, nonetheless, a strong sense of customary sanctions, resulting in patterned ways of dealing with the deviant. It is clear that the primary mechanism of social control lay in the family, the solidarity of the family being defined and enhanced by the strong sense of collective responsibility. Properly speaking, no crimes could be said to exist; offenses of any kind related to interfamily disputes. These relate almost exclusively to murder. Sorcery, likewise, might be regarded as significant in interfamily quarrels, but this was de facto murder. The causes for murder were several. Any offense, real or imaginary, by one individual against another might result in bloodshed and so, by the regulation of collective responsibility, involve the families of the two disputants. In the main, however, offenses relating to property would not result in killing. If a man were cheated, if some of his property were stolen, if a piece of property were wantonly destroyed, the injured party had only to air his complaints to the community at large and to allow public opinion to pass on the merits of his claim. His satisfaction thus lay in obtaining a balance of public opinion in his own favor; only in the rarest instances would he seek further retribution. This can best be illustrated by example: When, at Barrow, there was the general breakup of the reindeer herds and the collapse of the industry, one of the men who had received government training as a herdsman became involved in a dispute with a family which had lost a good many head of deer. Failing to understand the herding system and the governmental policies relating to it, the family, not surprisingly, attached blame to the herdsman. When he proved unable to give them satisfaction, the woman of the family destroyed a umiak belonging to him, cutting the skins with her ulu, and breaking the frame. He might have gone, at this period, to the United States Marshal and demanded retribution. Instead, however, he told anyone in the community who would listen what the woman had done, at the same time pointing up his own virtuous patience. in the matter and saying that, although he had been wrongfully treated, he would take no action. Since the reindeer herding was a sore spot at this time, it is doubtful that the herdsman got the community support which he wished. Behavior of this kind may be noted for the earlier culture as well. It was unusual for an offended party, whether the injury were real or fancied, to do more than to destroy property. Nor does the litigation seem to have gone further than to call for a judgment of public opinion. Offenses arising between partners often followed a similar pattern and resulted in the end of the partnership. The misanthropic person, and it is clear that there were such, who made a practice of taking petty vengeance on others by damaging or destroying their property, was marked for death. In this case, a family involvement was inevitable. Here again is encountered the "bully," the nonconformist personality. How far such an individual could go in violating public opinion was variable and depended on the amount of backing he could get from family, or from such associations as his crew or with the supernatural. A long-suffering community would put up with such an individual over a long period of time, each person being anxious to avoid "trouble" and submitting patiently to his irascible antisocial behavior. At last, however, when his backing became less strong or when his unpleasantness reached a peak, he might be murdered. And here again, public opinion would decide the legitimacy of a claim of vengeance. Not that the community could prevent a feud, but members of families other than the two involved might take occasion to point up to the dead man's kin that the situation was now better for all concerned. It frequently happened that the murderer would present himself unarmed before the family of his victim and invite their vengeance. If they demurred, not killing the murderer on the spot, it would be unusual for them to claim later vengeance. Nor would public opinion support them if they did. The blood feud was thus not necessarily a perennial thing. When it arose within a community, it could usually be quickly settled and forgotten. More frequently, it would continue between communities, the relatives of a murdered man in other groups or settlements being less concerned with the justification for homicide and more eager to keep the idea of vengeance to the fore. This serves to explain the attitude toward the stranger; he was treated with hostility because of the possibility of his involvement in a remote murder-feud situation. But within the group, the justification of a homicide was important. Even if crime as such could be said not to exist, the recidivist murderer was regarded as a criminal menace. He was put out of the way, not, it must be mentioned, by group action, but rather by being killed by an individual. The fact that the recidivist murderer could occur in the society is explainable only because no one, at the first murder, was willing to take action. But killings arose less because of antisocial behavior relating to food and personal property than because of sexual involvements. Sexual rights were de facto property rights and it was this area which provided a strong motivation for action. The stolen wife, the disrupted betrothal, the love triangle—all might lead to ultimate homicide. In addition, strife and discord could arise in rape, in the mistreatment of a wife by a husband, or again, in the sexual appetites of the "bully." Adultery, too, was a cause for dispute, particularly if an affair were protracted. Again, however, adultery is less easy to define; a husband might beat an unfaithful wife but it is apparent that he inclined to take no action against her lover unless emotional problems arose to create additional difficulties. The majority of cases collected point to legalistic involvements over sex. Indeed, the Eskimo say of themselves: "It's always the woman who causes the trouble." The nature of collective responsibility, the solidarity of the family system, and the relations of dispute to the group or community at large are best illustrated by the actual cases. Older informants recall the details of these quite vividly, giving names and specific particulars of events which may have taken place a century and more ago. While a selection such as the following cannot cover all aspects of customary law, sufficient is given to throw the nature of family and community solidarity and interpersonal relations into somewhat sharper perspective. It is apparent that some of these instances have become classic and are recalled for their dramatic appeal, others are more recent. CASE 1 There was a man at nuwuk named kuwooviq. One winter, he went to Point Hope to trade with his partner there. His wife accompanied him. He visited with his partner, traded, and got his gear ready for the return to nuwuk next day. But when it came time to depart, his wife was missing. He was obliged to postpone his return and began to search for her. He knew that she had not left the town and he feared that she had been abducted. He looked into each house, glancing in through the skylight, peered into the hallways and the iga, but he couldn't find her. At last, his partner, who had been making inquiry, discovered that she had been taken by a man named suuyuq. This suuyuq was anatquq and had a large family. The partner informed kuwooviq that this man had three wives already. He advised strongly against doing anything against him. So kuwooviq went back to nuwuk alone. Through the rest of that winter, his family and the family of his wife urged him to do something. His wife's family, in fact, became quite threatening and insisted that he go down to recover her. In the spring, therefore, he went back to Point Hope by boat, hoping to regain his wife but not knowing how to proceed against the strong suuyuq. The immediate family of suuyuq consisted of two brothers and a sister, in addition to his three wives, his children, and the wife he had taken from kuwooviq. For many years, he had lived agreeably with his family but when kuwooviq returned to Point Hope that spring, he found that some troubles had begun. Suuyuq had raised a girl expressly for the purpose of marrying her to one of his sons. During the previous winter, however, suuyuq's elder brother had taken this girl, while suuyuq was inland hunting caribou, and had married her to his own son. When suuyuq returned, he said nothing. His elder brother's son, however, the one that had been married to the girl, died within a short time of his return and it was generally agreed that suuyuq had killed him with his anatkoaq. Thus there was growing trouble between suuyuq and his elder brother. The second brother and the sister took no sides in the dispute but were beginning to be very upset at what was happening in their family. The feelings in suuyuq's family reached their height when kuwooviq came to Point Hope. He looked into the situation and found that the whole community was very troubled by suuyuq's use of sorcery against his own nephew. Kuwooviq's partner urged him not to mix himself up in the affair and to go back to nuuwuk. And kuwooviq agreed that this was the best course. As he was ready to leave, however, the younger brother of suuyuq, much troubled by the actions of both his brothers, asked kuwooviq on the side if he might accompany him back to nuuwuk. He told kuwooviq that he was really half-brother to suuyuq and that he feared suuyuq's wrath would be turned against himself rather than against the elder brother who was a full brother to suuyuq. He remarked that he felt it best to go away for a time. His name was samaruruq. And kuwooviq agreed to take him back to nuuwuk. On the way, kuwooviq and samaruruq went ashore to hunt a bit. Quite by accident they ran into suuyuq, the sister and her husband. The latter's name was qulliuq. With them were several others, relatives of the group, who had made up a hunting party with them. That morning, before kuwooviq and samaruruq had encountered the party, suuyuq had risen early and, wearing only his trousers, having neither boots nor parka on, had walked up and down in front of his tent. He carried a bow and two arrows and exclaimed again and again: "I wonder what will happen if samaruruq and I shoot at each other.” When he had said this several times, he shot his two arrows into a sod bank. This behavior was very shocking to everyone present and no one commented on it. When kuwooviq and samaruruq ran into the party, they stopped only a moment and then prepared to go on. qulliuq, brother-in-law to samaruruq and suuyuq, troubled by what he had seen suuyuq do that morning, decided to take sides with samaruruq and kuwooviq. As the latter two left, qulliuq and his wife went with them, leaving suuyuq and his party behind. The four started north toward nuwuk, while suuyuq and his group turned south back toward Point Hope. On the way, suuyuq’s party decided to stop for fish along the streams and so camped at a fishing place. Meanwhile, kuwooviq, samaruruq, qulliuq and his wife found evidences of caribou. The three men tracked them and killed a fair number. They therefore camped to make a disposition of the meat they had taken. When their butchering was done, they erected a windbreak and the three men sat down, waiting while qulliuq’s wife cooked caribou meat for the three of them. When the meat was ready, qulliuq’s wife brought it over to the three men. As she did so, she heard her husband tell her brother and kuwooviq what he had seen suuyuq do, how he had walked up and down, what he had said, and how he had shot his arrows. The woman was unhappy; she had wished to keep the whole matter quiet. She put the food down and, following the usual custom, retired from the men a way to eat by herself. But when the meat was put before them, neither samaruruq nor kuwooviq could eat it at all—they were far too shocked. They sat there just looking at the meat and not touching it. At last samaruruq called his sister over and asked her if it were true that his half-brother suuyuq had shot his arrows into the sod as if it were at him. The sister was silent. He asked her a second time. She was unwilling to answer but since her husband had already told of it, she whispered: “Yes, it’s true.” She had hoped so much to avoid trouble between all of them. When she indicated that the way her husband had described it was really so, the three men were able to eat. When they finished eating, samaruruq said to his brother-in-law and to kuwooviq that they should now kill suuyuq. kuwooviq remarked that he had lost his wife to suuyuq and had been unable to get her back and so declared himself in. qulliuq said that he had had enough of suuyuq’s troublemaking. So the three men turned back toward Point Hope. As they went back toward the settlement, they discussed the problem. Both samaruruq and qulliuq pointed out that suuyuq had a large following, consisting of cousins and the children of other brothers. He had supported many of his relatives and it followed that these would stand by to avenge any injury done to him. Moreover, they were very troubled because he was after all a powerful anaquq. The three men cut inland and used kuwooviq's umiak to take one of the streams down toward Point Hope. It occurred to samaruruq that suuyuq and his party may have stopped to fish. Hence they took in the various fishing camps on their way. At one, they were told that suuyuq and his group had passed by and were heading for another fishing station nearby. The three men camped nearby, waiting until dark before they made a sally against the camp of suuyuk. When it was dark, they walked over to the camp. One of the women in the party was having trouble putting her baby to sleep and was walking back and forth with it after the others had retired. Meanwhile, samaruruq was having his own conflict. He was extremely troubled about the necessity for killing his half-brother but he could see no avoiding it in view of what suuyuq had done. On the other hand, he felt that some warning should be given. When he saw the woman walking with her baby, he therefore twanged his bowstring. The woman, recognizing the sound and guessing what was happening, ran into one of the tents to tell the others. But they disregarded her, saying she must have heard something else. Then all went to sleep in the camp. Meanwhile, the three had discovered which tent was occupied by suuyuq and his wives. When all was quiet, they crept forward to it, carrying their caribou spears and their bows. They lifted the flap of the tent and there was suuyuq asleep. One of the three crept forward into the tent and drove a spear through his body. Suuyuq rose, wounded, but still active. He was still active because he was anatkuq. The three men tried to hold him down but his strength was so great that he wrenched away from them and ran outdoors. Once outside, he began to run to the beach. The three pursued, shooting arrows at him. Then suuyuq began to backtrack, making his way from the beach toward the tent. One of the three, it is not known which one, had, in planning suuyuq's murder, recalled his great anatkoaq and so had prepared a special arrow to counteract his power. As soon as suuyuq came back to the tent, this arrow was shot at him. It struck him just as he reached the flap of his tent and here he fell down and died. Now it is said that suuyuq's shaman power was derived from the polar bear. When the murder was discussed later, all were agreed that if, in running away from his killers, he had been able to get closer to the beach, even though it was considerable distance away, his tuunaraq would have saved him. His mistake was in backtracking. As soon as the three had committed the murder, they turned inland at once and went north and east as quickly as they could, knowing that they would be marked for vengeance by suuyuq's male relatives. Although it had turned out that no one really knew who the murderers were, one bit of evidence came to light. When suuyuq had gone inland, he did not take all his wives with him. Two accompanied him, one being the former wife of kuwooviq. When the first man speared suuyuq in the tent, this woman was lying beside him. She had raised her arm and started up and been cut across the forearm by the spear. When the three made sure that kuwooviq's wife was present, they took her along on their inland flight. She left a trail of blood for a short way. Later, as the story was pieced together, the group recalled that the woman had been the wife of kuwooviq, who lived at nuwuk, and that he had started north with samaruruq. Guilt therefore was attributed to both. Later, too, others recalled seeing qulliuq with samaruruq and kuwooviq. When the three fled, the men in suuyuq's party followed them for a way but were outdistanced. As the three, now with the woman, returned to their camp, they discussed what they should do. kuwooviq was for having them come to nuwuk with him but both samaruruq and qulliuq strongly defended a return to Point Hope, saying that they did not want it said of them that they feared suuyuq's kinsmen. At that, kuwooviq, now reunited with his wife, decided to leave for nuwuk. He did, sett'ing there again, and was never again bothered in the matter of suuyuqir murder or his complicity in it. qulliuq, his wife, and samaruruq now returned to Point Hope. The case was discussed a good deal but nothing was done about it for some time. suuyuq had a son, a young man named kunuyuq, recently married for the first time. He was especially bothered by his father's death and felt that he should take steps to avenge him. He began to piece the affair together and gradually came to attach blame to his father's half-brother, samaruruq, and his aunt's husband, qulliuq. He was, however, a bit reluctant to take revenge on people who were allied to him so closely. The next fall, however, the wife of qulliuq, the dead suuyuq's sister, died. qulliuq waited for a time and then remarried. By his dead wife he had a son, kayugaq. He continued to be intimate with his dead wife's half-brother, samaruruq, and the two frequently went hunting together. kayugaq was a boy in his teens and began to join his father and uncle at hunting. A fairly long period of time passed. Even 10 years later, kunuyuq had taken no steps. In the Point Hope community, factions had arisen over the matter; there were those who felt that suuyuq had got his deserved end, while others, more closely allied with suuyuq by blood, felt that kunuyuq was too infirm of purpose in avenging his father. Meanwhile, qulliuq had two sons by his second wife. One year, qulliuq, his son kayugaq, his wife, and his two small boys went up to the inland country to hunt and fish. They were gone all summer and planned on returning to Point Hope in the fall. Early storms made their return difficult and at last they were forced to abandon their umiak, the rivers having begun to freeze. They camped, waiting until the ice was solid and then started back by sled. It so happened that their way led them down a river which emptied into the sea some distance north of Point Hope. At the mouth of the river a stranded whale had been reported with the result that a large party had come up from Point Hope to butcher it. In the party was kunuyuq. qulliuq and his party met this group and stayed a moment to watch what was happening in the butchering of the whale. While qulliuq and his family were still inland, kayugaq had fallen ill. When they returned to the coast, they allowed him to travel in the sled; he had become too weak to walk. The sick boy, kayugaq, was actually very fond of his cousin kunuyuq and the feeling was reciprocated in spite of the bad feelings between qulliuq and kunuyuq. Hence, when the qulliuq party reached the beach, kunuyuq came over to see what was wrong with his cousin. He began to entertain the thought that his illness was perhaps brought about by sorcery for which qulliuq was responsible. This was not likely, since both qulliuq and his second wife were actually very fond of the young man, kayugaq, the wife, indeed, loving him as though he were her own son. But kunuyuq looked at his cousin, turned and stared at qulliuq, and then started off without saying a word. Everyone present began to feel most uneasy. Now the woman in the party, the second wife of qulliuq, was very strong. She was so strong, in fact, that many men feared her. She began at once to watch her husband to see that no one did any harm to him. When the party from the settlement had finished butchering the whale, qulliuq and his family joined the group for the trek back to Point Hope. His wife urged him to be careful and walked with him behind the others. The men in kunuyuq's group were armed with their bows and they also carried the long knives for whale butchering. qulliuq's wife pointed this out and drew him behind, standing between him and the others. Each time the group rested, the woman sat down by her husband. The whole group had now moved some distance out on the ice-covered ocean, taking the shorter way and avoiding the curving line of the beach. They all paused to rest, loaded with whale meat, some distance out on the ice. At one such stop, the dogs drawing a sled near to that in which kayugaq was riding began to fight. A whole team was disorganized and the fighting began to spread to other teams. qulliuq's wife started forward to see to her stepson in the sled, fearing that he would be overturned and injured in the mêlée. Thus, she momentarily forgot her husband. As she started forward, she heard her husband groan. Someone had stabbed him in the back with a whale butchering knife. She rushed back to him but he was dead. She then turned to protect her stepson. The men in kunuyuq's party, seeing that quilliuk was dead, ran forward to the sled in which kayugaq was lying. The woman tried to head them off fearing that they would attempt to take revenge on kayugaq. She got there to the sled as they did. As she confronted them, the men were a bit uncertain as to what to do. They awaited some signal from kunuyuq. He, however, had sat down at once when quilliuk was killed, and stared ahead of him, not moving. He had no wish to kill his sick cousin, whom he loved. Kayugaq, aided by his stepmother, got up out of the sled and went behind it, protecting himself behind the umiak which was also borne on the sled. An impasse had been reached and the men of kunuyuq's group called to him as he sat some way apart: "What shall we do to him?" Kunuyuq failed to answer and sat staring into space, his face troubled and brooding. The men decided to let the matter end there and turned away from kayugaq. Meanwhile, the two small boys, the sons of quilliuk and his second wife, as soon as they saw their father killed, took to their heels and made for the shore. No one pursued them. When the men left kayugaq, they returned and wrapped up the body of quilliuk. Then one of the men went after the two boys, shouting to them to come back, that nothing would happen to them. So the two small boys returned. When the party returned to Point Hope, kayugaq, his stepmother, and his two brothers went to their house and shut themselves in, waiting to see what might happen further. The stepmother took care of him and gradually, he began to recover from his illness. After a time, kunuyuq sent food over to their house and everyone knew that the matter was to all intents and purposes settled. When kayugaq was well, he began to hunt again and supported his stepmother and his two half-brothers. He was reputedly an excellent hunter and a good provider. Sometime later, the wife of kunuyuq had a baby. During the last stages of her pregnancy, she took up residence in the house of kayugaq and his stepmother. Her reason for doing this was that she belonged to an extremely conservative family, one which very carefully observed all taboos and restrictions. Such families felt that good form demanded that a woman, approaching the time of her confinement, should not stay in the same house with her husband. While not everyone was so careful, suuyuq's sons were brought up to observe all such restrictions with great care. Kunuyuq selected his cousin, kayugaq, as a person with whom he could leave his wife, not only because kayugaq enjoyed a reputation as an upright person, but also because kunuyuq wished by this means to erase any feelings of hostility which might survive from the murder of kayugaq's father, qulliuk. Hence, kunuyuq's wife went to kayugaq's house and was welcomed there. kunuyuq himself came to build the snow house in which the birth should take place and the wife, meanwhile, would come to her husband's house and call down into the skylight to tell him of her needs with respect to food, clothing, or the like. The woman had her child in the snow house, but continued on in kayugaq's house, again according to custom, until the resumption of her normal menstrual periods. She continued to have her wants supplied by her husband, kunuyuq. And then it happened that the woman fell in love with kayugaq. She kept after him all the time, but he resisted her, saying that she was married to his cousin and that this wasn't right. But she would not be put off. She refused to stop in her declarations of love for kayugaq. And at last he was overcome by her wooing and had intercourse with her. She stayed in the house with her child, letting it be known that she was now married to kayugaq. Occasionally, however, she went back to kunuyuq, asking him for food, clothing, or ornaments. He always gave them and never complained of her behavior. "This woman was a liar, lying and cheating all the time." As some tension began to develop between the cousins again, the woman once came back to kayugaq's house carrying her baby. She had just been over to kunuyuq's house to make a request. kayugaq asked her where she had been. She answered that she had been over to kunuyuq's house and had heard him talking about his cousin. She reported that kunuyuq had said that he was afraid of kayugaq and would have to do something about him. kayugaq sighed and went to bed without saying a word more. In the morning, he asked the woman what kunuyuq had said. She repeated her story. kayugaq sighed again and said: "Now it will be the same as before." As he said this, his stepmother became frightened and began to follow him about to protect him. One evening, as they were sitting in the house, kayugaq got up and went down into the hallway. His stepmother got up and followed at once but she was too late. kayugaq had taken down his seal spear and killed himself by falling on it. He lay already dead in the hallway of the house. At once, the community tried to find out why kayugaq had killed himself. The stepmother told what the woman had said. kunuyuq, when he heard this, was grief-stricken. He had been at peace with kayugaq for a long time, in spite of what had happened, and the two had traded and shared together. He heard what his wife had said. After this, everyone knew that the woman had lied and that she had hoped only to frighten kayuqaaq and get him to leave the community, taking her with him. When kunuyuq found out what she had done, he turned her out and gave her no further help. He lived a long time and many people knew his story. CASE 1, SEQUEL The two small boys, sons of qulliuq by his second wife, were named aneksuaq, the younger, and kayuqtuq, the elder. They grew up largely dependent on the bounty of kunuyuq. The elder boy lived a long time and is still remembered by living people. He died in 1908. These two boys, when grown, became involved in a murder case. There was a chief at Point Hope named atanawraq who had tried to kill one of the two brothers. This was the great atanawraq mentioned by Capt. Thomas Brower (cf. "Fifty Years Below Zero," 1942). When atanawraq became threatening, the two brothers left Point Hope and took to wintering at Utokok. They would come to Point Hope for the whaling, but would always take great care to avoid atanawraq. After a time, they became tired of avoiding the issue, asking themselves: "Why are we like women and forever afraid of atanawraq?" They therefore came to Point Hope for the winter. At that, however, they took care to avoid the great umaeliq. During that winter, atanawraq was drinking heavily, a concoction made of molasses and flour. When drunk, he was especially vicious and homicidal. One day, he was drinking at home. The brothers decided that they would now take action against him. Taking their guns, they went over to his house. kayuqtuq remained by the skylight of the house, while aneksuaq entered the house through the hallway. As the latter peered up into the house through the kataq, he saw that atanawraq had fallen into a stupor. One of his wives was sitting there with him. aneksuaq motioned her out of the way. When she moved, he shot atanawraq through the head. When kayuqtuq heard the shots, he ripped off the skylight and fired his rifle inside. Two other men were with him and fired their rifles in also. The relatives of atanawraq then came to get the body and to carry it away for burial. The two brothers came along with the group, standing there, their firearms on their backs. No one menaced them nor made a move to take revenge. The chief atanawraq had become so unpleasant with his drinking and his bullying that even his relatives made no move to avenge him. In fact, no one even wanted to carry his body. Hence, there was no fighting over this. As it happened, both brothers were very popular. That same winter, they themselves began to drink. They made liquor from molasses and flour and were drinking by a fire, looking at an old gun they had found. As they examined it, it discharged and struck aneksuaq in the abdomen. A shaman came to heal him but despite all efforts, he died. After his death, his brother refused to remain in one place. He went back and forth along the coast, staying for a time at nuwuk and then moving back to Point Hope. He died at Point Hope many years later when he was very old. Now even though the relatives of atanawraq did not take revenge, they did express their delight when aneksuaq was killed by accident. Their general feeling was that his fate was a deserved one. CASE 2 When people were living at the Point, that is, nuwuk, there was a man up there named uuγuruq. He made an agreement with another man named kin'aveaq. The latter was going to the east for the purpose of hunting caribou and was taking his family with him. He had a dog with a new litter of puppies and asked uuγuruq to take care of them and of his bitch until his return. After kin'aveaq had been gone for some time, the dog bit one of uuγuruq's children. Angered, uuγuruq killed the dog. This uuγuruq had two grown sons, unaliil'oaq and patiiraniq. Both were good hunters and had the reputation of being good runners. uuγuruq had recently married a woman, ikil'aaapkuk, who had a daughter by a previous marriage. It was this daughter who had been bitten by kin'aveaq's bitch. When, at last, kin'aveaq came back from his hunting "up east," he asked for his dog. The family of uuγuruq said that the dog was dead and offered him another one in its place. This he refused to take, demanding again and again that his own dog be returned to him. The argument continued for some time, kin'aveaq proving more and more difficult to reason with. When he became more and more violent in his demands, patiiraniq drew his knife and killed him. At this, uuγuruq, his wife, and sons went back into their house. The relatives of kin'aveaq came together at once and began to make plans to be avenged on uuγuruq and his sons. As the relatives were assembled, a man from piriniq, kattik by name, came into the house and listened to their debate. After he had been present for a moment, the others, knowing he was not a relative, demanded of him what he wanted and why he had joined them. He refused to answer and started to leave. As he went out the door, one of the family of kin'aveaq stabbed him. He was not seriously injured. "What did you do this for?" he cried. "You talk now; why didn't you say something before?" they replied. Meanwhile, uuyuruq and his family remained in their house awaiting developments. unaliilpoaq, thinking it might be possible to save his father and to end the trouble, decided to kill his brother patiiraniq, thus making it clear to the kin'aveaq that the matter had been settled. He waited until his brother was asleep and then stabbed him in the chest. patiiraniq leaped into the air, struck his head on the roof beam of the house, and fell dead. It was now necessary to get the news of the atoning death over to the other faction. Father and son debated the matter for some time, remaining with the body in the house. At last, unaliilpoaq decided to go over to the house where the people of kin'aveaq were assembled and to try to tell them of his action. His father was against it and attempted to persuade him not to go. But he insisted that this was the best course and started out. He put his arms in his parka and, carrying no weapons, made his way over to the other house. But as he approached, two men of the family of kin'aveaq came out and killed him with their arrows. uuyuruq now flew into a violent rage. He came out of his house and paced up and down in front of it brandishing a harpoon. After a moment, he went up on the roof of his house and shouted through the skylight that he would harpoon his wife and stepdaughter. When he descended from the roof, mother and daughter escaped through the skylight and ran away. By this means he succeeded in removing them from the fight. They were then spared by the others. uuyuruq now hurled his harpoon through the skylight of the house and leaped in after it, remaining there with the body of his son. After a time, the kin'aveaq faction began to show impatience. They waited for some days outside the house of uuyuruq but he failed to show himself. He had actually hidden himself in the hallway of the house and barred the entrance. His enemies finally decided to drive him out. They began to pour water into the house through the skylight. Even though uuyuruq's bedding of caribou skins was soaked and the water rose in the hallway, he did not show himself. Later, his stepdaughter brought fresh bedding and dropped it to him through the skylight. The hostile group had momentarily given up trying to drive him out. The next day but one, uuyuruq took a quick look out of his skylight. A man named ipexsin was waiting and shot an arrow at him. It was impossible to see where the arrow had gone and ipexsin believed that he had struck uuyuruq and killed him. He therefore went up on the house to look into the skylight. uuyuruq, unwounded, was waiting for him to appear. As ipexsin looked into the skylight, uuyuruq killed him with an arrow and his body fell through the skylight into the house. When this happened, kin'aveaq's group decided to act. They formed a bucket brigade and kept pouring water and dropping chunks of ice into the house through the skylight. They left when the house was pretty well filled. That same day, the stepdaughter brought fresh bedding and food. She received no answer when she called and it became evident that unγuruq had drowned in the hallway. The kinsmen of kin'aveaq now decided to recover the bodies in the house. Removing the roof from the hallway, they let the water escape and found the three bodies. The body of unγuruq was laid out and the procedure customarily associated with the treatment of corpses of murdered men was followed out. The group, however, argued as to who should dissect the corpse. Finally, they demanded of a man named atuktuak that he cut off the joints of the corpse of unγuruq. Atuktuak refused but the group threatened him with death unless he complied with their wishes. He therefore cut the limbs of the corpse off at the joints and stuffed the little fingers of the corpse into the mouth. The bodies of the three men were then cleared away and the matter was at an end. Atuktuak was not a relative of the dead unγuruq but the two did possess the same charm (oyamitkoaq). At one time, moreover, the families of the two men shared the same house. Since unγuruq had no other relatives in the community at nuwuk, it was feared that his friend atuktuak might continue the feud. By forcing him to dissect the corpse, the opposing group placed him in a position of complicity in the murder, thus ruling out any chance that he might avenge his dead friend. CASE 3 The incident described here took place in the 1890's. The groups along the Arctic coast had been in contact with outsiders, the European whalers and Government officials, for a few years. A family from Barrow moved down to Icy Cape. The man of the family was named kanayuk. When they had been for a time at Icy Cape, the wife died. Kanayuk was alone but it was not long before he began to look for another woman. At Icy Cape was a man named tagiiluq who had a wife and house there. Kanayuk approached the woman and persuaded her to have relations with him. For some time thereafter, kanayuk visited her. Tagiiluq, knowing of the affair, was extremely angry. He was unwilling to let his wife go and at the same time he was unsure as to how to deal with kanayuk. He therefore approached his various kinsmen and asked them for advice. One of those to whom he went for counsel was tukumminaroaq, from whom the present account was obtained. The relatives of tagiiluq had no suggestions to offer. Their general feeling was that as long as no bloodshed was involved and as long as tagiiluq's wife chose to go with kanayuk, they had no obligation in the affair. tagiiluq talked his problem over with anyone who would listen but was unable to come to any conclusion as to his course of action. One day, tagiiluq came home and found kanayuk there. He pretended to ignore him and lay down on the bench in the house as if to sleep. As he did so, kanayuk took hold of his ankle and dragged him off the bench, exclaiming: "Why don't you let me have this woman?" tagiiluq pushed him away and answered: "The stronger of us will have her." They struggled for a moment and kanayuk was thrown down. Then tagiiluq seized his wife and threw her roughly on the bench. She lay there weeping. And tagiiluq said again: "If we are going to fight over this woman, then perhaps the stronger of us will get her." kanayuk said nothing but left the house. All that day, kavissuk, tagiiluq's wife, lay on the bench and sobbed. Neither would speak to the other. In the evening, tagiiluq said: "Go to bed now and don't go out of the house." She answered him only with an angry look. By this time, several of tagiiluq's kinsmen had come over, among them tukumminaroaq, who said: "Don't have trouble between you; I will try to help you but if this goes on, one of you will kill the other. You are breaking our hearts. Maybe it would be better if both of you went away from here altogether." Another kinsman of tagiiluq said: "I can't stand it if one of you is going to kill the other; both of you should go away." And after this, the relatives departed and refused to talk either to tagiiluq or to his wife again. They hoped by this means that they could force the couple away from the community and from the troublemaking kanayuk. In the spring, the crews were assembled for the whaling. tagiiluq joined his usual crew. In the course of the work, ostracism of him or of his wife was forgotten. It seemed, moreover, that the trouble over kanayuk had quieted down. No more was said about it. In the summer, tagiiluq, kavissuk, the latter's daughter by a previous husband, tukumminaroaq, together with several other people, went to camp inland to hunt caribou. While they were camped there, kavissuk offered tea to her husband. Tea was poured into several cups and the group started to drink. At this point, the group was joined by a man named qaymuk. He remarked to tagiiluq: "What's the matter with your tea?" They all looked and saw that the tea was unusually black and was bubbling. "Don't drink that," said qaymuk, "it looks bad." kavissuk said: "I wonder why it got that way; the cup must not have been clean." "Throw it away," qaymuk said, "we have plenty of water." But kavissuk urged her husband to drink the tea, saying that none should be wasted. At this point, tukumminaroaq seized the woman by the arm, shouting: "You have put poison in that tea." The group raged at her until she admitted that she had done so, confessing before them all. She said that kanayuk had given her the poison, that he had got it at Barrow from the whalers, and that it was used for poisoning rats aboard the ships. The Barrow Eskimo had only recently begun to use such poisons in catching foxes. kavissuk admitted that she had put three "pills" into her husband's tea. When this happened, tagiiluq decided that it would be best to get his wife away from the influence of kanayuk. He took her, his step-daughter, and his other children and started up the coast to Wainwright. They traveled in an umiak and were accompanied by several other families. It was not long before kanayuk was noticed in the umiak of one of his brothers. He had three brothers living at Icy Cape. When the group stopped to camp for the night along the coast, tagiiluq complained to the others of feeling ill. Some of the other men stayed with him for a time. He then indicated that he was feeling somewhat better. When the group was about to break camp in the morning and to go on toward Wainwright, caribou were sighted on the tundra near the beach. The men, tagiiluq included, took their guns and went off after the herds. They went in several directions, some of the men attempting to circle the herds and come at them from the land. Several animals were taken and the men started back, carrying the meat. On the way back, they came across tagiiluq, who had lagged behind. He had fallen to his knees on the tundra. He said that he was deathly ill, that he could not see, and that his stomach was on fire. The men were unable to do anything for him. They rubbed snow on his head and chest but it did no good. They asked him if he could walk back but he said that he was too weak and in too great pain. One man offered to run back to the camp for seal oil, thinking that this might relieve tagiiluq's sufferings. Several of the men, feeling that nothing could be done for tagiiluq, started to walk back to the camp. kanayuk was among them. When they got back to the camp on the beach, he sought out kavissuk. She gave him something to eat. When he had eaten, he told her what had happened. "You are the one who has caused all this trouble", he told her, "You had better get up there to tagiiluq and see that he is still breathing." And he shoved and pushed her. The volunteer obtained the oil and, accompanied by a boy, ran back to where tagiiluq was lying. The sick man was rolling about the ground in great agony. The men who remained stood helplessly by. When the oil came, one of the men tried to get tagiiluq to drink it. But his mouth could not be opened; his teeth were clenched and the oil could not be poured in. One of the men took his knife and tried to pry tagiiluq's teeth apart but was unable to do so. When kavissuk arrived, tagiiluq was already dead. The men carried the body, wrapped in canvas, back to the campsite. They decided to return with the body to Icy Cape and not to push on to Wainwright. When they approached the village, they put the body down some distance away and left it there. tukumminaroaq had been out hunting. When he returned, no one had yet done anything about the body of tagiiluq. As soon as he heard what had happened, he determined to kill kanayuk on the spot. He removed his parks and took out his knife, saying again and again: "My heart is broken." His father, however, the brother of tagiiluq, said, holding him fast: "Let us not have trouble; let this be until we find out what has really happened." Gradually, tukumminaroaq calmed down and taking his team, went out to get the body of tagiiluq. The men who had brought it back had hesitated to bring it into the community for fear that the kinsmen of the dead man would accuse them of having some part in the death. When the body was brought into the community, it was blue under the eyes and on the lips. It was thus known that the dead man had been poisoned, but no one knew how it had been done. They examined tagiiluq's clothing and found a few raisins. Among them was a little "pill." But they were unable to say whether the murderer was kanayuk or kavissuk. Both denied any knowledge of the crime and neither could be induced to confess. Shortly thereafter, the Government cutter came. The officials were told of tagiiluq's strange death and investigated. The people were brought out to the ship. Since definite evidence was lacking, no accusations were made but the officials decided to take the woman, kavissuk, away. The stepdaughter of tagiiluq swore that he had been ill for some time. Mother and daughter were taken by the cutter to Barrow and they wintered there. Next spring, they returned to Icy Cape, but by then kanayuk was gone. kanayuk had an evil reputation even before this event. He had always played roughly and unfairly in the football games. After tagiiluq's death, although all were suspicious of him, his own part in tagiiluq's death was not clear. He had the backing of his three brothers at Icy Cape and it was decided to let the matter rest. In the football game that winter, kanayuk and tukumminaroaq were playing against each other. They wrestled and kanayuk was thrown down. As he got up, he said: "I shall not play unfairly any more." After that, he played to everyone's satisfaction and the trouble ended at this point. He then found another woman to marry and the two camped inland for several years. kavissuk also remarried on her return to Icy Cape and died before kanayuk returned. CASE 4 The events noted here occurred shortly after Captain Brower had established his station just north of utkeaaγvik. There was a man named masagaroak who lived to the north of Brower's station. He had the reputation of a drunkard, having learned to distill flour and molasses. One day, he came down from the whaling station and was quite drunk. He made for one of the houses in utkeaaγvik, looking for a woman he knew. The woman was kavenaceaq, wife of a man named pukuk. The couple had an adopted daughter and shared a house with pukuk's brother, uweeguraq, and his family. When masagaroak entered the house shared by these two families, he asked for a drink. Everyone in the house was frightened and the women ran outside. A relative of pukuk, a man named il'uuysiγiroak, came in to see what the row was about. masagaroak grabbed him by the hair and banged his head against the posts of the house. As soon as he let go, all ran out of the house, leaving masagaroak alone. When all were outside, they discovered that the baby, the adopted child of pukuk, had been left with masagaroak alone. They feared that he would harm the child but they were all afraid to go into the house while he was there. Actually, he lay down on the floor and fell asleep. But meanwhile, pukuk and il'uuysiγiroak debated what to do. Since incidents like this had happened before, it was decided that it would be best to kill masagaroak. They agreed that pukuk would get masagaroak out of the house and that il'uuysiγiroak would kill him when he came outside. pukuk went back inside his own house, awakening masagaroak, who by now docilely agreed to leave. As he stumbled back toward his own house, pukuk followed him at a distance. By the time masagaroak reached the ravine, his head had cleared somewhat and he walked without staggering. At the ravine, he met il'uuysiγiroak. The latter said: "Are you masagaroak?" Knowing what was intended, masagaroak began to run. il'uuysiγiroak waited a moment and then raised his rifle and shot masagaroak in the back. This il'uuysiγiroak was a shaman of great power. masagaroak had four brothers living in utkeaaγvik. They swore revenge but were fearful of the power of il'uuysiγiroak. They did go about saying that they would get their revenge. Some time later, the four were camped with their families at one of the fishing stations. It happened that il'uuysiγiroak passed by that place. When he saw them, he came over to them and said: "I hear that you wish to kill me; if you want to do so, kill me now," and he handed them his rifle. They stood looking at him and made no reply. He then picked up his gun and went away. The matter was not mentioned by them after this and the trouble between them was over. When one of the sisters of masagaroak heard what her brothers had done, of their failure to take advantage of the opportunity for vengeance, she was furious. She went about saying that she would kill il'usiyiroak. But she, too, was afraid of his power and made no attempt against him. Everyone at utkeaaγvik thought that masagaroak had been justly treated and had got no more than his actions deserved. Opinion was strong against carrying the feud further. CASE 5 payyaq was a man of the nuunamiut. He was "crazy" and killed many people. He had committed several murders among the inland people. At one time, during a food shortage, he had murdered a whole family and taken their food. Since the family was camped out alone, he was not suspected. On a later occasion, however, he murdered another family, and his activities became known. A man named tuvli, despite public opinion, had married two women, a mother and daughter. In the family of tuvli was also an adolescent girl who had been adopted by the older wife. This girl had been promised as a wife to qiwaq, from whom this narration was obtained. tuvli had lived at utkeaaγvik with his family and qiwaq had visited them there. He had had sexual relations with the girl but had not yet settled down with her. tuvli also had had sexual relations with his wife's adopted daughter and was somewhat opposed to her marriage with qiwaq. It was for this reason that he took his two wives and his wife's adopted daughter inland, hoping that qiwaq would marry someone else. As tuvli and his family were camped, payyaq arrived. tuvli himself was out hunting at the time and the three women were in the camp alone. The younger wife was pregnant and was, in fact, just getting ready to enter the birth hut for her confinement when payyaq arrived on the scene. He first went into the tent and murdered the older woman. Then he came out to the birth hut and called the younger wife out. When she came out, he killed her. The adolescent girl, meanwhile, ran away and escaped the killer. When payyaq had killed the two women, as well as two younger children who were with the group, he sat down to await tuvli. As soon as the latter arrived, payyaq persuaded him to go to the birth hut, perhaps by saying that the younger wife was having her child. As tuvli turned, evidently to investigate, payyaq drove an arrow through his back and killed him. Then payyaq became aware of the girl's tracks leading away from the encampment. He followed them and succeeded in tracking her down. He did not kill her but kept her with him thereafter, marrying her in effect, in that he demanded work from her and had sexual relations with her. The couple now moved away from the camp where the murders took place and settled down among some others. Payyaq kept close guard on his wife to see that she talked to no one. But it became evident to the others in the encampment that payyaq was not using the heads of the animals he killed. People commented on the fact that caribou heads were piled up near his tent. They then remembered that he had a personal taboo on using the heads of animals for some time after he had killed a person. This was, in fact, a not unusual personal prohibition. Hence, although they recognized that he had taken a human life, they did not know who his victim was. As people began to wonder about it, payyaq became aware of their gossip and left, taking his wife down to utkeaayvik. At utkeaayvik there lived iil'averaq, brother of tuvli. He had for some time been expecting his brother and his sisters-in-law. He was beginning to be rather concerned at their failure to appear. When payyaq came, bringing with him the adopted daughter of tuvli's wife, iil'averaq guessed what had happened. Awaiting his opportunity, he finally got the girl alone and learned from her of payyaq's murders. He then attempted to get help against payyaq. He enlisted his own kinsmen but also asked help of others, largely to determine on what kind of community support he could count. He approached qiwag, for example, to enlist his aid in killing payyaq. Qiwag, although he had lost the girl whom he had desired as his wife, refused to help. The problem arose because payyaq was on the alert. He was a man of tremendous strength and reputedly had considerable supernatural power. He bullied and blustered his way about the community, intimidating everyone, and threatening to kill iil'averaq. The latter, to whom everyone looked to avenge his brother tuvli, was extremely hesitant to take action. But community sentiment began to build up in favor of iil'averaq. As payyaq became more and more troublesome with his bullying, it was feared that he would do other violence. Although he and his wife spent the winter at utkeaayvik, it was not until spring that anything definite could be done. After the spring whaling, nalukataq was held and with it the football game. Payyaq played in the game. The men who played with him, led by iil'averaq, knocked him down and trussed him up. Then they picked him up and began to carry him over to the karigi called serel'puaraamiut. As they were carrying him, he began in a loud voice to call to his mother. At this, several of the men in the procession became frightened and ran away, it being known that payyaq's mother was dead. il'laveraq, however, was too far committed to abandon his purpose. He continued to drag payyaq up to the karigi. When they got there, payyaq was laid before the karigi door and il'laveraq cut his throat. When he had killed payyaq, he went into the karigi and brought out the oil which had drained from the lamp there. This he poured on the dead man's head to allay the supernatural powers of his victim. Then he cut off the little fingers of the corpse and thrust them into its mouth. The other men came to drag the body away. Even though payyaq had some supporters in the community, no one came to his defense and the matter ended there. The facts about the murder of tuvli became known. This, together with his unpleasantness in the community, was sufficient to prevent any further retaliatory action. qiwaq thought then of taking over the dead payyaq's wife. He decided against it, however, and the girl married another man. CASE 6 The present instance was obtained from a man now about 50 years of age. It is illustrative of the concept of blood revenge carried through until fairly recently. When the informant, Pete, was about 5 years old, he and his family, father, mother, and grandmother, together with another family, camped at Harrison Bay where some other people had already settled. His own and the second family built a sod house with a common entrance and were eating together. While the men and women were working on the new houses in the settlement, Pete went off to play with other boys there. One of the boys, roughly his own age, found a rifle standing inside a sod house nearby. He took the gun and started to play with it. Presently, the boy's brother and Pete joined him and the three went inside a tent nearby to play with the gun. The lad who had taken the gun said: "Lie down on the floor and make like you are a seal and then I will hunt you." Pete answered: "No, you might hurt me." The boy was very angry and said that Pete couldn't play with the gun unless he did as he was told. But Pete refused. Then the boy gave the gun to his brother and said: "Now I will play like a seal." He lay down on the floor and pretended that his arms were the seal's flippers. "When I come up out of the water, you can shoot me," the boy said. His brother held the gun about a foot away from his head. When the boy said: "Now I am a seal and I am coming up out of the water; shoot me now," his brother pulled the trigger. The bullet entered the boy's head above the right eye and blew the back of his head off. He fell down in a welter of blood. Pete began to cry in fear and ran to the house where his family was living. His grandmother was there. When she saw how disturbed he was, she coaxed him over to her, lifted her parka and let him crawl inside and hide. She patted and comforted him. Meanwhile, the brother who had done the shooting ran away. Soon, however, he came back. The father of the dead boy had found the body and wanted revenge. He came over, demanding Pete and that he be allowed to kill him. Pete's father put him off, saying that he didn't know where Pete was. The man went away. Later, even when he had seen his son and learned the manner of his other boy's death, he was still far from satisfied. He repeated his desire to kill Pete for revenge. After that, Pete could never go out alone; someone had always to be with him. Soon the father of the dead boy wished to kill Pete's father. He came over to the house and called in through the skylight for Pete's father to come out. The man had a knife in his hand. Placing it against the breast of Pete's father, he said: "I'm going to kill you." But Pete's father said nothing. He confronted his enemy, staring at him but not moving. At last, the man threw his knife on the ground and turned away. Having made this gesture, it was known that Pete need have no further fear of the dead boy's father and the matter was closed. CASE 7 There was a man at utkeaaγvik named kayaakpuq who was married to an attractive woman named kallikcuk. Another man, tiguaceak by name, desired this woman even though he had a wife of his own. She responded to his suit and would meet him from time to time. She would pretend that she was menstruating and would leave the community. Some distance away she would join her lover. After a time, kayaakpuq, discovering the affair, got his bow and attempted to kill his rival. Tiguaceak, however, was warned by his relatives and carried his own bow. The two men exchanged a volley of arrows but each missed the other. When this duel occurred, kallikcuk left her husband and went to live in the house of tiguaceak as his second wife. From time to time, she would go back to her former husband and have sexual relations with him. People in the community said: "This isn't right; this doesn't seem right." The man tiguaceak then decided that he had best kill his rival, kayaakpuq, before the latter killed him. He informed his kinsmen about his decision. When his second wife, kallikcuk, heard about this, she told her former husband of tiguaceak's intentions. Kayaakpuq said, on hearing of the plan to kill him: "Let me go and stand where he can see me. He can shoot me there; let him kill me.” After that, however, the kinsmen of kayaakpuq watched him closely, giving tiguaceak no chance to get at him. They even guarded him while he slept. Kayaakpuq would get up in the morning and go to an open place and stand there, waiting for his enemy to come and kill him. It so happened that the family of kallikcuk sided with the former husband. One of her brothers came each day to stand guard over kayaakpuq. One day, tiguaceak came, an arrow fitted to his bow. Kallikcuk’s brother walked toward him. Each man had a reserve of about 20 arrows. These they discharged from a distance. At length, tiguaceak succeeded in hitting his opponent in the upper arm. The wounded man came back to where kayaakpuq was standing. Kallikcuk’s father was present and came forward to assist his wounded son. He drew the arrow from the wound, remarking to kayaakpuq: “Unless you go after him now, you’ll always be afraid of him.” Kayaakpuq did not reply but took his former brother-in-law’s bow and remaining arrows and went out, walking slowly through the houses toward tiguaceak. The latter came out again and exchanged arrows with him. At last, an arrow shot by kayaakpuq struck tiguaceak in the ear and he fell dead. It was a long and lucky shot. As he fell, his first wife came out of the house and ran to him. She was a shaman and attempted, by her powers, to get the arrow out. Had she succeeded, she could have sung over him and perhaps restored him to life. But she was menstruating at the time and her powers were hence nullified. Kayaakpuq then walked back and forth among the houses in the community, crying in a loud voice: “If any is against me, let him come toward now.” But no one took up his challenge and the matter was thus ended. Everyone in the community felt that kayaakpuq had acted “honestly,” and his former wife, kallikcuk, now came back to his household. CASE 8 The following case occurred in the 1870’s. An uncle of the informant was indirectly involved in that he accompanied one of his kinsmen when the latter discovered the abduction of his wife. A kinsman of the informant’s father had married several women in succession. His last wife was much younger than he. Although they had lived together for some time, he had no children by her. In the community, utkeaa’yik, was a man who had recently arrived. He was single and looking for a wife. He awaited his chance, having selected the wife of the informant’s relative. One day the woman came out of the house on her way to an ice cellar for water. The man seized her, threw her to the ground, and raped her. He then dragged her back into the house in which he was living. So far as public opinion was concerned, she now had become his wife. The man whose wife she had been debated as to his own course of action and called in his relatives to discuss the matter. Since the abductor had kinsmen in the community, his own relatives were reluctant to begin a feud and urged caution. The ultimate decision was to do nothing. Sometime later, the deprived husband was walking through the community with the uncle of the informant. They came on the abductor of his wife sleeping in the summer sun in a sheltered place. His team was staked nearby. The former husband took the lead dog and tied it to his sleeping rival's leg. When the man awoke, he knew at once that the man he had offended had passed by and done this to him. He knew that the man had had the opportunity to kill him and had let it pass. He then called his own kinsmen and told them of the incident. They passed the story around and all in the community were much impressed with the "honesty" of the husband who had been deprived of his wife. While the abductor kept the woman he had taken, he and the former husband became close friends. They called each other "ajutawkun," that is, men who have had intercourse with the same woman. Everyone in the community felt obliged to comment on the "honorable" way in which the man had let his wife go. CASE 9 This incident took place at Wainwright. There was here a man who had recently married. He and his wife had built a house and were living together. Another man in the community went after the woman, making frequent attempts to talk with the woman and to persuade her to have an affair with him. The husband forbade his wife to have anything to do (i.e., sexually) with that man. One day the woman went a little way off from the village in order to dump some trash. Her pursuer waylaid her, threw her on the ground, and attempted to rape her. She was wearing caribou skin trousers. Her attacker ripped them up one leg and was trying to get them off. The woman began to scream. Her husband, hearing her, came running up and threw the attacker off his wife. The two began to wrestle, the husband attempting to strangle the other man. The latter managed to throw him off and struck him in the ribs with his knee. The husband, winded, sat down, and the attacker ran away. Other men had come to see what was happening. One of them, the brother of the attacker, came over and asked the husband: "What are you going to do?" "I'm going to kill him," was the answer. "Ah, don't do that; he has a wife already; there won't be any more trouble," said the attacker's brother. And he urged the husband to go home and forget the whole thing. But the offended husband went over to his relatives and talked the matter over with them. He finally reached the decision to do the same thing to the wife of his wife's assailant. His kinsmen urged him to forget the whole thing and watched to see that he had no opportunity to be alone with the other woman. They constantly urged peace between the two men. But one day the husband whose wife had been attacked was making a sled. He was working outside on a cleared place. The wife of his enemy passed by. He chased after her, knocked her down, and attempted to rape her. He tried to get her belt off and broke it in pulling it. Then he saw that she wore another pair of trousers underneath the first, fastened with another belt. He broke this too, got his hand inside her trousers and touched her vulva. He stopped there and let her get up. Weeping, she went back home. Her own husband was now enraged. He demanded revenge and started off after the other man. Then the relatives of both sides came together and stopped them both. They talked the matter over with both men and the two finally agreed to let the matter rest. After that, the bad feelings between the two came to an end. CASE 10 There was a girl at Barrow who became pregnant and was the cause of a fight between two men, each thinking himself the father of her unborn child. In order to settle the issue, they decided to hold a foot race. The first one to reach the girl was to claim her as his wife. Actually, the girl in question was too free in her relations with men. Neither man realized that the other also had had sex relations with her. They ran the race and one of the rivals won. Not until then did they discuss the matter and discover that each had had sexual relations with the girl. Both men went to their respective families and discussed the matter. The two families felt that the girl was too free and raised objections to a marriage. Hence the winner gave up his claim to the girl, leaving her to the loser. He, too, now refused to take her as his wife. The girl, when her child was born, abandoned it, "throwing it away," and later married someone else. CASE 11 When the informant was young, there was an old woman who stole something from the sled of her family. The old woman was anatquq, so they hesitated to take direct action against her. The members of the family looked for the things she had taken and brought them back. The old woman did nothing. On a later occasion, the family had some caribou legs from which they were planning to get the marrow. The old woman stole these from them. At the time, they were all hunting and camping inland. Even though they shared their food with the old woman, she constantly took advantage of them. When they missed the caribou legs, they decided to plant a trap for the thief. More caribou legs were left lying about in the tent. One member of the family lay down and pretended to be asleep. When the old woman came in, attempting to steal the meat, the family member opened his eyes and exclaimed "ku!" Terribly startled, the old woman left. Nor after that, did she ever disturb the family again. In such cases, it is said, only the unwary were regarded as safe to rob. When the old woman discovered the watchfulness of the family, she never again bothered them with her stealing. CASE 12 The great whaler, taakpuq, while his wife was living, had an amazing variety of clothing. Later, however, when she died, he could find no other woman to sew for him and his wardrobe became quite shabby. It was universally recognized, however, that he was a man of great wealth. At one time, he had exchanged his wife for his partner's. He took his partner's wife and went hunting inland. On his return, he reexchanged wives, taking his own wife back from his partner. The two men then settled down for a drinking bout. This took place on the coast below Barrow, at the now abandoned settlement called nuunavak. taakpuq and his partner quarreled after a while and the latter left. taakpuq camped with his wife at nuunavak and started drinking by himself, quite heavily. His wife became frightened when he began to become quarrelsome and to tax her with her relations with his partner. All the while he held his rifle and continually pointed it at his wife. Later, while he slept, she removed the cartridges from the chamber but neglected to remove the one in the barrel. taakpuq awoke and, drinking again, pointed the rifle at her and fired. The bullet entered her breast and came out her back. She fell down and appeared dead. At this, taakpuq, realizing that her kin lived nearby, ran away at once and made his way inland. An old woman, camping nearby with her family, went over to investigate the shot and found the woman's body in the sand. At once, she called the shaman, kaygilfaq. He came immediately, restored the woman to life, and remained with her until she was cured. As soon as they heard of the shooting, the relatives of taakpuq's wife swore revenge against taakpuq. The woman had a brother, aakivienna, who had been adopted into her family when his own mother had died and when he was about to be abandoned with his mother's body. This man started out at once after taakpuq and although he was able to track him for a long distance, he did not succeed in overtaking him. He was gone for several weeks but was at length obliged to abandon the pursuit. On his return, he found his sister well on the way to recovery. At this, he gave up his idea of vengeance but stated that if his sister died, he would seek out his brother-in-law and kill him. He also got the other members of his sister's and his own group to avenge the woman if she were to suffer further ill effects from the wound. Later, however, taakpuq heard of his wife's recovery. He returned and the two began to live together as man and wife again. No further troubles arose and the matter was dropped. It was only some years later that the woman died of another cause. Everyone knows that the woman was killed by taakpuq but was restored to life by the shaman. ECONOMY AND SOCIETY INTRODUCTION Because the social relationships in the cultures of the Eskimo groupings of the Alaskan Arctic slope are so intimately affected by economic considerations, it becomes virtually impossible to offer separate treatment of the two institutions. There are interrelationships between them which are eclipsed if economy is viewed out of context from social forms or if social life is described without reference to the economic round. But a word of caution is in order—many who have investigated the Eskimo have implied that the economic demands of Arctic life have tended to place great limitations on the social achievements of the Eskimo. Limitations there are, indeed, but the selections made by the North Alaskan Eskimo do not indicate that in fashioning his social institutions, he has been wholly at the mercy of his environment. Society implements the food quest and, conversely, the food quest becomes a factor in the structuring of society. In northern Alaska, it was the family and kinship grouping which underlay the considerations of economy and environment and which was sufficiently pliable as to permit adjustment to inland nomadism or to settled maritime activities in the permanent village. The individual functioned first as a member of a kinship grouping and developed his economic skills and interests in relation to a circle of kindred. Starting with this primary unit, he was then able to extend his activities by forming associations in a series of well defined ways with nonkin. In short, the circle of kinship was broadened by a series of voluntary associations which in their patterning resembled kinship situations and in which the themes of cooperation became paramount. In kinship and in the extensions of kinship patterns to nonkin in specific ways lies the basis of the social system. And it is through such a system that signal success in mastering the environment was achieved. The bugbear of environmental determinism can thus be at once dismissed. When the aboriginal past is considered, the observer is at once confronted with the problem of differentiating between the two major ecological manifestations. In each he finds a well-defined seasonal economic cycle and a concise patterning of activity. And since the two major groupings coexist and come together only in quite specific ways, he is obliged to bring the differences between nuunamiut and tareumiut always to the fore. Only in the rarest instances does kinship cross the ecological boundary. Within each setting, however, the ties of kinship extend over a wide area so that it was not at all inconceivable for a man of the utkeavinmiut to have relatives at tikeraaq, or for an utokaγmiu to recognize ties of kinship with a family of the ikpikpaŋmiut. As nearly as can be judged, the ties of kinship among the whaling villages were restricted to the coastal area of whaling, while the nuunamiut relationships in northern Alaska were reckoned only within the area of the Arctic slope. One could simplify by noting that northern Alaska formed a culture area in which two major tribes with differing economic systems were found. But here were no tribes in the stricter sense of political definition; there was rather a series of coexisting families operating in a pattern of common culture and keeping the concept of the tie of blood to the fore. Kinship was not fictitious; it was bilateral and widely extended. A village or an inland band, as centers of economic activity, had meaning but they lacked formal organization and they ceased to operate as units when the tie of blood, which went so far beyond the confines of the individual community, was infringed upon. The cohesive force was kinship and all economic considerations were secondary to it. Kinship and economic life together provide the basis for group behavior. The family could not practically live together in view of the limiting nature of the environment. This, coupled with the fact that there was great freedom of individual choice in economic activity, served to spread family memberships all along the coast or widely within the interior. As a result, nonkindred came together in village and band. Beyond the primary units of kinship, therefore, lay the extrafamilial associations, those dependent on trade and economic partnership, the joint participation in hunting groups, such as in the caribou drive or in the whaling crew, or the quasi-ceremonial and recreational association of the dance house. Beyond the family, these became the forces of societal integration. Social controls were inherent in the family and, by the same token, there was no defined political organization. There were no chiefs as such, no one to direct behavior or to harangue the populace. A man settled where he chose and did as he pleased in respect to forming new social ties or in formulating economic goals. The village or band, unless viewed in the light of its component kinship elements, was most ephemeral. The result was a socioeconomic balance which applied to the entire area. In the sections which follow, an attempt is made to relate the social and economic institutions of the Alaskan Arctic slope and to present a picture of the aboriginal society in action. When the situation of today is considered, it is evident that although many customs have been changed and many social forms dropped, family and voluntary association continue to function. Even today the balance between economy and society still exists, with the result that the basic cultural orientations have changed but little. The modern scene has witnessed the disappearance of most of those inland bands which once moved over the foothills and has seen the end to those complex patterns of trading and mutual interdependence which once characterized the two groups. This has meant a loss in the richness of the aboriginal setting, but, despite this, the modern natives of the area retain their same general social structure in their coastal villages. HUMAN ECOLOGY OF THE ALASKAN ARCTIC SLOPE 1. NUUNAMIUT AND TAREUMIUT The problem of the dual ecological division of the Eskimo is one which has suggested several differing solutions. This dichotomy is by no means limited to the area of northern Alaska, although it is here perhaps best exemplified in view of the existing balance between the two ways of life. One has only to turn to the adjacent Siberian areas to find a close parallel, that of the difference between the reindeer and maritime Chukchi and Koryak, as described by Bogoras, Jochelson, and others. Among the Eskimo proper, the Caribou Eskimo of the Barren Grounds further to the east are distinctive in their orientation toward caribou, although the interrelationships between them and their maritime neighbors are less easily definable (cf. Birket-Smith, 1929). The question of the priority of inland, caribou-hunting adjustments is one which can only be resolved in terms of archeological sequences. Birket-Smith has raised the question either that the maritime and inland life are equally old, or that the tribes of the interior are an outgrowth of maritime existence, or, finally, that the maritime adjustments reflect later movements to the coast from an already settled inland population (Birket-Smith, 1952, p. 12). One suggested solution to this problem lies in the recognition that the inland Eskimo, both of Alaska and of the central regions, by virtue of the culture traits which they share, represent a Proto-Eskimo stage. This widely distributed culture was intruded upon by the patterning of seal and walrus hunting—but not whaling—in the Paleo-Eskimo phase represented in both Ipiutak and Dorset. The impetus for this comes from Asia, as demonstrated in the configurations of culture in the Ipiutak (Collins, 1951; Larsen and Rainey, 1948, pp. 157-161). Whaling represents a specialization developed in the Neo-Eskimo stage at such horizons as the Okvik, Old Bering Sea, Birnirk, and lastly, the Thule (Birket-Smith, 1952, p. 13). The picture is one of substratum culture, characterized by caribou hunting, subjected at the points of its intrusions to the sea to modifications resulting from the diffusion of culture traits from west to east. In the areas away from the sea, the ancient pattern of caribou hunting remained. A recent movement of these peoples to the sea in the central regions creates the Eschato-Eskimo stage, a late, but primitive overlay (ibid., p. 13). That whale-hunting represents a presumably late development in the face of the continuing existence over a long period of time of caribou hunters seems a reasonable assumption. The investigations of Solecki and Irving north of the Brooks Range and of Giddings to the west would point to the antiquity of inland settlement, a feature further substantiated by the Ipiutak study of Larsen and Rainey. (Cf. Solecki, 1950; W. Irving, 1953; Giddings, 1949, 1952; Larsen and Rainey, 1948; et al.) From an ethnological point of view, a more detailed treatment of the elements of culture in the interior setting is needed, together with a comparison of these data with those from other inland groups. The question of origins is not wholly germane to the present discussion, which proposes to concern itself with inter-relationships rather than with comparative differences. It may be sufficient to accept the view that caribou hunting in the setting of inland life is less specialized than the richer existence which is adjusted to whaling. It is true that several questions are raised when the two patterns are compared. That they may represent different populations is suggested but by no means proved on the basis of available physical evidence (Birket-Smith, 1952, pp. 13–17). Linguistically, the differences are wholly negligible. One language only is represented and the dialect differences between modern Point Hope and Barrow, for example, are more pronounced than between Barrow and the modern killiγmiut. Moreover, however different the modes of life in respect to the food quest, the two patterns do employ essentially the same kinship system and show the same type of social organization. The greatest differences would appear to lie in material culture, a consideration which is not treated in the present study. The nomadic existence for example, required variations in the structure of houses which were of necessity different from those of the coast. The tent and its forms differed from the permanent semisubterranean house of the coastal villager. Similarly, there were some marked differences in clothing and weapons. But, in general, the primary orientations, the basic assumptions and postulates of the culture as manifested in religious attitudes and world view, the concepts of individual goals and responsibilities, were the same for both groups. In the recent aboriginal past, it is clear that contacts between the two groups were not of long duration. On the formal side, they were limited to the great trading expeditions, when large aggregates of people representing each ecological setting came together at the designated markets. At this type of gathering, the formalized trading partnerships between seaman and landsman arose. There is also the record of the elaborate social and ceremonial event, the Messenger Feast, having taken place between the two groups, or more correctly, between segments of them. On the less formal side, however, there was a fair amount of individual and family contact. Single families of nuunamiut not infrequently came to the coasts in the summer, camping where they chose, entering into the social life of the coast to a reserved degree. Such a family tended to settle for a month or two at a place where they were already known, at the village of a trading partner, for example, where protection and welcome were assured. The coastal groups also tended to disperse in the summers, spreading out to the inland and spending long periods of time at the fishing camps there. Here, too, there were opportunities for contact with inland families which were also moving about in smaller units at this time. These contacts, never very prolonged, were economic rather than social. They arose on the basis of a trade which was somewhat less formalized than that which took place at the recognized centers. Indeed, they were often a prelude to such more formalized and elaborated trading. It is worth noting that these contacts always took place in the summer, this being the period of free movement and group dispersal. While the economic interdependence between the nuunamiut and the tareumiut is a point reserved for fuller discussion, the problem of the social balance between them is one about which the people themselves had no doubt. There was a marked reserve between the two, a reflection of the suspicions and fears which the aboriginal society directed toward the stranger, that is, anyone not involved with an in-group either in kinship or established trade or other economic relationships. When trade relations had been established, and continued, as they most frequently did over long periods of time, these expressions of reserve tended to disappear. The reflection of attitudes which each group entertained toward the other is interesting. The nuunamiut, among other things, said of the tareumiut, "They don't know," the inference being that they lacked the proper inland virtues and points of view. Among the tareumiut, the expressions were somewhat stronger, "they live just like the animals; they have no real homes." A person of either setting might express his opinions of the opposite way of life in this off-hand and contemptuous way, but would refer to his own recognized partners in the other group with respect and even deference. Among the maritime North Alaskan Eskimo, the inland peoples were regarded somewhat in the light of simple bumpkins at whom fun was poked. There is, indeed, something of the sailor's attitude toward the landlubber. On one occasion, it was said, a landsman obtained a place in a whaling crew. The umiak was at the edge of an ice lead and the crew were waiting silently for the appearance of a whale. When at last a whale spouted, the crew leaped into their umiak and gave chase. The landsman, not knowing what to do, failed to take his place and was left behind. He shouted to the crew to return for him with the result that the whale was frightened off and lost. But the same tale is told of the seaman who attempts caribou hunting. Some error which he makes causes the caribou to be alerted and to avoid the hunting corral. While hostilities occurred between groups representing the differing ecological patterns, these being on the level of feuds between families for real or fancied wrongs, it seems apparent that they were not too frequent. The general pattern was one of avoidance of unrecognized people. Thus, if a tareumiut family were engaged in summer travel and encountered a group of nuunamiut, each would tend to steer clear of the other. In time, assuming that the two groups met yearly at essentially the same place, a trade might develop and there might be closer social ties established. But in the normal course of life, assuming no formal bonds of any kind had been established, there was mutual suspicion and distrust. It must be emphasized, however, that this applied to any group of "strangers," however met, or wherever their place of origin. The stranger was always a target of suspicion and often the butt of hostile actions. If a numerically large group met a small one, they might behave with some hostility or viciousness, tearing clothes, wrecking sleds and boats, and becoming extremely abusive. They might also rape or kidnap the women of the smaller or defenseless party. Again, however, this behavior arose in any social context where affirmed ties were lacking and may be interpreted in terms of patterned assertions of status. Since the contacts between the nuunamiut and tareumiut were almost wholly economic, it follows that marital alliances and consequently kinship ties between the two were virtually nonexistent. But at the same time, it would not be wholly correct to stress the endogamous nature of each setting. There was clearly no demand placed on the individual to avoid ties of this kind with families or persons in the opposite ecological grouping. Marriages, referring here to permanent cohabitation and not to random sexual unions, could and did occur but were most infrequent. The basic reason for this lay in the different kinds of skills which each setting demanded. A nuunamiut man who took a tareumiut woman as a wife was assuming an economic burden rather than a helpmeet, a luxury he could ill afford. But sexual relations between men and women in each setting could and did occur. In the cementing of trading partnerships, for example, there could be temporary wife exchange and the consequent formation of close ties of friendship, the result of which was a virtual kinship situation. Similarly, there was kidnaping of women on both sides. This likewise was apparently not too frequent, but well known. Such stealing or raping of women might result in a feud. Again, however, it might have a salutary effect, the woman being returned and the two families involved using the sexual bond as a means of establishing trading relations. Marriages which did take place most frequently involved patri-local residence. The woman left her group and joined that of her husband. Unquestionably, this was because there was greater uniformity in the women's sphere than in the men's. Women in both maritime and inland life learned the skills of cooking, of sewing, and of general household arts, and these, however different they might be in the nomadic as compared with the settled life, stood in sharp contrast to the ability and judgment required for whaling or for the mass hunting of caribou. It is not possible to obtain any picture of the number of women who married out of one setting into another, but when it did occur it was worthy of note. A family is recalled, for example, that lived regularly at piyiniq at Point Barrow. Every summer they were visited by a family of the ikpikpaqmiut with whom they enjoyed friendly relations. One of the daughters married into this group, left her family, and settled inland with her husband. When her husband's group returned in the summers to piyiniq, the woman complained bitterly of the hardships of inland life and at last her family persuaded her to leave her husband. Her children grew up on the coast but did retain their kinship ties with their father's family, a situation which was viewed as sufficiently unusual as to require comment. The problem of intermarriage between the two groups is somewhat clouded by the events of recent years. The gradual drop in population of the interior may be attributed to movement to the coastal communities as a result of imposed administrative pressures. At present, many families recognize erstwhile ties with the nuunamiut. The indication is that many intermarriages have recently taken place but that this was not the former pattern. One of the characteristic aspects of the cultures of the area lay in the freedom of choice which the group accorded to the individual. A person was free to make capital of the skills which he possessed and to select the kind of career which best suited him. No stigma attached to the hunter who, feeling himself unsuited, physically or temperamentally, to a group activity, chose to ignore the communal aspects of hunting. It is true that the attitude existed that the proper activity of a man lay in hunting; there was some intolerance of an individual who devoted all his time to making umiaks, sleds, or weapons for exchange with others. But on the whole, if a man liked only to hunt ducks or only to fish, there was no one to deny him his choice. It may, in fact, be said that the greatest sin was idleness. A man in either setting was free to work as he saw fit, in keeping with his inclinations. This point is of some significance when it is considered that there were nuunamiut who moved to the coasts and remained there to depend on seal hunting. And similarly, there were men from the tareumiut who, with their families, settled inland and gave themselves over to exclusive caribou hunting. Despite this fact, however, it is to be emphasized that such choices were individual, were not communal, and were not subject to the same degrees of ritualization which the communal effort required. If a hunter chose, he could specialize in this manner and he might involve a small segment of his kinsmen, as well as members of his immediate family. A pattern of this kind is seen in the recent movement of the kivalinermiut from the inland to the coast. But this does not mean that the line between the two ecological types becomes ill-defined. The tareumiut who chose to devote his activity to the inland regions did not become associated with the nuunamiut groups or drawn into their social activities. Similarly, if a nuunamiut band settled on the coast for a time, it was generally away from a maritime community and the men did not share in the activity of whaling by becoming members of the established whaling crews and all that they implied. In short, regardless of the choice of economic activity, the original affiliations were constant; ties of kinship reached out to claim any individual. If his kin were to be found on the coast, he was, by definition, and regardless of his chosen activity, a tareumiut. And the reverse was equally true. Such choices of economic activity offered a situation which was rather different from that in which casual or seasonal visiting between the two groups took place. The line between nuunamiut and tareumiut was thus well drawn. Basically one of differences in economy, it served to create a twofold distinction of society. In terms of general culture, except certain marked material differences, the structuring of these two settings was not essentially different. There were the same common understandings, the same general kinship and familial patterns, the same socio-economic values, and on the whole, the same kinds of ritual behavior, applied differently, it is true, but similar in basic approach and premise. The problem of description of these two groups emerges as one in which the two ways of life are contrasted and in which the mutual interdependence of the two is demonstrated. 2. THE NUUNAMIUT It has been suggested that the nuunamiut, in the aboriginal setting, were the numerically larger group. Their range was a wide one, easily definable along the northern slopes of the Brooks Range, the foothills, and the adjacent plain, although somewhat attenuated and less easily designated to the west and south. It is in the latter center, the drainages which converge on Hotham Inlet, that the principal remaining nuunamiut are still to be found. Estimating an aboriginal population of 3,000 for the northern and western Alaskan regions, somewhat more than half of this number might have been found north of the Brooks Range. These were the nuunamiut who were most successful in forming a balanced relationship with the maritime whalers and to whom the attention of the present study is primarily directed. The term nuunamiut, people of the land, or more accurately, "Inland People," is often encountered in its variant form, nunataymiut, and has sometimes been employed to designate a single tribal division within the area, a contention which is not substantiated. That it is a term carrying with it the connotation of a specific status and reflecting the basic economic adjustment, is indicated clearly by native usage. Conventional reference to any person requires that he be described in terms of his point of origin, either as a member of a grouping whose territory is known and so named, or as nuunamiu or tareumiui, depending on his provenience. In the interior of northern Alaska were the numerous groups scattered along the watercourses. Each grouping bore the name of the locality or river along which it habitually moved and was united through a general concept of common territory. Not, it must be stated, that such territory was in any sense owned or that trespass by others not of the grouping occasioned of itself hostility or objection; it was simply that groups of individuals, as many as 200 to 300 in number, customarily resided and moved through an area defined by familiarity with its resources and possibilities. These were not kinship groupings, although they might be. Provided that the regulations against sexual unions between close kin were not violated, intragroup marriages could take place. But kinship ties with other groups did exist; indeed, the impression gained of the nuunamiut society is one of fairly widespread bonds of kinship. An individual was free to ally himself with the grouping of his choice but only if he possessed kinship ties with it or had married into it. This larger territorial grouping or aggregate, named for the area which it inhabited, had a primary economic function in that its members acted in concert in the season of the great caribou drives. This in turn implied ceremonial activities centered in the nonkin association of the karigi, the ceremonial houses of which there were usually several in each group and in which concerted hunting activity began. But if the extended territorial grouping—one hesitates to employ the term “tribe” in view of the wider circles of kinship which cut across territorial boundaries—met periodically for the caribou drives, the nuclear families which made up the grouping were usually dispersed during much of the year. The problem which the individual faced at this point and one which he, with his wife, children, and any other dependent relatives, was entirely free to solve, lay in the choice of the activity to be undertaken when the caribou drive was over. The family head, occupying a position as principal hunter and provider, could elect to go off alone, to camp at a particular place for further hunting, for fishing, or to the coastal areas for trade with tareumiut. When the hunt was over and the skins of the caribou cleaned, the meat dried and cached, most, it is true, did make the trip either to the Colville mouth or over the portages to Hotham Inlet. The groups to the north of the Brooks Range tended to trade along the Colville and to travel down in the summers. But the choice and decision was always a matter for the nuclear kin group. The associations of the yearly round might thus be quite variable. The nuclear family could travel alone; it could associate itself with other families to which it was related by blood; men belonging to a ceremonial house, the karigi, and forming a hunting “crew” could continue to work together. The pattern, in any case, was one of movement and the groups did not remain fixed but dispersed and moved over wide areas. The result was a kind of nomadism. It is not, however, possible to define movements within a fixed territory in view of the alternative choices which a nuclear family could make. Thus, after the caribou hunting and trading, the family could join other nuunamiut, these not necessarily of the same territorial grouping, and return with them toward the general home ground, pausing to hunt or fish along the way. It could cut out alone, moving up into the mountains for berries, sheep hunting, or further fishing. If it chose, it could associate itself with another grouping for a time, especially if there were kinship ties with them, and remain with them for a year or two. This is not to say that any grouping is ephemeral. It was not, being stabilized and integrated by the presence of the ceremonial associations. It is indicated, however, that the personnel of a grouping could vary and was in no sense fixed. An additional factor in this respect lay in the unpredictability of the caribou movements. When these changed, shifting to another route or becoming less in number, segments of a grouping, the nuclear familial elements, were free to break away and to select their own manner of livelihood. This implies that the ethnic names—kiliyimut, utokaymiut, kangianermiut, etc.—have meaning only in a geographical sense and were made up primarily of nuclear families, secondarily of extrakin associations. In general, people returned to the area which they knew best and where they were best acquainted but it is clear that this did not always follow, especially in view of wider circles of kinship. Because of the vaguely defined nomadic situation, and the fact that there was so much movement of individual families, it may be well to consider a few examples of family composition and to note the seasonal round in which each chose to be involved. The first was given by an old woman now resident in the village of Barrow who had spent most of her life with the nuunamiut and who considered herself an inland Eskimo. The family elements, which traveled together and when settled occupied one house, were as follows: 1. nuyaaruq, the informant, at age 15, i.e. ca. 1895. 2. sunaarak, her mother; the informant's father was dead. 3. tigutak, older brother. 4. nesuquluq, wife of the older brother, tigutak. This couple, after their first child, left the group, settled for a time at neqliq, and then moved to utkeavik at the invitation of a trading partner. This shift in pattern, taking place about 1895, is clearly a reflection of a changing culture: at this time the nuunamiut were beginning to be attracted to the coast; and economic advantages were being offered by the European whaling companies, such as the Cape Smythe Co., and others. It seems reasonable to assume that this would not have occurred in the aboriginal setting. The name of tigutak is well known at Barrow today in view of his prowess as a whaler. 5. atammaq, younger brother. A child in 1895, this individual later left the group to marry. "He was always getting married and leaving his wives." 6. panigiroaq, older sister. 7. tuxuttaq, her husband. 8. ipaaluk 9. manuluq \{Children of panigiroaq and tuxuttaq. 10. aaluq At one point, therefore, the group consisted of 10 persons, but the older brother left with his wife, and the younger brother appeared only occasionally. Leadership of the family, if such it may be called, but at least the role of principal provider, fell to tuxuttaq, husband of panigiroaq. The reason given for this was that panigiroaq was the oldest of the siblings and since nuyaaruq's father was dead, the group was "poor" and required the services of a good hunter. The food quest was thus met by tuxuttaq. This situation lasted for some years, at least until after the birth of aaluq, the last of panigiroaq's children by tuxuttaq. Then the marriage ended in divorce, panigiroaq with her children moving to the coast, while tuxuttaq rejoined the family of his mother, his own father being dead. This marital rift broke the family grouping. The informant, nuyaarvuq, married a man from another band and went to live with him and his family. sujaarak, her mother, accompanied her and stayed with her and her husband for some time, ultimately electing to move to the coast where her son and other daughter were now residing. atammaq ultimately settled at Point Hope and still lives there; the informant has not seen him in many years. The family situation described here appears fairly typical of the nuunamiut situation of the past, the exception being the general exodus of many of the family members to the coast. In terms of activity and composition while inland, however, it follows the usual nuunamiut pattern. This family unit chose to remain alone for the greater part of the year. When tuxuttaq was its leader and provider, it moved along the central Colville much of the time and was involved a good deal with inland fishing at the established stations. In the spring and sometimes in the fall, they joined others of the group generally known as kangianermiut for the caribou drive. In the winter, they tended to separate from the main grouping, although this depended on how successful the caribou drive had been. If they felt that more food was likely to be needed, they spent the winter at ice fishing along the rivers, while the men went off to hunt caribou individually, the women remaining at the fishing station to tend the nets and freeze the catch. In the spring, they rejoined the other families for the hunt, tuxuttaq being associated with a regular hunting group and having a karigi association. To hunt in this manner, to return to the fishing camps in both summer and winter, required considerable movement. On two occasions while tuxuttaq was still leader of the group they went down the Colville to neyliq to trade with the tareumiut. This tuxuttaq did not do regularly since he had no established trading partner and was consequently obliged to obtain much of the necessary seal oil by trading with other nuunamiut. In both the spring and fall, the family moved up to the foothills where they rejoined the others. The periods of the caribou drives were the most active ones for the family. Here the men were engaged in rebuilding the caribou stockades, in stringing lines between the V-shaped posts on which the caribou would entangle their antlers. Here, too, the necessary ceremonial preparations were undertaken; the men engaged in the hunt retiring and making the preparations for the hunt. The impression which is gained is of a gradual meeting of the larger grouping, the individual families straggling into the designated campsite in order to participate in the hunt. When the hunt was over, the women were actively busy with the skinning, with the cutting and drying of meat, and with the many other tasks involved in caring for the catch. The men meanwhile continued to hunt for stragglers when the herds had passed and gave much of their time to the many recreational activities which took place in the karigi. When the spring hunt was over, there was much time for visiting, for gossip, for the arranging of marriages. There was the feast of greeting the caribou, marked by dances, and there was occasionally the elaborate Messenger Feast, invitations being extended from one band to another. While the pattern of movement of the family in question emerges as one of movement in the central Colville drainage, to the foothills, and occasionally down the Colville to the sea, it is not to be implied that this group was always alone. Sometimes it was, especially during the winter at the fishing station. However, panigiroaq and tuxuttaq had come from the same larger grouping and on several occasions, brothers of tuxuttaq and their families joined them. Tuxuttaq's mother remained with them for two summers and then chose to remain with another son since she disliked panigiroaq, a factor which later bore on the latter's separation from tuxuttaq. But even if the family moved alone, there was the general tendency for them to turn up at the same times during the year at the same places. Here they encountered kinsmen and others from their own larger band and might stop with them for several days. If there were caribou in the area, the men of such parties regularly hunted. The impression is therefore one of a fairly well-defined round in a circumscribed territory. Each family used essentially the same route of travel, being familiar with it and having an extremely clear and detailed conception of the terrain. There was a tendency to avoid land which was less well known and it is this factor which seems paramount in fixing the stability of the groups. But there was the element of choice and it did not follow that the lines of movement were immutably fixed. This meant that the seasonal round of activity was not so well defined for the nuunamiut as it was for the tareumiut whose permanent villages afforded somewhat greater stability. This family followed the accepted methods of travel since tuxuttaq owned an umiak. The nuunamiut umiak was somewhat larger than the type used by the tareumiut, being covered with from 5 to 6 scraped walrus skins, obtained by trade with the coasts, and as much as 30 feet in length. The usual tareumiut umiak was a smaller craft, covered with 5 to 6 ugruk (bearded seal) skins. The reason for the presence of the larger umiak is evident in that a somewhat greater number of people were obliged to travel in it. A group of 10 persons, such as that described, together with their dogs, a sled, food, clothing, and other gear, needed a large boat for transport along the streams in summer. In winter, the sled was taken out, the runners frozen—by pouring water over the sled runner and allowing it to freeze—and the umiak mounted on it. Thus—and this was true of virtually all the nuunamiut—if the summer destination were neq̣liq, the travel route was by the open stream, the return effected by dog-drawn sled. The greatest problem, and this was ever a source of worry to tuxuttaq, was the shortage of dogs. Always fairly plentiful on the coast, they were harder to raise and train in the inland areas. Tuxuttaq never had more than two, and it was a wealthy family that had four. Two dogs were ample to draw a sled with frozen runners on level ground, but the people were obliged to walk, preventing the sled from sliding too fast or from overturning, and helping the dogs up slopes. In traveling, use was made of a skin tent, the skins being those of the caribou taken in winter, mounted over a frame of willow branches. This differed somewhat from the semipermanent house which was set up at any place where a fairly prolonged stay was proposed. In colder weather, this tent was covered with moss and then with snow. Cooking was done inside the house and there was a smokehole but no skylight. Bedding was arranged around the sides of the tent, often on a banked area, suggesting a benchlike structure. The stone lamp was used with seal oil as fuel. When not in use, the tent was folded up and transported, the willow branches usually being included, especially if they were notched for repeated use. A dozen or so persons could be accommodated in such a tent, which was thus wholly adequate for the average family. There was no use of the ice house by the nuunamiut. They knew of it, as did the tareumiut, and it was the latter which only occasionally employed it. Turning to another example of nuunamiut group and family composition, a somewhat larger enclave is encountered. This situation can also be roughly dated as 1895. 1. Tukumminiaroq, the informant, then an active hunter, but not yet married, aged ca. 17. 2. Aaxduaq, his father 3. Ikitkiirak, his mother 4. Tiquq, younger brother 5. Kanayuruq, his youngest brother, then a boy of about 7, who died during the summer of 1896. 6. Aakug, his older sister 7. Her husband 8, 9, 10. Aakug’s three daughters, all infants, all of whom died within a short time of each other. But this did not constitute the whole group. While it is true that these 10 persons shared one tent while on the move and continued to reside together when the semipermanent base was reached at the time of the caribou drives, they customarily traveled and were associated with other relatives. In another tent lived the informant’s paternal grandparents; the grandfather also had another wife and four small children by her. A paternal uncle, his wife, and one child made up the remainder of the group in the second tent. This likewise made up a group of 10 persons. These 20 regularly traveled together and made use of 2 umiaks and 6 dogs. They ranged between the coast and the foothills along the Utokak River and may hence be regarded as part of the utokaγmiut. It was the grandfather who acted as leader for the group. He made the informal decision as to when they should move and where they should go. The informant recalls that one year he wished to remain by the sea, sealing and engaging in caribou hunting on the mainland back of the lagoons to the south of Icy Cape. His father, however, wished to return inland for the winter and to wait there for the spring caribou drive. The two households accordingly split up but came together again during the following summer. There was clearly no argument on either side, each being regarded as wholly free to make the decision as to how time should be spent. Because there were several able-bodied men in the two tents, the families were rather well-to-do and were usually well supplied with food. One year, however, they had come up from the coast, joined others with whom they customarily met for caribou hunting, but were unsuccessful in finding caribou. The younger men traveled far afield attempting to locate herds but failed. All winter long, they were short of food and spent the time trapping squirrels, rabbits, and ptarmigan. Several died of starvation, including the nieces of the informant. They were about to move to the coast again when the caribou, for some reason delayed in their movements, were sighted and the hunt went on. The killik band, the group which continues as the last remnant of the nuunamiut north of the Brooks Range, today offers a picture little different from the foregoing. Even though the trade has disappeared, although many new devices have been introduced, and despite the loss of the older ceremonial patterns, the social composition remains constant. The 60-odd people who make up this unit consist of members of five families, there being much interrelationship in terms of kinship. Today the group remains together pretty much, although when visited by the present writer in 1953, several of the men were off on prolonged expeditions. The more extended residence units have broken down somewhat in that an average of 4 or 5 individuals inhabits each semipermanent house. When, in the fall of 1953, caribou were short, the group moved over to the Chandler Lake region, returning to Anaktuvuk Pass in the late spring of the following year. Several people, however, chose to remain behind at Anaktuvuk Pass during this period. Examples of the social composition of the inland groups might be extended at length. Sufficient has perhaps been described, however, to demonstrate the type of socioeconomic organization which prevailed. It is evident that the primary functioning unit was the group which chose to remain together because of consanguineal or marital ties. The band, employing the term rather loosely, was not a fixed unit except vaguely, as a sense of common territory might dictate. That kinship cut across territorial lines is demonstrated by an instance such as the following: qiwaq’s father was an utokaymiu, his mother a noataymiu, that is, from one of the groups along the Noatak River. Qiwaq had thus a wide circle of kin on whom he could depend. His mother had come to live in the territory of her husband, with the result that qiwaq could be regarded as of the utokaymiut. But the father, although he had three sons, felt the group was not sufficiently large to function properly, and adopted a boy from the kangianermiut, thus extending, by implication, qiwaq’s circle of kinship claims. It becomes apparent that on any level beyond the family which moved together as an economic unit, relations could not be regarded as formalized. No family was obliged to attend the caribou drive or to participate in any festival. To be sure, there was the extrakin association of the karigi, involving men not related to each other who hunted together and had evolved a specifically patterned espirit-de-corps. On no level could leadership be said to be fixed. There were clearly no political controls. Men of skill in hunting were in effect men of wealth and might exert considerable informal influence, but again controls rested in the family and were not formalized. 3. THE TAREUMIUT When a man had been born in one of the villages along the coast, when he counted his kindred as among those in the maritime setting, he was regarded as a seaman. Failing to satisfy these requirements, even if he belonged to a whaling crew and maritime karigi, as might sometimes occur, especially in the last half century, he was still viewed as a nuunamiut (pl. 5, a). It is worth noting that the individual may have preferred the inland life and that he may have spent the bulk of his time caribou hunting, but that his backing and cooperative support came only from his kinsfolk at the coast. There were men who were allegedly “afraid of the sea,” hazardous and threatening as it was, and who thus preferred to make their living away from it. This attitude even today characterizes many; there is no stigma attached to this fear and a man is free to make his choice of livelihood. The few maritime villages were never very large, at least, not in the period since the first European contacts. As has been noted, the more remote past was apparently marked by a much larger population and a greater number of active villages. Similarly, there were any number of hamlets scattered along the coasts, quite apart from the population centers, and inhabited by both tareumiut and some nuunamiut. It may be inferred that population expanded and contracted with fluctuations in the food supply. This does not imply that starvation was an omnipresent threat; it apparently was not, although in periods of food shortage there was greater dispersal of the population. For all of the maritime groups, those from Point Barrow to Point Hope, the seasonal pattern was in essence the same. The whaling season was in the spring, beginning at tikeraaq in early April, and at utkeaayvik and nuwuk a month later when the whales made their way northward. Through April and into May and sometimes, June, the whaling activities continued. This occupation demanded the time of virtually every member of the community. It was necessary to insure proper ceremonial treatment of the whale, the butchering and storage of meat in the ice cellars, and the maintenance of the numerous social involvements which arose around the whaling. When the whaling was over and the gear cleaned, when the proper social and ceremonial observances had been undergone, there was the summer breakup of the community, analogous to that of the nuunamiut family groups. Here again, the element of choice prevailed, each family or extended kinship unit doing whatever its informal leaders saw fit. Some went inland and hunted caribou, others settled for the summer months at one or another of the fishing camps, still others went to the stations where ducks and geese could be caught. Some men might begin long journeys, undertaking the far trip to Barter Island and to the McKenzie mouth for extended trading. If a whaling crew decided to meet again during the summer for the walrus and ugruk hunting, the men most frequently took their families to a summer station away from the community. Here the women fished, spreading the nets in the streams and carrying on their other domestic tasks, while the men returned to the home community for the walrus hunt. It is not to be implied that the home village was deserted during the summer. Older people usually remained there, as well as young children who were left under grandparental supervision. If a man wished to build an umiak or sled, he might remain in the home village and spend much of the summer working on it. The walrus movement usually begins in the area with the breakup of the ocean ice in midsummer. The ice is then split into floes which float rapidly northward drawn by winds and currents. Large herds of walrus appear off the coasts of Point Hope by mid-July and may be seen a few days later off Point Barrow. The time of the walrus movement, as is equally true with the appearance of the whales and other migratory animals, is wholly dependent on the action of the ice. If the ice fails to break by August and is still packed in along the beaches and considerable distance out to sea, it is not likely that the walrus season will be a good one. The crews associated with whaling went out together in the summers after the walrus, harpooning them on the floating ice, butchering them at sea on the ice floes, and returning the meat and ivory to the home village. The bearded seal, the ugruk, an animal which does not herd, was harpooned in the course of walrus hunting. Just as taking as many as 15 whales marked a successful whaling season, so also taking 100 or more walrus marked a good summer's catch for each community (pl. 5, c). When the walrus hunting was over, the tareumiut began to make preparations for the trading with the nuumamiut. This might involve a fairly long journey to the Colville delta for the inhabitants of utkeaa'vik and nuwuk, over to the Utokak headwaters and down the Colville or the Noatak for the ku'ymiut, or south to Hotham Inlet for the other villages. Trading, an economic endeavor in itself, involved, in the course of the extensive journeys, hunting stops along the way. With the beginning of the fall, when the first freezes came, most families began to return to the home village, straggling in from wherever they happened to be. The beginning of the winter darkness saw the communities once again with the population stabilized. The late fall was not an actively productive period in terms of economic pursuits. Fish, fowl, and caribou taken during the summer months were stored in the ice cellars along with the whale, ugruk, and walrus from the previous seasons. The population supported itself through the fall and winter with the stored food. The dark days of winter were largely given over to the various aspects of social and ceremonial activity, with shamanistic seances, and recreational events in the karigis. Hunting was in the main individual and involved sealing at breathing holes on the ice. The hunter spread his nets and returned to them daily to collect the catch. This was often a dangerous undertaking, since the ice might break and the hunter be carried to sea and perish. The search for the breathing holes was frequently time-consuming and involved long walks across the treacherous ice in semidarkness. There are numerous instances of hunters stranded on ice floes, many of whom managed to survive through the winter. Some reached the shores of Siberia, making their way back in the summer, provided they could withstand ill-treatment at the hands of the natives there. A lost hunter was not, at any rate, given up until the following summer, and there were numerous magical means by which his safety could be insured or forms of divination by which it could be determined that he was still alive. The winter seal hunting reaches perhaps the highest degree of specialization in requiring knowledge of the nature of the pack ice and the means of Arctic survival. To go out on the ice under the severest weather conditions imaginable, either for a single day or for several days on end, demanded a high degree of skill, not to mention a highly complex technology. (Rainey, 1947, pp. 235–36; Larsen and Rainey, 1948, p. 27.) Several involved methods for hunting seals along the pack ice were known and employed, ranging from the dangerous occupation of stringing nets through holes under the ice to harpooning at breathing holes when the seals emerged. Methods of decoying the seals were also known and used. Although one might wonder at the attraction of sealing, so hazardous an individual occupation, especially in view of adequate supplies of food obtained in a normal year through spring and summer hunting, it must be noted that seal meat, together with the black skin of the baleen whales, was the preferred food. Moreover, it was considered highly reprehensible for a man to give his entire time to social activity in the winter and to allow the meat in his ice cellar to decrease. Even if the sealing were unsuccessful, a man was expected to continue trying. During the winter months, polar bear were most frequently encountered on the ice. These animals, often appearing in large numbers, were a source of danger to the hunter, and were themselves hunted (pl. 6, a). If the whaling had been unsuccessful, or if the supply of walrus and caribou fell below the usual seasonal quota, the community might be faced with food shortage in the winter. While this did not happen too frequently, every sixth or seventh year might be marked as a famine year; just as among the nuunamiut, a shift in the routes taken by the caribou could cause severe shortage and privation. Because the diet was exclusively meat, it follows that tremendous quantities were required to support a household through the winter. An adult individual may be expected, even today, in spite of some dietary changes, to eat as much as 7 to 8 pounds of meat per day. In addition, teams of dogs, larger on the coast than in the inland regions, required an equal amount per dog. This would mean that a family of 10, with 8 dogs, would require at least 125 pounds of meat per day. Thus, even though immense supplies of meat were piled up after the whaling and walrus --- 8M. Smith, 1902, p. 116. Smith, who was with the expedition of 1881–83, remarks that one group, made up of several households from Point Barrow (nuwuk), and numbering 30 people, took in a 2½-month period 200 caribou and about 2,000 pounds of fish. When they returned to the community, they had eaten all but 50 caribou and 500 pounds of fish. He estimates the total eaten in this period as 18,500 pounds of meat, or 8¾ pounds per day per man. This is not excessive and in view of the high water content of meat, probably comparable to an average food intake of a person at hard labor in milder latitudes. hunting especially, and much fish, numerous caribou, as well as waterfowl might be added, the failure of one source of supply could readily mean short rations for the winter. Sealing in the winter thus provided an important secondary source. The fall whaling likewise could be regarded as a secondary source of food supply. When the whales returned at the end of the summer, they were often sighted off Point Barrow and pursued in the open sea. This was, however, an uncertain source of supply and limited to the three northernmost towns. Through the winter months, while the men engaged in sealing on the ice, the women and children of the communities were active in other areas of food getting. The tomcod (Boreogadus saida), a small arctic fish, and one of the few actually taken from the ocean, began to run at Point Hope in January, appearing somewhat later farther to the north. Holes were chopped in the ice and women sat for long periods over them, jigging the fish with snag hooks. If the cod were running well, as many as might fill a bushel basket could be taken in one day. Out of the water, the fish froze at once and were stored and eaten in a frozen state. Although valued as a source of human food, the tomcod were most frequently fed to the dogs. Crabbing in winter was known at Point Hope but not elsewhere along the coast. By the March equinox, preparations were again under way for the spring whaling, the ice cellars cleaned and made ready for the whale meat, the umiaks covered with new skins, the whaling gear made ready both practically and ceremonially. These preparations, together with the restrictions imposed on members of the various whaling crews, involving activities in the karigis, took up much of the last days of winter. The year might be said to begin again with the launching of the umiaks along the ice leads when the first sign of whales, the presence of the northward-flying snowbirds, was remarked. From the foregoing summary of the yearly round of activity of the tarcumiut, it becomes apparent that the center of daily life, the point from which all economic pursuits began, was the village itself. Common residence, linked with the factor of kinship, served to cement the ties of villagers to each other. But again, the village could not be regarded as a localized kinship grouping; it clearly was not, in that family ties cut across village boundaries in much the same way as was operative among the nuunamiut bands. Marriages occurred both between people of the same village, recognized kinship affording the only barrier to sexual relationships, and between people of different villages. Similarly, the individual was free to exercise choice in the matter of where he resided. A general pattern was to settle where one's kin, either genetic or affined, were the most dependable and where ties of affection developed. A sense of responsibility to one's wife and her kindred might cause a man to settle in the wife's community. Conversely, if a man had parents of younger siblings dependent on him, his wife came to reside in his village. It is to be emphasized that the factor of choice was ever present and no coercion would be exerted on the individual as to where he should reside or where his sphere of activity should lie. Similarly, adoptions took place both within and between villages, widening the kinship circle, but never, so far as is known, did adoptions across the ecological line take place. Although it may appear that the maritime village was as unformalized as the inland band, there was an integrating factor which was perhaps better developed than among the nuunamiut. This lay in the formalized and established relations between an umeaqiq, that is, a boat and whaling leader, a so-called boat captain, and his crew. This was a dependent relationship, in that the crew member occupied a social place subordinate to that of the boattowner and leader and was dependent on him for considerable aid, both economic and moral. There was a parallel to this in the nuunamiut situation, where the builder of a stockade, a recognized man of wealth and prowess, tended to direct the hunt and to draw to his leadership the same men year after year. But the nuunamiut lacked the very precise sets of involvements which the tareumiut had developed in respect to the whaling crew. This constellation, with its economic activities, its social relationships, and its ceremonial obligations, was wholly formally conceived. It centered in the ceremonial house, the karigi, existed apart from the kinship tie, thus becoming a primary nonkin association and fundamental in creating an intravillage bond. The tareumiut family, on the nuclear level, did not differ materially from that described for the inland Eskimo. A house—and as will be seen, houses did differ in arrangement, number of passages and rooms—consisted in the main of a single room in which a closely related group resided. In numbers, this rarely went to more than 10 persons and might frequently be less, consisting at times of only a couple (Ray, 1885 b, p. 38). The head of a household, if such may be designated, was the principal hunter. Although deference was paid to old persons resident in the household, and their wishes consulted, the decisions affecting the yearly round and its course were made by the chief provider. But here again the integrity of the individual was paramount; a coresident member of the household was by no means obliged to undertake any task for which he had no taste, nor would any attempts be made to persuade him to follow the group in any activity. As among the nuunamiut, family and household composition could change over a period of time. An example or two may suffice to demonstrate this. Thus, when unjaruk was small, he lived with his parents at utkeaaγvik. In the house were his two brothers and one sister, his father's brother and his wife, a childless couple, and his father's maternal aunt and his maternal grandmother. This made up a household of 10 persons of which unjaruk's father was chief provider and informal leader. When the father's brother and his wife adopted a child, they left the household and built a house of their own close by. ("The passageways were almost touching each other.") For convenience sake, the father's aunt settled in the new household. unjaruk's older brother, not yet married, went on a long journey to the east, visiting the mouth of the McKenzie and Herschel Island and was gone for 2 years. When he returned, he moved to Point Hope, where he married and settled. When unjaruk's grandmother died, the family moved inland for a year, hunting caribou and trading. The sister died on the way. When he, his parents, and his brother returned to utkeaaγvik, they decided not to live in the house which they had previously inhabited. They then decided to move down the coast some distance and so settled at walakpat for several seasons. By this time, unjaruk was himself old enough to join a whaling crew. He returned to utkeaaγvik, lived with his uncle, and engaged in whaling. When his second brother married, the family, now consisting only of his parents, returned to the home village and also resided with the father's brother. This instance, not at all unusual, reflects the amount of movement even among the taremiut. Although motivations are not wholly clear, as to why, for example, the family declined to return to their abandoned house at utkeaaγvik—it was not a question of family quarrels—both the pattern of movement and the variations in economic pursuits, as well as the changes in household composition, were fairly typical. Brothers frequently resided together. Provision was generally made for the aged in the household. An old person was free to select the relative with whom he wished to live. This continues to be true at the present time and there are no known instances of an aged relative being denied the right to live where he chose or with whom he wished. Men closely associated in the whaling activity, members of the same crew, might build adjacent houses and share food. But it was always expected that one could reside with relatives and if the claim of relationship could be made, and was generally recognized, demands for food and shelter never went unheeded. There was thus no formal crystallizing of the residence arrangements in villages and in the last analysis, nothing which tied the individual to the community beyond his own choice and desire. SUMMARY: NUUNAMIUT VS. TAREUMIUT The attempt has been made in the foregoing to deal with the structural units of the two contrasting aspects of the North Alaskan Eskimo cultures. Granted that the societies are in some measure structurally dependent on the economic round, the units themselves, because of their often ephemeral nature, are not too easily definable. Despite the differences in the food quest, there are certain marked parallels in the social organization. Two basic structural principles emerge in the area. The first lies in kinship, as defined, it will be seen, bilaterally, and the second in patterned voluntary association. These apply in each setting, although the latter becomes somewhat more formalized in the maritime economy. Proceeding from the nuclear family in each case, as making up a functioning economic unit both in the inland setting of the group which travels together and in the village as the household, the aggregate of families makes up the band among the nuunamiut and the village among the tareumiut. In each case, however, the component groupings could and did frequently change. Among the maritime Eskimo, the village became a somewhat more stable unit because of the whaling crews as a factor of social stability and solidarity. The caribou drive of the nuunamiut, while clearly communal, was less demanding of participation by formally associated individuals, although the effect might certainly be the same. Both through the nuunamiut and the tareumiut ran the threads of extended kinship, of genetic, recognized, bilateral relationship, which cut across both band and village lines. In the main, separate and coexistent, the two settings were brought together in formal ways through trading and institutionalized partnerships. This is the structure and the economic setting for it. It remains to determine how the two ecological patterns operated within their respective hemispheres and how each was activated. PROPERTY, WEALTH, AND STATUS The North Alaskan Eskimo societies, unlike the groups farther to the east, had a fairly elaborated concept of wealth. In it, influences from the south may perhaps be detected; certainly one of the most elaborated of social occasions among both tareumiut and nuunamiut was the Messenger Feast, a complex series of socioceremonial gift exchanges suggestive of the patterned prestige economy of the North Pacific Coast tribes. Wealth as such provided the basis for social status in the groups in question and must be considered as a prelude to any discussion of the formalized extrakin relationships. The societies were thus structured along the lines of wealth serving to create social distinctions. Property thus became most important and certain formalized usages arose in respect to it. In general, the problem of subsistence could be readily met; indeed, it may be said that the economy of prestige grew out of abundance. The concept of wealth rested primarily in the possession of surplus goods and food and a condition was created whereby the economy of prestige coexisted but was not related to that of subsistence. An examination of the concepts of property and wealth may serve to indicate the ways by which social position and social status of the individual were regulated. OWNERSHIP Strictly speaking, the North Alaskan Eskimo lacked a concept of communal property. The house, as has been shown, belonged technically to the builder or to the two family heads who may have cooperated in the building. The concept of real property in any sense was lacking. There was a vague sense of territorial tie, effected by knowledge and experience of the terrain rather than by any sense of rights to it. Usufruct rights to hunting and fishing stations existed, and to a degree this was also true of such property as a dwelling. As has been noted, a house could be sold and often was, but it also could be abandoned and taken over by another person or family. To all practical purposes, a family owned a house jointly. The same was true of the various means of transportation, the sled, the umiak, or the dog team. Members of the family group all had a share in the use of these items, and participated in their manufacture or maintenance. Theoretically, a family head could dispose of his house or any of the means of travel without consulting the other members of the group. That he would do so was most unlikely. Simply on the basis of sharing and use, therefore, the family could be conceived to hold certain kinds of property in common. As far as a community, whether inland or maritime, went with respect to communalized property, only the ceremonial houses might be regarded as falling into this category. It is true that karigi associations were extrafamilial and that in this sense, the karigi itself became the property of the group which used it. This is worth noting in view of the fact that various unrelated individuals might contribute skins, logs, whalebone, or other construction materials to the erection of a karigi and thus they had an individual share in it. In the nomadic groups, this was more likely the case. Among the tareumiut, however, especially where there were several karigis in the village, they were the possession, in effect, of the whaling crews which met in them, and their maintenance was somewhat individualized in that the crew leaders, as men of wealth and standing in the community, were expected to maintain them. All crew members who used the individual karigi were expected to share in building, cleaning, and repairing the structure. A karigi frequently maintained an umiivik, a shed where the whaling umiaks were stored and repaired, where the new skins were put on prior to the spring whaling. Anyone in the community could do his work there and use the shedlike structure if he wished. Technically, however, the umiivik was the property of the whaling captains of the karigi which maintained it. It is thus clear that any concept of joint holdings was vaguely invested in the family and household and that the concept of community property had not been developed. When individual property is considered, however, a different situation arises. Personal property was well defined as to age, sex, and social position. Things which fell into the category of individual property, such as clothing, tools, weapons, charms, and songs, were inviolable. An umiak, sled, or house could be used by family members resident together. A kayak, however, was individual property and could not be used by another, even a coresident family member, unless permission to do so were forthcoming from the owner. Lending of personal property was common, the more so since no one wished to appear miserly, but permission had always to be sought. In the realm of personal property, things which belonged to men were sharply differentiated from those which belonged to women. Game, for example, belonged to the hunter who took it and he was free to dispose of it as he saw fit. The patterns of generosity which were imposed on the individual might mean that he gave away much of the game he had taken, a point particularly true in winter, when individual hunting of seals was the usual occupation. In such cases, meat was given to all who asked for it. But once the hunter had taken the game into the house, or once it was butchered and stored in the cache or ice cellar, it became the property of the woman of the household—that is, of the wife of the hunter, or if he had several, of the chief wife. The woman then had the rights to dispose of the meat as she saw fit. This point is of some importance in strengthening an otherwise ephemeral marriage bond. Men and women owned their respective clothing, tools, and weapons. Women made and sewed clothing, men made tools, weapons, and utensils, except pottery. A wife made her husband's clothing at his request, while she in turn could ask that he make tools for her. When an item was once made and given, it could never be taken back without the owner's consent. No man, for example, could sell his wife's possessions without her consent. If he went trading without her, she often gave him items to trade and stated the goods she wanted in return. These were always hers and the husband had no rights over them. In case of a marital dispute, a husband might maul and pummel his wife, tearing her clothes and bedding, but not in any way damaging her other property. This is an example of a general pattern of behavior in disputes, the point being that an offended person made attacks on the property of another. While the lines of ownership were fairly well defined as between the sexes, women could inherit property which fell into the domain of men. At a man's death, for example, the widow continued to hold the house unless she were dispossessed by the husband's kin. Similarly, a widow might fall heir to her husband's kayak, weapons, clothing, and other possessions. If the family owned an umiak, this, too, she might keep and hold in trust for children not yet grown. She might keep such items for trade or hold them against paying a shaman for his services; since an umiak was the customary shaman's fee for a successful cure, a widow might hold a craft against this. Again, however, a widow might be obliged to stave off her husband's relatives in her attempts to keep his property for her own or occasionally for her children's use. The support of her own family might be sufficient to do this. The most usual way out was for her to marry again; if she held property, she was a desirable catch, her industry and efficiency having been proved by the fact that her deceased husband had property to leave. There was hence no prescribed period of mourning nor any restrictions on the age of a woman at marriage. Sexual rights were property rights in some measure. A prescribed way of cementing certain kinds of social relationships was through wife exchange on a temporary basis. But, in addition, when a man had been cured by a shaman, he might permit the practitioner to have sexual relations with his wife. If the shaman was pleased with the woman, he might desire to keep her. Indeed, by blackmail and threat he might force a husband into relinquishing her. In such cases, the woman was given to the shaman in lieu of other payment. Possessions were loaned quite freely. Relatives often borrowed from each other, as did close neighbors, and crew mates. Tools and containers were the items most frequently borrowed, particularly the pottery vessels which some women specialized in making. When a person wished to borrow an item from another, he went over to his house and called into the skylight for the desired object. No repayment was involved when the borrowed item was returned. Important movable possessions were designated by a property mark. These were variable from individual to individual and were not inherited. A man drew up his own mark. There is a suggestion that certain basic patterns of property marks were reflected in family lines (Boas, 1899). The marks were simple designs, made for the most part with three, four, or five strokes. The more elaborated designs described for the Eskimo living farther to the south in Alaska do not appear among the northern peoples (Lantis, 1946, p. 242). Hence, the marks were in no sense decorative or demanding of artistry. The individual worked out his own mark when he felt that he had sufficient possessions to justify it. If a man used the mark V, his son might vary the pattern and employ a combination VI. Marks died out with the individual but could reappear in the same family, just as names might; but there is no evidence of a supernatural tie between the living and the dead with respect to property marks. Property marks were known as nalunaytak. Some examples of their development at utkeaaγvik are as follows: Property marks are still used widely by the peoples of the area. The coastal Eskimo place them on whale bombs and thus succeed in avoiding any dispute as to the crew which took a whale. If several crews succeed in bombing the whale, joint ownership is established and division accordingly made. The marks are also made on other gear—rifles, traps, sleds, and the like. The modern marks have taken on some new features, letters and initials sometimes being used. A recently developed mark is seen in the following: In the past, property marks were put on arrows, lances, any gear relating to hunting or trapping, on canoe paddles, or the like. It is said that marks were not put on umiaks or kayaks since these were readily identifiable. The primary function of the mark was to differentiate game taken by different hunters. In the whaling of the past, where several umiaks might converge on the whale, division was regulated as to the owners of the harpoons identified by mark. Similarly in walrus hunting, sealing, and in individual and group caribou hunting by stalking, it was important to identify the owner of the meat taken. In cases of murder, the recognizable weapon was of course a clue to the killer. When a murder occurred, all present assembled and examined the murder weapon, if on hand, for the telltale mark. Apart from the formal property marks, however, there were ways of indicating ownership of objects which might be found or discovered. A dead seal found on a beach, for example, could belong to the first finder if he chose to claim it. He had merely to erect a small cairn of stones on or near the head of the animal. Anyone who came after would respect the claim and not touch the carcass. The rules applicable to uneaktuat, that is, communal hunting and communal game, were in force in respect to naturally dead animals. Any animal whose carcass was washed up on the beach was treated as though it had been taken in hunting. Thus no individual claim could be made on a dead or stranded whale, walrus, or ugruk. Seals, caribou, and other game not hunted communally belonged to the finder. WEALTH The aboriginal culture of both the nomadic and maritime groups permitted no elaboration of social classes. As is evident, the family was the primary source of social control. Extrakin associations were those which were formalized and structured along the lines of partnership, crew memberships, and karigi participation. As has been noted, the nuclear family tended to carry on its economic activities as a unit, often varying its work in relation to the seasonal round as it chose, settling inland or on the sea as the family head decided. A result of this trend was to preclude any development of elaborated political controls and to place the community as a most ephemeral kind of organization. But if social classes were not elaborated, there was at least some sense of them arising out of a wealth-poverty dichotomy. In certain well defined areas, men of wealth emerge as significant leaders. In the maritime communities, the position of wealthy men, related as it was to whaling, was somewhat better defined than among the inland peoples. A man of wealth was an umealiq, the technical meaning of which is "boatowner", but not all owners of umiaks were umealit (pl.). In both ecological settings, the umealiq held a position of both social and ceremonial importance. On the coasts, he was the head of a whaling crew, he carried on the ceremonials relating to the success in whaling, and, by virtue of his wealth, he extended material support to the men who had joined his banner as crew members. Anyone might own an umiak, but unless he was able to command the respect and loyalty of others who would join him as helpers, and to support them with gifts during the off seasons, he could not be regarded as belonging to this social category. Similarly, among the nuunamiut, the umealiq was the director of the caribou drive and again, by virtue of his wealth, the one to initiate the rituals connected with it. In either setting he was a man to be respected and in relation to the hunt, at least, obeyed. On the coast the umealiq had great prestige in any community but his actual sphere of influence extended only to the men who formally cast their lot in with his. In this sense, he was not a chief or political leader. To a degree, the same was true in the inland setting. And, as may be seen, the position of the umealiq depended wholly on wealth; his prestige arose on the basis of the goods he was able to control. It is thus evident that the concept of wealth arose in respect to possession of surplus goods. Anyone who was able to command an abundance of surplus goods was eligible to undertake the enlisting of a crew and thereby qualify for the social rank of umealiq. This was never easy, since the goods and surplus involved would demand considerably more than the abilities and skills of any one person could supply. A man might inherit sufficient property to enable him to carry on crew leadership and have the backing of his relatives. When a man had shown considerable skill as a hunter and when he had proved his abilities, his relatives, however remote, might then back him, and the kinship group might then work together in order to amass sufficient goods to permit his assumption of the role of umealiq. In the interior as well as on the coast, a man attracted others to himself and his leadership by proof of skill and ability. Among the nuunamiut, the families would return for the caribou drive to a familiar locality and the same umealiq, the leader who placed the stockade and who, by virtue of his openhandedness, could encourage the same people to return. A family that was not satisfied with the local leader simply went elsewhere. On the coast, an aspiring umealiq was obliged to bid for the services of skilled hunters, persuading them to leave another umealiq and offering them sufficient food and goods to do so. Once a leader had a crew and once he had taken a whale or two, his success was insured. It is to be emphasized that such social standing was reserved for very few; it might take years of building toward sufficient property to command the services of a crew and one lean year could ruin a good start. The coastal umealiq was thus faced with a gamble. He could support a crew with gifts of objects and food for a season and then find that the whaling was unsuccessful. His status would then be reduced to that of an ordinary hunter and family head; no one would judge him of less social worth, but prestige and the semisacerdotal role of the umealiq would no longer be his. There were, moreover, checks on the building of a surplus. Generosity was a primary virtue and no man could risk a miserly reputation. Thus anyone in the community, whether inland or coastal, could ask aid from a man of wealth and it was never refused. This might mean that the men of wealth would be obliged to support an entire group in times of stress. Here, too, aid was extended to nonkin. The result was to create a bond of community feeling. This was informal, it is true, but there was some sense of the community, be it band or village, being united through the presence of men of wealth. So much of the folklore of the region deals with the theme of the poor. It is evident from the tales that poverty is considered to stem from the absence of family ties. Indeed, the term for "orphan" (iil'epuk, iil'pepaaruk, iil'aaruk) is employed to designate the "poor" person in the sense of lack of wealth. A favorite hero theme in folklore is that of the orphan who makes good either with supernatural aid or through his own prodigious efforts and ends up as a successful umealiq. Those who had a circle of relatives, an established place in crew and karigi, were never regarded as "poor." If there was a man of wealth in the extended circle of relationship, all his relatives stood to benefit through him and extended to him their support and allegiance. One pertinent example of this is seen in the Messenger Feast, where, as in the potlatch situation of the North Pacific Coast, the men who acted as principal hosts depended on the support and backing of their kin in assembling the property to be bestowed on guests. It is clear that the man who was skilled in all types of hunting would best qualify as an umealiq. His success was proof of his abilities and called forth the allegiance of those less proficient. In addition, there were certain personal qualities which were required of an umealiq. He had to be able to command respect and show abilities as a leader. He had, moreover, to be a shrewd trader and a skillful bargainer, taking advantage of his position so as to increase his wealth. Conversely, he had to be generous and was obliged to avoid any appearance of envy toward others, the temptation toward the latter being sometimes strong, especially when crew members were wooed away by a rival or when another umealiq organized an outstanding Messenger Feast. In his own circle of relationship, the umealiq could be a bully, and apparently often was, badgering his kin to be more cooperative and productive. Since it was to the advantage of the individual to assist his wealthy relative in his aspirations and in the maintenance of his status, he generally tried to agree to any demands. The star of the individual rose with that of his umealiq kinsman. There is some suggestion of the beginnings of rank as between men of wealth. In the Messenger Feast, for example, the umealit were seated in order depending on prestige and following. There was, however, no associated list of titles and apparently no other elaborated form or protocol. It is conceivable that the concept of ranking based on wealth was in its incipient phases at the time of contact with Europeans by the North Alaskan peoples. It is evident that there was a certain amount of anxiety associated with wealth. This was perhaps not yet too strong but it is apparent that it was present. A wealthy man feared the envy of the shamans and the evil which they could unleash. Actually, however, the threat of the envious shaman had an effect which militated against the growth of social gradations. No person could thrust himself forward in any activity so as to appear overly skillful. A hunter who took too much of any game, the man who excelled in running or wrestling, was advised to tone his successes down so as not to become the target of malevolent shaman power. Thus the man of wealth never boasted of his success; he was modest, generous, and expected to show dignity and serenity. He was not obliged to conceal his wealth, but at the same time he could not make undue display of it. It was of course there for all to see. The beads which decorated his clothing, his labrets and headband, his personal possessions, such as might be seen in his storage places, ice cellars, caches, or racks, all testified to his affluence. The great umealiq, taakpuq, who lived at utkeaaγvik a half century ago, offers an example of the behavior of a man of wealth. He wore parkas of beautifully matched skins, his labrets were the most expensive, and he wore a headband of green and white beads. The many whales he had taken were indicated by the tattoo marks on his cheeks. He is said to have walked slowly and with great dignity, speaking seldom and then in a measured way, and he was noted for his extreme generosity. He never boasted of his successes, and he sat silently in the karigi while others played games and made sport. His was an ideal character, recalled by all who knew or had seen him. It is said that he could enlist the services of any man in the community. Wealth thus contrasted with poverty, and, as noted, the person who lacked adequate kin support was regarded as "poor." The same category extended to families where there was inadequate support. Every kinship grouping had its quota of poor relations, families where the head was a bad provider, lazy, or in other ways dependent on his wider circle of relationship and on handouts from successful hunters. It is worth noting, however, that such families did not in the main hold together for very long. A wife would leave a husband who was always unsuccessful in his hunting, and she might send the children away to her own relatives to be raised. The only acceptable activity for men was hunting and it followed that there were men who failed to measure up to the standard and who refused to hunt. Some of these became specialists, manufacturing sleds, umiaks, and other items for trade. This, however, offered an insecure livelihood and the nuclear family with which such a man was involved was regarded as "poor." There are one or two suggestions of sexual deviants in respect to resistance to hunting, and mention is made of several individuals who refused both to hunt and to marry. The aboriginal culture was not receptive to homosexual behavior. In general, the problem did not arise and there was no institutionalized transvestitism. Any one who inclined in such a direction and thus became an economic burden to relatives or spouse was "poor." Even here, however, real poverty, as defined by the culture, implied having no circle of kin on which to depend. Both the nuunamiut and tareumiut had a patterned method of assisting those who lacked kinship ties in the community. It can readily be understood that the death of a provider, the departure of relatives from the group, or other circumstances could leave a nuclear family in difficult straits. Without kin, there was technically no source of support. Such families, it is true, could ask men of wealth for aid and did so, but it is evident, in view of the emphasis on self-reliance and integrity, that it was painful to do so continually. The community sometimes during the winter held a marelaktutiruat, a social dance at which gifts were given to the poor. These were held in the karigi. Those who had gifts to give to the less fortunate members of the community danced and wound up their dancing with a gift to a selected poor person. These gifts were usually of clothing, tools, and weapons, food being given less formally. This relieved the necessity for begging and could assist a growing boy who lacked the support of male kin in starting a career as a hunter. This solution to the problem of aiding the less fortunate was not regarded as offering charity, and the gifts could be taken without censure for laziness or lack of skill. Wealth was conceived to exist in expendable surplus of any and all goods. This meant extra food, a full cellar, extra clothing, skins and furs of all kinds, pokes of oil, weapons, utensils, tools, boats, sleds, dogs, and the like. In the 19th century, tobacco and trade beads came to be regarded as wealth and indeed served to create a virtual medium of exchange. The bead particularly, some of which were of Russian, others of English and American manufacture, came to be a kind of monetary unit. Beads were of two main types. There was the more common blue glass bead which was called sunaaraveak. These were of less value than the beads of green or blue glass, larger than the first and with a white marking in the center. The latter were il'unnminik. The plain blue beads came in assorted sizes and were usually strung on sinew and sewn on clothing or placed on headbands. As a reflection of the value which was placed on such beads in the period in which they first appeared, it can be said that one small blue bead was equal in worth to a single wolverine or wolf skin; skins sufficient for a parka, that is, 5 matched skins, for 4 or 5 blue beads. Similarly, a poke of oil was worth one such bead. But the il'unnminit were worth considerably more. While they might be worn on clothing or headband, the tendency was usually to fasten them to the labrets. An indentation was made into the ivory or bone labret and the bead glued in with seal blood, the most practical adhesive. A pair of such labrets, each containing a bead, was worth an umiak, and, indeed, the umiak was regarded as the most valuable single piece of property. Since the value of the beads became fixed, it appears that they began to take on value as money. The original beads may have reached both coast and inland from the Hotham Inlet trading, coming up from the south with tobacco and metal vessels. John Simpson mentions the presence of tobacco, beads, flint and steel, as well as metal vessels, well integrated into the nuuwuk culture of 1853 (Simpson, 1855, p. 235 passim.), and tobacco was noted by Thomas Simpson (1843) in 1837. It thus appears that all such items had reached northern Alaska before the initial contact with Europeans, probably by the late 18th century. The commercial whalers later brought similar beads for trade with the result that their value inflated and they became commonplace. The northern peoples began to develop a number of legends relating to the beads and their origin. The general belief at present is that the commoner blue bead came from the south but that those of greater value came across the Arctic coast from Greenland. While archeology might substantiate the latter claim, it is also apparent that such a tale as the following, which proposes an indigenous origin for beads, still gains much popular acceptance. A young man was walking on the sands of a beach. He saw a hole in the ground and walked down into it. It was never light there, it was dark always. As he walked there, he felt his feet go over some round, pebblelike things. He knelt down in the darkness and felt the round stones with little holes in them. He picked up as many as his bag could hold. It was very heavy. Then he began to walk back. When he returned home, he found that he had been gone for several years and that his parents were now very old. At home, he put his bag down and told where he had been. His mother tried to lift the bag but it was too heavy. Then she opened it and saw all the beads that the young man had collected. The parents said, "This is from a far place and it must be worth a great deal." Then they began trading the beads to the people and were never in want again. Any person, man or woman, might own beads. They were traded back and forth and a person might work diligently toward the amassing of some. All that he collected were carefully strung on sinew. A general tendency was to make a headband of white sealskin. The goal was to collect sufficient beads as to make a single strand which would circle the head. But only a man of great wealth could hope to own the green and white beads. It is worth noting that strangers to a community, always suspect, and sometimes subjected to various indignities by the residents there, were treated considerably better if they came to the group with fine clothes and beads. Only a man with definite kinship support could hope to show off finery, and there would be hesitation to treat roughly a man of obvious affluence. It becomes clear that there was a rising preoccupation with wealth and that such social ranking as did exist in the society was in large measure based on wealth. While the umcalit might emerge as the important figures in the nomadic or maritime communities, distinctions between people of lesser rank were not well defined. There were the few indigent or unfortunate individuals who could not count on kinship ties for support and who thus made up a class of the poor. But it is also apparent that not everyone aspired to the status of umcaliq. This was a position of great responsibility and could be, for some, at least, too demanding. Indeed, it might be more advantageous for a man to join a captain, participate in crew activities, and avoid assuming rank and leadership. By sharing in the products of crew endeavor and by adroit trading, not to mention successful hunting, it was also possible to become quite wealthy. Thus, a man could be regarded as having prestige through wealth even though he was not officially a group leader. Such a man could participate in such economic festivals as the Messenger Feast. It is clear that social standing rested with those who hunted, were successful at it, and had the backing of their kin, and who in turn backed them in the amassing of surplus, the basis of the prestige economy. But if the lines of social status were vague for men, the lines for women were even less sharply drawn. To a degree, the women found the same kind of status as did their husbands. A wife of an umea-liq had with him certain ceremonial functions in respect to whale and caribou hunting. On the coast, it was the wife of the umea-liq who offered the fresh water to the whale's snout and voiced the proper words of greeting of the game. A woman who was widowed, who lacked the support of her own or her husband's kin in the community, was regarded as poor. Industry was a primary virtue for women as well as for men; censure lay not so much in failure as in idleness. COMPETITION AND COOPERATION Although it may be evident from the foregoing discussion that the Eskimo societies of Northern Alaska possessed both competitive and strongly cooperative aspects, it may be well to risk repetition by pointing up the areas in which each type of behavior was acceptable. In general, one cannot view the culture as basically competitive. There were, it is true, certain situations which called forth competitive attitudes and actions but these are in the main eclipsed by the infinitely stronger demands for cooperative activity. Competition and the competitive sense arose both between communities and between individuals. There was some feeling for community loyalty and some sense of rivalry between villages or local groupings. This is borne out in the past by the Messenger Feast, an event which was intervillage on the coast, or between nomadic groupings in the interior. In this festival, it is true, the rivalry was conceptually between individuals but the community took a part, assisting the principals, and engaging in the foot races and in the ball game. It was borne out further in the competition over possession of the karigi at the Messenger Feast, the first use of it being accorded to the team which won the foot race. This festival thus involved a competitive situation between groupings in both ecological settings and might also place maritime village against nomadic band on the same basis. When people representing different communities met, the custom was to praise one’s home community and to disparage that of another. But although the sense of local loyalty might be fairly well developed, any number of other considerations—family ties, food shortages, new opportunities—caused people to pull up roots and settle elsewhere. Crew and karigi membership, moreover, were demanding of a sense of loyalty far stronger than that arising around mere community awareness. Thus, except for the Messenger Feast, there was scarcely any formal competition between bands and villages. Within the grouping itself, particularly if there were more than one karigi, a sense of competition arose. This applied especially to the inter-karigi games, such as kick ball, and to the invitations which one karigi extended to another. But while one could boast of one’s town or community, no individual would praise his own karigi at the expense of another’s. In the main, more attention was given to competition between individuals than between groups. In each karigi on the coast there were several umalit, each commanding the loyalties of a crew. Between such crews, however, there was never a sense of rivalry or competition in whaling. True, the individual umaliq might be furious when a rival captain was more successful than he but in no case could he afford to let his annoyance be seen. On the contrary, he would incline to be more lavish in his praises of his rival's success. In another setting, however, when whaling was past, he might sing insult songs at this rival. This, however, gave rise to a spirit of banter and joking and by no means reaches the same intense proportions as it does among Eskimo farther to the east. In the karigi the separate crews did not vie with each other in games or contests. This was always an individual matter and competition in such things as tests of strength arose as much between crew members in the same boat as between men of different crews. As between individuals, competition and rivalry were thus fairly well defined and arose under the following circumstances: 1. In the formalized Messenger Feast, where one man tried to outdo the other in the lavishness of his gifts and to establish an individual reputation for great wealth. 2. In sports and games, such as wrestling, in foot racing, tests of strength, singing, story telling, in the kick-ball game, where men vied individually, despite team play, for possession of the ball, and the like. Opportunities for such competitive behavior arose principally in winter when the karigi was open and when the men of the community passed some of their time there at leisure. Men would compete with one another, too, in inventing new games for play in the karigi. 3. In economic pursuits which were individually carried on. Men in winter, for example, would wager as to which one would take the greater number of seals. Economic rivalry between individuals also applied to mastery of various technical skills, one man trying to excel another in the making of an object. Such competitive behavior had always to be good natured. If a person became angry or showed his spite, others would withdraw and make every effort to avoid carrying on an argument. It may be noted here that this was and is standard behavior relating to tense and unpleasant situations. To do nothing, to withdraw, to stay out of any argument are points reflective of "honesty," and point up the behavioral ideal. Argumentative and quarrelsome persons were ignored. If there were boasting, it was always tinged with good humor; self depreciation actually became a standard form of boasting. In a trading situation, a person who drove too hard a bargain, who acquired the reputation for too forcefully demanding his way, might have difficulty in continuing his trading contacts. People were not free with advice, coming with it only if it were requested. The culture had some difficulty in setting up a role of peacemaker, since it was a task from which all would steer clear if tempers had flared and arguments were in progress. Indeed, the native cultures lacked any mechanism for halting a dispute. The blood feud is a case in point. While people were very careful not to embark on a feud and would do so only with the greatest provocation, the feud, once begun, could not be checked except by the participants themselves. The society at large played no part in them. The emphasis lay on the integrity of the individual, on his freedom of choice, and no attempts would be made even from within his immediate kinship circle to halt an action on which he was determined. Because there were so few formal checks on the individual, public opinion being perhaps the primary factor in promoting the behavioral ideals, there were those who took advantage of the good will and reluctance of others to take a forceful stand. The bully was not uncommon, the individual who would simply force his way by sheer strength or lung power. One of the ways in which such aggressive behavior could be expressed lay in sexual situations. The seizing of women, the kidnaping of other men's wives, sexual rapacity in general were ways by which an individual could assert himself and so establish a reluctantly accepted role. It is of interest that sexual competition between men afforded a means of achieving status. The end was not so much sexuality as social position. If a person's behavior became too violent and too disruptive of public welfare action was taken. It then became a matter for family groupings in reaching a decision as to how the matter should be handled. If an aggressive individual were killed, his own kin became embroiled and the legal mechanism of the feud was put into motion. On the other hand, if the actions of the individual had become too violent, even his own kin might refrain from exacting vengeance for his murder, even though custom demanded that they make a token display of force. Much of the patterned behavior which may be interpreted in terms of the legal system arose through such instances. Apart from the special behavioral circumstance noted above, several checks, on competitive actions existed. The most prominent was the anxiety which arose with respect to the shaman. The shaman, it is said, would take action against the man who always won in the foot race. He "hated the hunter who was always good." A man of wealth was obliged to exercise care lest he offend the shamans. In fact, when a man was in any way more successful than others, his relatives would urge him to be careful, to avoid a constant repetition of success, lest the shamans "hate" him. And, in theory, the shaman brought disease to the man who was overly successful in any activity. Whether the shaman lived up to his ascribed role and actually did feel envy toward the signally successful is of course debatable. It is clear that the shamans would occasionally blackmail a man and threaten him with crippling disease. The point of importance is that the culture made use of the shaman's role as a threat to effect essentially uniform behavior. It was the concept of uniformity which emerged as significant; a man who was always successful in his efforts was not popular. This attitude was instilled in the child as part of the socialization process. The child was expected to be diligent and industrious but not necessarily to excel over his fellows. Indeed, if he did always succeed in excelling, or if he so much as commented on his own abilities or efforts, his parents or relatives regularly said, "What's the matter with you? Are you trying to put your head above everybody else's?" The result of such indoctrination and public opinion was that competitive situations were minimized. The man who did emerge as a great success in the acquisition of wealth through hunting and crew support, a man such as the famous whaler, taakpuq, compensated for his preeminence by silence, modesty, and particularly, by generosity, always being careful to avoid giving or taking offense. But such was prescribed behavior for everyone. But it was in forms of cooperation that many of the social forms of North Alaskan Eskimo society were structured. Such cooperative activity, that of hunting together, working together, was inherent in the nuclear family at the first level but extended to the wider kinship circle. It was this bilateral grouping which backed the individual in all situations. The man who was "poor," it will be recalled, was the man without this kinship circle. While every attempt was made to keep the kinship tie to the fore, there were always those social situations where the extended family could not effectively function. The community, for example, owing its existence to patterned economic activities, and lacking any kind of political organization, could continue to exist only by common cooperative agreement. The question arises as to the nature of cooperation and its patterning in nonkin situations. A primary way of handling cooperative activity was to extend to nonrelatives behavior patterns which in essence were the same as those applied to family members. In other words, it became essential to involve nonrelatives into a circle of defined cooperative relationships and so to increase the benefits which were basically those of family membership. This was done in several ways: by adoption, by the recognition of ties arising through quondam sexual relationships, by sexual relationships themselves, as in formalized wife exchanges, by partnerships, by joking partnerships, and by the formal crew and karigi associations. Each of these institutions had the effect of creating close cooperative ties. But these forms of cooperation, except crew and karigi, were largely conceived by the individual and arranged by him. They had little to do with the community as such, since the ties so formed cut across the lines of community within the two ecological settings and between them throughout the area at large. The community, whether village or band, possessed only an ephemeral solidarity. People settled where the opportunities seemed best, either where there were other relatives or where hunting seemed most favorable. Thus the primary nonkin tie to the community was the cooperative hunting activity. And this, it is evident, inspired loyalty to the crew and karigi first and to the community second. It was an allegiance to an umeaq which provided the motivation to become associated either with a whaling crew or a caribou compound. In a hunting group, whether whaling crew or men associated in the caribou drive, the members cooperated not because of their kinship affiliations but rather because of their skills. Through leadership, centered in the man of wealth, the umeaq, and through common purpose, they developed a strong esprit-de-corps. Not only did such a hunting group cooperate in the hunt itself, each man taking his proper place and performing the task for which he was best qualified, but there was agreement on social and ceremonial activities in which a crew engaged, and on the economic side there was agreement as to how the products of the chase should be divided so that each participant received his due share. It was in this form of cooperation, division of game, that the profit of crew participation lay. Not only were the hunters allied with a hunting group supported with bribes and gifts from the umeaq, but they stood to build up their own surplus stores of meat by working together and ordering their activity. A formal method of division of game existed. This was known as umeaktuat. The term refers to the concerted activity of a crew working together in an umiak and going out together for the taking of game which could be divided. Game thus fell into two categories: there was the game which was hunted individually and not shared; secondly, there was the game which, communally hunted, was umeaktuat. Actually, the patterns of division still apply at the present time and remain as an important factor in community cohesion. Individually hunted game involved all small animals, seals, birds, fish, and any animals which were trapped. It also included caribou if these were individually hunted, but not caribou hunted by the impound method. Polar bear, mountain sheep, and such rare animals as the occasional porpoise were also regarded as individually hunted game. The hunting involving concerted cooperative activity, that is, umeaktuat, concerned whales, walrus, ugruk, and belugas in the maritime setting, and caribou hunted by an organized group on land. In such communal hunting, the division of game was equal among the participants. There was also a share made up for the boat, or in the case of caribou, for the stockade itself, both of which reverted to the owner, to the whaling umealiq or to the umealiq who organized the building of a stockade. At the present time, such shares compensate the boatowner for his expenditures of gasoline and for the food which he provides to the crew members who accompany the expedition. In the past, too, this extra share was in some measure a repayment to the umealiq for the amounts he had paid out during the year in gifts and bribes to crew members to insure their continued presence and support. The boatowner also received the heads of walrus with the ivory and was given special parts of the whale, although in this instance, the captain's share had certain ceremonial implications. The umealiq's share, whether of whale or caribou, depending on ecological setting, was also used to feed the community at the feast at the end of the hunting season. It is the latter point which served to effect some further sense of community solidarity, although it was the division between crew members which created an incentive to participate and called forth primary loyalties. Sufficient has already been described regarding the demand for generosity on the part of any successful hunter. The boatowner was particularly subject to this demand and gave freely of his catch to all who asked some of him. Stinginess was abhorred, as was greediness, and the ideal of generosity was inculcated in the growing youth. When a hunter in winter took seals on the ice, he dragged his catch home. As soon as he had laid his quarry down by the side of his house, anyone in the group could ask for some of it. Similarly, among the nuunamiut, a caribou taken by a hunter, when butchered, was often divided among those who requested some of the meat. People came with wooden pans and asked for small portions, specifying what they wanted. In times of food shortage, it was the successful hunter and his family who might go hungry, since in his generosity he gave away whatever he had at hand. There were those indigent and lazy people who took advantage of this situation and always begged meat. One family is recalled which always asked for meat from the returning hunter and went so far as to store it, a shameful situation, since self-respect demanded that one ask for no more than was immediately needed. When this was discovered—it was an instance which took place at utkeaaγvik some years ago and which is still recalled—as might be predicted, the hunters continued to give food to this family. It is said that if this were to happen today, the leaders in the churches would attempt to appeal to such a family. Formerly, however, there was no way of stopping such flagrant begging except to turn the weight of public opinion against the beggar. In summary, forms of cooperation in the various communities, apart from the patterned ways of extending kinship situations to nonrelatives, arose principally in respect to hunting practices surrounding crew and karigi activity. The karigi, with its component crews, became a center of mens' work and a focus of nonkin group solidarity. Beyond the unealit, there were no men who could be said to hold public office, and even the boatowners could scarcely be regarded as chiefs. If there were men of age and proven skill in the community, their advice might be heeded, but, again, their abilities to control were wholly informal. Community solidarity, whether among nuunamiut or tareumiut, depended in the main on the cooperative patterns which have been described. Such cooperation, moreover, extended far beyond the limits of the community in many directions. VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS One of the more striking aspects of North Alaskan Eskimo life is the emphasis which is accorded genetic relationships. A "poor" man was one who lacked kin and a "stranger" was one who was unable to establish kinship ties in a community to which he happened to come. The question as to how far one may carry the concept of kinship permits no immediate answer in that this was a matter which each nuclear family chose to decide for itself. There was clearly no sense for genealogy: the kinship terminologies did not extend beyond the third lineal ascendant generation and the names of the dead which continually recurred in a family were those held by recently deceased relatives. The kinship situation, although bilateral, had to be practically resolved and resulted in a situation whereby the individual ascribed his loyalties to those with whom he was in closest contact, whether on the maternal or paternal side, or, as the case might be, on both. This does not in any way minimize the widespread sense of relationship; when brothers split apart, choosing different areas in which to live, the fraternal tie continued and the demands of collective responsibility remained incumbent on each. A man likewise retained a close sense of kinship with the offspring of his brother or sister even if these happened to reside in a remote area. But after this, as one moves farther afield among the various collateral relationships, the sense of bond became less well defined. It was a matter of choice for the individual family; in the remoter instances the kinship bond became eclipsed by quasi-kin associations, a situation which prompted the extension of kinship attitudes and behavior toward those who were not genetically related. Certain examples of this tendency have already been demonstrated in the adoptive and qatauyutigiiit situations, patterns which served to augment the nuclear family and to extend the means of cooperative dependency to nonkin. The groups of people in the North Alaskan area moved, as has been seen, over large sections of territory. They were, moreover, free to settle where they chose and to make associations where they chose. Because of the two different ways of economic life, the tendency for the inland individual to remain in the setting of caribou hunting, and conversely, for the maritime whaler to capitalize on the skills which he had amassed on the coast, was strong. Within each setting, however, there was, as has been shown, considerable movement. The primary tie was thus inevitably that of the nuclear family, defined here as the coresident group. Kinship ties in all directions emanated from this unit and it is thus wholly possible to refer to the extended family if it be understood that the circle of relationships would vary with each such nuclear unit. It has been shown that it was the genetic bond which determined the patterning of collective responsibility and that the adopted child was drawn into this web as well. The primary cooperative unit was thus the small group of coresidents whose genetic ties reached out in essence as far as the demands of collective responsibility may have been conceived to operate. Actually, however, this would tend to place the social patterns in a somewhat negative light. As far as the kinship ties were felt to go, however spatially remote, the cooperative bond, the fact that one's relatives could be counted on for aid and support, applied. Within the community, however, and also between communities, there were especially patterned ways of creating cooperative relationships. In effect, there were ways of extending the rights and obligations, except collective responsibility, to nonkindred. The individual was always free to exercise choice in forming such associations. In certain formal ways, he could ally himself with others in a recognized economic partnership. This was tantamount to friendship; indeed, with one exception, it was the only recognized way of establishing relations with nonkin. The second pattern arose as an intracommunity feature where there were recognized associations between individuals in the cooperative acts relating to hunting, whether in the association of the caribou hunting group or in the whaling crew. In the latter case, however, the membership revolved around the relations between the component individuals and the leader, the umeqiq who was able to command respect and so to draw individuals to himself. A secondary feature of the crew association lay in the concept of the men's house, the karigi, which, however important in ceremonial and ritual activities, was basically implemented by the economically derived hunting crews and their leaders. In summary, partnerships, the added element of the joking relationship between partners, the crew membership, and the karigi institution were the primary voluntary associations, acting in some measure to substitute for the cooperative bonds of kinship. PARTNERSHIPS Partnerships were of several different kinds. All had marked social implications and were basically economic, whether related to the structured economy of prestige or intimately connected with subsistence. A man and his partner were known as n'uuvereyik (dual; sing, n'uuviq), a term which refers primarily to the relation of trade. Indeed, the most important category of partnership was that which related to trade and exchange, whether between men in the same ecological setting or between nuunamiut and tareumiut. As trade in the latter instance is considered, it is highly significant to remark that the balance which existed between nomad and seaman was made meaningful in the exchange of the commodities in which each group specialized and that such trade was effected almost exclusively by means of the established trading partnerships. There was trade within the same ecological grouping as well and it too was worked out by means of partnerships. These, however, tended to have greater social and recreational functions and led, in many instances, to the formation of formal joking partnerships. Conversely, the trade between nuunamiut and tareumiut was a highly serious business and permitted less latitude for social intercourse. It may be well to consider first the trading partnerships which formed the sole formal means by which the two ecological groups met. Such partnerships were begun in a simple way. As men (and women) came back to the trading stations year after year, they tended to trade with the same people. As they did so, an informal agreement was first reached. After 3 or 4 years, one individual proposed to the other that they become partners. The relationship now became formalized in that gifts were exchanged between them, such gifts not being equated on the basis of like for like or in terms of the recognized values. A nuunamiu, for example, gave the seaman with whom he had worked out the relationship extra caribou skins, pelts of fox and wolverine, or some other valued article. The tareumiut made gifts in turn. The relationship could be cemented further by wife exchange. The partnership, once established, meant that the two men, representing different ways of life and livelihood, now stood in a special relation to each other. A seaman might go with his partner to an inland region where he had previously been and the two might hunt together. The partner in such an instance became a guarantor for the stranger. If a man had a partner in any community, he could go there freely and count on the protection of his mate. The various families of nuunamiut who spent the summers on the coast did so because of the relations they had established there with trading partners. In such cases, the visitor would not fall into the category of "stranger" and so be subjected to hostile acts from within the alien community. Primarily, however, the partnerships which cut across the lines of ecology were for the purpose of the exchange of goods. Each setting supplied the other with needed commodities, the nuunamiut primarily for fuel and food in the form of seal and whale oil, and the tareumiut for caribou skins for clothing. While many other items were also exchanged, these were the most important. A man met his partner once yearly, usually in the summer at the recognized points of trade. When a person had no partner, he was definitely at a disadvantage in the trading and was obliged to look about in order to find the best bargains. A partner, on the other hand, "always treated you right." There was no bargaining and haggling with partners; each member of the partnership team attempted to extend himself in favor of his partner. When a man had partners whom he knew to be waiting for him at the trading camp, he could take his time in getting there, knowing that the other would hold on to his goods until the two met. If, for any reason, a man could not get to the trading station, he sent a message to his partner by another man as well as a gift for him. The partner was then released from any obligations and was free to trade with others as best he could. When a man in a partnership met another from his partner's community or group, he always asked, "Is my partner coming?" The existence of such a partnership was common knowledge and no one would attempt to break up an existing partnership relation. Usually begun in the way described, such ties might also be inherited by a son or other close relative and so perpetuated after the death of one of the principals. There was thus the tendency for the institution to grow up and continue between family groups. After greeting his partner and exchanging gossip with him, the trade between the two men, or more, as the case might be, began. The partners unloaded their umiaks, each taking, in an ideal situation, what the other had brought without question. Between partners, every effort was made to the other's benefit. A poke of oil, for example, might go to one's partner for 7 green caribou skins when 5 would be the usual number traded. A good partner, it is said, was always overgenerous. While most partnerships began in the simple and relatively informal way described, the relationship was frequently more formally instituted. At the trading station, one man might propose to another that they begin a partnership in the following year. Each, having agreed, would then go to work to collect as much wealth as possible. The partnership thus began with a formal exchange which generally exceeded in amount that which might occur in ensuing years. There appears to have been a general tendency for men of like wealth and social position to develop partnerships. There was no limitation on the number of partners a man might have. A man of wealth and standing could work out relations with 5 or 6, all of whom, of course, aided him in maintaining his position of wealth and enhancing his social position. A less successful man might have only one partner. Such partnerships were extended to the Messenger Feast, since, when a man invited a guest, he most frequently named his trading partner. Partnerships existed both within and outside of the ecological setting and it was thus theoretically possible for a man to extend his sphere of interest and his nonkin relationships over a wide area. Although an arrangement effected primarily between nonkin, extended collateral relations might sometimes enter into such a partnership agreement, although, of course, this would be limited to one ecological setting. The more distant collaterals, such as cousins, could form partnerships particularly if they lived in different communities. One would not form a partnership with a brother, the theory being that one secured assistance and aid from one's close relatives in any case. In partnerships, just as a man might ask and receive aid from his relatives, so also could he make demands of his partner. Protection and refuge, goods, food, and sexual favors, in the form of wife lending and exchange, were to be had from partners. A partner would not theoretically become embroiled in an inter-family dispute, but any number of instances to the contrary are known. A faithful partner would stand up to assist his mate except against members of his own family if the occasion arose. When the trading was over, and the partners ready to depart from the trading stations, they might announce to each other what goods they each wished for the next season. A man would do his utmost to meet the request. This pattern is carried to its ultimate conclusion in the Messenger Feast where the partners involved in the host-guest relationship made specific and often impossible requests of each other. It was always a challenge to the partner's, or host's, ingenuity to meet the request made. Some specific examples of actual partnerships might serve to point up the institution: 1. qiwaq had three partners. They were brothers whom he had met at neʔliq. Their names were piʔiniq, paamiu, and tumaacaq. qiwaq began by trading with piʔiniq and obtained skins from him. After he had done this for several seasons, the latter suggested that they form a partnership. qiwaq agreed. piʔiniq then suggested that his two brothers be included as members of the partnership team. They agreed on this and the three brothers and qiwaq traded amicably for many years. qiwaq brought from the coast such items as ammunition and pokes of seal oil and received caribou skins and wolf pelts in exchange. The four men never quarreled or haggled and they finally reached so ideal an arrangement that they did not even have to state what it was they needed. The three brothers divided what was brought to them and the three pooled their contributions in giving them to qiwaq. It sometimes happened that qiwaq brought items for which the three had no need. If so, they took what they wanted and tried to arrange with others for good bargains. On several occasions, qiwaq went inland and stayed with the brothers as with his own kin. On two occasions, in fact, he went up the Ikipkpuk River and stayed at piyiniq's camp during the caribou drive. He had sexual relations with piyiniq's wife. qiwaq had no other partners but the three brothers had another man from the coast with whom they traded as well. The three died in an epidemic between 1908 and 1910 and qiwaq ceased going inland after this. 2. tukumminaroaq was living at Icy Cape when he formed a partnership with a man named aaγeaq who lived at utkeaaγvik. This was first a trading partnership and was then extended to the Messenger Feast and to formalized joking relations. aaγeaq took the role as host and sent messages to tukumminaroaq, inviting him by name. He requested of aaγeaq in the Messenger Feast both ugruk skins and .30-.30 cartridges. He received enough skins for an umiak cover. Later, he returned the invitation to aaγeaq who requested some mountain-sheep skins and some caribou hides. These were provided. But apart from the formal Messenger Feast, the two did trade in other items and periodically sent each other gifts by others who were traveling up and down the coasts. They met only rarely but continued an active exchange over a period of years through intermediaries. The death of aaγeaq in 1930 terminated the partnership. 3. tukumminaroaq had another partner who lived at Point Hope. With him he did not engage in Messenger Feast activities. His name was inpuavik. tukumminaroaq got to know this man through a family which had come from Point Hope and settled at Icy Cape when he was still living there. inpuavik, in fact, was the son-in-law of the family in question. After the two men had traded for some time, it turned out that inpuavik was dishonest and the partnership was broken off. It came about in this way: inpuavik sent a message saying that he needed skins for parkas and had whaling bombs to offer for them. He stated that he would give one bomb for two wolf skins. tukumminaroaq sent 10 skins down to him and waited for his five bombs. They failed to appear. Later, he went to Point Hope and asked for his bombs only to find that his partner did not have as many as he had pretended. Only three, in fact, were available. There was no alternative for tukumminaroaq but to demand his skins back. These were given reluctantly and the partnership was dissolved. Such dissolutions of partnerships were not infrequent and could arise at any time either partner was dissatisfied, when "one did not please the other." This was called n'uuverelaaktuat, "breaking a partnership." 4. Partnerships are by no means a thing of the past. They continue still. Two women in the Barrow area are described as still carrying on a partnership. One lives at Meade River, the other at Barrow village. They are said to send each other various items constantly, using the mails and the "cat" train in winter. The Barrow woman sends dry goods, flour, and whale meat. In return, her partner sends berries and pemmican. They are said not to ask each other for goods but to send what they think will be needed and appreciated. The two are "friends" and "can be trusted." At the present time, too, the sense of partnership between the remaining nunumiatut and some of the coastal peoples still remains. kakinaqaq, a killiy-miu, now resident in the Anaktuvuk Pass area, was partners with nusanginna, a man living at Barrow village. The trade between the two no longer continues but the sense of partnership is still strong and each refers to the other as "partner." The ultimate function of the partnership was to extend the process of cooperation beyond the kinship grouping and thus to lend additional stability to the society as a whole. Such partnerships, in cutting across the lines of community and ecology, came to have meaning in providing an easier basis for trade and dependable contacts. One may go so far as to say that the balance which existed between nuunamiut and tareumiut was channeled and effected through the existing partnerships. When new products began to be brought into the coastal villages, when employment and the economy of money were introduced as the result of administration from abroad and missionization, the balance was disrupted. It was no longer necessary for the trade to continue. The result was the decimation of the inland Eskimo. Within the same ecological setting there were also partnerships. These too were based primarily on trade. But more than this, the partnership was in effect an institutionalized friendship. Indeed, except hunting group association, it was the only means of establishing relationships of duration with nonkin. The member of the partnership went out of his way to be generous and to consider his partner's every request. Tied up with the partnership was the institution of "asking," which, while somewhat less formalized and less well institutionalized than among the Eskimo of the Bering Straits and southward, was nevertheless meaningful. The partner was given whatever he asked for, even if it meant deprivation on the part of the giver. Partnership was thus both economic and social. The designation n'uuvereyik applied to the economic aspects of the arrangement, specifically to the involved trade. Forming a partnership, however—the concept of the social relationship being implied—was called ill'aliuktuak, literally translated, "making an attachment to one's self." The concept involved is that the partner becomes conceptually a member of an in-group and is identified with it. Such an alliance thus carried over to social relations and extended beyond mere economic considerations. To cement their partnership, the principals might exchange wives or lend wives, the force of the temporary sexual union lending additional force to the bond. Their respective children thus became qatanutigit to each other and a situation closely approaching the kinship tie was achieved. But even if there were no sexual involvements, the partnership was designed to last and in the main did so. JOKING PARTNERSHIPS Properly, this relationship should not be viewed as a primary economic one. It was rather an ultimate outgrowth of partnership and was all but removed from the economic realm. Yet, because the joking partners might also be trading partners, and because the joking association might arise in respect to the institution of the Messenger Feast, it may be justifiable to consider the institution here. There were several ways in which an individual could obtain joking partners. In one situation, men who were not related and who grew up together played jokes and made sport together. Two members of the same crew, for example, might behave in this way and employ the pattern of joking in order to indicate their mutual esteem and friendship. This was the least formal kind of joking partnership and had few direct economic implications. When the nature of interpersonal relations of any Eskimo group is considered, it is evident that the general life situation is hemmed in with a great deal of humor. Joking, poking friendly fun, "kidding," making humorous remarks on any and all occasions make up an important aspect of daily life. The joking relationship between individuals was first on this day to day level of humor and meant simply that a person selected some other individual with whom he joked on an essentially equal basis. The term for such a joking partner was iil'aaaruq (dual—iil'oreyik) perhaps best translated as "pal." Such largely informal intracommunity joking partnerships still exist. In one instance which the writer observed, a man who had been absent from Barrow village for some time returned to the community. The son of another man, his joking partner, saw the newcomer and rushed to tell his father, calling excitedly, "Your iil'aaaruq is here." The two men greeted each other with much enthusiasm, hugging each other and pummeling each other on the back. It is to be emphasized that the iil'aaaruq relationship was a pattern of friendship that did not cross community lines. It never applied to kindred, indeed, "one does not make fun of one's relatives." Men who hunted together, shared various kinds of experiences, worked together, could develop this kind of relationship merely out of the situation of being thrown together and in terms of the joking which was a pattern inherent in the culture. An umeaqliq of wealth and power would be unlikely to have such relationships—the dignity which his position demanded would tend to create a degree of social distance between himself and the men with whom he was associated. On an informal level, the joking partnership, like the trading partnership, but intracommunity, involved mutual aid and might result in temporary wife exchange. But there was a second, more formalized, intercommunity pattern of joking. Here is a suggestion of the insult song situation which is found farther to the east, for indeed, sarcasm, irony, and a certain spiteful humor made their way into the exchanges of songs which characterized this relationship. The partners in this case were iyluusuuvik, that is, in different places, and the basis of the pattern lay primarily in the sending of songs from one community to another. The relationship generally began in a trading partnership, reached the proportions of a Messenger Feast invitation, and then resulted in song exchange. Actually, in the Messenger Feast, where a wealth display feature is uppermost, the happier trading relations between partners tended to be put aside and the feast itself became characterized by a definite rivalry between principals. Here, friendship was put aside and attention given to the notion of besting one's partner in the display. And in keeping with this, songs of a nature reflecting patterned rivalry were sent from one principal to another. Quite apart from the formal occasion of the Messenger Feast, however, songs could be sent from one man to another whenever the opportunity for contact arose. If a family from one town or band were going to another, a man in the community which they were leaving would work up a song to send to his partner elsewhere. To send such a song was regarded as clever, humorous, and a test of a man's ingenuity. He attempted insofar as he could to best his joking partner in the exchange, using plays on words, puns, and mild insults. Since the songs became popular, and since a new song, especially one in which the humor was marked, was awaited eagerly by everyone, there was no small amount of acclaim for the composer. As the new song developed, the composer might also invent dance steps to go with it. These, like the song, were imitated by others and both might ultimately find their way into the vast body of dance and song variations which the people possessed. The singer sent his song, with the new dance steps, to his partner by a chance traveler. The latter was carefully coached until he had both letter perfect. But if such a song were sent, the partner was also the recipient of a gift, likewise dispatched by a traveler. It is clear that the joking partnership was a great source of interest and entertainment to everyone in the community. When a traveler arrived, he announced that he had a song for such and such man. At this, everyone in the community came around to hear it, and the new arrival sang it to the recipient before the assembled community, usually choosing a karigi as the place for the singing. The erstwhile importance of the songs as a recreational outlet is indicated by the fact that they are still remembered and still sung in many cases. The men who sent songs to each other and maintained the song-partner relationship are likewise vividly recalled. Such an arrangement existed between aapigerak, miligiroak, and sukeaq, men in different communities on the coast who sent songs to each other. The songs are remembered, even though the singers are long since dead. But perhaps the most famous of such partnerships along the Arctic coast was that between kucirrak at utkeaayvik, annesiraq at Kuk River (Wainwright), and arvaksin'ya at tikeraaq (Point Hope). In this case, the first was bested in singing by the latter two, although it was kucirrak who had started the sequence of songs. He had been a shaman and had traded with the two men in the other communities for some time. During this period, the mail was being taken up the coast from Point Hope by an Eskimo driving a dog team. Kucirrak took advantage of the mail carrier, teaching him the songs, and having him carry them to his partners in the other two villages. His first song (sayun, pl. sayuutit) was as follows: kanusik keyaksakimna aylarign'aymanna I wonder what kind of person he is. He isn't bashful. pikuwiyakteruuvlu puyuveamn'unexhuat He has a lump on his neck. The crab's big legs. irinawtinga'yaatit isiviraaktinearikpik He bends them inwards. He'll stretch them out again. ikayelura anootit I'll help you a little. Kucirrak's song, said to be "full of old words," reflects the use of obsolete words in poetic constructions. This was a recognized formal device in songmaking. From Kuk, Annesiraq sent back a song in which he made a play on the name Kucirrak. The term Kucak refers to a bone in the hind quarters of the caribou, and Kucirrak, having this element in his name, and also having been a shaman, could not eat, a reflection of a personal taboo, the meat associated with this bone. The song dealt with this theme. Next, from Tikeraaq, Arvaksina, who had received the same song as had his partner at Kuk, sent the following back to Kucirrak at Utkeaaγvik: uvanni aalakesaaktuna keevekesaaktuna here he looks here he looks there niiviksilaaktuga puyuweam niiumiuka He looks to see how good it is. Of the crab the legs. akunuratigaa anil'piraatakamma uveaniuktuna between when I get out I feel happy. awlaniksimaasuγaw sanipuaniktu aningan He gets away. He goes sideways, his grandmother irimaktuq suuγuruktuktuo tikiitpattin bent them up he comes against it if he gets to you irimawtikpattin pikeaksaneyana if he grabs you try to get away The sense of rivalry in such singing was strong. The last song was considered better because it used the same theme as the original song and turned it back at the original singer. The song sent back from Kuk by Annesiraq, while clever, was not so well done in that it failed to tie into the original song of Kucirrak. The joking element of these songs, the allusions to names and to physical characteristics, are at once clear to the audience. The rivalry in singing could thus go on for some time. In the above instance, kucirrak replied to both his joking partners with another song. At last, however, annesiraq sent a song which made use of the shaman songs used by kucirrak. This made the latter so angry that he refused to participate in the exchange any longer. The people thereafter made fun of him and asked him slyly why he no longer sent songs to his partners in the south. This was a case where the songs gradually reached a point where they became more and more insulting with the result that one participant was ultimately obliged to drop out. Insult singing, while fairly well developed, was not used as a social device for settling formal disputes as was the case among the Eskimo farther to the east. That it was a means of exerting certain social pressures is of course not to be questioned, since such songs and singing took place both within communities and between them. All such songs were sung slowly and with slow, often impromptu, dance steps. There was another aspect of such singing which had little to do with the formalized joking partner relationship. This occurred within the same community and was also in effect a contest of insult singing. In the karigi, for example, one man might start singing a song at another. Clearly, this was an accepted way in which to indicate hostility and to take out feelings resulting from any grievances. The man to whom the song was directed had to return the song with another. A person's mistakes, his misdeeds, his faults of character were all freely aired. A clever singer could extemporize on the name of his opponent and adroitly pun on it. When one or the other ran out of ideas, or indeed, became so angry that he could no longer continue, the contest ended and the loser, he who had been unable to reply with a suitable song, was the butt of jokes for some time thereafter. "Maybe you won't sing any more; maybe you just better go away" was said to him. In so far as he could, a man was expected to contain himself and not to show resentment or temper in such exchanges. When he became angry, he naturally became the butt of further jokes. The two men who sang in this way were called iivireyik, "two against each other." The impromptu songs, too, became popular and were sung for amusement. Such songs were not usually so well worked out, of course, as those which a man sent over a wide distance and over which he could spend some time in thought. When a man had an il'aaaruq, a joking partner, in his home community, these two did not sing against each other. Indeed, the joking on this level was good-natured banter and simply reflected the patterned way of behaving toward nonrelatives with whom one stood on a friendly footing. The il'aaaruq relationship also involved mutual aid and assistance at various tasks. Two ill'oreyik would act as partners in the kick-ball game, passing the ball to each other. They worked together and frequently hunted together or were members of the same crew. In the community itself, the joking relationship and all that it implied and involved was a friendship situation. It offered another means by which cooperative endeavor could be extended in yet another direction beyond the kinship circle. A joking situation was the expected behavior between friends. "You must show a man that you are happy and that you will not harm him." The formal singing partnerships, on the other hand, arose between communities and out of the context of the trading relationship. WOMEN'S PARTNERSHIPS Women, as has been seen, were free to arrange their own trade without respect to a husband's wishes. By the same token, women developed partnerships of their own, in the main with other women, although a trading relationship between a woman and a man was not unknown. The most frequently established partnerships for women were those with the wives of the husband's trading partner. But since families traveled together to the trading stations, the women were in a position to carry on their own trade and to select those with whom they wished to deal. On the whole, women's partnerships were considerably less involved than those of the men. They did not have the sense of mutual aid and protection which the male accorded to his partner, nor did they have the patterned joking relationships. Women, it is said, wished to be on a friendly footing with their partners and to avoid giving them any offense. The female partners thus regularly gave in to each other and made the trading a friendly social event. Women made friendships in the community and there was interhouse visiting between them. Both within and without the community, however, such friendships were inaugurated by trading. THE HUNTING GROUP AND THE UMEALIQ In both the maritime setting and in the inland regions a man was free to associate himself with a hunting group. Indeed, this, as has been demonstrated, was largely the basis of inland organization in that among the nuunamint, the men who hunted together in the caribou drive made up, with their families, the extended band or section. The same was in large measure true of the maritime village; the economic association of whaling and the whaling crew drew individuals to the community. This hunting group relationship was further centered in the personage of the "captain," the umealiq, who came to serve as a keystone for the activities of intensive hunting and for the ceremonialism associated with it. Such figures, as noted, were the men of wealth and highest social position in the various community groupings. The umealiq was a boatowner by definition. In any community he was in effect a chief but, as may readily be understood, he lacked any defined authority. Only through the force of his moral character and the prestige which was generally accorded him could he assume a leading role in a community. He did, however, command the loyalty of the men who formed his crew and it was in him that the activity defined as umeaktuat, that is, group hunting with division of the take, centered. An umealiq, although the owner of a boat and the leader of a crew, was defined not so much on these terms as through the fact that a series of recognized relations with members of his crew arose. Other men who had boats could freely enlist the services of others on a momentary basis but unless the relationship were lasting, unless it was affirmed by specific kinds of behavior, the leader was not considered an umealiq. Whether by the sea or in the inland caribou drive, a hunting group was made up of an average of 8 to 9 men, including the umealiq himself. These men always engaged in the great annual hunt together, be it for whales or caribou. Taking the maritime group as a primary example, since it was in this setting that the crew institution was best elaborated, it is seen that the crew worked together, that the men were frequently ill'aaruq to each other, and that as a crew its activities were centered in a karigi. A whaling crew thus consisted of the members and the captain, but there were other specialities which likewise had to be considered. At sea, the umealiq had no more authority than other members of the crew. The entire procedure of the hunt—where the tents should be placed, the placing of lookouts and the like—was conducted in a wholly democratic manner, every member of the crew having a voice in decisions made by the group at large. If opinion were divided, the umealiq could cast a deciding vote, although it is to be emphasized that this often required tact and good humor on his part. Authority, if any can be said to exist, belonged to the harpooner, the nawligax, who might conceivably be the umealiq but more frequently was not. Because he was experienced and had learned his specialty well, his opinion tended to carry weight with other crew members. The umealiq, apart from his economic role, had ritual and ceremonial duties to perform. He was in effect the priest of the whaling cult. An umealiq was a "good and honest" man who looked after the interests of his supporting crew. He was usually a skilled hunter, although his skill lay as much in careful bargaining and in playing opposing factions off against each other as it did in other activities. He was at once a diplomat, an orator, and a man of wealth. Some description has already been given of the role of the umealiq in the society. Suffice it to note again that the leader was marked by dignity, modesty, popularity, circumspection, and great wealth. Any man could aspire to the role and, as has been seen, could enlist the support of his kindred to help him achieve it. When the would-be umealiq had acquired his umiak, he began to attempt to enlist the services of other men whom he knew to have skill and experience. This was by no means easy to do. He had to make offers to them to leave the crews with which they were already affiliated. In bidding for their services, he was forced to compete with "captains" of established reputation and standing. The aspirant would also be obliged to leave the crew with which he was already associated and gamble on his getting the necessary personnel. If he failed, he might be left out of the whaling altogether. There were many unskilled men about, it is true, men from the coast who habitually hunted inland, who were "afraid of the sea," and there were often nuunamiut partners who came down in the spring in the hope of getting a share of whale meat, returning inland with it if they were successful. Such men were taken on as "hands," and indeed, failing to find men, the aspirant could take on a woman or two as crew members; but men of experience—the harpooner whose task it was to stab the whale in a vital part, men strong enough to cast lines into the whale, skilled helmsmen and boatmen—were the primary requirement. To work this out, to have the wealth required to establish it, created problems by no means easy of solution. Unless an aspiring umealiq could do all this and find the necessary skilled men, his was a losing financial gamble. It was hence rare that a man moved into the position of umealiq. A stroke of luck, signal success in one season's whaling, might help, but strong family support was also necessary. The end result was that the office tended to run in certain family lines. A successful hunter might be groomed for the role and in effect inherit the position from a relative. In the aboriginal culture, movement upward to this status was limited and inevitably slow. Moreover, many men, did not want the responsibility. Some changes came about as the result of the intrusion of foreign whaling interests. With new commodities available, with improved weapons, such as bombs, the darting gun, and motor driven boats, there were new opportunities for captains to rise. The economic interrelationship between an umealiq and his crew was a fixed one. A captain had to support his crew. A crew was thus drawn from men in the home community and from different communities, men who voluntarily allied themselves with a leader in return for economic support. It was thus in no sense a kin group. It conceivably could be, of course, if a man were to enlist all the males from one family as his crew members, but the crew was not conceptually bound together by ties of kinship. Karigi membership and loyalty to the umaliq were the primary factors with the result that crew and karigi membership cut across kinship lines. Support of a crew by an umaliq involved several elements. Not only did the crew get a share of the game communally taken, such as whales, walrus, ugruk, or caribou, but they were also supplied with clothing, weapons, kayaks, and other useful things. In short, a captain bid for their services, bribed them to come to his boat, and continued to pay them in order to keep them under his banner. There was rivalry between umalit on this basis, the result being that a skilled whaler could choose the captain under whom he wished to serve and play one off against the other by forcing them to raise their bids. Should a captain succeed in enticing a crew member away from another, there was no ill feeling or resentment shown. The attitude was that the crew member had complete freedom of choice to serve in any crew that would set sufficiently high a price on his services. It was thus up to the umaliq to keep his crew satisfied to stay with him. When another attempted to woo one of his crew away by offering a higher bid, he had no alternative but to match or beat his rival's offer. It follows that in order to meet the demands of the men who made up his crew, an umaliq had to have considerable resources. Only through the added loyalty of his kindred could he hope to keep the wealth in hand for such crew support. The umaliq's profit lay, on the coast at least, in actually getting a whale. The whale was divided, parts going to the boats which assisted in the catch, but since many tons of meat were involved, there was a great deal for the boat credited with the actual taking of the animal. This, together with the lesser share for any "assists," was divided between the crew members, being umektuat. But the umaliq received a choice share for himself, in the form of the much desired flippers, and the boat likewise got a share. Even here, however, the umaliq was expected to be generous and to feed the entire community. The whale meat was still sufficient to trade for goods which in turn were passed to crew members for their support. Similarly, the umaliq gave meat to his kindred and insured their continued backing. It can readily be seen, however, that there were ways of losing a following. If in any one year a boat was successful, getting at least one, but often several, whales, all was well, since shares could be arranged all around. But if there were an unsuccessful year, it was a wealthy captain indeed that could stand the burden of keeping a crew and there was the danger of losing crew members to wealthier and more successful leaders. Usually, however, the lean periods—when the whales went far afield as the result of changing ice conditions or were limited in their movements because of an unusual weather sequence—hit every crew alike. It is possible, too, before the intensive whaling of the late 19th century by Europeans, when whalebone and oil were so much in commercial demand, that whales were more abundant. At least, so the modern residents of the area claim. In the main, a captain attempted to win the loyalty of a crew not only by promises of large shares of whale meat, by continued bribes and gifts, but also because of his own charm and personal magnetism. A popular captain was sure of a following, even in a lean year. This gave the umealiq a further incentive to behave in the ideal way and to meet what the culture defined as good qualities of leadership. The situation for the nuunamiut was in general similar. The umealiq-karigi association was likewise paramount in all group hunting activity. The impression which is obtained for the inland peoples is one of an individual leader for the local group, or at least one karigi in a settlement rather than several. It is true, however, that when the caribou migration looked promising, several separate groups, each with an umealiq, came together and joined forces in the hunt. A communal caribou drive could involve 8 to 10 men, organized by a leader who brought the men to the crew by the same methods as have been described, that is, by making it worth their while to return to the same encampment and to engage in the communal hunt. The nuunamiut lacked the same degree of skill specialization. It is said, however, that an umealiq was usually an older man, wise in the ways of the caribou and able to predict, on the basis of a lifetime of experience, where the herds would begin to move northward. When several crews were involved in the drive, each with its own umealiq, these leaders would work together informally. In such cases, the men of different crews shared the same karigi, would feast each other, and play games against each other. Among the nuunamiut, too, there was a greater tendency for relationship ties to operate in respect to crew formation. The reason for this was that the men who moved together on the yearly round were often kin and stayed together in the yearly communal hunt. The general pattern which is described above still operates in that the owner of a boat, today a motor-driven vessel, supplies his crew with ammunition, feeds them while afloat, and buys the fuel for the boat. Among the remaining northern nuunamiut as well, the group association depends on two men, umealit—although they are no longer designated by this term—leaders of the two groups making up the killiymiut, paneaq and kakiin'aq, who work together and organize the hunt. But ceremonial activities are for the most part gone as is the karigi, the erstwhile ceremonial house. The killiymiut today make use of a tent in which they occasionally meet for social dancing and feasting, not to mention the social games which are still played. But it is true that in both settings the sense of crew membership and the loyalty of a crew to a leader remain. The crews today may continue to whale together, to organize a caribou hunt together, and to engage together in all those activities which are formally designated as umeaktuat. In short, the structure of the older crew concept is present but stripped of its former religious and ceremonial trappings. THE KARIGI The foregoing description of the relations between crew members and umealiq is necessary to the understanding of the association of the ceremonial house or dance house of the area. It was in the karigi that the whaling crew conducted the first of its ceremonial rites before the whaling and it was here that crew and captain came together to treat properly the captured whale. In the inland setting, the ritual activities relating to caribou hunting began in the karigi as well. It was the center of the cults of whale and caribou, and the focus of most social activity taking place between men. The karigi, listed variously in the literature as the kashim, the kazigi, kazhigi, etc., was a common institution in the cultures of the Alaskan Eskimo. The dialects of the nuwuuniut, the utkeaviniut, as well as of the adjacent nuunamiut give karigi, while there are some phonetic variations in other North Alaskan maritime villages. kaligi (Rainey's qalegi) and kayigi are heard at tikeraaq (Point Hope), but karigi seems phonemically justified for the area (Rainey, 1947, p. 242). The plural is kariyit. Basically a ceremonial structure, the karigi of northern Alaska was not so elaborately built as was that among the peoples farther to the south. It seems most highly developed at Point Hope, where there were several permanent karigi structures. At utkeaaγvik and nuwuk, the karigi was frequently semipermanent, consisting of a basic structure which might when needed be roofed over with ice blocks and skins. There was, however, a permanent karigi at piyinik which was abandoned in the 1890's. The kariyit at tikeraaq were considerably more elaborate in both construction and furniture than those farther to the north, suggesting that the northern maritime villages offer a marginal development away from a Point Hope center. Point Barrow, indeed, is the northernmost and easternmost coastal development of the institution. It may be regarded as wholly Alaskan. The nuunamiut also had kariyit which were always temporary structures, built as needed at the time of hunting assemblages (pl. 4, a). The tendency was to build the karigi on the surface of the ground and to avoid the semisubterranean character which applies farther to the south. Point Hope again, however, did have the semisubterranean karigi, built much like the usual dwelling although larger and with a shorter hall. The karigi was a center for whaling and caribou hunting ceremonialism, it served as a focus for the Messenger Feast, and it was a place where the men of the community could come together. Women were not barred from it and it seems to have no character of a secret society house, or of the ethnographically defined bachelor house or men's house as such, a feature which is somewhat more elaborated among the groups farther to the south in Alaska (Lantis, 1947, pp. 104-107; Nelson, 1899, p. 286 ff.). Dr. Simpson, visiting at nuwuk in the early 1850's, describes the karigi at nuwuk, noting that there were two, one in process of being abandoned, and that there were three at utkeaayvik. The largest, he relates, was at nuwuk, measuring 18 feet by 14 feet and consisting of upright planks chinked with moss. The roof was higher than that of the dwellings; there was no interior bench of planks but rather a low seat which ran around the four sides. A short entrance passageway and a skylight made up the added features. The house, he relates, was on high ground and not sodded over (J. Simpson, 1855, p. 259). Simpson calls this a public building, owned by wealthy men, and devoted to the use of men for working, loafing, and dancing. He points out that women joined in as well. The present writer obtained a detailed description of one at utkeaayvik which was abandoned in 1890. Here the structure was made from blocks of ice placed on a permanent foundation of sod. It, too, was rectangular in floor plan, and fairly long and narrow, ca. 15 feet by 35 feet. The door was placed on one of the long sides in the center and had a short passageway or storm porch leading into it. This, too, was made from blocks of ice. There were windows and skylights in the structure, clear ice being spaced at intervals to admit light. The roof was of skins, later of canvas and sailcloth. The skins, supplied by the umalit, were stretched across beams laid across on the tops of the ice walls. These were also held in place with blocks of ice. There was a skylight, sections of translucent gut being sewed into the skins of the roof covers. The sides of the karigi were banked with snow. Obviously a temporary structure, this type of karigi suggests an inland development, the ice blocks being used with sod and willow beams to make the karigi of the nuunamiut. On the other hand, the karigi described by Simpson suggests the type of structure used at Point Hope. It may well be that in the extreme north of the area, at Point Barrow, the tendency was to make use of two types, each drawn from a separate area. At tikeraaq, the karigi was essentially square and semisubterranean. It was made with a planking of driftwood much in the manner of the usual dwelling, although the karigi was considerably larger, ca. 20 feet by 20 feet. A sunken entrance passage led to the upper chamber, access to which was through a well, the usual circular hole cut into the floor (kataq). The passage, unlike that of the dwelling, had no side rooms leading from it (Rainey, 1947, p. 242). The kataq and sunken passageway do not seem to characterize either the inland regions or the villages farther to the north of Point Hope. Stoney mentions a large dance house being built at kigalik, on the Ikpikpuk River. He does not describe it but mentions that the men contributed skins for its construction (Stoney, 1900, p. 72). Since the type of structure was thus somewhat variable, it follows that internal arrangements would also differ. The kariyit at tikeraaq had the bench around three sides of the structure, and the men who belonged to the karigi had their special seating places. This was also true farther to the north, where, in the rectangular buildings, men sat and slept on the benches which ran around the sides, and each man kept his own special place. At Point Hope, oil lamps flanked the kataq, while farther to the north and inland they were placed in both niches in the walls and on the floor. The most distinctive feature of the karigi, one which reinforces its character as a ceremonial house, was the presence of any number of charms (aanaroat) on the walls, on the floor, hanging from the roof beams, etc. There were several classes of these, the greatest specialization of them being in the kariyit at Point Hope. In general, each karigi had its own special charms which were tied up with the whaling and other sea mammal hunting. The tikeraymiut recall that the karigi known as kaaymaktuq made use of a carved whale, and a sea bird which was stuffed. The jaws of the whale could be manipulated with strings and the wings of the bird likewise moved. These charms were important in the whaling ceremonial. Carved human figures in umiaks and kayaks were also present as part of the charm array.$^9$ Each karigi throughout the area had its own special charms. These were known as aanaroat and also as quluguklut. When a woman brought food into the karigi, she set the platter before each charm before offering it to the men present. The karigi was not used in summer. The umiivik, a skin tent or windbreak, was then set up and men congregated there. In winter, when the members of the community had returned from their summer and fall round, there was a formal opening of the karigi. The ceremonial season could then be said to be getting under way. The karigi was a center of ritualism, it is true, but it was also the primary $^9$A point also described by Rainey (1947, p. 248). He notes also the principal charms for the other tikeraaq kariyit. winter recreational area. When the Messenger Feast took place, the activities centered in the karigi and it was here that the invited guests slept. Prior to their opening in winter, there were recognized procedures to be followed. The members of the house cleaned out the passageways, went out to cut the blocks of ice should these be necessary, and refurbished and cleaned the charms, frequently washing them in urine in order to ensure successful hunting for the coming seasons. The clear ice for the making of skylights and windows had to be obtained. Even at tikeraaq, clear ice was used to make the skylight both of the karigi itself and that of the entrance hallway. At Point Hope, for example, there was a special pond where the clear ice was always obtained. The men who belonged to the karigi went out in a group, followed by the boys, the latter carrying food. When they arrived at the pond, all ate, the ice was then cut, and when it was loaded on a sled, the remainder of the food was thrown into the pond, given, it is said, to the tuunaraaq who resided there. Parallel patterns are mentioned for the opening of the kariyit in other settlements. Properly speaking, there was no established sense of ownership in the karigi. A person was associated with it through his membership in a crew and his tie with the umaliq who led his crew. This meant that in a technical sense, the captains who led crews from out of a particular karigi were its owners; they at least supplied the materials for the construction and maintenance of the structure. Because the position of umaliq tended to pass on in certain family lines with wealth, there was likewise a tendency for the karigi to become associated with certain families. The point of ownership obviously cannot be pushed too far. A man was a member of a karigi by virtue of his association with a hunting group. True, he might make the tie with both hunting group and karigi through some male relative, as, for example, a boy who took a place in the crew in which his father or brother was active. But if he changed his allegiance to an umaliq, he also changed his karigi, assuming that he allied himself with a man from a different group. The result was that karigi memberships tended to be fixed but were not actually so instituted. The karigi bore a name. In the case of the inland groups where one karigi to a section existed, the name was generally that of the locality. On the coast, however, it was somewhat better defined. The three historic kariyit at utkeaaγvik, for example, bore the following names: 1. wallaraq—"in another direction." The people associated with the structure were designated as the wallaraamiut. This karigi was located at the head of the ravine, southeast of the settlement proper. 2. qilullaraq—"on the land side." The people were known as the qilullaraamiut. This was located on the bluff just south of modern Barrow village. 3. serel'uuaraaq—"at the ice cellars," serel'uuaraamiut were the members. This karigi was located on the beach just north of the ravine. The karigi situation, with its memberships and its function as an integrating force in the community, was somewhat better developed at Point Hope. Here, although the community was generally small, there were six or seven karigi organizations at the beginning of the 19th century. Toward the end of the century, however, only two of these were active. They were named kaaymaktuq and unjaasiksikaq. Indeed, these remained significant long after the institution had disappeared farther to the north. There was a sense of membership in the karigi determined by birth and by crew association. In the north, a boy went to the same karigi as his father, entering group activities at the age of 12 onwards, "when he was strong enough to shoot a bow." It was not required that he stay with this group, since, as has been seen, the membership in a crew and hunting group could break down any equation between karigi association and family. Membership could readily be changed at utkeaayvik and nuwuk. Rainey remarks that at tikeraaq a man was expected to join the group of his relatives and apparently to stay there. This would place membership on the level of the family tie but in view of the role played by the umeaqiq and the fact that the crew together carried on ceremonial life as a unit, karigi ties seem to rest in the hunting group and to be worked out without regard to relationship. Marriage, moreover, was not a factor in the association. Some detail relating to the karigi function at tikeraaq may be obtained from the following verbatim account which describes the experiences of okumayl'ug, who as a young man lived in that village and was associated with the kaymaktyuamiut: It was toward fall and they were going to open up the karigi when we came back to the village. My stepfather's mother told me that it was time I went with the other boys to the karigi and helped. She told me to get some food because they always ate when they went to the pond to get the clear ice for a window. When we came home, we put the ice in the skylight frame. Then there was an umeaqiq who brought a big lamp and put it up in the middle of the floor. Some men asked me if I would be one of the four boys who stayed all night in the karigi to take care of the lamp. I was afraid, but I had to do it. They told me that we had to keep awake all night and watch the lamp, making sure that it didn't go out. In the morning, they said, we would be sent muktuk (whale skin) to eat. So all night long we sat there and kept watching the lamp. Next morning, the umeaqiq came back and we first heard a noise in the hallway. Then a stick with meat on it came up through the kataq. We all grabbed for it, but we knocked it off the stick and it fell back through the kataq. The umeaqiq put it on the stick again and this time one boy got it. Then three other umeaqit came, each with meat. When we had eaten, they came into the karigi, looked at the lamp and thanked us (kuyanaq) for taking care of it. Shortly after this, the people in the karigi got a whale and they brought in a lot of muktuk and meat. They pushed back the boards in the karigi roof and dropped the meat in on the floor. Soon everyone came and there was a full karigi. It was warm and the men took their parkas off. All the men in the different crews were there. The only women were the wives of the four unealit, each of them sitting behind a lamp and tending it. Then the food was divided between the men—the women didn't get any. When we had all eaten, the men of the other karigi, uqaasiksikaq, came by and ate some food with us. Then we all went over there and they fed us. At night, the women went home and the captains and the men lay down and slept. Every day, as long as they feasted for the whale, they stayed in the karigi. My grandmother's husband belonged to the uqaasiksikaymiut. One day she told me that my karigi would be invited by her husband's for a special feast. She advised me to bring muktuk on a stick over to the other karigi. When I got there, I found my friend (iiiaaruq) and I gave him some of the meat I carried. In the other karigi, I saw all the meat and muktuk, piled up. On the ends of the meat was a seagull and a raven. They were flapping their wings and acting just as if they were alive. My iiiaaruq asked me to sit down by him. He was the son of my stepfather (hence qatanun). The men then stood up and left us younger boys sitting there. They told us to eat as quickly as we could. In the back were women, each holding a little bucket, the kind they used to give water to the whale. They told us that when we had eaten, we should get up and get out quickly. The last one out would have the water in the buckets poured all over him. I started to eat but my knife was dull. I hurried but I was only half done when a boy got up and left. They kept going out and still I was eating. At last, not swallowing my last mouthful, I rushed away. I was the last but one and that boy got wet. Then a few days later, we invited the other karigi and did the same thing all over again. That is how I got started in the karigi. While the karigi does not wholly meet the definition of a men's house, the behavior associated with it indicates that it was a meeting place for the men and a recreation hall. A resident of a community, member of a crew, called the karigi his own and went there to while away time and to engage in the winter activities, both ceremonial and social. Indeed, a man spent all his days there, whenever he had leisure, and might even choose to sleep there, although this was not the usual custom. The men who stayed in the karigi remained for days on end. Their wives cooked food at home and brought it over to the karigi in pans and trenchers to feed their husbands. If he were not otherwise engaged, such as in the winter sealing, the man left his house on awakening and went over to the karigi. His wife brought food at times during the day, usually in quantity, so that it could be shared with the other men. The man then came home at the end of the day to sleep. This pattern was followed throughout the winter, "until the days get longer," when some other economic activities demanded the individual's time. But in the dark months, full attention could be given to the karigi and the social events taking place there. The recreational aspects of the culture, in so far as they related to the domain of the men, centered in the karigi. The instance given above, that of a contest between boys in the karigi and interkarigi visiting, is only one of a host of similar events. Games in the karigi were called karigiiraktuat. There were many such, reflecting the elaboration by the Eskimo of games of all kinds. Not only were tales told, songs practiced, and new social songs composed, but many formal and informal games were developed. Tales were an important factor in the socialization process, offering as they did information as to such practical circumstances as getting lost and finding one's way again, and providing knowledge of the basic lore of the group, the world view, and idealized behavior. Informal games involved the famous string figures, the cat's cradle (ayaraq). These were begun in the fall, "when the days are short," and they were practiced until the winter solstice, when agerullerravik shines, that is, Venus. The string figures always began with tutanwaceak, the figure in which a man pretends to take out his intestines and make string figures from them. The men then had a kind of contest to see how many figures and associated songs each knew. The impression is clear that the man who was most resourceful in inventing new games and, new contests of strength or endurance was welcomed in the karigi. The men sat about until one suddenly came up with a new game. All played until they were tired of it and then a new game was begun. Among the games played in the karigi were shooting contests. Small bits of wood were hung from the rafters and the assembled men shot at them with miniature bows and arrows. The pieces of wood represented ptarmigans. The object was not only to hit the bit of wood but to make the arrow stick into it. If a man made a successful hit, he was expected to bring food for all present. Some men, when they made a hit, "ran out and brought back meat right away." The extra food which a man's wife brought to him in the karigi was often reserved for the purpose of distribution as the result of some such game. Other games involved hoop tossing, a kick ball, played within the karigi itself, a game of "take-away," played with mittens on a string, and a variant of horseshoes, ivory sticks thrown against a stake. The last is a gambling game, called kiputaktuat, and is still popular. The foreign whalers introduced cards and dice, which quite early took on great popularity. Indeed, there is a suggestion that cards reached the area originally from the Russians and were known at the time of first direct contact. Poker and similar games have been known to the oldest living residents of the area since earliest childhood. All such games were reserved for winter. There was no strong feeling about such recreational forms in the summer; people say that it was simply not done because the personnel of each community was scattered about, busy on the economic round, and there was no time. Important as an aspect of karigi recreation were contests of strength and endurance, wrestling, the object being to throw the opponent off his feet, and weight lifting. There were jumping contests, chinning on a bar, contests of so-called "Indian wrestling," and the like. Actually, the sense of rivalry between kariyit extended to such exercises. One invited the members of another over as guests and spent the time in such games and contests. The contests were over any feature of moment or interest. Men would sing, for example, to see who could sing the most songs, vie in knowledge of the cat's cradle variations (pl. 9), test newcomers to see how many names they had, and all would engage in contests on an interkarigi basis. One team would line its members up in the karigi and the men, barefoot, would do a standing broad-jump. The other team, the guests, would then do the same. The team which had the man who jumped the greatest distance won. If the guests were winners, they were free to begin another "stunt," introducing their own, and perhaps new, game. If the hosts won, they had this privilege. These became contests of endurance and resourcefulness, inasmuch as the idea was to stay in the winner's position as long as possible without losing the privilege of starting a new activity. It is said that men would leave, go home to sleep, and then return to join in the same game. If a strong man, a member of a karigi, were away at home and his abilities needed, men would go fetch him. The guest karigi group could not leave until they had bested their hosts in something. In one such contest, as now recalled by a participant, the guest group was constantly beaten in every new game that the hosts proposed. At last, one of the guests succeeded in walking on his elbows. None of the hosts could match this and the guests were able to retire. This was wholly friendly rivalry but the karigi members went to great lengths to succeed in besting their rivals from another group. In the karigi itself, much time and practice were given to working out new stunts. Everyone at utkeaayvik remembers nasayeluq for his amusing antics in the karigi in winter. He had had charms which were worn about his calves and there was a food taboo associated with them. He violated the taboo, and one day, out hunting, he was caught and lost in a storm and his feet were frozen. They were amputated just at the place where he wore his charms. After this he wore knee pads and ran and jumped about in the karigi on his knees. His agility was said to be amazing. One of the endurance contests in the karigi, among such things as holding the breath the longest, standing on the hands without moving, and the like, was to leap up, catch at a ring in the ceiling posts and hang there by one finger as long as possible. Nasayeluq made a prodigious leap, caught the ring, and easily won. Another man lost a bet over this and became very angry, claiming that Nasayeluq had cheated by having no feet. Games were also played outside the karigi but always in association with it. These were called il'akwutuat. In these, one karigi played against another. If there were several karigi, each fielded a team and all played against each other. The kick-ball game which began inside the karigi frequently went outside as the confines of the small structure proved too narrow. The rival kariyit would then turn up as teams and the game was on. The "take away" game could also go outside and last for a long time. It was, in effect, a variant of the kick-ball, the object in this game being to see who could hold and control the ball or such an object as mittens the longest. A man who made off with the mittens generally came back and fed the karigi. He gave a few morsels of meat but in so doing, preserved the fiction that he had given clothing to all who participated in the game. When there was intercommunity play, as in kick ball or foot racing associated with the Messenger Feast, or on a less formal scale, karigi affiliations were forgotten. The home community got a team together from all the kariyit. The point was that the men in one karigi acted as hosts in the Messenger Feast, the umalit associated with the karigi extending the invitations, not, it must be emphasized, as representative of their karigi but rather of themselves personally. They then selected any men from any karigi to represent them in the foot races and ball games. The karigi association was thus momentarily eclipsed. Actually, these karigi contests were important in several ways. Not only did they produce a sense of community cohesion but they offered the ways by which the young men attaining adulthood could be selected as crew members. When a youth distinguished himself by racing, by his endurance on the football field—mismomer, since there was no field, the game being played over a several mile area—an umaliq would make a bid for his services and enlist him in a crew. The tendency was for the umalit in his family karigi, that to which his male relatives tended to belong, to make the strongest appeal to him. It was this, too, which kept karigi membership fixed for certain families. A boy was thus first associated with a karigi as an athlete, then as a crew member. 10 This kind of humor is very close to our own. Another very funny tale is told about Nasayeluq. He wished to marry a woman with a bald spot. She refused him, saying "No, you have no feet." He replied, "Ah, go home and comb your hair." In the interkarigi contests, or indeed, within the group itself, a feeling of general good will was held to exist. To show anger, although some did, was to be a "spoil-sport." A definite concept of sportsmanship existed, although it was phrased as "being happy." Good manners, and indeed, the whole culture pattern in this respect demanded that one ignore the poor loser. If he persisted, the weapon of the insult song could be turned against him. Throughout the winter, social dances were held in the kariyit. At this time, women came in and danced and sang with the men. Women, in fact, were never barred from the karigi unless they were menstruating or unless the solemn preparations for whaling were being carried on. They came in regularly with food for their menfolk and often stayed to watch the games and would now and again join in. At dances, however, the women had a better defined part in the activities. Social dances were of several different kinds. Dances specifically limited to the men, called owamit, involved the dramatic imitation of game. Here the dancer was free to evolve his own patterns. A high degree of acclaim surrounded the successful dancer. Women's dances were more stereotyped in that they followed set patterns and allowed no variations. In these, several women danced together or a chorus of women sat on the floor, sang, and made motions with the hands. These were called oyyuttuk or uytut. Certain of the well-known and popular songs had their own dances. They began in a standard way, with conventional steps, and then changed as the dancers worked out variations. These were called sayyud, sometimes designated as "motion dances," in which one to three persons participated. A conventional dance, such as that sometimes performed during the Messenger Feast, involved the men dancing in front, the women placed behind them and also dancing. This type was called anayuuk. Dance steps were quite involved as, indeed, is music and song. Dancing regularly took place to the accompaniment of a group of singers, 6 or 7 men, often in company with women who sat behind them. The singers used drums of the conventional tambourine type. The variations in musical style and pattern remain wholly remarkable, reflective of a highly evolved musical system (pl. 7). Women also participated in karigi activities in the Messenger Feast. During this activity, two women were selected as leaders of the women's section and both served in inviting other women to come to the special women's dances which were held at times during the celebration. These two were called ayukaktuk. When a Messenger Feast was held, the kariyit in any maritime community, if there were more than one, took turns sponsoring it. The karigi of the principal host was the one chosen as a center of festivities. Actually, men in the community arranged a feast apart from karigi association and participated jointly. This meant that the Messenger Feast could cut across lines of karigi affiliation, a point already noted in respect to selection of foot racers, ball players, and the like. The karigi was thus a primary social center of the winter festival season. It was the focus of all community recreation, of the sports, games, and dances so dear to the Eskimo everywhere. But it is specifically an Alaskan development and in the cultures in question it had the important function of serving to weld together the interests and in-group consciousness of the community. This does not suggest the important ritual and ceremonial functions of the karigi, a point yet to be considered in relation to the festivities of preparation for whaling and the caribou drive. In summary, the individual belonged to a family unit which consisted of his nuclear group and his extended circle of kin. He had nonkin associations with trading partners, friends in his joking partners, relations to an umeqliq in his crew membership, and he was tied, by virtue of this last, to a karigi. It was in the latter categories, those of friendship, hunting group, and karigi, that he was bound to a community and came to identify himself as a nuunamiu or tareumiu. It is to be stressed that these associations were voluntary, that the individual was free to make a choice regarding them, and that there could be, and was, some shifting of membership and association, as, for example, when a man elected to serve under a new captain and might accordingly change his karigi affiliation. Kinship, with its rights and obligations, was not a voluntary aspect of the society. Here the individual was bound to his kindred and obligated to them, as they indeed, were to him. TRADE An exchange of commodities took place yearly between the various groups of the coast and the peoples of the inland. From each village and from each inland section came family groups who proceeded to their customary trading place each summer (cf. Stefansson, 1914 a). Here the men met their partners and effected an exchange of goods which were of value both as items affording prestige to the owner and trader and as elements important in the subsistence economy of both ecological settings. The primary contact between nuunamiut and tareumiut was on the basis of such trade. The result was to create a balance and an economic interdependence between the two which lent a high degree of stability to the respective societies. Out of the trade had grown the voluntary association of the partnership, in itself a cooperative institution and an arrangement by which a mechanism for intergroup stability was created. Apart from the trading relations between the two ecologies, the patterns of exchange were established within the respective groups as well. In a community, whether inland or on the sea, trading and exchange were recognized ways of channeling certain kinds of interpersonal relations. The nature of the partnership association was such that exchanges could be effected without haggling and through the accepted device of “asking” one’s partner for something, a wish which in the main he sought to fulfill. If a man lacked partners, he was at the disadvantage of having to declare his goods and to dispose of them by the recognized means of calling for bids. It is possible to see the beginnings of partnerships and of the concepts associated with exchange and wealth in the patterning of trade on this less formal level. Before considering the trading expeditions with their elaborate involvements, it may be well to examine exchange and its patterning when no partners were involved. In the main, this was less well formalized, unstructured, and nonselective in the sense of being open between individuals in all categories and circumstances. OPEN TRADE A distinction has already been made between the economic array that related to subsistence and that which was regarded as wealth and which accordingly created a basis for prestige. Generosity, as expressed by such leaders in the community as the umcalit, by the successful hunter, or as among kindred, was in the main a reflection of the subsistence level. The family, viewed as a cooperative unit, and involving demands which one kinsman could make on another, worked together for subsistence and further contributed wealth to maintain an umeaqiq, thereby gaining prestige benefits. The men allied to an umeaqiq, dependent on him for support, also assisted him. Within the family group and within the crew and hunting segment, there was considerable movement of property. But this was not formal and, in general, it reflected a return of favor for favor. In this sense, there was a trade involved, but it obviously was not conceived as such, however much such economic loyalties and contributions to family and crew served to stabilize these institutions. An exchange of commodities, whether for subsistence or prestige, was always taking place. Among both nuunamiut and tareumiut, there were those men who had obtained surplus quantities of goods from their partners in the interecology trade and who then traded this surplus to others in the home community. This is significant because it meant that commodities which were not produced but which were required by a group were available to those who had not engaged in trading with those from the opposite ecological setting. If a person had such goods of which he wished to dispose (assuming that he did not make them available to kindred or to his social partners, his iil'aarut), there were defined ways in which he made these goods available to others. In short, an actual exchange was demanded outside of the intimate circle of kin and crew and one did not have trading partners within the home community. Trading partnerships as such arose only between groupings, either between the ecological settings themselves or between men in different inland sections and in different maritime villages. At times, too, the seller might repent and return to the buyer demanding the return of his goods. Public opinion in this case favored the buyer. All such demands, whether on the part of buyer or seller, might lead to dispute and trouble and involve one person's being bullied by another. The following illustrations may serve to point up the dispute situation: A man named inuveroak bought a wolverine skin from another man. The seller then wanted its return but inuveroak refused to return it, saying that he needed it. The seller persisted and the buyer became very angry. He cut the wolverine skin up into pieces and returned the small bits to the original owner. It is said that people were on his side up to this time but after the skin had been ruined, it was felt that he had done a bad thing. Behind his back, he was called sikume, "the cutter," and there was considerable reluctance to trade with him thereafter. A second instance relates to the more modern situation: Thomas Brower began his trading post on the north side of the lagoon at Barrow village. A man named kinaktak had a blue fox skin for which Brower gave him a lantern and five gallons of kerosene. Later, kinaktak made another purchase at the trading post and demanded it free, saying that he had received too little for his fox skin. Brower himself, wise in the Eskimo ways, gave him what he asked. kinaktak thereafter suffered in reputation and no one would trade with him in the home community. When a man had an item which he wished to dispose of for gain, he sent a member of his family from house to house. He attempted to canvass the entire community, a call being made at each house. A son, daughter, or wife would make the round, stopping by the entrance of each house or, in the maritime village, calling into the skylight, and state that such and such an object was available. The people in the house, if interested, bid for it, making a definite offer. The seller then went to the next house and repeated his cry. The bids were noted, and, having received several, the seller then went back and attempted to bargain, trying to get the bids raised. By playing one bidder off against the other, the seller might get a fairly high price. It was viewed as an exciting game. In the heat of the bidding, some might go too high. In this case, they might, if they won out and received the item, say that they had bid too much and ask the seller to take back his goods. The seller might then agree and start the process all over again. But it seems to have been more frequent that the buyer paid the seller, received the item purchased, and repented at leisure. There would be some community censure of the individual or family which constantly reneged on such an auction agreement. But even after considerable time, when an individual, for example, discovered that he had no actual use for an item bought, he might go back to the seller and state that he wished to return it. The seller either returned his payment and took his original possession back or he returned some of the price to the buyer. An "honest" seller, it is said, would realize that he had taken too much and set some of the purchase price aside for return to the buyer should he request it. When an item was so purchased, the kindred of the buyer, either those in his own household or in the same community, might tell him that he had paid too much. The buyer might be troubled over this but at the same time reluctant to demand a return on his payment. If he did so, he might get a popular reputation as a miser and penny-pincher and others would refuse to sell other things to him. A prospective seller, once he had his bidders lined up, might be told of one of them—"Don't sell to him; he'll want his payment back." At the same time, the concept of avoiding trouble, of not putting one's self in a position where argument or dispute might arise, became extremely important. In general, the view was taken that it was better by far to lose out in a transaction than to acquire a quarrelsome reputation. On a somewhat less formalized basis, too, there was trade and sale of items which were turned out by skilled artisans. In a community, there were always a few who possessed special abilities at handicrafts and who then traded off the objects they made. Some individuals, indeed, rarely more than one or two in any community, would devote their entire time to such manufacture. There was some stigma attached to such a role, since it was felt keenly that proper behavior for a man was to hunt. But again, such activity was viewed as legitimate and it was only when there was refusal to work that stronger censure arose. Thus when an individual began to develop manual skills in one or another direction, he might make capital of them. One man at utkeaayvik, for example, sikvayungaq, made only sleds and umiaks and never left the community to hunt. When a person desired the services of the skilled artisan, he worked a contractual agreement with him. When the finished article was delivered, payment was made, usually involving some extra gift for the worker. The contractor then asked the maker—Are you satisfied? If the artisan then chose to ask for something additional, it was generally freely given. In the main, however, the skilled workman, who engaged professionally in such manufacture, was content to take what was offered him. Were he to become too demanding, he would lose his patronage. When a hunter desired an umiak made, for example, he generally supplied the materials and paid the artisan for the labor. Pay was customarily in food, although other items, such as skins, oil, clothing, or the like, might enter into the arrangement. The few such skilled workmen, it is said, were able to maintain themselves and their families by their labor. Certain women likewise had economic specialties. They were free to enter into agreements with other women and to do work for them for a price. This might be true in bootmaking, cutting out clothes, and in such work as tanning. If one woman had an item for trade which another desired, the latter might work for her in order to obtain it. There were no slaves. Economic specializations thus involved a situation of exchange. Individuals made for themselves the things they needed but would occasionally be required to depend on some skilled workman and in effect paid him for his services. Pay to a workman, the objects traded about within a community, as well as those which might be exchanged between individuals in different communities in the same ecological setting were often made up of items that had come to the community by the more elaborated means of structured trade. When a man traded in his own community by the method of offering to the highest bidder, the object which he took in return could be virtually anything except food. A contracting workman could take food and it was in this respect that some stigma attached to him. It was considered shameful to be put in the position of buying food, although to do so was not unknown. In a community, one could ask for food of any successful hunter and in accord with the patterns of generosity, it was freely given. But to buy food was a tacit admission of one's own failure. It could happen that a hunter had been successful in trapping and had skins available for trade but had been unsuccessful in sealing. In this case, he might be forced to buy extra food. If he did so, his associates often said to him that he should be ashamed. The stock answer was—"We'll see who runs out of food first." A man who bought food generally set portions of it aside and had his wife cook meals for all the men of his karigi. In this way he could escape the shame. The situation arose not infrequently in winter when stores ran down and the winter hunting proved less successful than anticipated. In all such situations, the pattern was in essence the same. In house-to-house trading, in pay to a workman, in obtaining food by trade, the process of bidding came into operation. While there was no economic unit, goods came to have fairly standardized value. Beads and tobacco, for instance, were highly valued and beaded labrets or a bunch of tobacco leaves were worth an umiak. A poke of seal oil was worth five green caribou skins, one wolf skin, one fox skin, while a wolverine skin was worth two. Overbidding, therefore, was not a real problem since the value of articles was established. The impression gained is that trading and selling were significant in establishing certain kinds of social relations. It also had its aspects of humor and amusement. In all such situations, there were those who chronically overbid, becoming excited at the prospect of engaging in a trading situation. Some fun was had at their expense and they earned the reputation of karawtawraktuat, "those who overbid." A man who demanded some of his payment back was called aniruk-siruad, this being a term of blame and applying only to "greedy" people. Persons who traded with each other were akuuviksuat, the force of the term implying that here was exchange without formal partnership. The organized trade which took place between the peoples of the inland and those of the coast marked a major event of the year. In winter, the peoples were to be found in their permanent or semi-permanent communities engaged in ceremonial and recreational activities; spring saw them capitalizing on their principal food-gathering activity, whaling or caribou hunting; and the summer brought them together at various points for trade. Summer, in short, was the period when the peoples were on the move and when vast stretches of territory were covered. But although there was considerable movement, the families in each community had their preferred round and tended to make the same trip each year and to engage in essentially the same activities as had characterized the year previous. The end point of such travel was the emporium, the point at which they met their partners, traded, and so returned to the home community. In general, it is possible to work out the patterning of movement throughout the Arctic slope and to note the kinds of contact each community had. This may be summarized as follows: The people of nuwuk and utkeaaγvik traveled along the Arctic coast to the mouth of the Colville. Here they met the tulugaymiut, the kaγmaliγmiut, the killiγmiut, and the kupiγmiut, not, it must be understood, en masse, but rather representatives from these groups who had come for the trade. The place of meeting was neγliq, located on one of the western mouths of the Colville Delta (Stefansson, 1914 a, pp. 4–5). This was not a permanent center and was active only for the two or three weeks of the year during which the trading took place. A second emporium, somewhat further removed to the east, was Oliktuk Point, a less frequently attended center where partners from Barter and Herschel Islands were met. The kuymiut, those who live at the present village of Wainwright, did not go to neγliq for the trading. They, like all other tareumiut, went south to the Kobuk, traveling down the Utokak River, portaging over to the Noatak, and so down to Hotham Inlet to kinaliq (modern Kotzebue). They also traded with the utokaγmiut at the trading station at the mouth of the Utokak on the kasegaluk lagoon. Their principal contact was thus with the utokaγmiut, the kangianermiut, the noataγmiut, and the kovunγmiut. Many of the kuymiut did not go the entire way to Hotham Inlet and contented themselves with proceeding down the Kuk River as far as kanje, a point on the headwaters where they met partners from the koluguraymiut and the The map shows the distribution of a particular species of fish in the Pacific Ocean. The dashed line indicates the approximate boundary of the species' habitat. The map is divided into grid squares, with latitude and longitude lines for reference. The species is found primarily in the northern part of the Pacific, with some occurrences further south. The map also includes a legend indicating the depth range of the species' habitat. Map 2.—Travel routes, Point Barrow area. in In pe ac ga br w st ea sa as wa an to an su co th be wh on pp th pl wa fr di we ov Ke st pr th go pr wa kangianermiut. The kayaakserevinmiut, those of Icy Cape, followed the same course, taking the route via the Utokak to kinaliq. For the tikeraymiut, the route was somewhat easier. They went by the coast to Hotham Inlet directly or had the alternative of working inland to the Noatak and so down this river to the trading center. (See map 3.) At kinaliq, another great trading emporium comparable to neyliq on the Colville, existed. This was visited by the river peoples of the western ranges, the noataymiut, the kovunmiut, the selawinjmiut, and many of the so-called Malemiut peoples from farther to the south. There are those who came from as far away as the Bering Straits, the Diomede Islands, King Island, as well as Cape Prince of Wales. Metal vessels, tobacco, trade beads, knives, and many other items of European manufacture came up to the northern coasts by these peoples and through the center at Hotham Inlet. Trade, in short, was the factor which brought tremendously widely separated people together and which promoted the spread of ideas and culture elements from one center to another. Because much of the background for the present study was laid among the utkeavinmiut, attention is necessarily given to the center at neyliq on the Colville. As may be seen, the nuunamiut who traded here were chiefly from the central Brooks provinces; those to the west tended to go to Hotham Inlet. Similarly, neyliq was a point at which trade goods of aboriginal manufacture, notably stone lamps, came in from the east. This is in contrast to kinaliq, where European goods entered long before actual contact with Europeans themselves. It is worth noting, however, that the Colville was the great avenue of trade for northern Alaska and that the utkeavinmiut and nuwunmiut got such items as knives and beads from neyliq rather than from the coasts to the south. Such objects reached the Colville mouth after passing along the river itself. In short, the nuunamiut were the trading intermediaries. If, however, attention is given preponderantly to the Colville center, it is to be understood that the pattern of trade, the involvements of travel to the trading center, and the goods exchanged were in essence the same for both the center on the Arctic Sea and that on Hotham Inlet. Of the two, kinaliq was probably the larger center and involved a greater number of traders. Moreover, it was a point of permanent habitations. The appearance of a trading center was everywhere the same. The people had come by prearrangement and would gather to await their partners, those from the opposite ecological setting. They unloaded their umiaks, set up their tents, the nuunamiut favoring the iccellik, the tareuniut the conical skin-covered kaluγvik. The tents were set up in rows, those from each community or grouping tending to congregate in one place. The umiaks were drawn up on the bank, turned over to dry, and the goods for trade cached under them or placed on racks which might be especially built. In a few cases, families built a paameraq as a summer dwelling at the trading center. This was not generally done, however, unless they remained for a longer period and fished nearby. The numbers of those who came to the trading centers tended to vary from year to year. It is to be stressed that the majority of those who came were nuunamiut, since it is evident that these were more dependent on trading than were their neighbors from the coast. At neyliq, in a peak year, it would apparently not be unusual to find as many as 600 people present, although 400–500 would perhaps be a more normal figure. As has been stated, a roughly similar number might be found at utokak, on the Utokak River mouth, while kinaliq had a somewhat larger assemblage. The numbers of those who came to Oliktuk Point were small, as they were also at piyinik near Point Barrow, where the ikpikpanmiut tended to come for the summer to trade and hunt ducks. These, then, were the points at which the inland Eskimo of northern Alaska met those from the sea. The involvements of trade marked the high point of the summer's activity, and the expeditions were begun as soon as the period of intense economic productivity was over. The nuunamiut, having completed their spring caribou drives, prepared the caribou meat for their own use and stored it, and having scraped the hides and dried them—they were not tanned—set out in their large umiaks as soon as the ice conditions permitted. They were generally ready to move by early June, when the streams began to flow, although the trading did not actually take place until early August. Since the caribou drives were over before the coastal whaling, the inland groups had adequate time to arrive at the rendezvous. The tarcumiut, too, as soon as the whaling celebrations (nalu Kataq) were over, began their trading journeys. Like their inland neighbors, they tended to make use of the fresh-water streams as avenues of travel. This was because, on the northern fringes at least, the ocean ice had not generally receded by late June, the time when their own trading expeditions began. The Point Barrow people, especially, were obliged to use the inland routes, although the sea route was generally possible in early summer from Point Hope southward. If by chance the northern seas were open, a quick trip could be made with the result that many might wait in the hope that the ice had receded off shore. The general pattern of travel to the trading centers and return was the same for both groups. Travel was in family groups which conMcClure Islands and Stockton Islands Mauger Islands Cooper River Chandalar River MAP 3.—Aboriginal trade routes, North Alaska. A GUIDE TO THE STUDY OF THE BIBLE BY JOHN W. WILSON, D.D. PUBLISHED BY THE BIBLE SOCIETY OF LONDON 1870 sisted of one or two umiaks, the families breaking off from the main village or section. The way taken by each family was quite regularly the same each year, attempts being made to avoid any unfamiliar areas. (See map 3.) Both inland and maritime Eskimo also followed the same methods in traveling. The umiak and sled were the means of transportation. A general pattern was to load the umiak as full as possible with the goods to be traded, leaving small space for passengers, camping gear, such as tents and food, and the sled which rested on the cargo. Dogs regularly accompanied the party. A general practice was to pull the loaded umiak upstream rather than to paddle it, and the dogs were regularly used for this purpose. Indeed, if the load were heavy, the family tended to walk and to draw the umiak behind them. This was an arduous undertaking, in view of the marshy character of the ground and the shallowness of some of the watercourses. Should the group encounter frozen areas, the sled could be brought down and the umiak mounted on it, the dogs again being used to draw the vehicle. If there were no current to contend with, such as in the tundra lakes which formed so vital a series of links in the trade route, the umiak rode more easily and could be paddled. Similarly, if the sea were used, the vessels stayed fairly close into shore and it was possible to paddle and to move more rapidly. Since some of those who went to the trading centers chose to remain out of the home community until the fall freeze, the sled was necessary as a means of return. The method of travel, the alternation of sled and umiak, as circumstances demanded, was thus well worked out and wholly efficient. The preparations for trading were elaborate and went on for the entire year. "Extras," traded items obtained within the home community, virtually any and all surplus goods not otherwise expended were reserved for one's partner. Basically, the items which were traded between nuunamiut and tareumiut were two—seal and whale oil and caribou hides. These were vital to the economy of each setting and, all things being equal, could not be obtained in sufficient quantity in the native setting. The inland Eskimo required the pokes of oil not only as an added and highly important increment in their food supply, but it formed the basis of the all-important fuel. Indeed, the question of oil as a source of fuel for the nuunamiut raises some significant questions as to the cultural position of this group. If whaling and sea mammal hunting represent a late specialization, which they apparently do, it follows that the inland Eskimo must have originally obtained their oil as the result of a balanced sea and land hunting economy analogous to that farther to the east. This being the case, the historic nuunamiut pattern, entirely removed ANEYUK TO PT.BARROW Showing the Route explored by Ensign W.I. Howard, U.S. Navy in 1886 MAP 4. (For legend, see opposite page.) from the sea, is as much a specialization in respect to inland adjustments as is the sea pattern. The tareumiut were slightly less dependent on the trade than were the nuunamiut. The caribou skins which they obtained in exchange were, it is true, the principal material from which clothing and bedding were made. They did, however, have some access to caribou and were able themselves to obtain skins in fair numbers. Moreover, they did engage in some inland trapping so that other commodities, such as wolf and fox pelts, were also available to them. But if their subsistence economy was somewhat less intimately involved, the great numbers of caribou skins which they obtained by trade counted as wealth and in this sense, they derived an incentive to continue the trade. As is noted elsewhere, when these prestige items were outweighed by others which were introduced by outsiders, the trade collapsed, much to the detriment of the inland peoples. But the basic trade of caribou skins for oil pokes was in turn outweighed by the trade in items affording prestige and wealth. It was this which became significant in maintaining the trade and which culminated in such elaborate festivals of exchange which took place between communities. The amount of goods which were traded must be regarded as considerable and it is true that each principal devoted much time throughout the year toward the accumulation of goods. The nuunamiut came with umiaks fully loaded with caribou hides. These were packed into bundles, about thirty hides to each, and loaded into the vessel carefully so as to provide proper ballast. It was not unusual for a single umiak to carry as many as twenty such bundles, the catch of a single hunter, and a load of from 500 to 600 hides. A man could take such hides for a relative or associate as well and act as agent for him in the trading. Similarly, the peoples of the coasts loaded their umiaks with sealskin pokes filled with oil, a single umiak carrying as many as fifty such together with numerous other items. But in addition to the basic items of caribou skins and oil, other goods were numerous. Omitting for the moment such objects of European manufacture which had begun to reach the area by the early 19th century—metal tools and containers, tobacco, beads, muskets (of the early Hudson Bay Company manufacture)—each Map 4.—Route taken by Naval Expedition, 1886 (Stoney, 1900). The route followed by the naval expedition to the Point Barrow area from the south by land is of interest in showing the conventional Eskimo route. Portages led from the Noatak to the Colville; a further portage to the Ikpikpuk provided an avenue to the north. While the residents of Point Hope (tikeraaq) generally traded at Hotham Inlet, some made their way to neyliq via the Noatak and Colville. 451511—59—14 setting was able to assemble a formidable array. Trade goods may be listed as follows: 1. From inland to the sea: Green caribou hides were the basic item, the tanned being worth considerably more. Pelts of all kinds including wolf, fox (in five varieties), wolverine, sheepskins, and more rarely, musk-ox hair. The wolverine was especially desired because of its water shedding qualities and was used as a "face-piece," i.e. a ruff on the parka hood. The musk-ox hair was formerly obtained in the area by hunting. No living individuals, however, can recall seeing the animal and point out that the hair was traded from the McKenzie mouth in historic times. It is inferred that the musk ox is recently extinct on the Arctic slope (cf. Skarland, MS., quoted by Rausch, 1951). The hair was used for the manufacture of twine. But there were other items. Sheep horn, used for wedges, lanceheads, and dippers, reached the coast by trade as did caribou sinew, a product extensively employed for cordage and thread. Legs of the caribou, with skin and hair left on, were regarded as a valuable item. The skin of the caribou leg was used for the making of the tops of boots, sinew was obtained from the leg, and the bones were cracked for marrow, a favorite food, indeed, with the back fat, the preferred part of the caribou. Pitch, for use as glue, objects of wood and stone, manufactured items, such as mittens, and some foods, particularly pemmican and berries, made up other important contributions from the inland. 2. From the coast to the interior: As stated, the basic item was oil, representing the greatest quantity of maritime goods. But in addition, there were numbers of seal and ugruk skins, used for boots, and boat covers. Walrus skins, too, were traded in for this purpose, since the nuunamiut used a larger umiak and frequently employed a walrus skin cover. Rope made from walrus hides was an important element, as well as pottery, finished wooden vessels, stone and slate for dart points, some finished clothing, and bags. The latter were often the seal flipper bag used for water storage and water thawing. (A hunter frequently carried such a bag under his parka. It was filled with ice or snow and the body heat thawed the water for drinking.) Ivory was traded inland also, as were logs of driftwood, and now and again, umiak and kayak frames. Although these were the principal items of exchange, the list is by no means exhausted. Virtually any item was a legitimate trade object. Some food, for example, made its way across the ecological boundaries. Again, the feeling was present that to trade for food was reprehensible, but since each setting had its own specialties, this attitude was in some measure obviated. Pemmican and berries, nuunamiut staples, were traded for muktuk, the black skin and epidermal fat of the baleen whales. The latter was highly prized as food and large pieces of it were brought in from the coasts. It could also be used as fuel. The pattern with respect to food was less concerned with formal exchange. It was used to cement good relations between partners and when given as a gift, the notion of trading for food was avoided. It was in effect a trade but since food was given for food and not for other items, the transaction was not regarded as trading, but rather as gift exchange. Weapons were generally not traded, although they could be, and the materials for their manufacture were. Slate, ivory, and stone were brought in from the coasts and traded for caribou and moose antler, and for sheep and musk-ox horn. Each man was expected to be able to manufacture his own tools and weapons for himself and for his dependent family members. Trade, as has been suggested, was structured around the formal partnership relationship. There were some discrepancies in the balance of trade between coast and interior in that goods from the sea did command a higher price. This was settled by an arrangement which permitted several nuunamiut to share one partner. Even in this case, however, there was the recognition of one chief partner and of several more distant ones. When the family groups from each setting embarked on their trading expeditions, the umiaks frequently went together at least for part of the way. Dr. Simpson, describing a departure of traders from nuwuk in 1854, mentions that 14 boats, heavily laden, and carrying 74 people, left on July 3, arrived 4 days later at Dease Inlet, and so pushed on to neyliq (Simpson, 1855, p. 264). A prompt arrival at the trading station was important since to be there when the trading began meant an ability to make selections and to command the greatest variety of goods. Hence, although families might start out from the home community together, some were outdistanced by others eager for an earlier arrival. Groups would camp at designated places along the way, stopping overnight and traveling during the day. It is said that there were those who merely pretended to camp for the night. As soon as the others were settled and asleep, they broke camp and left, paddling furiously in the hope of reaching the trading station first. The same was true of the two settings in this respect. Eagerness to arrive at the trading center was tied up with absence of formal partnerships. If a person lacked a regular partner, he was at the disadvantage of having to barter. A man with dependable partners could afford to take his time, knowing that they would wait for him and save their goods for him. Even when a man had trading partners, however, he was not obliged to give all his trade to them. Having satisfied the amenities of the relationship, he could, if he had additional goods, trade them with others. When the umiaks were unloaded at the trading station, there was a display situation, the goods being placed out so that all could see. The traders then walked about, eyeing the goods and attempting to make bargains with the seller. This could take place in addition to the formal demands of trading partnership and it could happen that an individual had a number of trading negotiations going on at the same time. The pattern of open trading which has been described as taking place within a community between nonpartners was followed in the interecology trade as well. A situation of such exchange could proceed like the following: A seaman has a poke of oil he wishes to trade. He takes it in hand and walks about, crying that he wishes to trade with someone. At once, several nuunamiut come to him and begin to make offers. The first bids three skins for the poke. This is refused. Another bids four, another five. The owner of the oil poke then turns back to the first man who has bid three, asking him if he wishes to raise his bid. The man may well do so and the poke may go for six or seven skins. As in the open trading in the home community, practice demanded that the first bidder always be given the privilege of raising his bid. The seller was obliged by custom to return to him and to inform him what the intervening offers had been. The practice remains true today and a seller who fails to do this is "dishonest." Because the maritime people had the greater variety of goods and because their products were of greater necessity to the inland setting, they were in a position to control the situation and to initiate the bidding for articles among the inland traders. Barter tended to raise the price and the men from the coastal villages attempted to control the situation by getting as many bids as possible. Much the same attitudes prevailed in the intergroup trading as applied in the local community. There were those who always overbid and there were the same general attitudes expressed toward proper behavior. A case in point is noted in the following: A man at neyhiq took a poke of oil and sold it to the highest bidder, obtaining six skins for it. Another trader then offered seven after the arrangement for six had been completed. The seller then went to the original buyer and demanded that they return each other's goods. The buyer refused. An argument followed and the buyer took the poke and ripped it with his knife, letting the oil waste on the ground. "Take it back," he is remembered as saying. The original seller left at once without saying a word. He was not, of course, obliged to return the six skins he had received, but it is clear that had he done so, he would have been less liable to blame. Here again it was well to avoid a reputation of being dissatisfied with a bargain once made. In trading, each man was independent. Men traded with men, women with women. Each person was free to make his own decisions and to trade the products of his labor as he saw fit. Husbands and wives did not consult each other in the trading arrangements they made. Family groups separated, in fact, each going his own way to drive the best bargains possible. When partners had traded, if one still had goods remaining, the other would assist him in disposing of his property. The trading ventures lasted for several days and no definite period was set aside for it. When the last of the traders had arrived and everyone had traded to his own satisfaction and had disposed of the property brought, the season was over. A general tendency was to hold games and dances after the trading. Every trading station devoted several days to recreational events. Nuunamiut and tareumiut did not mix in the dancing; it was rather that one group danced for the other. The ball game was played between the two and there were foot races, contests of strength, and singing. At neʔliq, piyinik, utokak, noatak, pinalu, and the other centers, a Messenger Feast frequently climaxed the trading. This, of course, was between umealit, lesser people looking on and sharing in the food and festivities if not in the gift exchange on a lesser scale. Families made their own arrangements to depart. If the trading was completed by early August, eight to ten weeks of freedom remained before the darkness set in and before the start of the winter festivities. The usual tendency was to embark on some chosen activity. Some of the seamen, for example, might return quickly to the home community in order to share in the walrus hunting. Frequently, they left their families at a fishing station and returned for them as soon as the first freeze began and the ground was sufficiently hard to be traversed with a sled. Men of both settings might move inland for caribou hunting. A family could return slowly, pausing to fish, to hunt caribou, but remaining together as a unit. In all such cases, the catch, whether of caribou or fish, was cached and the men of the family would return for it when sleds could be negotiated. The inland Eskimo followed essentially the same pattern, moving slowly back to the home base. Many came to the coasts after the trade was over, either to continue trading, as some did, especially with those who had not made the trading trip, or to hunt ducks and geese. The ikpikpanmiut, nuunamiut of the Ikpikpuk River, regularly came to piyinik as has been noted. They traded there and then remained at the duck camp. "They were very friendly people; everybody was glad to see them." The situation described here thus involved the lively trade in the summers at the various centers of the Arctic Slope. There were those, however, who went further afield and made contact with other Eskimo groups both to the far south and the east. The contacts at Oliktuk Point with the peoples of Barter and Herschel Islands have already been mentioned, as well as the fact that this area was a source of steatite lamps. "Greenland beads" are also mentioned as coming from this source. From the south, several Siberian products reached the north Alaskan groups. In the period before European contact, an important Siberian contribution was the reindeer skin, spotted or variegated ones being particularly preferred for clothing by men of status and rank. With the advent of European contact, however, and the introduction of metals and tobacco, an added incentive to the southern trade was provided. Much of this, it is true, took place at Hotham Inlet. In the nineteenth century, many of these items reached the northern coast through the nuunamiut who traded along the Colville. Indeed, it was not unusual for a nuunamiut family to trade at Hotham Inlet one summer and then to move up to neq̣hiq the following summer to dispose of goods acquired in the south. This meant that many inland Eskimo had partners in both great centers and made the trip between them regularly. Because the tikeraγmiut had regular access to kinaliq at Hotham Inlet, they received many goods of European manufacture in advance of their neighbors farther to the north. This promoted an intensification of partnerships in the setting of the tareumiut and there were regularly four or five individuals from utkeaaγvik who made the trip to Point Hope in winter by dog team. Having established trading partnerships there, they were able to make capital of them by returning with highly desired items—beads, tobacco, and metal vessels particularly. Those who traveled in winter for trading were known as piroaaktuat. European objects thus reached the Point Barrow-Wainwright area from two sources—via the Colville through the Noatak-Colville route to neq̣hiq, and by winter trade through Point Hope. After direct European contact, trade was doubly intensified. The Euro-American whalers introduced new products which increased the volume of trade, especially since furs were a desired commodity. But the exchange began to decline by 1900 with the introduction of the domesticated reindeer and with the establishment of administrative centers on the coasts. The economy of money broke down the necessity for trade and it was the nuunamiut who suffered accordingly. They had no alternative but to move to the coasts. Many did, but found their numbers decreasing as the result of susceptibility to new diseases. But trade, formulated in partnership, and founded on the exchange of goods between peoples with different economic systems and a consequent mutual interdependence, was basic to the social stability of the peoples of the region. There were no tribes; community solidarity was conceived in terms of hunting group memberships rather than in terms of community loyalty as such. The family was bound together by the kinship tie within the community and beyond it. But the ties of genetic relationship reached beyond the community within the single ecological setting. There were unquestionably few kinship ties between the two ecological groups. There was at least the situation of quasi-kinship, the fact that there were types of behavior associated with sexual exchanges which resulted in a cooperative relationship. But if there were actual genetic ties which cut across ecological lines, the choice was to forget them and to stress the partnership relationship founded in concepts of trade and interdependence. A social balance was effected through trade which worked to the benefit of all. THE MESSENGER FEAST (kimnjic) Without question, the most elaborate socioceremonial occasion in the culture of the Eskimos of northern Alaska was the so-called Messenger Feast or Messenger Dance. This was the principal social event of the year. It is to be contrasted with the principal religious event of the year, the Whaling Feast and the Caribou Feast. The Messenger Feast had actually few, if any, religious implications and is ceremonial in the sense that the activities were patterned in an elaborate and complex way. The basis for the Messenger Feast was the enhancing of individual social status, or more specifically, the status of umcalit, men who owned boats and headed whaling crews. By association, all the residents of a particular community stood to gain by the activities of these men of wealth and status. Thus community prestige related to the Messenger Feast and those participating by assisting the umcalit also stood to gain by the gift exchange involved in the feast. The significance of this festival cannot be underestimated; for communities that lacked formalized political controls, the Messenger Feast served as an integrating element, one which enforced the otherwise vague sense of community solidarity. Basically, the feast lay in the invitation of the umcalit of one community by those of another to attend and to engage in an economic exchange. Such invitations were extended at various times by all the communities up and down the Arctic slope. The village of utkeaaγvik held such feasts with nuwuk, at the point, with Wainwright, and with Icy Cape. To the east, invitations were likewise extended to Barter Island and to the Colville River settlements. There is no doubt that when these festivals were held, an opportunity existed to reenforce ties of kinship and friendship between the villages involved. One result was to establish a sense of solidarity and cultural uniformity between the communities of the region. No village could afford to hold such a festival every year. If the group felt able to command the economic outlay involved, the umcalit would invite those of another village of their selection. The village selected for invitation was chosen in large measure on the basis of existing trade and joking partner relations between principals in the respective communities. When, in the early 1900's, Barrow (utkeaaγvik) invited the people from the Colville River area, the feast ended in tragedy. It was on the return trip of the latter people that they were struck by a measles epidemic and were wiped out, dying on the way amidst the gifts they had received. The feast was rarely extended as far south as Point Hope, since this community had such festival relationships with Cape Prince of Wales and other communities to the south. In 1911, an elaborate feast was held at Barrow, the guests being from Icy Cape. Barrow again invited nuwuk in the winter of 1913–14, and the last feast was held at Wainwright, the guests being from Barrow, in 1914–15. As nearly as can be judged, the Messenger Feast travels no farther east than Barter Island and the mouth of the Colville. It has been described, however, for the Eskimo groups around the Alaskan coasts, such as at Nunivak Island, etc. (cf. Lantis, 1946). The entire pattern of the festival, the elaborate economic exchange involved, and the implications for social status are suggestive of the Northwest Coast potlatch. Of interest, and a point for further research, is the analysis of the diffusion of such ideas from a central Northwest Coast location to the Eskimo of this northern area. The Messenger Feast was regularly held in winter, usually after the shamanistic festivals of December. The period of early and mid-January is a slack time in which few economic pursuits were carried on, either at the present time or in the past. The winter period, in which the majority of community members were present, was the time for concerted social activity. As noted above, the feast was social rather than religious. There are one or two religious suggestions which apply to the festival. The umeaqit, owners of boats and crew leaders, were those who officiated at the festival and who acted as principal hosts. By definition, of course, such men had the greatest wealth in the community and were, by virtue of their continuing gift giving, able to command the loyalty of their respective crews. Since the community was divided, among other ways, along the lines of whaling-crew membership, and since each crew had its respective ceremonial house (karigi), it follows that the Messenger Feast served to implement the socioreligious solidarity of the whaling crew. Likewise, certain restrictions and prohibitions applied to those who participated as leaders in the Messenger Feast. Elements of the feast may be listed in order. (Data refer to Point Barrow, i.e. nuwuk and utkeaqvik.) 1. The umeaq who conceived of the feast and who determined the guests was the principal host. The chief who directed it tended to weigh the matter carefully over a period of years, gradually laying by a surplus of goods. The umeaq enlisted the aid of his crew. When he felt that sufficient goods were on hand, he broached the matter to other crew leaders and obtained their support. These men then assumed the role of secondary hosts and also obtained the support of their respective crews in bringing together a large supply of surplus goods. Not only was food amassed in quantity, but also were clothing, skins, pokes of oil, kayaks and umiaks, sleds, dogs, and the like. The women of the various households involved would spend considerable time in preparation, in sewing, in tanning skins, etc. It is to be remembered that the aboriginal community was fairly small in population. A result was that virtually every community member was sooner or later called in to assist in the preparations. Informants recall the case of maaniksaq, an umcaliq of great wealth. Having enlisted the support of the other crew leaders in the community, he issued a statement to each family head indicating how much that family should contribute. If a householder was uncooperative, or attempted to reduce the amount of his contribution, he was threatened by maaniksaq and his lieutenants and forced to comply. It is clear that by working through the crew leaders, this principal was able to enlist the support and contributions of the entire community. Nor would this have been difficult. Since the community at large gained in social prestige through the feast, it is apparent that public pressures would have served to effect wholehearted community cooperation. 2. The economic preparations for the feast having been completed, there remained the matter of the formal invitation. Two kinds of participants to set the machinery of the festival into motion were selected by the principal and secondary hosts. The first to be selected were the messengers themselves. These, the kiviexsuat, from whom the festival takes its name, were older men of dignity and stature in the community, but not hosts. Two messengers were generally chosen. Each was obliged to learn a series of messages to be brought to leading men in the community which was to be invited. Since the festival involved a foot race and a racing contest between the guest and host community, each principal selected a runner (paaktuat—foot racers) to represent him. This was done at a dance held for the purpose in the karigi of the chief host. The young men of the community assembled there and began to dance, actually rehearsing the particular steps of the messenger festival dances. As they danced, the chief host came forward and danced at the side of a selected young man, one with a good reputation as a runner. After this, the other crew leaders, the secondary hosts, made their selection of a runner in the same way. These young men would later go out to meet the guests and the foot race would be held. They each received a new suit of clothing from their sponsors as well as other gifts. 3. The messengers had now been selected. They met with the hosts in the karigi and were given wooden staffs. These were paddle-shaped sticks, variable in length, with a feather attached at the end. Across the stick were painted red marks, each for an individual principal guest invited by the respective hosts. Informants disagree as to the marks painted. Some say that the sticks were merely marked with horizontal lines, each one to represent an invited guest, and hence a mnemonic device and badge for the messenger. Others note that the particular property marks, the specific possession of each invited guest, were painted or carved on the messenger's staff. As noted, each messenger was expected to commit to memory the particular message for the invited guest. 4. The principal guests were likewise usually unmealit in their home community. The general tendency was to invite men of essentially equal rank. Between them and the prospective hosts there was usually a specific relationship of partnership. While this might involve either a trading partnership or a joking partnership, there was often merely a general understanding that a person from one community would regularly invite some specific individual from the other community. Thus aside from the two types of partnership noted above, there was the third, applying specifically to invitations to the Messenger Feast. Such individuals stood to each other as kiimik, that is, Messenger Feast partners, or more exactly, perhaps, an alternating host and guest relationship. Secondary guests were akpatet. One sent to one's kiimik a specific message via the selected two messengers. To each messenger the same set of messages were given by the various hosts. These were couched in formal language and often were given at considerable length. They involved songs as well as a formal statement of invitation. And they were concluded by a listing of the items which the host expected to receive from his guest. Often, too, they included a listing of what the host expected to confer in return. The messengers were expected to be letter perfect in their recitation to the guests. Hence, they were drilled again and again by the principal hosts. Some days before the dance was expected to begin, the messengers were sped on their way. They traveled in teams, separately, each one driving a dog sled belonging to a principal host. As their badges of status, they carried the painted sticks. 5. At the village of the host, the messengers were sped on their way by means of a special dance. This was a "round dance," a central pole having been erected at the open dance place outside of the karigi of the chief host. As the people danced, the principal hosts approached them and, selecting one man, caught him by throwing a rope about his neck. He was led about the central pole in a sunwise direction several times. He was then taken into the karigi and seated across from the door at the side of the box drum which was used especially for this festival. He was thus selected as the drummer for the dances to follow. His was a special post of honor and for his services as drummer he was allowed the best food, always being free to state what it was he wished to eat. His food was supplied by the principal hosts. He was also given new clothing and was now expected to remain in the karigi beside the drum until the festival was over. 6. While these activities were being carried out, the young men selected as runners were urged to practice. It was generally the rule that about 20 such young men and boys, usually unmarried individuals, were chosen. Daily they ran out into the tundra for about 5 miles and back again. It was said that they ran to piyinik and back, or down the beach from utkeaaγvik to the area now occupied by the "monument," a distance of some 10 miles. They were urged to practice running so that they would not be beaten. Meanwhile, to the preparations were added the costumes. The members of the crews of the various hosts prepared their dance clothes and brought them to the karigi in readiness for the dancing. Involved here were the best looking parkas, long mittens, and a feather headdress. The latter consisted of a band of matched skins from which feathers were suspended. Women also prepared for the dancing. The dancers lined up in the karigi, men in front, the women behind them. Two young couples, known for their dancing ability, were selected to head each end of the line. They were given particularly elaborate mittens made of polar bear skin which were very long and which came well up over the forearm. The dance was practiced a few times by the home villagers, the men in line facing the door, and engaging in the "jump" dance of the Messenger Feast, the women dancing behind them. (It may be mentioned that while the associations and gift giving of the feast have fallen by the way, the modern Christmas and New Year dances at Barrow follow the old Messenger Feast pattern.) 7. Attention is given elsewhere to the structure and nature of the karigi. As noted above, this structure, devoted particularly to the social and ceremonial activities of the respective whaling crews, is in effect a men's house. utkeaaγvik had three such kariyit at one time and they have also been described for the adjacent villages. The karigi was a permanent structure which paralleled the dwelling in general architecture. For the Messenger Feast, however, the karigi of the host group usually built a special house. This was also called a karigi. Reference to the karigi here in relation to the Messenger Dance refers especially to this building. This structure was generally made of snow blocks set up in a line to form a rectangular building some 40 to 50 feet long. Skins were stretched over the roof and a central skylight was added. Theoretically, the building was the property of the whaling crew, although it was felt to belong to the individual umeqiḷiq. He at least owned the skins making up the roof, which was sometimes supported by whale ribs or wooden planks. The karigi stood all year and was important in the various whaling feasts and preparation. Following the advent of the European whalers, the roofs of the buildings were made of canvas, and sailcloth curtains were used at the door and inside as well. The structure possessed a single door, covered with a caribou skin or canvas curtain. This was placed in the center of one of the long sides of the building. Although the door often faced east, there was apparently no regulation demanding this, or that the building be lined north and south. Opposite the door was a central post with a series of smaller posts paralleling it. This set off the stage for the drummer, as well as a place for the retirement of the returning messengers. Skin curtains were placed for the latter. The great box drum (kalluγaq) was hun; from the central pole (pl. 8, b). In use, it was swung from side to side and struck by the drummer on the bottom. By the early 1900s, some of the kariyit had ceased to function. In 1911, a dance house was erected for the festival and set up against the Alaska Native Service school. 8. The goods making up the contributions to the guests were also assembled at this time. All the food and other materials destined for distribution were brought together and placed near the houses of the principal hosts to be brought later to the karigi. One can imagine the tremendous excitement associated with collecting the goods. The amount of property assembled was indeed amazing. Not only was there food in great quantity, various cuts of meat, but scores of skins, boats, sleds, clothing, and in more modern times, guns, tobacco, flour, canned goods, and the like. It seems safe to note that the advent of the European whalers with their trade goods lent an added impetus to the Messenger Feast, the new items allowing so much more latitude for distribution and largesse. 9. With the preparations now in order, the drummer selected, the runners to compete, the costuming in order, and the goods collected, the karigi was made ready and the guests awaited. The messengers, meanwhile, had proceeded to the village of the guests. When they came within sight of the community, they halted their teams and remained waiting until they were seen by the people. As soon as they were sighted, the village to be invited, recognizing the staffs and what they portended, came out in a body to greet them. They were then formally invited to the village, and having arrived, announced first the names of those for whom they carried messages. They were then taken to the karigi of the man who was specifically named by the chief host of the inviting village. When all named were assembled, the messengers delivered their formal speeches, sang the songs associated with them, and stated to each guest the amount of property involved in the invitation. The guests named then replied in kind, stating their own demands, and indicating what they would exchange in return for the items given. The guest had freedom in this respect. As an invited guest, he stood to profit more by the transaction. He was free to make demands on his host and was himself not obliged to comply in every detail with the items which his host demanded of him. Not until he stood in the position of host, presumably at some later time, would he necessarily have to meet the demands of his kiimik. Following the formal reception of the messengers at the village of the guests, the men invited selected runners, amassed whatever they could by way of bestowable property, arranged for teams and men to help them transport their gifts back, and so prepared to set out. 10. If for any reason the invited guest could not come to the village of his hosts, he could name another man of essentially the same status to substitute for himself. Lacking such a man, he could name a woman who then went as his representative. Should either of these be impossible to find, he was free to name a dog who could go in his place and receive his gifts for him and in turn make gifts in his name. The dog was brought on a leash. 11. The guests now began to make their way to the village of the hosts. Accompanying them were the messengers who now bore return messages. In deference to the latter, they were permitted to ride in their dog sleds; the guests, however, were obliged to walk and lead their teams. The trip might thus take considerable time, involving the distances between Barrow and such villages as those at Barter Island or Icy Cape. The guests, thus proceeding on foot, camped for brief periods along the way. As they stopped, the runners and helpers engaged with them in a dance practice, the jump dance of the feast to come, while the runners also practiced running. The group made its way to a point nearby the village of the hosts where it pitched camp and waited. Since it was generally known how long the messengers would be on the way, their return was anticipated. As soon as the guests had camped, the messengers made their way directly back to the karigi of festivities. They came in directly, entering the karigi, and made their way back to the rear of the structure, seating themselves behind the caribou-skin curtains near the drum. Taking their sticks, they raised them so that the marks appeared one at a time above the curtain. As each mark appeared, the messengers alternated in indicating the names of the men who were coming. As they spoke the assembled people moved back and forth and lined up facing the drum, the men to the front, the women behind. At this time, the messengers merely gave the names of the invited guests, without stating whether the guest was actually coming or had sent a substitute. Nor did they indicate how extensive the entourage of the individual guest might be. The guest was free, of course, to bring his retainers, usually members of his own family, in whatever number he chose. The host was obliged to be prepared for any emergency, to feed and bestow gifts on any number, and of course, it was vital to his position and prestige that he do so, having the reserves at hand to meet any unforeseen situation. 12. Having made their announcements, the messengers came out from behind the curtain and joined the dance which had been proceeding during their detailing of the names of guests. When the dance was over, the messengers went to sit silently in a corner of the karigi, pretended anger, and could not be induced to talk further. The various principal hosts went to them, one by one, to induce them to speak. They turned away, however, with angry looks. It was not until the chief host came to speak with them that they could be persuaded to talk. They then heaped abuse on the chief host, saying that he had sent them on a fool's errand, and that they had not been well received in the guests' village. Custom demanded that they be treated jokingly in the other village, and their elaborated messages deprecated. The pattern appears to have taken a turn such as the following: If the prospective host relayed in his message that he had umiaks and sleds for his intended guests, the guests were expected to laugh and point out that the intended host was niggardly and poor and could never afford such gifts. The messengers were upbraided for undertaking so foolish an errand for so penurious a host. The messengers now repeated this back to the chief host and upbraided him in turn for having so deceived them. This was a signal for the chief host and the men associated with him as principals to pretend insult and to indicate that they would double the amount of their intended gifts. But the messengers could not yet pretend to be placated. Still making angry faces, they continued to sit in the corner. The chief host ordered the caribou skin curtain taken down and announced—"Now we can begin," and called for everyone to be happy. The various people in the karigi, men and women alike, now go over to the messengers and try to cheer them, making jokes and trying to make them laugh. In whispers the messengers were asked who was coming, what they were bringing, how many were coming with them, etc. In whispers, the messengers gave the answers. These were relayed to the chief hosts, who were supposed to feign utter indifference as to the number of people they would ultimately have to entertain. 13. During this procedure, the runners selected by the hosts were preparing for the foot race. Each of the runners, the number being usually about 20, took a long stick, his own height in length, and fastened to it a pound or two of boiled meat. The runners then assembled in the karigi, following the announcements and byplay of the messengers, and danced. This dance was to the accompaniment of the swinging box drum, presided over by the man chosen as drummer. Following this, the hosts made sure of the amount of food available, and all retired to await the beginning of festivities on the following day. 14. The messengers had meanwhile made the hosts aware of the individual demands of the guests. The concern here was food, since the guest could request any kind of food from his host. The host, in turn, was obliged to meet the demand. Men vied with one another in imagining the rarest, most costly kinds of food. Should the host be unable to supply the demand, he was subject to ridicule. As nearly as can be judged, this rarely happened, since the demands, although often extremely difficult to meet, were usually within reason. The host made it a point of honor to comply with his guests' desires. Actually, too, the host had considerable time in which to prepare for the guest, since at the close of the feast, the host, whose role at the next meeting will be reversed, told his guest what he expected to get the next time they met. There is unquestionably a reflection here of the elaborated values which were placed on food. Some examples of these food requests are the following: In one of the feasts in which Barrow had invited the Wainwright people a man from the latter village demanded of his host that he be given the supply of canned goods which Captain Brower, then in charge of the whaling station, had in his store. The host entered into negotiations with Brower and met his guest's demand. Neither he nor Brower ever told what the price for this entire supply had been but it is recalled that the man was in debt to the storekeeper for some time thereafter. In another case, the guest insisted that while eating, he should look at the back fat of a male caribou which was to be hung up before him in the karigi. It so happened that the caribou had for some time roamed inland at some distance and had been rare among the maritime Eskimo. The host went from person to person in the community, asking for the back fat of a male caribou. Finally he located a man who had a few caribou in his ice cellar. Knowing why the demand was made, the owner of the caribou fat drove a hard bargain. The host finally got the desired piece at the cost of a new rifle and a box of ammunition, and, it is said, thought himself lucky to get off at this price. By meeting such requests, the host established his reputation as a man of wealth, resource, and merited high social status. 15. With the guests now camped some distance from the community, and after such time as they had rested, the feast was set to begin with the summoning of the guests through the foot racers. The young men who had prepared the stick and the meat now, at the beginning of the second day, ran out to the encampment of the guests. The host village assembled and began a jump dance as the young men, twenty or so in number, carrying their sticks with the meat attached, ran from the village. Two dog teams followed them as they ran to the guests' camp. When all were out of sight, the dance ceased and the host villagers waited for the runners to return. The guests could camp at any point they chose away from the village of their hosts. This was often a few miles. For their camp, the guests had erected a snow house, large enough to accommodate them all, and roofed with skins. When the runners from the host community appeared, the guests came out of their lodge to meet them, standing formally in a line, the principal guests in the center. The runners came up to them, forming their own line and waiting until all had assembled. 16. When the runners from the host village had all drawn up, they formed a line at right angles to the line of guests. Each runner, representing a host, now jumped over to the guest invited by the man he represented. He stood before him and, calling him by name, offered him the stick with the meat. When each guest named had taken his meat, the group stood aside and the runners from the host village were invited into the snow house erected by the guests. They sat down on the floor of the structure and the guests, facing the runners, ate a few mouthfuls of the meat which had been offered. Each guest then offered the meat to the runners to eat and each runner also engaged in the ritual eating of a few mouthfuls. This exchange was marked by certain verbal formalisms, the guest, for example, saying to the runner—"Take some meat; you must be hungry." The guests now replaced the remainder of the meat on the sticks and returned it to the runners. As they did so, another ritualized jump dance began, and dancing with the feet together in a series of jump steps, the group moved out of the snow house. 17. The guests were now at liberty to change their names. This was done specifically for the Messenger Feast, a man taking on a special nickname by which he would be known throughout the course of the feast to follow. This new name was announced to the runner, and at the same time a formal repetition of the desires of the guests with respect to food, special gifts, and the like, was made. When these statements had been made, the foot race was ready to begin. 18. A marked formalism arose with respect to the foot race. The race itself was run from the encampment of the guests to the karigi in the host community where the festivities were to be held. Because of the nature of the proceedings, a handicap was accorded to the runners representing the guests. The race itself was run between the two men representing respectively the host and the guest. The guest's runner started off first, the host runner following him a few moments later. As the runner's aim was merely to win against another individual, there was no sense of team activity. The course led directly back to the karigi in the host village. The runner on the side of the hosts ran directly into the karigi if he won against his opponent. The guest runner, however, had to circle the karigi once and kick a stick suspended from a pole near the door. It was for this reason that a slight start was given to the runners on the side of the guests. If a runner saw himself beaten on the way and believed himself unable to overtake his opponent, he simply stopped and waited for the teams which came up behind the runners to carry him on. If a guest runner won, he remained standing outside of the karigi, while the runner on the host side, if the winner, was permitted to enter the karigi and to take his place near the drum. In the latter case, the runner returned his stick with the meat attached to the host he represented. As the race started from the camp of the guests, the latter waited until the runners were out of sight. They then followed by team, carrying their baggage, and picking up the runners who may have given up the race along the way. 19. In the host village, when all the races had been won, the arrival of the guests was signaled by the man at the kalluyaq. His drum, swung from a central pole in the karigi, was swung during the initial proceedings in a sunwise direction. If the race was won by the runners from his own side, a majority of races won by one side or the other constituting a win, he continued to swing his drum in this direction. If, however, the race was won by the guests, he changed the swing of the drum to a countersunwise direction. This was further a sign that the guests, when they arrived, might take possession of the karigi. When all the runners arrived and the winning side was determined, preparation was made for the formal reception of the guests following behind. The runners on the side of the guests were queried formally as to the requests of the men they represented. From the runners of either side a formal announcement of this was forthcoming. At the same time, the assumed name of the guest was announced. This took the form of a statement that a person of such and such name, giving the nickname, expected to receive the items named. While, as has been indicated, the host was aware of the demands of his guest, he might be suddenly confronted with a wholly unexpected demand. It was a tribute to his status and resourcefulness to be able to comply. Frequently, this involved a rush on the part of the host to meet the request. He might, as noted, be obliged to go further into debt to someone in the community able to supply the item desired. 20. Some time after the completion of the race, the guests, riding slowly in the teams, came into sight. The small boys of the community now ran out to greet them, running out to the sleds and racing back ahead of the approaching guests. When the guests came into the community, they drew up some distance from the karigi and staked their teams, awaiting developments. The runners representing them then seated themselves near the door of the hosts' karigi and food was offered to them. The host runners, congregated inside, were likewise offered food. If a runner on the host side had given up the race, he could not enter the karigi until the race was over. He generally remained in the house of some friend or relative and only now came forward to join the others. 21. Now was the time for the reception of the guests themselves. The principal hosts came out of the karigi wearing the ceremonial garments of the feast, long bearskin mittens, a feathered headdress, and rich parkas of matched skins. They approached the guests standing by their dog teams, each man holding a bow with an arrow taut against the string. They came slowly over to the guests, feigning anger, and making threatening gestures with their weapons. No sign of recognition of the guests was given. Some of the guests might at this point have donned masks, or at least special headdresses representing various animals. The principal hosts looked closely at each man and then backed away. As they did so, they shot the arrows over the heads of the guests. This was a signal for the dancers assembled in the karigi to come out and begin a dance toward the waiting guests. In full costume, and forming two lines, they approached the guests, dancing to the accompaniment of the kalluyaq within the karigi. The dancers circled the guests and then withdrew again to the karigi. When all were inside, the guests, in a group, walked slowly to the structure. The dancers had meanwhile seated themselves in a line, the men facing the door on the side of the kalluyaq, the women facing them with their backs to the door. The drummer, having now ceased his drumming, let the drum down to the floor and seated himself on it. Before him he placed a package, representing the first of the gifts to the guests. This was a token gift, containing small, but choice, portions of meat, some ammunition, tobacco, or beads, or some other article of value. The package was wrapped in a skin, usually a caribou hide, carefully tanned. This gift was the offer of the initiating host to the principal guest. Near it, on each side of the drum, the other hosts had placed similar packages. These were lined up, one by each seated man. The guests now entered the karigi and stood ranged along the wall. Each host now named the guest whom he specifically had invited, taking care to observe any assumed nickname, and, calling him forward, offered him formally a choice cut of meat and the small gift package. This procedure began with the man who had initiated the feast, who first called his special guest. As soon as the first gift had been conferred, the drummer raised the kalluyaq again and began a slow rhythm. This was a signal for the other seated men to pick up tambourines and to begin a series of songs associated with the feast. As they sang, and as the conferring of the gifts was completed, the guests retired to their teams, filing out of the karigi. The singers continued to sing, while the guests, depositing their gifts, brought back similar wrapped packages from their sleds. With these, they now danced into the karigi, moving up and down between the line of seated men and women. The music stopped while the guests in turn gave their gifts to their respective hosts. No food was offered by the guests to the hosts. This ceremony completed, the music began again and the hosts and guests danced together. The guests now returned to their sleds. After a time the hosts, having briefly continued to dance the usual jump dance of the feast, left in order, principal host first, followed by the men in the order of their arranging the feast, and went out to the sleds of the guests. The principal host then stated formally, "Not enough is yet given." He offered to his guest a second wrapped package, containing much the same type of gift as the first. Each man in order then gave a similar skin-wrapped gift to his guest. The guests reciprocated with similar gifts of their own. When this had been done, the hosts withdrew in order of giving the gifts. The principal host waited at the door of the karigi and, as each man returned to the karigi after the exchange with the guests, he questioned him formally, asking, "What did that man say to you?" The inevitable answer came back, "Nothing." The leader then remarked, "Not enough is yet given," and taking another package, he returned to the guests, giving another gift, and receiving yet another in exchange. He was followed in the same procedure by the other hosts. This was done four times. When the last of the gifts had been exchanged, the chief host made the formal announcement, "Now that is all," and the host group retired back to the karigi. If the runners representing the guests had won the foot race, they came to take formal possession of the karigi. The guests left the place where they had hitched their teams and danced into the karigi, while the hosts retired. If the host team had won, it was not necessary for the latter to give up the dance house, although the guests would in any case be quartered there. If the hosts had won the foot race, they left the guests to wait outside the karigi for a time before formally inviting them to enter. In case the guests won, they were free to enter the structure whenever they chose after the initial interchange of gifts. Activities now came to a halt, the guests resting in the karigi, the hosts dispersing to their respective homes. 22. On the third day, festivities began with a dance started by the guests in the karigi. This was again the special jump dance of the feast, accompanied by the beating of the kalluyaq. When the guests started to dance, the hosts began to assemble and entered the karigi. Then followed a series of dances between the various secondary attendants of each group. The men who had run against each other in the foot races now danced together, as well as the men who had led the dog teams for each side. Between these men there was also a gift exchange, the gifts being small packages of skin-wrapped meat, tobacco, etc. The hosts with their principal guests came forward to dance again. Here was the opportunity for the hosts to exhibit their generosity and to give some display of their own affluence. Beginning with the principal host, gifts were given to all from either side who had had some connection with the arrangements. The principal hosts gave gifts of skins, pokes of oil, tobacco, beads, labrets, weapons, and the like to the dancers, runners, drummer, and to the drivers of the dog teams. Any who came with the guests, that is, their kinsmen, trading or joking partners, received gifts from the first host and in turn from the men who agreed to initiate the feast with him. But attention was now directed to the principal guests themselves, the men who had been invited by name and for whom the messages were intended. Following the random bestowal of gifts on all present, the guests left to take again their station by their staked teams. The gifts destined for these men were now brought into the karigi and placed before the box drum. This was unquestionably the most dramatic part of the feast. Here were displayed goods in remarkable quantity and size. Skins, pokes of oil, weapons, all in quantity, as well as sleds, kayaks, and even umiaks were brought in. An assemblage of property, the amount and variety of which increased with the advent of the whalers, was piled high in the karigi. The impression obtained is of the entire community congregated to see the amazing display of goods, of excited expressions at the amount, and of openly avowed admiration of the men of such wealth. The hosts involved in the conferring of these gifts ran one by one from the karigi out to where the guests were waiting. As each called his guest by name, the two ran back to the dance house, "racing," but with the guest drawing slightly behind. When both entered the karigi, they were obliged to kick at an inflated bladder suspended some feet above the floor near the door. They put the feet together and jumped, hitting the bladder with both feet. The host then made a formal presentation of the great gifts which he had for his guest. As the name of the guest was called, the drummer, sitting at the kalluyaq, struck the drum four times. When the gifts were presented to the guest, he was given, at the last, the food which he had demanded. He sat near his pile of gifts in the karigi and proceeded to eat what was given him, or at least as much of it as he could. Whatever he failed to eat was taken along with the rest of the presents. The gifts were given to the guest all at once. When his name was called and the drum sounded, he came forward with his host and the latter indicated to him the gifts which were his. As noted, some of these he had requested, others were given him as a reflection of the generosity of his host. 23. The conferring of the gifts was concluded with a dance, again to the accompaniment of the kalluyaq. The tempo now changed, however, and a slow measured dance was the result. In this dance, women played a part, each dancing behind a man. All sang a series of songs related to this aspect of the Messenger Feast. At this dance, the previous idea of alternating dances between hosts and guests had been abandoned and the two groups danced together. When this was concluded, the hosts presented their guests with sticks, small wands each with a red mark on it. The guests and hosts selected another man, indicating the selection by giving him the stick, to represent them in the soccer game of the next day. Again about 20 young men were chosen by each side. The choice was made from among the men of one's own group. It may be imagined that much time was consumed in the display and bestowal of gifts. Following the formalities of the day, the guests and hosts could now devote the remainder of the time to informal visiting, gossip, etc. The third day was concluded with social dances and the gifts received were brought out to where the guests had stationed their teams. The guests again retired to the karigi, the hosts back to their homes. 24. The fourth and last day of the feast involved a kick-ball game between the teams which had been chosen by the guests and hosts. The formal gift giving was now at an end. The guests began to dance in the morning and the members of the host community gradually assembled and joined them. After a time, the young men chosen to play the game met on the beach and the football was thrown to them. Here was the usual game of the Eskimo, a kick-ball variant, played with a baleen-filled skin. The game was not played in a definite court, nor were there goals. One team simply kept the ball as long as possible, dribbling it, and passing it from one to the other. The side lost which first gave up. This was played most of the day up and down the beach. At last, the guests signaled that it was time to go. The soccer players came together, raised their hands in the air, palms touching each other, while the players for the guests remarked, "Next time you will come to us." 25. The principal guests and hosts now went back to the karigi for a final dance. Here, a formalistic pattern again emerges. After dancing the slow dances of the previous day, guests and hosts filed out of the karigi. The hosts took their places at the side of the door; the guests filed out and assembled some distance away in the direction of their sleds. Now from within the karigi came two men (uluweaktu- tuat—bowmen) in disguise. They carried bows with arrows taut against the bow strings and wore loon-bill masks and hoods (pl. 1, b). They danced a jump dance around both groups, first between the two groups, then around the guests, then around the hosts. As they completed the dance, they discharged arrows over the heads of the hosts. This was the signal for the departure. The guests mounted their sleds, now loaded with gifts they had received, and departed. The people of the home village stood by to watch them off. At the final dance, the guests had been told by the hosts what the latter expected from them the next time a dance of this kind was held. The host stated his desires, indicating as well what he thought he might like to eat, to see, or to sit on. 26. The final dance of the fourth day was known as "coming out of the dance hall." It was said that if the masked bowmen broke their strings in the course of their dance or in shooting over the crowd, they would die. There is a recollection of a Bowman breaking his string as he danced. The people were said to have been terribly shocked. The man himself died the following summer. When the guests had departed, the skins were removed from the roof of the karigi and the walls were renovated. It was thus made ready for the preparations for the spring whaling. There seems to have been no special rededication of the structure at this time. There is rather the reflection of a concept of a transition in the character of the building. The skins were scraped, the drum removed, and the building cleaned out. After this, the karigi again became the domain of the whalers. This took place, of course, only in the event that the regular whaling karigi was used for the Messenger Feast. One especially built for the purpose was simply dismantled. A specific instance of behavior associated with the Messenger Feast was recalled by contemporary residents of the Barrow community. In a festival in which Wainwright invited men from Barrow (utkeaaγvik), kanayuq of Wainwright invited a man from Barrow named simiγiroak. As part of the message forwarded to simiγiroak by kanayuq, his kiimik, songs were sent. These were frequently composed for the occasion by the prospective host and formed part of the message which was carried by the man selected as messenger. Dance steps were often especially created for the particular songs. Part of the training of the messenger was the drilling in the new songs as well as the verbal messages. Kanayuq, on the occasion in question, had created several special songs. Simiyroak, in turn, made a song which he brought with him to Wainwright. This he sang, dancing with the men who accompanied him, in the karigi at Wainwright. It was a reflection of the requests he made to kanayuq. The song is still recalled: kanukuvana My condition kapinaytpid How am I? kanayuq May kanayuq okuqaanigmun My skins for clothing kavili awramu My wolverine skins uneatkamikimisunak The smallness of my sled The song refers to his own requests both for wolverine and other skins for clothing and he indicates that his sled is not big enough to carry all the things which he wishes to take back with him. Later, when simiyroak was invited to Icy Cape by another man, he sang the same song to his host there. It is also recalled that simiyroak changed his name when invited to the feast, as, indeed, did kanayuq when he came to Barrow as a guest. The names which they assumed are no longer recalled. One informant stated that the names chosen were secondary names, conferred in childhood and reflecting a dead ancestor, but not otherwise used. Others stated that special Messenger Feast nicknames were selected. The latter situation was said to apply between joking partners who might stand as kiimik to each other in the feast. As between men in the kiimik relationship, a joking partnership thus might also exist. The humor, especially in making ostensibly impossible requests of one's kiimik, is not to be overlooked. Indeed, even when no messenger festival was under way, the sending of songs to men with whom one alternated in the guest-host relationship was usual and humorous. The Messenger Feast, however, did not primarily involve the joking partnership, a feature reserved for other, less formal occasions; it was simply that the various partnerships might in some measure overlap. An exchange of songs was usual, even where no Messenger Feast was involved, a reflection, too, of the social value placed on songmaking. Such songs are not to be confused with the more ritualized, magical songs developed for some specific purpose. Thus, tarrak, who acted as principal host with maaniksag, had a song to compel the runners for the opposition to slow down. CONCLUSION The primary purpose of the Messenger Feast was an economic exchange. In this sense, it was social rather than religious, although any number of ritualistic elements are discernible in the patterning of behavior associated with it. As mentioned above, there is much in the feast suggestive of the potlatch exchanges of the aboriginal Northwest Coast. It seems most probable, in view of the distribution of the festival, that the feast is indeed a rephrasing of the basic potlatch idea. In general, however, the tone of the Northwest Coast culture is lost. It is true that a man of substance in the community stood to enhance his social status by his participation in the feast, and it is also evident that he depended for support in it on the good will and assistance of his followers. There is no concept of the staggering rise in the exchange of surplus goods that characterizes the area farther to the south. But that there was the concept of validation of status and the opportunity to achieve the highest social rank that Alaskan Eskimo society provided indicate a marked parallel to the Northwest Coast idea. The Messenger Feast reflects a preoccupation with property and wealth in the North Alaskan cultures. Such gifts as were bestowed were not of course lost. At the next feast, the host became the guest and stood to regain his property. But aside from these considerations, the social aspects of the festival are to be emphasized. It was in the Messenger Feast that a chance for contact with other communities arose, something which unquestionably had its reflection in the growth of an extended aboriginal trade. Through such contacts, ties with other villages were reaffirmed, and trading, as well as feasting partnerships, formed. The village as a whole was remembered for its generosity and largesse and each community sought to enhance its reputation in this direction. In this respect, despite the ties of kinship which cut across the village community, the Messenger Feast had a decidedly integrating effect in creating a solid community front and a sense of in-group solidarity. The kinship groups and the whaling-crew grouping were unquestionably factors which might tend to draw a community apart, or at least make its cohesiveness somewhat ephemeral. It was in such an institution as the Messenger Feast, on the one hand, and in the distribution of meat by a whaling crew following a successful hunt on the other, that the sense of community was brought to the fore. And, except for the occasional feuds between families, either inside or outside of the community, a development like the Messenger Feast provided lasting contacts and a sense of cultural uniformity between the peoples of the Alaskan Arctic slope. So far as is known, the Messenger Feast has not been described elsewhere for the culture of the Barrow Eskimo. As noted, the festival does not appear to have spread to the Eskimo farther to the east, and the Barrow area may accordingly be regarded as the ultimate point of the distribution of it. The Point Barrow Expedition of 1881–83 was aware of the feast but the reports contain no data on it. Both Murdoch and Lieutenant Ray mention an invitation extended to the latter. Murdoch’s statement may be worth quoting: “We never heard of any such elaborate ‘donation parties’ as are described at Norton Sound and the Yukon Region, where a man ‘saves up his property for years’ to distribute it among his guests” (Dall, 1870). A festival, however, was held at nuwuk in June 1883, which apparently resembled the second kind described by Dall. Two men came down from nuwuk to invite Lieutenant Ray and Captain Herendeen, telling them what presents they were expected to bring. Unfortunately, it was considered that too much was asked and the invitation was declined. The messengers carried “notched sticks” (Murdoch, 1892, pp. 373–375). It is evident that had Ray and Herendeen accepted the invitation, they would have received much more property than they had been obliged to give. The guests gave gifts, it is true, but the burden of giving lay with the host. In this case, it is possible that the nuwuk people were attempting to exploit the white men and to obtain considerably more than would have been asked of an Eskimo guest. Murdoch mentions three kariyit at utkeaayvik and two at nuwuk. He lists them as kudyigi, although he refers to Simpson’s earlier karigi. No detailed description is given, except to note that the building was broader than it was long, with a central ridgepole and a sloping roof. He does not mention the fact that the karigi was built of ice blocks, but does record the fact that the walls were banked with sod. He also records the presence of a clear ice window, suggesting the ice construction, but does not mention the skylight. Murdoch also notes that the structure might accommodate 60 people, according to a description he received from Lieutenant Ray. This points to the fact that the karigi was much larger than the dwellings. Murdoch further points out that the karigi was not used in winter except on the occasion of dances, games, and “conjuring ceremonies.” This seems generally true, since the structure became a sleeping place for men during the whaling activities. That it was not used for guests as Murdoch claims seems unfounded in view of the fact that the visitors in the feast described had the building for their own use (ibid., pp. 79–80). THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE LIFE CYCLE INTRODUCTION Attention has been given to the various social units which made up the cultures of the Alaskan Arctic slope. Through them moved the individual, occupying a series of statuses in relation to the society at large. When the individual is followed through the course of his life, the nature of the social units is lent perspective. In the individual the meeting place between family and community, between kin group and mode of life, and between the various kinds of extra-familial association is found. It is thus possible to determine the place of the various life crises and to obtain some concept of underlying values in answer to the question—what constituted an ideal person? The present section proposes to deal with the individual in his various roles from birth to death and to lay particular emphasis on the socialization process—the techniques by which the individual was made one with the society. PREGNANCY A woman was regarded as pregnant when the menstrual cycle was interrupted. Nine moons were then reckoned from the time of the cessation of the menses. It is said that the early stages of pregnancy could be readily ascertained since a woman's eyes became shadowed, and her lips and breasts "turned kind of blue." As soon as the pregnancy was further along, the weight and size of the woman was judged and these led to the prediction of the sex of the unborn child. It is said that a woman gets thinner before the birth of a boy but gains weight before a girl is born. Some abortion was practiced, but no contraception was known. A woman desiring an abortion continually pressed on the fundus of the uterus with both hands or leaped down from a high place. She might also press her body against sharp rocks. There is a suggestion of coitus interruptus. Contraception was otherwise magical. A woman who did not want children could borrow a belt from a barren woman and wear it. Some old women knew songs to prevent conception and sang them over a woman's belt. This was sometimes requested, but often it might be done from sheer malice on the part of the old woman. It is said that if a woman got such a belt, either one which had been sung over or from a barren woman, and then conceived, her delivery would be extremely difficult. A girl was told always to avoid the belt of another woman, not to touch it and certainly not to wear it. As noted elsewhere, a man solicited sexual intercourse by touching a woman's belt. It may be mentioned that the people of the area today have no means of contraception. No birth-control advice is given out by the native service hospital. One man who has lived elsewhere in Alaska is reputed to practice birth control. Informants were agreed that it was very necessary. There are said to be more children now. This is, of course, true and probably relates to the better health care in certain directions. At least, more infants appear to survive. There were, of course, any number of beliefs relating to pregnancy and a series of associated prohibitions. Unless these were followed, harm might result for either mother or child. A child would be lazy if the mother rested or slept apart from the prescribed bedtime. The pregnant woman could not walk backward out from a house lest she have a breech delivery. There was a bit of countermagic here. If a woman had to leave a house backward, she said aloud, "If a child is born, it won't be turned around." A pot or vessel could not be put over the head of a pregnant woman. If it were, she would not be able to deliver the placenta. If a woman put a bag into another bag, the child would be born with a caul. No special attitudes toward a caul could be elicited, however. It was not a bad omen. If a pregnant woman kept her arms in her parka all the time, the child might be born without arms. One woman was described who kept one arm inside the parka during pregnancy. And, indeed, her child was born with one arm under the flesh of its chest. The old concept, common to so many people, that a pregnant woman should not make cordage appears here. This would delay the delivery and might result in strangulation of the child from the umbilical cord. The father was also well advised to refrain from net making and tying knots. There appears to have been no other particular restriction on the father. Sexual intercourse was permissible during pregnancy. It was not viewed as harmful to the child nor as affecting the child in any way. Even in the advanced stages of pregnancy, the husband might effect penetration from behind his wife in contrast to the usual superior position. There was no elaboration of theories relating to conception. Because aborted fetuses had been seen, a general homunculus idea was prevalent. The child was formed "very tiny—a little dwarf," in the body of the mother. "It comes out when it is ready." There was likewise no particular theory as to how the child was related to the respective parents. A child was felt to resemble its father more than its mother, but the seed of both combined to create the child. It was said of a child, "He is just like his father," and the judgment was made on the basis of appearance, manners, actions, the walk, and the like. As among ourselves, people gathered to see a newborn child and pointed out resemblances to the father, the grandfather, the mother, and other relatives. If a child was lazy, it was because his father, grandfathers, or mother, had been the same. If a grandfather was a great whaler, it was said of the child that he would also excel in whaling or some other activity for which the grandfather was famous. There was no particular magic used to determine the sex of an unborn child. At least, there seems to have been none which the parents themselves could perform. A woman might repeat, "This is a boy," in order to have a boy baby, but, as noted, size and weight were regarded as factors in prediction of sex. But if a family felt strongly about the matter, the services of a shaman could be enlisted. By his songs, he could change the sex of a child in the womb. Generally, a family preferred that the first child be a girl. When older, she could assist in the care of her younger siblings. Boys, however, seem to have been otherwise preferred. When a family wished a boy, for example, a shaman might say, "This child was born a girl, but I changed it to a boy." Others were also said to have the power to change the sex of a child either before or after birth. When a woman married and had a child before the 9-month period, so that the husband could not have been the father, some ill feeling might arise. The husband might search for the natural father, which he could do, of course, by noting the appearance of the child. He might then insist that his wife leave him and marry the natural father. On the other hand, he might be glad of the child and wish to keep it. BIRTH Birth took place in a special parturition lodge, a snow house which was erected for the purpose by the father of the child or, if he were absent, by one of his relatives. This parturition hut was known as the aanigutyak or apuutyak. The woman went thither when she began to labor. If the group were traveling, as among the nomadic groups generally, the people stopped and hastily erected the structure, waiting while the woman delivered. The apuutyak was small, large enough only for the woman and an assistant. It was lined inside with moss and was covered outside with dog feces which were collected for the purpose by the husband. No data could be had on why the latter was done. The moss was arranged so that the woman could kneel on it. It was here that the baby would be placed. Moss had been collected before the birth by the woman and her husband and dried over the oil lamp. It was then sacked and used in the birth hut as well as for diapering the child. The woman delivered the child in a kneeling position, often hanging from the roof of the birth hut by a strap or beam. There was no special class of midwives, the woman's mother, mother-in-law, grandmother, or some other female relative usually rendering aid and receiving the child. The female assistant was generally one who had some experience with childbirth. Before delivery, people in the house might untie knots, thus aiding the ease of birth. All birth magic, except possibly for the shamanistic activities designed to determine the sex of a child, was aimed at easing delivery. A busy woman was thought to make herself strong so as to have an easy birth, as well as preventing laziness in her child. She might also have worn a strap about her body so as to prevent the fetus from becoming too large. The parturient was potentially dangerous, to herself as well as to the community. During pregnancy and birth, she should avoid other pregnant women. She wore old clothes during the pregnancy which were discarded when she returned from the birth hut with her child. Birth was particularly in the domain of women. No man assisted at birth or entered the birth hut. The husband might stand outside, or, if the husband were away from the community, a relative, either his or the woman's, waited during the birth. The husband could engage in no activities during the delivery process. He was obliged to remain in the house or tent and if he came out, he was to stand by the birth hut. Although a shaman lost his power if he came into contact with a pregnant woman (or one menstruating), he might assist in the birth. This he did by singing, usually at the house of the parturient. He could help his own wife in the same way, but he could do nothing to aid his child. A shaman, in fact, was considered to lose his power if he attempted to treat his own children. The child was delivered, laid on a bed of moss in the birth hut, and the assistant waited for the expulsion of the placenta. When delivery was completed, the assistant cut the cord with her ulu and tied it. Skins were at hand to wrap the placenta. This was done at once with the cutting of the cord. It was taken out and buried. No woman dared look at it lest her eyes become weak. While no definite information could be obtained, it would appear that if the placenta were not properly treated, and thus eaten by dogs or other animals, the results would be harmful to the child. After birth, the woman was under restrictions for 4 days, if the child were a girl, 5 if it were a boy. During this time she remained in the birth hut and was subject to food taboos. These were especially true if the child was a boy, less so, if a girl. The concept was to eat only those foods which might have a beneficial effect on the child. Meat from animals whose characteristics were not admired was avoided. Thus, one woman is described as having eaten only the wings of ducks in order to make the child a good runner and paddler. Her son later won a kayak race in the games played after trading at neγeliq, beating out a man of great reputation as a paddler. But there were other taboos similar to those imposed on women when menstruating. The mother could not eat raw meat or blood. For 2 days, the newborn child was not nursed, the mother waiting until the voiding of the colostrum. The baby's mouth was washed out and the baby was given water with a little oil warmed in the mouth. At 2 days, nursing began. The newborn child was not washed. The mother put it in her parka, frequently licking it clean and rubbing it down. The baby was immediately diapered with moss and caribou skins. When, after 4 or 5 days, the mother returned to the household, she discarded her old clothes, donned new ones, and the taboos to which she was committed were lifted. At this point, the child might be said to be accepted as a member of the household and family groupings. It was then named, taking the names of various deceased relatives. If the economic circumstances were such that the child had to be abandoned, it was not named but taken at once from the mother and tossed aside near the birth hut. This was, as has been stated, a family decision, the wishes of the mother being frequently overridden. It was the woman's mother-in-law who most frequently came into the birth hut and took the abandoned child away from the mother. But when the child received its names and was returned to the household, it was a member of the group. Then only the most extreme circumstances would warrant its abandonment. If the family were pressed, it was regarded as better to give the child out in adoption than to allow it to perish. Indeed, even when it was agreed that the child be given out in adoption, the natural mother kept it for a time, she being the only one who could effectively nurse and care for it. Once weaned, it could more readily be given away. There were, it is true, a number of restrictions which applied to the parturient woman. In general, these were conceived to protect both mother and child. Such magic as there was met this end. There was no surgery associated with birth, except the cutting of the navel cord. There were no attempts at manipulation of the fetus in case of a difficult delivery, although some old women were reputedly skilled at turning the baby in case of a breech delivery. If the placenta failed to follow, there was no action taken, no attempts being made to pull on the cord. In a difficult delivery the old woman assisting might bear down on the woman's uterus, clasping her body from behind and dragging her weight against it. If labor were prolonged, a shaman was hired to sing, but there was no other known technique. There was no Caesarean type of surgery, either on a living woman or posthumously. Shamans never performed autopsies, as in some adjacent cultures. Some of the women living at present in the area, who have given birth to children both at the hospital and by the older method, are agreed in preferring the aboriginal way. They claim that delivery while prone, as in a hospital bed, is far more painful, since the uterus presses on the spine. There is probably little doubt that the method was a successful one. The isolation of the child in the birth hut reduced the possibilities of contagion from others. Only if the birth were difficult was the culture at a loss, having developed no techniques to meet unusual situations. Infant mortality was high, but it seemingly arose from postnatal care rather than from birth itself. Not that this was not adequate; exposure, food shortages, the failure of mother's milk, were factors enough even without the introduction of such European diseases as the common cold, measles, and tuberculosis. INFANCY "A happy home likes children; people who could not agree threw babies away." There is no question that babies were welcomed, that maternal devotion was a strong theme in the culture. A woman was expected to want children, to care for them, and to give them affection. There is little doubt that a childless woman suffered. Apart from the economic potential of a child, and quite apart from the fact that the family groupings welcomed a new member, the women of the household were delighted to have children about. Even in adoption and in step relationships, the maternal development was vividly defined. "You love your children; you kiss them and hold them all the time." The child was, and is, carried in the mother's parka. It was not cradled or bound, having considerable freedom of motion in the roomy parka. Mothers went to their daily tasks carrying the child. Indoors, the child was released and set on skins. The mother always attempted to keep the child warm. The child was nursed when it cried. There was no scheduling of feeding times. In traveling, as among the nomadic groups, which might be resumed within 4 or 5 days after birth, the child was fed at the mother's breast whenever it cried. Among the maritime groups, where the mother might be busy about the house, the child was fed at the times most convenient to the mother. However, "it is sad to hear a child cry," and it may be inferred that the child was given the breast as it demanded. The child had only mother's milk until the age of about 1 year. Shortly before this, it was introduced to more solid foods, being given broths and premasticated meat. Water was also given shortly before the child was a year old. It was at this time that the child was given out in adoption, if it were so planned. If the mother's milk supply failed, the child was sometimes given to another woman to wet-nurse, but more often, reliance was placed on broths and premasticated food. It was here that the child might suffer, and the mortality seems highest among such. Weaning was a gradual process. Children might nurse until 4 or 5 years old, even though they had been introduced to other foods at the age of about 1 year. A mother might nurse two children of different ages at once. Some twin births have been reported but no special attitudes toward them appear to have arisen. One of the twins might be abandoned. It would thus appear that the weaning process was a very gradual one and extremely easy for the child. An older child was not rejected by the mother in favor of a younger. Indeed, it is still true that the eldest child is the one to whom the greatest degree of affection is given. Sibling rivalry in relation to breast feeding could not of course be wholly averted. When an older child was of necessity displaced by several younger siblings, he often showed temper in the form of tantrums. These were usually ignored. Today, women put salt or pepper on their breasts to keep an older child away, although today nursing at so late an age as 2 is most unusual. There was no attempt to shame a child away from the breast; his desires and tantrums were overlooked and he presumably quickly saw that he got nowhere with them. By 4 or 5, in any case, the child was out at play a good deal. Up to this time, he enjoyed a warm and intimate contact with his mother, not only at her breast, but being carried in the parka. But if weaning was a long and gradual process, toilet training was effected while the child was unusually young. While there was no punishment involved, the child was taught to control bladder and bowel processes while still an infant. At the age of 2 to 3 months, the mother set him over one of the wooden vessels used to collect the household urine and held him there until the sphincter muscles relaxed. She usually blew gently on the child's head as she held him. Bladder control was not especially differentiated from anal control. The process of blowing on the head evidently served to establish the response. The child was diapered while young and while carried in the mother's parka. Soft caribou skins covered a layer of moss which was periodically changed. Later, when the child began to walk, he was fitted with "training pants," as they are still called, a legginglike garment from which the child's buttocks protrude. Today these are made from cast-off clothing and worn by the child about the house. They appear to be aboriginal, however. The child quickly learned to avoid wetting or soiling himself. One can see an environmental reason for such early toilet training. It would be distinctly dangerous to be out with wet clothing in cold weather. If a child had an "accident," however, he was not punished. The mechanism of shaming a child was not used. There was no punishment for the chronic bed wetter. This is true today. With the fairly serene home situation, and the absence of punishments, one might assume that the toilet training adjustment, however early, was not a highly traumatic feature. The child slept with his mother, or parents, as the case might be. He was nursed as he wished in the parents' sleeping area. As soon as the parents were able, following the birth of a child, they resumed sexual intercourse. Women complained that their husbands were too demanding following the birth of a child. The child was not barred from the parents' bed during intercourse. Women were said to like to continue to nurse as long as possible. A younger child generally took the place of an older sibling in the mother's or parents' bed. The older sibling in this case was relegated to a place with a grandmother or older female relative. The importance of these older women in child raising and care cannot be underestimated. The older women presumably had leisure to give to the child, while the mother did not. Again and again one encounters the grandmother as a source of protection and affection. As is so frequently the case in many cultures, the grandmother plays an important role in the socialization process. The grandfather, too, was important, especially for boys. Because there was always some older relative present either in the house or the nomadic tent, the child was not wanting in affection and was not rejected. The older siblings were always interested in the younger, while grandmothers, aunts, and others, looked after children. It was this development which apparently curbed any sense of rejection and minimized any pattern of sibling rivalry. In the old culture, because the child was not confined, he began to sit up at the age of about 8 months. Shortly thereafter, he began to crawl about the house or tent. This was a prized stage of life so far as the parents were concerned. And it was at this point, too, that the father began to take a genuine interest in the child. The child was not forced into either walking or talking. He walked at about a year or more, began to talk slightly later. The relatives held out their hands to make the child come walking to them. They also repeated certain words for the child as it began to talk. A slower child was not forced into any activity; he was allowed to develop much as he could. Infancy, then, was a period of freedom for the individual. He was allowed to suck, chew, move, much as he chose. He was warmly welcomed by all his kin, not rejected at any point, and clearly made to feel one with the family grouping. There were for boys, however, certain rigors in the social environment. When the north wind blew, an infant boy might be placed outdoors for a time naked. This was felt to make the child hardy and to enable him to take his place as a man at a later time. The north wind was male, the south wind female. This was not done to girls. Physical strength was prized. An infant might be told by his grandfather, as soon as he was able to talk, how he should develop his strength and excel in feats of physical prowess. CHILDHOOD One may define childhood as the period from walking, talking, and a degree of independence until puberty. There were no status terms in the language—a general word for child, it is true, but the various stages of development were not especially designated. One of the characteristic criteria of childhood as against infancy was the beginning of sex differentiation. Part of the socialization process was the dichotomizing of girls' and boys' activities. In the main, this related to the beginnings of work. Girls remained with the mother, and were introduced gradually to such tasks as cooking, sewing, gathering wood, and bringing water. Boys, on the other hand, watched the activities of the men, learning to butcher, to accompany their fathers or older male relatives in boats and sleds. Boys were not usually introduced to hunting until after puberty, however. Beginning by about age 10, they might go along as spectators on a hunt and do menial chores for the hunters. As soon as a child was capable of reasoning and being reasoned with, certain instructions were given him in an informal way. He was taught the names of all his kin, of his qatanuutigiit, his parents' partners, and the like. These, he was told, would always "help him." Similarly, he was made to feel disapproval if he were unduly noisy in the house or tent. This was rationalized in that unexpected noises disturbed the game all around and would drive it away. As a result, and this was presumably enforced by parental attitudes, the child learned to speak softly. Even today, children are accustomed to whisper in conversing with adults and to remain quiet. The child was expected to obey all older people, and fell into this regimen fairly readily. In keeping with the ideal of hardiness being instilled in boys, no boy could eat except when the family meals were ready. Two meals a day being the general practice, a boy became accustomed to eating morning and late afternoon. He should avoid broth once the infant stage was passed, since this was conceived to stretch his stomach and make him greedy and unable to withstand privation. "You get hungry too quick if you eat too often" was apparently an oft repeated maxim. Boys who wanted to eat during the day were told, "Are you going to eat all the time if you go hunting?" Girls were allowed more food than boys. It was the boy who had to live up to the role of provider, of feeding others at the expense of his own wants. And since this was a virtue, it was repeated and demonstrated in various ways. Girls, too, were taught generosity. They were taught to offer food freely and gladly, with respect for the food and for the person to whom it was given. Food could never be tossed to another person. This was the height of bad manners and was regarded as treating someone else "just like a dog." The individual was presented with something of a dilemma in his social development. On the one hand, he was urged to be hardy and to excel in the tasks he undertook. On the other, however, he was urged to be circumspect, to hold himself back, and not to show off his excellence in one or another activity. Boasting and other forms of immodest behavior were anathema. There have already been described the various ways in which the individual suppressed himself and was in turn suppressed by the society. The good runner, for example, dared not win too often. It is at this point that an ideal of behavior emerges. It would be clearly indicated that the individual should excel, but not at the expense of others. His abilities and talents would be quickly seen but it was desirable that he suppress them. In his own abilities, however, he was permitted to develop a reserve of confidence, being aware and content that he could meet new situations and conquer them. The child, particularly the boy, worked toward the ideal of individual integrity and was discouraged from seeking approbation from others. This was, in a sense, the goal of socialization and education and in childhood were instilled the traits of personality making for individual security, dignity, and ability. The child who pushed himself forward was quickly checked by an older person. "Your head is coming up above the others" was warning enough. The individual was thus taught to depend on his own reserves and to look for merited support from his kin. He was not shamed into conformity nor was he punished either by a physical means or by withdrawal of affection. It was made clear to him that certain actions deserved approval while others did not. His chance for success lay in himself with family support. If he failed to measure up to the standard, he might discover that he could get his way by shouting down any opposition. Here was the bully who might achieve a degree of material success, but who could never hope for a devoted following from kin, friends, or partners. There was no social mechanism by which such behavior could be curbed and it is clear that there was no special pattern of bullying. Such people were "just hard to get along with." A child was encouraged to agree with others and to avoid making scenes or forcing his way through social situations. The child could show temper and might have tantrums. In this case, the parent might take him home and would give every evidence of unconcern. It may be assumed that bullying, either by a child or by an individual who doubted his own abilities, provided a culturally accepted mode of behavior for the unadjusted individual. Shamanism was the other course open to such a person. As is suggested elsewhere in this study, the successful individual, he who excelled in production and hunting, who had the full backing of his kin, had no call to become a shaman. He would, moreover, be inclined to give in to the wishes of others. But in the aboriginal culture, every individual was in some measure in control of the supernatural. The infant was given names and charms, either by shamans or older relatives. In childhood, the stock of charms owned by the individual might be increased. Through the awareness of the supernatural, the child was made subject to other kinds of controls. The child was encouraged to work hard and to avoid laziness at all costs. Industriousness was the prime virtue in both men and women. With industry arises the ideal of cooperation and generosity. The educative process was aimed, however informally, at instilling all these values in the individual. It succeeded in a remarkable way. It produced an individual capable of living in the cooperative situation demanded by the social and natural environment. Under the socializing agency of the family, there was a high degree of personal security, one which is by no means lost today. It can by no means be supposed that life for the child was secure but yet austere. Changing situations might create periods of hardship and privation and it is true that the child was expected to work when he could. But at the same time, there were innumerable recreational outlets open to the child. He was free and encouraged to share in these. The present study has not given full attention to the game complex among the groups in question. There were games, often with associated songs, for both children and adults. One cannot help being impressed by the endless variety of games. There were games for boys and girls, group games, group songs, sports, and many toys. Of the latter, balls, made of deerskin stuffed with baleen or mountain sheep horn shavings, tops made of bone or ivory and whipped, and dolls were prominent. The bull roarer appears as a child's toy and there were the innumerable string figures, each with an appropriate song. The group games played by children were many. A few examples are given here: 1. sixilikpayuu. The children formed a line, while the two strongest sat opposite each other. As each child passed between them, the leaders pulled at him, the stronger drawing him to his side. The game ended when the children were divided, the side having the greater number being the winner. A song was sung during the game. It was: \[ \begin{align} &\text{sixilikpayuu} \\ &\text{sik} \quad \text{atuu} \quad \text{mikayu} \quad \text{mikaa} \\ &\text{siyuuk} \quad \text{siyuuk} \quad \text{siyuuk} \end{align} \] 2. Tug of war. This game was common to children and also played by adults. The two leaders locked hands, while the teams lined up behind, each with his arms around the person in front. 3. Old woman. This was a children's game, involving someone who was "it" playing the old woman. She pretended to be blind, and set up a number of "bags" containing her possessions. These she guarded, while the children came to steal them. The "old woman" pretended to be asleep. When she missed her possessions, she came accusing the others. Another "old woman" has the stolen property and the two work up sides and struggle over the items. In this game there was a good deal of word play and exchange. 4. Getting water. Lines were made in the snow to form a "road." Someone was selected to be a "devil" to guard the road. As the children walked down single file along the road, the "devil" tried to get them out of line and off the road. If one were off the road, he was out of the game. 5. Hunting. Girls tied antlers to their heads while boys tried to track them down and pretended to shoot them. The child was prevented from hearing gossip. This was in keeping with the pattern of thinking well of others and of being agreeable. The child himself was discouraged from talking about his playmates. The "tattletale" was made to feel disapproval both from age-mates and from parents and elders. Truth was a virtue. Those who exaggerated or told falsehoods "would never be believed again." This attitude is an important one and carries into the present. In summary, and still true, the child after infancy becomes subject to more rigorous controls. He learns by processes of imitation and by guidance by members of his family grouping. By the time he has reached the age of ability to reason, his role is established. The careful differentiation between men's and women's spheres of activity is impressed on the child and he begins to fulfill the expected sexual role, taking on more and more responsibility for work, and developing new skills as he moves toward puberty. PUBERTY The puberty situation for girls was somewhat more rigorous, being tied up with the first menstruation. There was no special series of rites for boys, although a transition from childhood to adolescence, and by extension, to adulthood, was defined by the change in clothing and by the perforations made to hold the labrets. Among boys, the initial change was marked by new garments. These were given to the boy when his voice began to change. As a child, he had worn long trousers to which a sock was sewn. Over the feet were worn boots. As an adult, the qalliik, the short trousers, which came to just below the knee, were worn. The child's female relatives made the new garments but they were conferred by a father or grandfather. Fun was poked at a boy when his voice changed and it was said, "You'll be getting married pretty soon now." There was clearly a recognition of status change. When the voice changed, the boy was treated as an adult. Should he fall back into his childhood ways, it was said, "You have brains enough not to do that now." At this stage of life the boy was often enlisted as a runner. He was told to practice running and endurance. The introduction to such communal festivities as the Messenger Feast was effected by men who invited various boys to represent them as runners. At the same time, advice was given as to how to run. In a race, for example, the boy was told not to look behind except under the raised arm, lest he lose. Similarly, the child, who had up to now been kept away from shamanistic activities, unless of course, he were ill, was permitted to attend the seances. But the parents often told the child not to learn the songs which the shaman sang. Were he to do so, he might well become imbued with shaman's power. The office was not a desired one. It is clear that the shift from childhood to adolescence was not formalized. It involved merely the assumption of greater responsibility on the part of the boy and his being included gradually in adult activities. When his clothing was changed, he was permitted to share in hunting and whaling, not yet as a fully fledged participant, but as an observer and apprentice. This was considered to form a vital part of his education. The end of the vague adolescence period was signalized for boys by the piercing of the lower lip for labrets. This was an individual matter, there being no group initiation. A father or male guardian decided that the boy was ready and enlisted the services of a man who was skilled in making the cuts. This was not a shaman nor was he paid for the service. The man who performed the operation was skilled at doing it quickly and "making a straight cut." The boy put his hands over his ears and lay back against the knees of the cutter. The latter pressed his knees on the boy's hands against his head, holding the head and hands tightly between his knees. He then called the boy by name. If the boy didn't answer, it was a sign that he couldn't hear, and it was at this point that the cut was made. A piece of wood was put inside the mouth and a chisellike knife of stone was driven down quickly through the flesh just under each corner of the mouth. The boy did not cry out. He was expected to say that the operation was not painful. The blood was wiped away and the wounds washed in urine which was taken into the mouth and expelled through the cuts. At this point, the labrets were introduced. Labrets were of three kinds. A small round labret, an inch or less in diameter, called tuutak, was worn first. This was a conventionally worn labret, not regarded as too valuable. Men might wear these for "every day," but changed to more expensive ones on festive occasions. A man of wealth wore only the more expensive. Before the operation, a boy was told to make his own labrets. He made the tuutak, although more costly ones might be given him as gifts. The labret "buttoned" into the cut and was put in and left at once. During the early stages of wearing, it was taken out and cleaned, a smooth shaft was run through the wounds, and the wound treated with urine. More expensive lip plugs were of two kinds. The first was an oblong labret called simmeak, running to perhaps 1$\frac{1}{2}$ or 2 inches in length. The most expensive was the anmaloak, a round labret "about the size of a dollar," into which a bead had been glued. Some of the pairs of the latter actually had names and were of great value. Even a single one might be traded for an umiak or a whole wolverine skin. The three grades of labrets were all valuable and all might be used in trading. After the lip plugs had been introduced, they were rarely removed. Men wore them in all activities. Only an umaeliq of note would wear the anmaloak. It is said that styles changed frequently with the result that men were often employed in making them for themselves at leisure moments. When a boy donned the labrets, it was a sign that his childhood and adolescence were passed. He could now marry. He was free to find sexual partners where he could. As nearly as can be judged, there was little or no homosexual activity. A boy formed a brief attachment or two before settling down to life as a married man. It is clear that there was no group initiation of boys, either into the lore of the group, into a place in a whaling crew, or into a karigi. The wearing of the labret signalized a transition into adulthood but it was an individual matter. No attempt was made to establish a formal bond of initiation between boys of the same age group. There were no recognized age classes. Girls were subject to restrictions at the first menstrual period. This was for them a situation corresponding to the wearing of a labret by boys. Like the boy, the girl, as she began to mature—a condition observed by the growth of her breasts—was allowed to change from the garments of childhood, essentially the same for both sexes, into those of adulthood. Somewhere between childhood and puberty, the girl was tattooed. Informants disagree on this point. Some of the older women were asked about their tattoo marks, since virtually all women over 65 have them. Some remarked that they were tattooed as small children, and that it was done because they wanted it as a beauty mark. Others say that they were tattooed as part of the puberty rite and that the mark reflected marriageability. The latter explanation seems the more correct one and it is possible that the function of female tattooing was beginning to be lost even in the childhood of older women alive today. The tattoo mark consisted of a series of closely drawn parallel lines extending from the center of the lower lip to the base of the chin. After a time, the lines drew together with the result that most women had a tattoo ranging from $ \frac{3}{4} $ to 1 inch from lower lip to chin. The tattooing was done by an older woman, often a relative, and like the piercing of the boy for labrets, was quite informally done. It is said that a girl would plead to be tattooed. She might be warned that if she were, men would rape her. This too suggests that the mark was a sign of eligibility for marriage. When it was agreed that she be tattooed, the girl sat down, raised her chin, and another woman, working with needle and thread which had been drawn through the soot of the oil lamp, pulled the thread through the flesh of the area. Girls were not expected to show the same indifference to pain as boys. It is said that they complained long after of the soreness of their chins. The first menstruation was the critical one, although any menstruating woman was potentially dangerous both to herself and the community. There was no menstrual lodge, although sometimes a girl would be obliged to retire to the birth hut, especially if some man in the house were out whaling. But the girl was mostly confined to the house, as indeed, were all menstruating women. At the first menstruation, the period of seclusion was 5 days. The girl wore a special hood of caribou skin which covered her eyes. It was felt that if she looked at light, her eyes would be harmed. She could only look down and was not supposed to gaze out on the world. When she had to urinate, another woman guided her to a place some distance from the house, since she could not, of course, mix her urine with that used by the household. She was also subject to various food restrictions. She could not touch raw or bloody meat, let alone eat it. She had to drink water from a special vessel of her own, usually made of wood, which was kept for subsequent menstrual periods. The girl could not work on any game. Even if she touched it, the hunter would lose his skill and could never again be successful in catching the particular animal which she touched. Likewise, were she to touch a weapon, it was rendered useless and would never again kill game. Similarly, the shaman lost his power if he came into contact with the menstruating woman and particularly with the girl who was menstruating for the first time. The pattern associated with the girl's first menstruation is of course to be expected in view of the attitudes of all adjacent peoples. It is only remarkable that the girl was confined for so short a period. And, too, once the first menstrual period passed, she was not subject to further restrictions. There was no idea that she had to observe certain prohibitions for a year thereafter, nor was she otherwise secluded. Not only is the absence of an elaborate puberty ceremony for girls to be associated with the marginal position of the cultures in question, but the demands of life made prolonged seclusion and prohibition impractical. In subsequent menstrual periods much the same restrictions applied. The woman should avoid raw and bloody meat but she could touch it. In short, she was not prevented from working. She wore a deerskin napkin lined with moss. She could sleep with her husband but she could not remove her clothes during her period. She had only to be careful that the menstrual discharge did not contact weapons, men, shamans, and the like. She urinated away from the house. There was of course a taboo on sexual intercourse during menstruation. After her period, a woman generally changed her clothes and might reserve old clothes for the menstrual period. When the first period was passed, a girl was regarded as adult. She was now tattooed and presumably had mastered the skills which lay in the domain of women. She was now free to marry. As noted, she might be reluctant to do this. If she did not marry at once, she had to be careful lest some man seize her, rape her, and take her to his house. It was advisable that she marry as soon as her menses began. SEXUAL BEHAVIOR The boy and girl, having passed puberty, were thus eligible for marriage. There were no well-defined restrictions as to sexual behavior; a girl, as noted, was not expected to remain chaste. The child saw others in the household engaging in sexual relations and there were hence no secrets from him. Should he ask where a new sibling came from, he was told at once that it came out of the mother's body. This is quite in contrast to the situation today, where under Euro-American influence, the frankness relating to sexual matters has vanished. The child was not curbed in his sexual pursuits. He was not prevented from masturbation, nor is he at present. Indeed, the writer has observed mothers masturbating an infant to quiet it. Heterosexual experimentation in late childhood was apparently not unusual. Boys and girls, around the age of puberty, might go off together on excursions away from the community and engage in sexual relations. While this was permissible, a girl was urged to avoid promiscuity, since this might complicate the system of mutual obligations between families which could arise from sexual ties. In general, it was felt that young people, while free to play the field for a time, should settle down in a quasi-permanent marital relationship. In this way, good relations between families were effected. There was nothing against trial marriage, however, and frequently the first marriage or two ended in divorce. It is clear that there was a certain amount of competition among older people for the younger eligible ones. Older men might seek young girls as second wives, and girls were warned by their families that this might happen if they refused to marry when it was possible to do so. Young men might also be sought as husbands by older women. Many such marriages are recalled. An older person might use the threat of magic to blackmail a younger one into marriage. Even a very old woman might be on the lookout for a young man as a husband. Her interest lay not in the sexual relationship, nor even in any prestige goals, but rather in gaining a provider. Since old women, who had passed the climacteric, were viewed as possessing supernatural power, a young man might be drawn into a relationship with one quite against his will. There was nothing against his taking a second wife or finding sexual outlets elsewhere. There were, however, certain ideals in sex relationships and in marriage partners. A family preferred to arrange a marriage, since it could then depend on the good will of the other group. Hence such features as bride service developed. One woman recalls that her husband came to the family while she was still very small. He remained in the house, working his way, assisting her father in hunting. When she passed her period of puberty, he was then accepted as her husband and the marriage was consummated. She had not wanted to marry this individual, but both her mother and grandmother directed her to do so. A person could have certain values which a mate might be expected to meet. Not the least of these was a demand for affection, there being a fairly strong sense of romance in the culture. "Love," as such, was not idealized but romantic attachments were formed on the basis of physical beauty such as large eyes. Regularity of features was also important. This was true of men also, a person with some prominent physical feature being considered ludicrous. Too beautiful a face was considered a bad risk. Such girls were "stingy"; "They won't feed anyone." But a woman had to be judged on a series of personal traits, rather than on beauty alone. She was expected to keep herself neat and to be industrious. Other physical features were not regarded as too significant. The breasts were not important in sex play, nor were the buttocks or thighs. An attractive person, man or woman, ran to an average. He should not be "too fat, too thin, too tall, too short; you look at them and see that they look just right. Then you know that you can marry them." Sexuality was fairly well stereotyped. Sexual intercourse was regarded as an end in itself and there was little interest in sexual variations. Sexual perversion as such was not disturbing but sufficiently unusual to require comment. One man is described as having had intercourse with dogs. This was unusual behavior but was treated in a matter of fact way. The few Indians (itkiyyig) with whom the North Alaskan peoples came into contact were said to be the offspring of a man and a dog named asanu. Older people apparently accepted the tale as a fact but there was no feeling of contempt expressed toward the Indians. They were, in fact, "very good people." There is no evidence of homosexual behavior of any kind. One might expect that with the rather rigid definition of sexual roles there might be some transvestitism. The only case which in any way suggests the berdache was that of an old man who likes "to cook, clean, and scrub." He did not, however, wear women's clothes and apparently hunted like other men. "He just liked to be busy all the time." A woman was mentioned who always hunted and attempted to join a men's crew. Although she was not permitted to do this, she caught seals at breathing holes in winter. This angered a shaman, who crippled her; she froze to death as a result. Another suggestion of homosexual behavior arises in that "many men say they wish they had been born women." The woman's lot was regarded as generally easier. But some women were also said to have wished they had been men. When a person had such wishes, he might request that his name be given to a child of the opposite sex after his death. The idea of transvestitism or of homosexuality was clearly not shocking to informants but was instead fairly amusing. All were agreed that shamans never were transvestites. One person was described as a hermaphrodite but this was "because he acted funny," not, as nearly as can be judged, because of physical evidence. Sexuality thus involved heterosexual relations. There was some sex play prior to sexual intercourse, such as kissing and biting, but beyond the genitalia, there were no well-defined erogenous zones. The breasts and buttocks, as noted above, were not important in sex play. During the sex act, the couples lay prone, the male in a superior position, and the partners might bite each other in the fleshy part of the neck. In the house, women customarily went about naked from the waist up, as did men. Clothing was removed for sexual intercourse. But despite the fact that sexual relations were definitely patterned, few variations being permitted, or indeed, thought of, sexual behavior might go to extremes in rape and violence. A man who raped a woman seized her by the belt and threw her down. As he held her, he generally ripped off her trousers or cut them with his knife. A man who seized and held a woman's belt was soliciting sexual intercourse. If a woman objected, she might scream and draw her kin to her rescue. Women, on the other hand, had no such device; they could ask a man or could, of course, convey their desires in more subtle ways. The individual was raised, as may be seen, in a fairly secure family situation. He was expected to repress resentments and to avoid showing his feelings. Those who succeeded in maintaining this behavioral pattern were regarded as "honest and patient," two virtues which are again and again extolled. In certain situations, however, the pattern of repression was broken and passions flared out in often violent ways. Violence was frequently directed toward the shaman, particularly toward strangers, and likewise in sexual behavior. Sexuality appears to have been at times a release from tensions, not so much in sexual satisfaction itself as in the violence of preparation for the sex act. In general there appears to have been little coquettishness in the culture, an element which may be anticipated in keeping with the absence of vicarious sexuality. Dress, either in the past, or today, was not viewed as a means of provoking sexual desires. "People want to be comfortable, not pretty." In keeping with the desire to attain a mean, clothing was regarded as best which used conservatively matched skins. Today, in the trade-goods parkas which women wear, the design elements should be neither too large nor too small, and there should be an element of white in the design. Small designs on cloth are reserved for little girls. Design elements on the sleeves and collars of parka covers need not be matched with those of the body of the parka itself. The patterns of behavior relating to the selection of a mate have already been discussed. Family arrangement, capture, and mutual agreement were the ways by which a mate was chosen. There were, however, certain expected behavioral forms. A girl who was modest and "bashful" was a good risk as a wife. One that was forward might lead the husband into difficulties. An unmarried girl, past puberty, stayed with her female relatives, going out alone only under the most exceptional circumstances. The fear of rape or capture, since an unattended girl was fair game for any man, resulted in the ideal situation of marital arrangement. Opposing this, however, were the excursions undertaken by young people in which sexual relations might play a part. Families seeking to arrange a marriage could do so formally but there was also an informal way. The two groups might agree to summer at a fishing camp or to go off to the trading together. They would then throw the young man and young woman together and soon begin to treat them as a married couple. There was little by way of instruction of any kind given either to the boy or to the girl before marriage. It was understood that the skills acquired during the socialization process were applicable to adult life. Boys were encouraged to be good workers and providers; girls learned to keep a house in order. An unmarried girl made her own clothes which were covertly inspected by prospective mothers-in-law. A careless seamstress was judged as lazy and undesirable. It frequently happened that a girl was taken aside by an older female relative before marriage and shown the things which a hunter needed. A good wife was expected to keep all clothing in order, food ready, and all hunting gear except weapons properly arranged. But there was little or no mention of sexual practices or expectations. If a boy and girl were known to be engaged in a sexual relationship, some gossip might arise. On the whole, however, sex was commonplace. There was no sense of artistry in it nor was it felt necessary to explain to the young person anything relating to the sexual mores. Prior to marriage, and this remains true today, there was no attempt between a betrothed couple to work out future plans. They might discuss residence arrangements, although this was a family decision primarily. There was no attempt at intellectual intimacy and no overt sign of affection. No person could relate his own aims, ambitions, or hopes to another. This was done neither with a spouse nor with a relative. The closest tie which might exist was with one's friends, that is, partners or joking partners. In short, a young couple did not discuss their marriage beforehand and settled domestic problems as they arose. Intimacy between husband and wife was thus sexual and not on an intellectual level. One reason for this undoubtedly lies in the fact that the marriage bond was secondary to the bond of blood kinship. As the married couple engendered offspring, the tie between them became stronger. The marital bond, too, was enforced by economic considerations—the fact that the couple made up a team and depended on each other for material support. As several women were asked: "What do you and your husband talk about?" the answer was inevitably, "We don't say anything; we don't talk about anything." This was quite accurate. The husband came home for meals, ate in silence, and left at once to do this or that task or to join his mates in the karigi. Women, on the other hand, went to work at their tasks, often with other women, a group frequently pooling its labor and gossiping at the same time. And, with a few exceptions, this pattern of living is still followed. The culture made no provision for expressing "feelings." No one could feel free to indicate to others that he might be out of sorts. This was true in all interpersonal relationships. People talked, and still do so, of weather, hunting, food. There was no attempt to evaluate situations or to pass judgment on them. This was likewise true as between husband and wife. In the family, a unit larger than the husband-wife team must be considered. The house or tent owner generally made family decisions. These were never formal, however, and the family or household head could be dissuaded from his project if enough of the kin group felt strongly against it. As noted elsewhere, the person was free to make his own decisions often without reference to the family or household at large. If the family decided to spend a summer at fishing, while one member chose to remain at home, no pressure was put on the latter to change his mind. This was also true as between husband and wife. In trading, in traveling here and there in the economic round, the wife might choose not to come. A husband might force her to come with him, but would not be likely to do so. After marriage, a wife, living with the family of the husband, might elect to go back to her own kin for a time. There was no objection. She might stay for a long period and if this met with the husband's approval, the marriage might simply end in a permanent separation or divorce. Only when a wife was obviously miserable and sought to get away again and again was the ire of the husband aroused. In this case, he could force her return. If the woman's kin felt that he was justified, as they well might, unless he reputedly abused her, they would assist him in returning her. The husband might in such an instance hamstring the wife to prevent her running off. A husband and wife agreed on child rearing without question. There is little doubt that the same methods were used in generation after generation. The henpecked husband was rare. If a woman became a shrew, the husband ripped her clothes. If she were a scold, he could rip her cheeks open from the corners of her mouth. These were very rare cases. If a woman were inclined to shrewishness and her husband condoned it, relatives of the pair might interfere and point out that the two were not making a good marriage. These kinds of sanctions were evidently sufficient to keep a degree of conformity to the marital ideals. If there were a great discrepancy between the ages of the marital partners, as, for instance, in the case of young man marrying an old woman, it was felt not "to look nice." It frequently occurred, however. The feeling was that the purpose of marriage was in some measure defeated. The young man was advised to get away from the older woman since she could bear him no children. Such a union might adopt a child. The children of the older partner from another marriage, and there were usually such, often resented a young step-father. Here was a source of some dissatisfaction and discord. As has been shown, such marriages were often the result of blackmail, of magical threats directed against a young person. Indeed, when a young person was unwilling to marry, the family might ask an old person to pretend that he or she wished the young man or woman in marriage. This usually forced the issue. The general feeling was that people of the same age should marry. Both then benefited by the offspring, who were responsible for the parents in their old age. Marriage between two people of the same general age provided a better link between the families involved. There was a certain amount of marital jealousy. A husband or wife might resent attentions given by other men and women to their spouse. If a spouse were unfaithful, his kin might advise him to be careful and not to become the butt of gossip. "Why do you want to make your wife mad?" A jealous husband might tear his wife's clothes. In the main, if there were children, and if there were good relations between the family units involved in the marriage, the union lasted. If a man took a second wife, there was no objection from the first, however much she might complain at a husband's casual affairs. The two wives settled down amicably enough, sharing the work. There was likewise no apparent discord in the rare polyandrous union. The woman in this case was called tapicciga, "doubler." It is to be remembered that a man could not marry sisters, nor could polyandry be fraternal. It is worth repeating that feelings against this were extremely strong. In one remembered instance, a woman was widowed and went to live in another place. She later married a man who proved to be her first husband's brother. People then called the wife tapicciga. The husband, puzzled, then learned what he had done. He committed suicide by hanging himself. Other things being equal, however, marriage lasted. Those who shifted from mate to mate were apparently the exceptions. OLD AGE There was no particular attitude relating to old men. When a man became too old to hunt, he more or less retired. He could remain indoors as he chose. Some continued to go to the karigi, others remained at home, resting on the bench in the house. The old men busied themselves with various tasks, making nets, carving ivory, searching for ivory washed up along the beaches. They might be in demand as storytellers, drummers, or singers. Like old men everywhere, the Eskimo oldsters wearied others with tales of their youth. Old age in men was apparently not related to sexual decline but rather to economic productivity. Some old men capitalized on youthful skills, making kayaks, umiak frames, and sleds, as well as weapons, for others. In the case of old women, the transition was somewhat more dramatically marked. The cessation of the menses was regarded as the period of transition into old age. The old woman was as active as she chose, the work habits of a lifetime probably being too well engrained to ignore. She could also have sexual relations. But the old woman was regarded as endowed with rather pronounced supernatural powers. If women became shamans, they usually did so following the climacteric. The wife of a shaman, too, although she might have ignored her husband's profession up to this time, or at least might not have participated in it in any way, might now at this stage of life take an active part in her husband's activities. She might learn to handle the drum and to dance in the shamanistic seances. But even if not especially classed as shamans, old women had dangerous powers. These they could use to their own advantage, causing illness and death of those who offended them. The revenge technique of cutting a piece from an enemy's parka, unknown to him, which, if undiscovered, caused sickness and death, was reputedly a favorite trick of the spiteful old woman. But an old woman could also be friendly and could use her powers to the advantage of others, particularly of children. She gave a name and a charm to the children of her choosing. In this way, she could insure success for the child, preventing his illness or death. Because of the work demands placed on younger women, the old woman often became the custodian of children. Most informants today still recall the affectionate grandmother. A child might seek refuge and protection with his grandmother rather than with his mother. As is so often the case in societies where the work load is so well defined, the grandmother, and to a lesser extent, the grandfather, become guardians of the young. This was clearly true of the Eskimo of the area in question. The grandparents thus became important to the child in the socialization process. The child was given the name of a deceased grandparent in most instances. When this was done, the child was told that his actions resembled the ways of the grandparent whose name he bore. Often he would attempt to emulate these actions. The result was that the grandparent became a model in death as well as in life. Old women also busied themselves about the house or camp. When their place as cook in the household had been taken by a younger woman, they continued to sew, to make bags, to gather feathers and willows for bedding, and the like. A very old woman usually remained indoors and rarely moved about. This was also true of the very old men. In the nomadic situation, when old people became too infirm, they were abandoned. When tobacco was introduced, old women particularly took to it avidly. Old women remained under the platform in the house, smoking. It is of interest that this carries into the present; the writer has interviewed several very old women who slept under the bed of a child and child-in-law, remaining there throughout the day on a bed of skins, and smoking a pipe. Old people sometimes got the reputation of being querulous and unhappy. Ideal behavior, however, was for the oldster to remain silent and uncomplaining. DEATH There was, and still is, some fear of the dead. Neither ghosts nor souls were too well defined, but the uneasy notion that something might return was present. Death could occur from natural causes, although the malevolence of a shaman was always worth considering. At death, a shaman might be summoned, not to perform an autopsy, as in some adjacent cultures, but to ask the dead body what the cause of death had been. The dead often answered. If a person died of an illness in the house, the body was removed through the skylight and taken away. Among the nomadic Eskimo, the body was left and the group traveled on. In each case, however, a series of taboos arose. The maritime groups were obliged to remain in the house for a brief period, for 4 days if the deceased were a woman, 5 days if a man. Similarly, among the nomadic groups, no one could hunt for 4 days if a woman died, 5, if a man. The mourning period, was known as naaciruat. No one was permitted to visit the bereaved family, except, as among the coastal groups, to call in through the skylight of the house. The family could not change its clothing during the mourning period. No one in the group could sew, lest the ghost be drawn back into the house. Among the nomadic groups, when a person was abandoned to death, the group which traveled on observed the same mourning restrictions. The body was wrapped, carried out some distance from the community, and laid on the ground. Coffins and graves came after European contact. There were no markers and the body was never revisited. There was no concern at the thought of wolves or foxes eating the corpse. The personal possessions were laid out with the corpse. Less personal ones, such as boats, extra clothing which had never been worn, dogs, and the like, were claimed by the kin. They might go to a widow or they might, as noted, be taken from her and her children by her husband's kin. Or the latter might hold such property in trust for the children of the deceased. Personal possessions included the deceased's weapons, used clothing, ornaments, and the like. A man could make a will. Some did so and the expressed wishes relating to property disposition were generally honored. As the corpse was carried out to the area where it was to be left, a man walked behind brandishing a knife. He was called "the cutter," his action was "cutting," kivluktuat; it is said that he frightened away the spirit of the dead—"he's cutting the death so it won't return." There were few other elaborate actions surrounding a death. The family might throw clothing away at the close of a mourning period. There was the feeling that the immediately personal possessions of the deceased should be avoided. Hence they were left with the body. The house was not abandoned, although it is said that no one today can live in the house where Captain Brower lived; his ghost is still about. In general, while death created an interruption of the normal routine of life, and created some uneasiness, the Eskimo of the area did not have a hysterical dread of death or a notion of contamination by it. The latter idea could possibly survive in the custom of the changing of clothing by family members, but even in the aboriginal culture this was not always done. CONCLUSION Having taken the individual from birth through life to death, the pattern of a fairly stable personality type emerges. There was little marked individualism. Freedom of choice was balanced by a meaningful integration into the family system. The person was agreeable, self-effacing, dignified, and industrious, yet withal had a fund of good humor and a strong drive to fit himself into the cooperative pattern of communal living. Like other Arctic peoples, the Eskimo of the North Alaskan region had not developed a particularly complex cosmology. Speculation regarding the universe and natural phenomena was not an important feature in the culture. Nor, although some rather involved conceptualizations relative to the nature of human and animal souls existed, was there an elaborate eschatology. Indeed, much of the universe lay in folklore and did not play a significant role in what might be termed religious behavior. But although the culture lacked any concept of a hierarchy of spirits, it is not to be implied that the groups of the area or, in fact, any of the Eskimo from Siberia to Greenland, were either irreligious or indifferent to the defined supernatural world. Within the limits of cultural definition, religious attitudes played an extremely significant part. Given a definition of the supernatural, both individual and group goals relating to it reflect an attempt to exert control. And indeed, it is in respect to the control of the supernatural that the bulk of religious behavior arises. Such behavior lay in acts which had to be performed by the individual in control of the supernatural by especially endowed and trained persons, the shamans, and in ceremonials conducted by the group for general communal good. But absolute control, by means of formula and ritual, was not always possible. This was especially true in the relations between men and the animal source of food. A basic concept in religious practice was that the animals of the surrounding Arctic were endowed with the ability to reason, to talk, and to react much in the same manner as men. Animals were conceived to allow themselves to be taken by men, a belief generally common to the American and Asiatic sub-Arctic and Arctic hunting cultures. If offended, if confronted with a set of circumstances that were displeasing, if insulted, maligned, or mistreated in any way, the animal would withdraw its presence to the detriment of human survival. Much of what might be termed religion thus lay in attempts to placate, cajole, compel, or otherwise to influence the animal in question. It followed that men were obliged to avoid creating those situations which might prove offensive or hateful to the animals. The economic aspects of aboriginal religious practice cannot thus be ignored, and it is evident that virtually every act of the individual had some supernatural implications. Shamanism offered another aspect of religious behavior reflecting the relation of man to the external universe. As will be seen, every individual had power of some sort, some ability to exert a degree of control by ostensibly magical means over a variety of situations. The shaman, however, had a greater degree of such power and so enjoyed a far greater intimacy with the supernatural world than did the layman. In the work of the shaman, not only in such aspects as curing and doctoring, but also in the performance of acts necessary to the good of the group, there was established, as will be seen, a dramatic and meaningful rapport with the supernatural. The shamanistic seance was unquestionably a real and vital experience for all who saw it. In ceremonialism, the North Alaskan Eskimo appear to have been less well prepared than were their neighbors to the south. Two main feasts were developed, both of which appear to relate historically to other areas and had economic as well as social and religious implications. Since the northern Alaskan cultures were primarily concerned with whaling, it is to be expected that a cult of the whale should have an important place. The Whale Feast and its inland counterpart, the festival for caribou, involving both preparations made prior to whaling and the caribou drive and rituals to receive the captured animals, were the principal communal religious rites. Next in importance was the Messenger Feast. This was more socially oriented and less religious in content. It involved a series of socioeconomic exchanges reminiscent of the wealth preoccupation of the southern Alaskan peoples. Although it was a social festival, as has been seen, it had a series of complex ceremonies accompanying it and was not wholly divorced from the realm of the supernatural. But religious practice was in the main individually conceived. Emphasis on religion lay in the solution of problems of immediate concern. It is perhaps for this reason that the contemporary Eskimo have apparently no intimate involvement in Christianity. The modern church as a social force has significance, but it has not been wholly effective in eradicating the sense of the close relation to nature which the aboriginal Eskimo felt. It is clear that the native religion had none of the dualistic quality of the European religious systems. The associated concepts were in the main magical; punishment, that is misfortune and starvation, were the inevitable results of an act on the part of the individual. Such an act was chiefly a violation of one of the rules of the natural order. But more frequent was the concept that the individual himself was at the mercy of various hostile forces. However much the individual sought to effect control over the natural order, he often proved incapable of doing so. Hostile enemies, unconscious violation of prohibitions, particularly with respect to eating, and a host of other possibilities made one's physical as well as spiritual existence quite hazardous. And here is the rationale underlying the presence of the shaman; he (or she), above all others, could exert a degree of controlling power to permit events to proceed more smoothly. The ways in which the Eskimo solved the problem of the relation of man to nature are most numerous. The general patterning of religious, ceremonial, and ritual behavior, as well as the attitudes, values, and beliefs surrounding the supernatural, are both complex and involved. The view of the universe, the problem of the definition of the human soul, the questions of compulsive power, the relations to the world of the animals attest that while here is a religious development of a nonliterate people, the resulting institutions are far from primeval. COSMIC VIEW The attitude toward the universe as reflected in aboriginal North Alaskan Eskimo beliefs is largely encompassed in myth and folktale. Much of this has parallels and connections across the Arctic and is found distributed among Asiatic as well as American Indian groups. Folklore, for example, stresses the Raven (tulugaak) as the creator of the world. This may be recognized as related to the cycle of Raven myths common to northwestern North America and as part of the general pattern of trickster myths. Raven, however, was not regarded in any special way. The anthropomorphic character of Raven appears in several of the myths collected at Barrow. It was related that the first missionaries at Barrow told of the creation according to the Biblical account. Many people, it was said, refused to accept this and were reported as having said—"Very well, God made the world, but Raven made it first." It does not appear that there was at any time identification of the Raven with the Christian God, as may occur in other cultures. Raven is described as having brought the land up from the water, as differentiating night from day, and is often viewed as the first man. He is not, however, regarded as necessarily ancestral to the North Alaskan Eskimo. The world itself is flat according to the Eskimo concept. It rests on four wooden pillars, one at each cardinal point. Lost hunters were said to have fallen off the edge of the world. The concept of an underworld is mentioned in a number of sources, sometimes as the abode of the dead (cf. Birket-Smith, 1936, p. 161, et al.). No mention of this was obtained from the contemporary people. From several informants was obtained the account of the wiivaksaat, "those who come around again," the "strangers in the sky." These are discussed below in greater detail but are mentioned here since they may suggest the concept of the "world above" which has been recorded for the Greenland Eskimo. No other details could be had on the nether or upper worlds. According to the older cosmology, the sun and moon rest on the rainbow. The common Eskimo tale of the "Man in the Moon" appears in the area as well. The moon is considered male, the sun female. The tale goes that they were once husband and wife. They argued over the weather. The man wanted the weather cold, the woman wanted it warm. The man took a knife and cut off the woman's breast. She left and went up into the sky by the rainbow. Although her husband followed, it was always too warm where she was. Sometimes he tries to get at her and then the moon and the sun are visible at the same time. When the sun shines red, it is the woman's breast bleeding. No mention was obtained of the control of game by the moon man. There are no tales extant relating to a solar eclipse. Lunar eclipses, however, have been observed and call forth a few explanations. At this time, the moon wishes dogs and travel gear and reaches down among men to get them. The dogs are hidden, snowshoes, sleds, and other travel gear put away at this time. If a dog is out in the lunar eclipse, it will die. The stars were well known by name and there were a few tales concerning them. They were only rarely used for navigation. Nor were they important in land travel. At sea, if one could see the stars, it followed that the coastline was either visible or easily reached. In a storm on land or sea, the stars, being often invisible, were of no aid. Hence at sea, direction was determined by the ground swell, on land by wind direction and the detailed knowledge of place geography which every hunter has. The morning star bore the proper name sivollilik, the evening star aaguruk. The Pleiades were known as the hunters. Mars was called kayaktuq, the red fox. Another tale concerning Mars was that there was a white fox and a red fox fighting over a single foxhole. The Dipper was called an animal with a horn, possibly a narwhal, mention of which survives in the folklore. In general, the aurora borealis was feared. To some extent, the uneasiness occasioned by it survives. Children were told to go into the house when the lights appeared. The phenomenon was personified and the child was told that it would take his head to use for a football. Adults likewise were frightened by the aurora. It was believed to bring headache and pains in the neck. One turned one's back to it and waved a knife behind one to ward off the influence. Songs were also sung to prevent harm from the aurora. In the main, darkness does not appear to have been disturbing. During the months of darkness, people settled down for the winter ceremonial season. Shamanistic seances were held at this time as well as the Messenger Feast. Aside from ice sealing, it was a slack season but did not occasion anxiety. Today, as in the past, children play out in the darkness and there is much visiting and such social activities as dances, song fests, and general recreational events. In general, there was little interest in the more remote celestial bodies and, clearly, little or no curiosity about other lands and peoples. This attitude is reflected in religion and in supernatural beliefs. Speculation for its own sake, at least of the kind which went beyond the confines of the immediate world, gave rise to little interest. Far more important were the things in the world at hand. It was the area of settlement and the problems in it that were of primary concern. Although in the course of travels a man might go a great distance, he seemed to have acquired a knowledge of virtually all the terrain over which he had gone. He could draw maps of it, describe it to others, and quickly familiarize himself with the many names of places which were inevitably given. But he did not interest himself in what lay beyond. In religious attitudes, it was this world which was of importance and concern. DWARFS, MERMEN, MONSTERS, AND OTHER SUPERNATURAL BEINGS Coexistent with man were numerous beings of various kinds and classes. In the main, although such beings shared the terrain with men, and might in some cases depend, as men did, on the surrounding fauna for their food, theirs and the human world touched only rarely. When it did so, it often resulted in human misfortune. Some of these classes of supernaturals were left strictly alone, others might be capricious and hostile, and hence create problems for humans, and still others had to be placated. Some of these supernaturals might work to human advantage if approached with due respect and a proper sense of supplication. Others would exact vengeance on man if certain kinds of prohibitions were violated. The western Eskimo appear not to have developed the rather elaborate views, found in the central and eastern regions, of a race of elder beings, those often referred to as the tornait. The term, however, is cognate with tunarat, which in North Alaska refers specifically to the powers of the shaman. There are one or two suggestions in the folklore but the emphasis is generally placed elsewhere. Dwarfs and giants played a prominent role in the folk beliefs. The former were particularly significant and might occasionally work mischief. The belief in such dwarfs is by no means lost at present and these troll-like creatures are seen from time to time. Dwarfs (in'uarolliq; in'ukolligawrak, "little people") are described as being one foot high. One can never touch them, although many have tried. Their tracks always lead to the sea and then they disappear. They dress like the Eskimo, wearing little parkas and skin trousers made from caribou and sealskins. Their houses are under the ground. They speak Eskimo, but when they are seen, they make noises like a wolf. If rocks or other missiles are thrown at them, they disappear. When people come in from the sea, landing on the beach, the dwarfs are often heard singing and making wolf noises. They do not hurt people generally. There are numerous descriptions of the dwarf people still extant. The view of them generally suggests that they are small Eskimo, having much the same kind of life. No particular supernatural power is ascribed to them. A few descriptions of the dwarfs may be in order: 1. A party returning from walrus hunting saw a dwarf under an upturned umiak on the beach. They ran after it but it was gone. Its tracks led to the sea but no one had seen it move across the beach. 2. There was a man living on the north side of the lagoon at Barrow (Browerville) who knew such a dwarf. Once the latter came and challenged him to a race. They ran along the shore for a way and the human won. The dwarf was furious and tried to kill him. But the human killed him. He took the head and kept it and it has been seen by a good many people. If a dwarf is killed, the slayer should always take the head. This prevents the relatives of the dwarf from seeking revenge. 3. Out near Umiat, where the tundra begins to bank, a family had camped. While they were there, a dwarf and his wife came over and asked for bone needles. They were given some and prepared to leave. The human wanted to accompany them and see their camp. The dwarf said not to follow him since the others in his camp would kill the humans with their strong bows. The humans did follow their footprints in the snow for a time but then they disappeared. 4. Once, when Barrow had a reindeer herd, a herdsman at sapmaleak, the lagoon, was challenged to a race by a dwarf. The dwarf lived on the north side of the lagoon. As his weapon he carried a piece of ivory which was sharp on both ends. The dwarf and the man agreed to race but the man insisted that the dwarf run on the south side of the lagoon, while he would run on the north. Since the north side was straight and the south side irregular, the human won easily. The dwarf was very angry and tried to kill the man with his ivory weapon. The man drew an arrow and killed the dwarf. He took the head and kept it for all to see. It was "like an owl's head." It is still there and some people see it when they go up to the lagoon. 5. Of interest is a variant on the above. It was given by another informant. There was a man at sapmaleak who became a trading partner with a dwarf. They met from time to time. The dwarf had a long ivory staff pointed at both ends. They raced around the lagoon, the human running the straight side, the dwarf the crooked. When the man won, the dwarf, angry at losing, tried to kill him with his ivory staff. He threw it and missed. The man picked it up and threw it back, killing the dwarf. The head is still there for all to see. It was like "the head of a goose." 6. On Saturday, September 6, 1952, a dwarf was seen on the beach just below the town of Barrow. Several boys saw the apparition, and all vouched for it. A little man, about one foot high, was seen at the base of the bluff on the beach. He was wearing a caribou skin parka with a wolverine hood. The time was late afternoon. The boys gave chase but the dwarf vanished. 7. At Wainwright, on August 15, 1952, a fire was sighted some distance down the beach. Everyone in the community was accounted for, hence the presence of the fire was extremely puzzling. Rev. Wartes, the Presbyterian missionary, happened to be in the community at the time and flew down the beach to determine the source of the fire. No one was sighted and no explanation for the fire has as yet been given. A general consensus is that dwarfs were camping on the beach and it was their fire which was sighted. Aside from the dwarfs, giants were also a part of the local terrain. They had no special powers, were simply "big men." The view was that the giant lived alone. Such giants were not necessarily supernatural and it was felt that humans grew to a gigantic size if they lived alone. If a person alone got lost, remaining away from the others for many years, he would turn into such a giant. They were regarded as timid and avoided contact with other men. But although such dwarfs and giants might be regarded as inhabitants of a supernatural world, their powers, as has been stated, were not particularly different from those of men. In the main, they avoided humans and there was little contact between themselves and human affairs. The concept of what may here be called mermen gives an introduction to beings of a somewhat different sort, forms which likewise inhabited the Eskimo terrain but which had to be treated with great care and circumspection lest misfortune befall those who came into contact with them. Such mermen were seen only in the wintertime during the winter sealing. As the hunter has spread his nets under the ice, he knows from experience the size and type of seal he has caught simply from the behavior of the animal. When the ivory clinkers on the net sound, indicating that a seal has been taken, the hunter draws the net in. But before the net is drawn up on the ice, the hunter should take great care to touch the captured seal. If it has long hair and if the skin of the face feels like human skin, he must unhesitatingly let the quarry go. Before he does so, he may name a sea animal which he wishes to capture—whale, walrus, ugruk, or whatever. The merman will send him this game. If, however, the merman is not released, the hunter will die. Such mermen have the body of a seal and the face and hair of a human. Pressed for an accurate description, the informants agree that this being appears only in winter on the ice in the dark. Hence, it is not known whether the being is male or female. One informant reports that when young he was told, "Watch out in winter over the seal net. Do not be afraid if you get a person instead of a seal." The danger for the hunter lay in bringing the merman up onto the ice. If he were afraid and ran away, leaving his capture on the ice, he would surely die. Within the last few years, it was related, a man had caught one at nuwuk. He left it on the ice and ran away in fear. He died the following spring. The merman was thus malignant only if the regulations relating to him were broken. It was generally felt that he allowed himself to be taken in order to do his captor the favor of sending him other sea game. He never spoke to the hunter and simply disappeared back into the water. It was customary to ask the merman for an ugruk rather than for other game. When the merman made his gift, after being released, it was well not to keep it but to give it away. Thus, if the hunter asked for an ugruk, often saying to the merman—"Come back as an ugruk," the first ugruk thereafter caught would differ somewhat from the usual type. Its liver, instead of being lobed, would be whole and solid. It was not, therefore, a true ugruk. The hunter might ask for a whale next spring after an encounter with a merman. He would get it but might become ill if he were to eat any of the meat. Hence, only the smaller sea mammals were requested. It was further stated that if only a small seal were asked of the merman, the hunter would get a great many. The first he was obliged to give away, the others he might keep. There was no special term for the merman. It was referred to as in'ug, a person. After one is caught, it never again allows itself to be taken. There were different kinds of supernaturals which inhabited the world of the Arctic. Some of these were merely animals of unusual shape or form, others were beings which "created" themselves because of actions on the part of men. An example, referred to below, is the caribou skull, breastbone, and spine, which flies through the air after the taboo-violating hunter. The various supernaturals of this kind are as follows: 1. amixsak. The term refers to any covering of skin, such as the skin covers over an umiak or kayak. This is a vengeful spirit of the walrus. In walrus hunting, it is customary to butcher the carcasses on the ice. If the meat cannot all be transported, some of it may have to be abandoned. In the past, should this occur, the walrus had to be given fresh water to drink, and the skin had to be dissected. If the skin were left on the ice, it would later sink, and the skin itself became a vengeful monster, the amixsak. It came up under an umiak and reaching its flippers over the gunwales, pulled the boat under. If the skin covering the flippers were removed, the danger was avoided. 2. The dog of the walrus. If a dog is seen with a walrus herd, the herd is to be avoided. The dog will always run around the resting herd in a circle. It is not a dog at all, but a great serpentlike being who protects the walrus by encircling them. At a distance, the serpent gives the appearance of a dog. It is never seen without walrus. 3. kukuweaq. This is the ten-legged polar bear. Young men were told: "If you see five men standing together, and it looks like they are wearing sheepskin parkas, don't go to them. That is the polar bear with ten legs." Such animals have been taken by the Barrow people, according to popular belief. One man, coming face to face with such a bear on the ice, stabbed out its eyes with his harpoon. He then began to run home, seeking out the crevasses in the ice so that the monster could not follow him. The bear remained stuck in one such crevasses. The man then speared the bear to death. It is said that this bear lacked shoulder bones in its legs, except in the hind pair. It was huge, its ears being a man's span apart. In addition to those listed above, there were also animals in the sea which were feared because they might assume monstrous shapes. Mention was obtained of a giant fish but no detail was forthcoming. The narwhal is also mentioned in folklore and is regarded as a supernatural being. In general, the same is true of octopi and there is mention of a giant squid. In general, the treatment of animals required special respect. Should this not be given, the animal returned in one form or another to haunt his slayer. The general practice was to remove the head of the game. If this were done, the spirit escaped and vengeance need not be feared. The following tale is an example of the prevailing attitude: Not long ago, a man and his wife were out on the ice. The man shot a polar bear. He went up to the carcass and decided not to do anything with it. He needed a flap for his door, however, and took a square of skin from the bear's back. Two years later, he saw another bear. It had a black square spot on its back instead of the usual white hair. It began to pursue him and he shot it. It fell down just like the bear he had shot previously. This time he took the meat home. When the skin was removed, it was found that the square of skin on the back was missing in the pelt. They ate some of the meat but it made them deathly ill and they were obliged to throw the rest of it away, not even giving it to the dogs. Captain Brower, it is said, took the skin and sent it to a museum. If the man had taken the bear's head off, it would not have pursued him later. The caribou requires special treatment. If the breastbone is eaten, it should be accompanied by the meat from the ribs. Unless this is done, the caribou skull, with breastbone, ribs, and spine, will come flying through the air in pursuit. This monster also pursued the braggart. There was a man who recently remarked, "I don't know what kind of animal I haven't caught." There was a shaman present when he said this. The latter remarked: "Now maybe you'll see the caribou skeleton come at you." Sure enough, when the man was out hunting some time later, the caribou skull came flying at him. He ran from it but it caught up to him. Then it whistled and went away. The man returned to the community, told what he had seen, became ill, and died soon after. If the walrus is taken in the manner described above and must be abandoned, the marrowbones and edible cartilage should be removed and brought along. If this is not done, and if the head is not removed, the walrus will exact vengeance. Other supernaturals, such as ghosts and spirits, are reserved for discussion below. The foregoing section, however, suggests the important religious preoccupation, that of the proper treatment of game. It is clear that the attitude toward game, involving treatment with respect, addressing the slain animal, and the like, relates to the fear that the game may go away and not allow itself to be caught. This is unquestionably a more important consideration than the vengeance taken by an animal on a willful violator or despoiler. RELATION TO ANIMALS As noted above, animals were felt to have the ability to reason, talk, and in general, behave like men. Through their kindness to man and because of bribes, cajolery, and magic, they allowed themselves to be taken. Animals became offended and remained away when certain taboos were violated. In relation to the food quest, Eskimo religion was intensely practical. Religion on this level dealt with (1) power and ritual to make the animals come, and (2) proper treatment, to avoid giving offense to the spirit of the animal. Although animal motivations conceptually reflect an anthropomorphism and are thus essentially the same as human goals, the spirit of an animal was "different" from that of a human. An animal did not object to being killed, so long as proper and respectful treatment was forthcoming on the part of the slayer. If offended, the released animal spirit told the other animals what had happened and the game remained away. A close rapport with such animal spirits existed, especially with those from the land. It was in this area that the shaman found his power, and the tunarak, the "helping spirits" of the shaman, were of course derived from the animal world. One of the primary points of definition of the animal world, so far as the North Alaskan Eskimo were concerned, lay in the conceptual dichotomy between land and sea. Basically, this implies that the products of these respective spheres should be kept separate. The underlying theory appears to have been that animals of the land are repulsive to those of the sea and the reverse. But the Eskimo of Barrow and adjacent Alaskan regions have not evolved the elaborate seasonal dichotomy of some of the groups farther to the east (cf. Boas, 1888, 1907; Weyer, 1932, p. 349 seq.). The concept is there, to be sure, but in considerably attenuated form. Nor is there in the area the elaborated ceremonial relating to the goddess of the sea, the Sedna myth, which is found among the central groups. But at least there is the idea that some circumspection is necessary in bringing things of the sea together with those of the land. Barrow examples are: A woman engaged in working caribou skin clothing must not touch a seal; before hunting caribou in the spring, the body must be washed of seal grease accumulated during the winter; the body must be washed again, and new clothes worn, before going out whaling in April, thus getting rid of the scent of caribou; weapons which are used at hunting caribou should not be used at sea—the reverse, it is worth mentioning, is not true. The elaboration of the taboo system in relation to land versus sea products appears to stop with the Copper Eskimo. Thus Jenness records that the latter group may eat both land and sea game at the same time (Jenness, 1922, p. 188 seq.). This was also true at Barrow. However, should these foods from different sources be eaten at the same time, the partaker should wash his hands between "courses." Thus, if the person was eating caribou and turned next to seal, the hands should be washed. Failure to do this might have two results—the eater might become ill himself; the respective animals might be offended. Should these prohibitions have been violated, it was essential that the cause of misfortune be averted and the wrong undone. Here was one of the important functions of the shaman, determining who had broken the customary taboo. And here, too, was the development of the mechanism of confession. The person who had broken the taboo, the result manifesting itself either in illness to the person himself or in starvation for the community, simply confessed his wrong, either publicly, or to the shaman. The imposition by the shaman of particular food taboos for that person was usually sufficient to remove the sickness or misfortune. Of interest in this respect were confessions apparently of a compulsive nature. But there were of course numerous other food taboos, not only those which related to the difference between land and sea. Anyone going out whaling, for example, was warned to avoid eating shortribs of seal. These were hateful to the whale and the animal would not allow itself to be taken. Similarly, while caribou could be taken out on the ice and eaten, bread, when it was introduced, was regarded as frightening to whales and other sea mammals. It was also said that if one ate bread out on the ice or at sea, one developed a stye in the eye. People who might cook for the karigi, and this was frequently done, had to wash their hands before bringing the food into the building. If they failed to, they became ill. Each animal, as will be seen, had its own set of taboos and restrictions. Those that were most elaborately developed concerned the animals that were most important to the food supply—whales, caribou, seal, and walrus. Despite the vague attention to a land-sea dichotomy, there was a sense of certain land animals being related to or having counterparts in those of the sea. Thus the wolf was equated with killer whale. While the voraciousness of both might suggest the connection, it is said that the wolf, if game is plentiful, will eat only the tongue of animals he has killed. The killer whale, in preying on the small, black, humpback whale, reputedly does the same thing. The caribou has its maritime counterpart in the small black whale as well. Both are said to be able to transform their shapes. No other such relation exists, as nearly as can be determined. The polar bear and the brown bear, for example, are hostile to each other; the latter is reputedly stronger and more spiritually dangerous. Great shaman power, especially curing power, in keeping with the widespread development of the bear cult in Asia and America, was obtained from the brown bear. But despite the connection between the wolf and the sea in the shape of the killer whale, wolf power could be negated by the use of sea water. This was hateful to the wolf in his land form. Animals may, and frequently do, talk to men. When they do, they push the skin of their face back. A humanlike face appears which speaks. Even dogs, although they have no souls and no spirit power, can do this. It was reported that recently a man at Barrow was forcing his dogs on and beating them. The leader pushed his skin back, turned, and asked—"Why do you beat us so hard"? The man is alleged to have fainted at this. When the shamanistic candidate was out alone, "practicing his songs," his helpers, the tunarak, were alleged to come to him in their natural form and speak to him in this way. Young hunters were given advice by the older and more experienced men. They were told never to catch an animal that was unfamiliar to which a name could not be given. If they did, the animal might "pull the skin of its head back like a parka hood" and talk to them. A tale told to young hunters, ostensibly to instill the necessary quality of respect for the animals of the surrounding area, was the following: There was a boy who caught a snipe in a trap. He didn't want it. He plucked off all its feathers and let it go. Later, he tried again and again to get a seal but was never successful. Once he was sitting by the seal's blowhole and he heard a voice calling up to him from under the ice. Frightened, he made out the words: "When you plucked me, you made me suffer; now I won't let you get any seal." The boy sat for a long time, unable to move. Then he plunged his spear into the aalluq (seal's blowhole) and when he pulled it out, there was the snipe, caught in the line. He let the bird go and after that, he was able to catch seals. A second tale, likewise told to young men when they began to hunt, was this one: A man was hunting seals. He heard two of them talking. One said to the other: "Go over to where that man sits and come up through the aalluq." But the other said: "No, he will catch me and when he does, he will drag me home and bump my head on the ice." But the first said: "His wife will be sharpening her ulu all the time; why don't you go over there?" They stopped talking and the second came up through the blowhole and the man caught it. On the way home, he was careful not to bump its head on the ice. At home he told his wife to give the seal a drink of fresh water. He made her sharpen her ulu carefully and advised her not to stir the seal meat in the pot. After that, the man and his wife were careful to observe this way of treating seals and he was able to catch a great many. In a third tale, formerly often told to the young hunter, the common theme of the animal offering its assistance to the hunter is repeated. It was said that if a man were not a successful hunter, the animals might come to him and tell him what to do. If he followed their advice, he could become successful. The tale follows: There was a man who was a poor hunter. He tried and tried and never caught anything. One day, he was out stalking some caribou but was unable to get close to them. Suddenly, a caribou came running toward him, pursued by a wolf. The caribou came to him and drawing back the skin of its face, said: "Hide me." The man stood between the wolf and the caribou. The wolf approached the man, and pushing back the skin of its head, said: "Go away; let me take that caribou." The man became frightened and ran away. At this, the caribou ran to the nearby lagoon and turned into a small humpbacked whale. The wolf leaped into the water also and became a killer whale and the two swam about in the water. So the man gave no protection to the caribou when it was asked for and he never became successful after that. He should have listened to what the caribou had to say. Because of the elaborately evolved series of restrictions and taboos relating to the animal world, it may be well to list them and to demonstrate the views toward the respective animals which were held by the aboriginal North Alaskan Eskimo. The whale is not included here in view of the somewhat more complex series of rituals pertaining to the whaling cult for which a separate section is reserved. LAND ANIMALS 1. The fox.—Five types of foxes are designated. They are: (a) The red fox, kayaktuq; (b) the cross fox, kenrak; (c) the white fox, ciriganeak; (d) the blue fox, kenraktunug; (e) the silver fox, kerenektaq. It was the red fox which was regarded as the most cunning of all the animals. The red fox can approach close to humans, knowing that his intelligence will keep him safe, and it is the red fox which will avoid a trap. It takes a most resourceful hunter to get the red fox. In the aboriginal culture, the foxes were hunted by means of traps between December and April. After the first thaw, the season was regarded as over. Only five of each kind of fox could be taken at a time. The theory was that five skins were sufficient for a parka of matched skins and the fox was offended if more than five of his kind were killed. A daily take, i.e., five animals, was called mitkosaaxaret, five skins for a parka. When a hunter went out to inspect his fox traps, ice deadfalls being used, he brought with him objects to appease the spirit of the fox. If a female fox were taken, a needle and an ivory thimble were tied to the carcass. If the fox were male, a man’s knife was tied to it. The fox spirit remained until the head was cut off. This was done at home where the skinning took place. From the tundra, the frozen carcass, with the offerings tied to it, was brought back by dog sled. The knife, or thimble and needle, was kept with the carcass until it thawed sufficiently for skinning. When the head was cut off, the offerings were removed and the hunter remarked to the fox spirit: “You better come back again.” When the spirit left, it told the other foxes that knives, needles, and thimbles were there for the foxes and they had only to go over and get them. If the hunter failed to remove the fox’s head, the spirit would remain about and cause illness and misfortune. The hunter would, moreover, not get other foxes. Fox meat could be eaten freely, although it was frequently a personal taboo. There were no other restrictions applying to foxes. 2. The wolf.—Wolves were treated in much the same way as foxes. Only five traps could be set at a time. Wolves were taken with traps—the ice deadfall mentioned above, a noose and trigger set in stones, willow branch traps, and the like. When traps were set for either foxes or wolves, songs might be sung over the traps at the time they were baited. Not everyone owned such songs but they seem to have been fairly common. An ingenious method for catching the wolf was by means of frozen baleen. The baleen, sharpened and cut to a length of about 6 inches, was bent and frozen inside a piece of suet. When the wolf ate the bait, the baleen, thawing out in the animal’s stomach, would spring back into place and stab the animal. Willow was also treated in the same way, although baleen was regarded as more efficient. Such a device was called isiviroaq. When the wolf swallowed one, his tracks were followed and the carcass found. When a wolf was taken, the carcass was treated in the same manner as the fox, with offerings of needles and thimbles, if the wolf were female; a knife, if male. The wolf, amawk, was regarded as spiritually more dangerous than the fox. In the aboriginal culture, very few would dare eat the meat of the wolf. When the head was removed, the body was left on the tundra, the hunter often brandishing a knife much in the same manner as at a human death in order to drive the wolf spirit away. Taking a wolf, moreover, gave rise to food taboos. The hunter was expected to eat cold, uncooked food for 4 days after taking a wolf, if female; for 5 days, if the wolf were male. This food taboo did not apply when foxes were caught. The wolf spirit was asked to return and to tell the other wolves of the good treatment he had received. 3. The wolverine, kaavik.—While this animal was particularly desired for the skin, of which parka ruffs were made, it was not easily come by in the area. Some wolverines were hunted by means of traps to the south. The take was limited to five at a time but there appear to have been no other restrictions. Most wolverine pelts were obtained from other groups by trade. The importance of limiting the number of animals, foxes, wolves, wolverines, and the like, taken at a single time is illustrated by the following tale: There was an unsuccessful hunter. He traveled inland, bringing with him a poke of oil for purposes of trading. At a trading point, he met with two men who offered him five wolf skins for his oil poke. He related to them that he was not successful as a hunter and asked their advice. They advised him to set his traps facing the sun. When he had taken five wolves and five wolverine, he was told he should face his traps toward the north and so not get any more game. He did as he was told and was successful. He got five of each animal, wolf and wolverine, but wanted more. He continued to allow his traps to face the sun. After a time, he returned to them to see what had been caught. He found nothing but was pulled irresistibly toward the traps he had set and was himself caught in them. Thus he died, caught in his own traps. And this, it is said, is why one does not take more than five of each animal. 4. The lynx, n'uuutuyug.—There appear to have been no restrictions on either the lynx or the mountain sheep. Both, it is said, were once taken in greater numbers than today. 5. Caribou, tuttu.—Since the caribou were so vital a source of food for the inland Eskimo, and were not unimportant among the maritime groups either, it is not surprising that a series of elaborated taboos should have arisen regarding them. In general, maritime people engaged in hunting caribou observed the same restrictions as did those more intimately concerned with them. As has been noted, weapons which were specifically for the caribou should not be used at sea. However, a maritime hunter, proceeding inland along the water courses, was free to use his sealing weapons for caribou. The specific lance designed for the caribou, whether it was made of the os penis of the walrus, of stone, or whatever material, could only be used for caribou hunting. There was no limit on the number of caribou which could be taken at one time or in one season. The principal restrictions lay in the ways in which caribou carcasses had to be treated. When men went out specifically for caribou, either individually or as a crew, effecting communal drives, children were obliged to stay in the house. They could not walk directly on the floor but had to stay on winter skins of caribou which were stretched out on the floor. The child was obliged to be quiet lest the caribou be driven away. The restriction was not lifted until the hunting was declared officially over and the legs broken for marrow. The period of restriction usually was in spring, in March and early April. In the communal drives, sleds were generally taken into the tundra to bring back the caribou meat. These were brought out in fair numbers, each being capable of carrying about 20 caribou carcasses. The runners were iced and the sled could be drawn by one or two dogs, aided by the hunter. Sinew was laid along the runner actually made of ice. When the caribou were taken in large numbers, each man went to work to load his sled or sleds, the division of game being made between the hunters. For purposes of transport, the carcasses were disemboweled and the entrails carefully cleaned. The carcasses were laid crosswise on the sled, alternating the heads. Before starting back to the community, the heads were bent upward so that they froze in an upright position and did not strike the ground. If this were to happen, the caribou would be offended. If the group were camped out on the tundra when the sled load reached the home community or campsite, the intestines were put to one side, the leg bones disarticulated and laid carefully to the side of the house, and the meat butchered and put away. Not until the hunt was officially over could the leg bones be broken for the marrow. During this time, children were restricted and confined to the house. When a sled load had been deposited, the hunters might return for more game. When it was decided that no more caribou would be hunted, other activities now being planned, the leg bones were cracked for the marrow and children were released from the restrictions imposed on them. The antlers were cut off the heads at this time as well and used for various purposes. Awls, spearheads for the caribou, and mitinju, the baleen and antler strainers used to clean out an ice hole before sealing or fishing, were made from them. After the leg bones had been cracked and the marrow taken, no one could hunt caribou until after some other activity, such as whaling, walrus hunting, or the like, had been undertaken. Caribou hunting later in the year was pretty much an individual task. Mention has already been made of the pursuit by the skeleton of the caribou of those who had given offense to the animal. 6. The brown bear.—With the red fox, the brown bear was reputed to be among the most intelligent of animals, endowed with great power. It was felt that the brown bear should not be shot either with arrows, or later, with a gun after it had been introduced. If a man had a brown bear in his trap, his proper course was to draw his knife and to fight the bear singlehanded. If, in doing this, he were mauled and bitten, another person should take the skin of the bear and wrap the injured man in it. If this were done, he would recover quickly from his wounds. It is related that one man, having caught a bear in a trap he had set, shot it, but succeeded only in wounding it. The bear, dragging the trap, went after the man and wounded him badly, mauling and biting him. He then succeeded in shooting the bear dead. He went back to his house but no one would go out and skin the bear so that the wounded man could be wrapped in the skin. He died of his bites shortly thereafter. It was regarded as exceedingly unwise to talk of the brown bear unnecessarily. Wherever he might be, the bear would hear and take his revenge on those disrespectful to him. Actually, this attitude was carried over to all animals. Particularly one should not say, "I am not afraid of the brown bear." If this were done, the bear was sure to attack and have his revenge. Shaman power was, of course, particularly allied to the brown bear and was curing power for the most part. Although no one at Barrow today claims shaman power, it is said that a man who died a few years ago had a particular affinity for the brown bear. When he died and was being buried in the Presbyterian Church, a bear came walking into the community. This was extremely unusual, since the brown bear is out of place as far north as Barrow. The meat of the brown bear could not be eaten by women. A man who ate this meat had to refrain from sexual intercourse for 4 to 5 days depending on the sex of the bear, whose flesh had to be cooked at the place where it was caught. One did not bring the flesh home nor butcher the bear except where it had been taken. When men ate of the flesh of the brown bear, old clothes had to be worn. Violation of any of these restrictions inevitably resulted in sickness. This was the most terrifying of all the animals. The attitudes surrounding it reflect the circum-polar attitude toward the bear and the presence of a shamanistic bear cult. 7. Lemmings, ground squirrels, and other rodents.—The Arctic rodents were not a primary source of food. The inland Eskimo, however, did often eat rodents when other food was scarce. If this were done, the pot in which the flesh was cooked could never be used for anything else. Some shaman power came from the rodents, particularly from the ground squirrel, and the dried and stuffed bodies of these animals were often used as personal charms. Children would sometimes dig out the burrows of the various rodents in order to get at the collected seeds, which, it may be mentioned, is the only native vegetable food known to the Eskimo of Barrow and adjacent regions. If this were done, the child was warned not to take the entire store, but to leave half for the rodent family. Children learned songs to sing to appease the mother rodent when this was done. 8. Birds.—While technically classed with game from the land, and unquestionably of some economic importance both in the past and at present, the various birds appear to have played no part in the system of ritual prohibitions. Birds of all kinds, ducks, geese, owls, and a host of others, were taken in a variety of ways. Despite the elaboration of Raven mythology, there was apparently no particularly special attitude toward this bird. As nearly as can be ascertained, no hunting taboos relating to birds and no special treatment of them or their eggs existed. As a further reflection of the land-sea dichotomy, the bones of all animals taken from the land had to be treated in special ways at certain times. Before the spring whaling and before people were free to go out on the ice with umiak and whaling gear, peace had to be made with the land animals. This was done by assembling as many bones as possible of land animals taken during the previous summer, fall, and winter, and burning them. Until this was done, at the edge of the pack ice on the beach, the land animals would be offended and communicate their displeasure to those of the sea. In principle, this had the final effect of releasing the hunters from the taboos imposed during the caribou hunting season, since the attitude applied particularly to the caribou, and paved the way for a new manner of life with its associated and different taboos. SEA ANIMALS In general, all sea animals, or more exactly, sea mammals, were offered a cup of fresh, cold water after they had been brought into the community. This was usually the task of the wife of the hunter. A special pot was used for this purpose. It was made of either pottery or wood and kept in the karigi. The woman who needed it would go to the edifice to obtain it, pour water on the face and nostrils of the captured sea animal, and return the pot to its place. As with land animals, when there was a change of seasonal activity, when maritime hunting was dropped in favor of hunting on land, the bones of seals, particularly, were collected by the family and burned. At this time, cold fresh water was again offered to them. This again released the family from the prohibitions associated with the sea and paved the way for land activities. As has been indicated, there were also the changes in weapons, in clothing, the ritual washing, and the like in connection with this transition. Excepting the whale, the attitudes and behavior associated with sea mammals and other game from the sea and water were as follows: 1. The polar bear.—The polar bear was less powerful than the brown bear both spiritually and physically. As noted, the two were hostile to each other. They were reconciled at one point only—the would-be successful wrestler wore a charm from a brown bear on his right arm, one from the polar bear on his left. This is not to imply that the polar bear was conceptually weak. On the contrary, he likewise had great spiritual power but in essence it was not shaman power; it did not transfer to humans. There was no limit on the number of polar bears that could be taken. They were usually harpooned. It was necessary to cut off the bear's head to release the spirit and to give the animal fresh water. The flesh of the polar bear was always divided and in a joking manner. As soon as the hunters brought the carcass of the bear to the beach, the word was passed along from house to house. All rushed out to get a piece, bringing a knife and a container. The bear was hacked to pieces on the spot and each one took a section. There was considerable play on this occasion, blood being spattered over clothes and on faces. The hunter who had taken the bear held onto the hind leg while the villagers cut up the bear. When the bear had been cut to pieces, the hunter kept his joint and took it home. The bear was not previously skinned. Each one who took a piece tried to get some of the bearskin also. If large enough, this was made into mittens, if small, a piece was sewed to the mittens. If two men had taken the bear together, each held a hind leg. For the rest of the carcass there was a general free-for-all, the strongest emerging with the largest pieces. Bear (naanuk) was thus not divisible among a crew but belonged technically to the hunter who had taken it. Informants give no reason for the behavior associated with the polar bear division. It was the only occasion on which such joking rivalry in respect to game took place. It presumably reflects an attitude toward the polar bear which is borne out in the behavior toward it. It was denied that this brought additional bears or in any way appeased the bear. In any case, the hunter had previously released the spirit of the bear and had formally asked it to return. Beyond the offering of water, there was nothing else given to the polar bear. The behavior described, while it has fallen into disuse, may persist in one form. When the first polar bear was taken at Barrow in the summer of 1952, the hunter kept the skin for himself. He went around to various neighbors and friends, however, and gave them the meat, keeping only a small portion of one hind leg for himself. Returning to the aboriginal past, if a polar bear wandered into the community, it was killed and cut to pieces at once. The behavior associated with division when the bear was brought in may be a carry-over from this notion, that the bear was treated as an enemy and intruder. As is known, a stranger entering the community would have his clothes ripped off, and be pummeled about by the inhabitants. Any connection, however, cannot be ascertained. 2. Seals.—As stated elsewhere, the various smaller seals were individually hunted, the ugruk, the bearded or barbed seal, was divided among the crew which took it. All types of seals were given fresh water to drink when their carcasses were brought to the community. In addition, and this related particularly to the smaller seals, mittens might be put on the flippers as an offering and to induce the seal to return. The seal, reporting in spirit form to its fellows, would say: "Those people gave me water to drink and gave me mittens; they have those things there for you too." For the seals particularly, it was most important that water be given. While mentioned above as extended to the polar bear, it was not so essential that this animal be so treated. Associated with the seal were certain omens and related phenomena. Mention is made above of the concept of the merman that is so closely associated with the sealing in winter and may be taken at the seal's blowhole. Seals might talk to men, as some of the tales recorded above indicate, but on the whole, the seal, of whatever kind, existed for the benefit of man and had only to be "treated right" in order to be made to return. It was said in the past that if the hunters saw an ugruk lying on the ice and it could be noticed that the animal's nose was running, the mucus making a rope down to the ice, then by no means should that animal be caught. If he was caught, the hands of the hunters would stick to the rope as they pulled the animal onto the umiak and they would be pulled down into the water and drown. There was a way by which the right place to put down a seal net in the spring sealing could be determined. The nets were set up and often left overnight so that the seal when caught would drown. In order to place the net, the hunter ran from the beach toward the edge of the ice, carrying his two nets. He held his breath as he ran. When he could no longer run and hold his breath, he had reached the place where the net was to be lowered. Similarly, when the marker attached to the net was down, indicating the presence of a seal in the net, the hunter could not draw the seal in at once. Again there was a small ritual. The hunter pulled once, then twice more, and one final pull drew the seal in. This is a reflection of an act being performed four times. Unless this were done, the seal would be offended. There was no preferred way to kill a seal, although an attempt was made, for purely practical reasons, to keep the blood from being lost. Hence, seals were often knocked on the head or strangled if caught alive. The larger ugruk had to be harpooned. 3. Walrus (ayvug).—The walrus was regarded as one of the most intelligent of the sea mammals but was "careless." In contrast to the shy beluga, for example, the walrus would not pay attention to an approaching boat, relying on his "dog" (q. v.) and thinking that the boat was another walrus. It is said that it is this very carelessness which made the walrus a dangerous adversary. Red was a color hateful to the walrus and polar bear. Both were said to attack if they saw this color. The hunters often talked to the walrus while engaged in hunting it. When a herd had been disturbed on the ice, the walrus had to be persuaded to let the boat pass. An example is the following, narrated by an old man: When I was young, my father took me walrus hunting in an umiak. We shot some walrus on the ice. The others were swimming around us and wouldn't let the boat pass. By their swimming, they kept the boat from moving. My father talked to them—"My father is old. He is listening at home, and if you endanger us, my old father will starve." After he said that, the walrus swam away from the boat and let us go. One walrus near the boat made a lot of noise talking to the others. When he finished, they all went away. My grandfather sat in a little kayak near the house while we were out on the sea hunting. He listened all the time. He heard my father talking to the walrus and he scolded the children playing there for making so much noise that he couldn't hear. He heard what my father said and he heard what the walrus said to the other walrus. As he sat there, he heard drumming all the time. He knew if people were having a dance in other towns or if the agatqut were busy. He could hear everything. The walrus were likewise credited especially with power to hear at a distance. Young hunters were strongly advised against saying such things as "I am not afraid of the walrus; nothing will happen to me when we go out hunting." This was to court disaster, since the walrus would avenge themselves on such carelessness. There were songs for walrus in fairly common use. Walrus hunters had special cries which were used to signal the shore on returning from a successful hunt. Walrus were offered fresh water. This was often done by the hunter himself, since the butchering of the huge animals usually took place on the spot where the animals were killed. As today, the meat was transported back after butchering. 4. Killer whale (aaxlu).—The killer whale was greatly feared and never hunted. When sighted, it was addressed formally: "We are your friends; we are glad to see you." This was so that "the killer whale won't hurt us." No one dared spear a killer whale. If it were done, the animal always remembered and came back to get his revenge. One case, still talked of at Barrow, was that of a man who drove a harpoon into a killer whale. He was in a kayak at the time and made his way to the ice. He was able to get ashore in time to avoid the animal but each time thereafter that he tried to launch his kayak, the killer whale was waiting for him. At last he did not dare go out in a boat again. He was forced to abandon the sea altogether. And so it was that the killer whale was carefully left undisturbed. If it were bothered by anyone, it always sought revenge and was reputed to wait for years for the opportunity. Nor is this attitude lost today. In August 1952, two young men were drowned when their outboard motor propeller struck a log or some other object in the sea. It was said by a good many that one of the boys had once fired his rifle at a killer whale and this was the result. If a man saw an ugruk being eaten or captured by the killer whale, he could call out, asking for half. The killer whale would leave the half of the carcass on the beach. 5. The beluga (kil'elluag, sisuag).—The beluga was harpooned in shallow water with a special stone lance. They were taken in spring at the edge of the ice. Like other sea mammals, they were offered fresh water and the hunter said: "Tell the others about us." The beluga was reputedly timid and cautious. In approaching the beluga, one was required to be very quiet and to whisper if talking were necessary. Any loud noise would drive the beluga away. There appear to have been no special prohibitions associated with the beluga. 6. Fish.—There should be no hair on a fish net. If the fish sees human hair or animal hair woven into a fish net or line, he is repelled. It is said that the fish is afraid because it thinks that human heads are close by and he will not then allow himself to be caught. When tomcod are caught with a hook and line, the fisherman should not put them into his snow shirt. Putting any game or fish into the snow shirt was called puxiuktuat. Tomcod must be put into a sack and carried. Failure to do so drives the cod away. As noted, there is little or no sea fishing. Fishing was reserved for the inland waterways and lakes. No other prohibitions could be elicited. Fish reputedly did not fear noise. Other game from the sea appears not to have been especially treated. There were a few other animals but their appearance was most rare. Octopi (nipiccak) were known but rarely seen and not eaten. Nor was there any series of tales or beliefs concerning the jellyfish. The narwhal exists in mythology but does not appear in the Bering waters. Dolphins and porpoises have been reported and are caught occasionally. Whale, seal, and walrus were the animals of greatest importance and it was around them that the largest body of myth and belief circulated. Sufficient examples have perhaps been shown to demonstrate the conceptual intimacy between man and the denizens of the animal world. As noted, some occasions in which the relationship to animals was felt to exist required the aid of the shaman. In the main, however, the individual was responsible for maintaining his good standing with animals. Should he fail to meet the necessary requirements, should he neglect the prohibitions, then not only he, but often his family and the community as well, might be made to suffer. Some degree of control over the animals could be exerted through the compelling songs, but even these were not sufficient if respect and proper treatment were omitted. Some attention to the nature of the song is in order. SONGS Songs were known as attuu (pl. aatuutit). This term referred to any kind of song, whether magical or social. It is to be remembered that Eskimo music is highly developed, despite the paucity of musical instruments, and the song is an extremely important social and recreational outlet even in the contemporary culture. The social songs passed from individual to individual. While they might be composed for a particular purpose, such as for a particular dance, or for an individual, as in the case of the host at the Messenger Feast sending a song to his guest, or merely sung at the inspiration of an individual with new accompanying dance steps invented at the same time, such social songs were generally common property. A way to some acclaim and prestige was to be a good singer and to be clever at new compositions. Such songs as these, however, important though they may have been to recreation, were not "owned" songs and had no magical implications. It was the song that underlay virtually all compulsive magic that the North Alaskan Eskimo practiced. In general, these songs had the effect of controlling game and weather. There were songs that could be owned by anyone for these purposes but there were also the songs that were the particular property of shamans. The latter reflected the rapport between the shaman and his helping spirits. Shamans, however, had other songs in common with laymen. Such supernatural songs were regarded as property. They were both inherited and purchased. An elaborately evolved series of songs of all kinds existed. Thus there were songs for virtually every act associated with hunting, with boat using, with house raising, with new clothing, with charms, and the like. It was not always regarded as necessary to have a song in order to perform a certain act but unquestionably the song gave a far greater chance of success. When a song was inherited, it was taught by a parent to his child. Any person might own a song of any kind, women not being restricted. Since, however, hunting was men's work, women did not usually know hunting formulas. There was a tendency for the song to pass along in a family line, if not from parent to child, then at least to a younger sibling or to a collateral relative. A family might thus own a song in common and any member was free to sing it. For this reason, there was a slight tendency for the shaman's songs to pass from relative to relative. The office of the shaman, while not strictly hereditary, tended to restrict itself to certain families, the shaman father often teaching his arts and songs to a son or even a daughter. But songs could also be sold. The price was variable. Of cases reported, one man bought a song which enabled him to attract caribou for six caribou skins. A not uncommon price was a poke of oil, several beads, or a pair of labrets, and in cases where a particular song was much in demand by the buyer, the price might go up to a kayak. For the most part, these were hunting and weather songs. The purchaser, having struck his bargain, went out with the owner and the two sat together until the song had been learned. The seller had then no right to sing the song again, in fact, it is said, "he couldn't ever remember it again." A song which was the common property of a family could also be sold by the individual members. After selling, the song lost its efficacy so far as the original owner was concerned. By this process, however, a song might be known by several people of different families. Songs were principally for hunting and weather. When a man baited a trap, for example, there were various songs associated with each step. There were songs for attracting game of all kinds, both from land and sea. Unquestionably, the most important song cycle of the area was that associated with whaling. Men who had a song for a particular purpose might be invited to sing it when the need for it arose. The singer was usually not paid for this service but was expected to do it for the communal good. All weather phenomena were subject to control by songs. The singer could change the direction of the wind, cause the ice to move in or out, bring storms, and the like. A particularly malignant shaman was generally blamed for an adverse change in the weather. Anyone, however, who owned a weather song might sing it for his own purposes. An old woman reports that when she was a girl, she had gone out with another young woman to pick berries. A wind came up and it began to snow. The girls were becoming frightened, being unable to make their way back through the blizzard. Suddenly, the weather cleared and they came back safely. When they returned, they found that the husband of the informant's aunt had been singing a weather song for their benefit and by changing the direction of the storm, had saved them. This song was later taught to the informant by her uncle. She refused to sing the song for the ethnographer on the grounds that the summer weather was pleasant and there was no need to call up a wind. Other examples of weather songs were given (cf. shamanistic activities). There is no doubt that although supernatural songs were had in large numbers, it was dangerous to use them or to apply the power which they contained. The statement was frequently made that a father, mother, grandmother, or some other relative warned the young person against using songs and learning them. One reason for this was that to become interested in songs attracted the dark powers associated with shamanism and to bring the shamanistic calling on one's self. Because the shaman was feared and unpopular, it was well to avoid anything which brought the individual up against the more intimate realm of the supernatural. A person who became a shaman did not always wish to become so; not infrequently he was called into the office simply because he was unable to resist the urging of the tunarak. An informant relates that his grandfather was urged by his mother not to have such songs. He stayed away from them and "was a good hunter anyway; he could still catch anything." And it was often reported: "I didn't want to fool with those songs." A song could take the place of an amulet or charm and was often associated with an amulet. This suggests that there were "personal" songs which had the general effect of promoting the well-being of the individual. Such songs, or charms, or songs and charms associated, were generally given by an older person to a younger. The following is a case in point: Two boys who had grown up together and who were associated with the same karigi, but were otherwise not related, were selected by an old woman to receive identical charms. To each, she gave the same song. One, when lost on the tundra, sang his personal song and at once found his way again. The other was once eager to catch up with a man on the tundra who was driving a team some miles ahead. He found that he couldn't signal the man he was pursuing and instead sang his personal song. The result was that the other's sled broke and he could be overtaken. The man was at a loss to know how his sled, which he had just checked over, had broken and the singer did not tell him. But when a song was sung, regardless of what it was, or for whatever purpose, the singer was placed under restrictions. He generally had to observe a special food taboo for 4 or 5 days after singing the song. The type of food tabooed depended on the nature of the song itself and on whatever foods were conceptually related to the song. Failure to observe this regulation resulted in illness to the singer. It was this attitude which appears to have produced the anxiety associated with the song. There was no limit to the number of songs which an individual might have. One man is described as having six songs. They were: (1) for whales, (2) for caribou fawns, (3) for causing an animal to be weak and lose its strength, (4) for curing, (5) for ptarmigans, (6) for putting people to sleep. Nor was the man in question a shaman. While it is true that he used a tambourine in singing, he did not resort to the shamanistic seance and to the legerdemain associated with shamanism. The fact that he did not make capital of a trancelike state and did not pretend to have powers other than those produced by the songs would suggest that, while spiritually powerful, he was not classed as an anatquiq. Presumably, after singing each song, the man had to observe restrictions of various kinds for the stipulated period. It is not to be implied that the songs of the shaman were any different from those used by laymen. They might, it is true, call forth powers which a layman was reluctant to deal with, but there appears to have been no essential difference in kind of song. Thus a shaman might have a sickness-producing song but so might anyone else. Curing songs, too, were not limited to the shaman's office, as the example above attests. There was no doubt that the shaman was freer in his use of songs and, because of the spirit powers associated with him, was less reluctant to use them. All such supernatural songs had to be learned from someone else. They could not be composed, as was the case with the social and recreational songs. It was said that a man might pretend to have such songs and would sing them but if they brought no result, it was clear that they were either "made up" or had not been sung right. It was in this respect that the failure of the song could be explained. The most important aspect was that the song had to be letter perfect; it had no compulsive value unless it were. It was said of the songs that they were "true," that they were in existence even before the shamans came. Since the singing of such supernatural songs was a purely individual matter, and since the songs themselves were individually owned and could not be transmitted except to a family member or a buyer, the actual performance was not highly formalized. One result has been to keep alive the sense of power associated with the song. There seems little doubt that despite the inroads of Christianity on the culture, the belief in the efficacy of the song remains. In engaging with the Barrow Eskimo in walrus hunting, the writer heard an old man softly singing a song for the walrus. For the same reason, it becomes difficult to elicit the songs themselves. Two examples were collected and are listed under shamanistic activities (see pp. 316-317). Difficulties were at once encountered when informants were asked for such songs. Some denied ever having such songs. One man professed to have a song which broke things at a distance. When asked for it, he replied, logically enough, "Why should I sing that song? I'm not mad at anybody." The writer paid five dollars for the songs that are mentioned below. Presumably, these songs are now his property and only he has the right to sing them, or, at least, they will be efficacious only when sung by the writer. Other informants, after giving the details of songs, would, when pressed for the songs themselves, say they had forgotten them. It would thus appear that the attitudes toward songs remain. It would be difficult to compile a list of the purposes for which songs were employed. Hunting and weather, as noted, were two of the most important considerations in magic singing, but curing, bringing sickness, causing sleep, breaking objects, finding lost objects, and many others were controlled by singing. One informant reported that he had in his youth engaged as a runner in the Messenger Feast. As he ran the race, he found his legs getting weaker and weaker and at last he could no longer run on and so lost the race. When he returned, he found that his father had been singing to make him lose the race. His father, of course, had done this in order to protect him, fearing the anger of the shamans who were the deadly enemies of a successful racer. There was also the concept of love magic, again related to the song. The case was mentioned of a man at Barrow who customarily sang songs for people who desired some other person. He was given a gift for his services if the songs proved successful. Another case is that of a hunchbacked man who wanted to marry a girl who was working at the Native Service school. She constantly refused him. At last, he bought a song which compelled her to think of him when he sang it. Finally, she gave in and married him. They had no children, and when he died she married another man and had children. There were songs which were used in feuds in order to weaken the enemy. The tale is told of a feud between a group from Point Barrow and one from Point Hope. The group from the south came well armed, wearing wood and horn armor and carrying clubs and slings. At length, after attacks on both sides, the tikera-miut (those from Point Hope) were isolated on a sandspit and besieged. A woman at Barrow was nursing a child and was singing lullabies to it. She could see the enemy from where she sat. Then she began to sing a song to weaken the enemy. She sang—"How great a fighter is your grandfather!" When she sang this, the Point Hope group became weak and was unable to stand off the attack. Their leader was paralyzed and when it was seen that he could not move or lift his weapons, the others lost heart and were killed. The supernatural song was sung with a slow, measured rhythm. A hunting song would often imitate the sound of the animal hunted. Such songs differed markedly from the sprightly rhythms of the social and recreational songs. Closely allied with the song was the amulet or charm. Here again, a complex series of patterns emerges. CHARMS AND AMULETS There were different classes of charms. Some were purely personal and, as such, individual property. These were aanaroak or oyamitkoak. There were also household amulets and a complex series of charms which were placed in boats and which generally related to whaling. Charms were also used in association with the stone lamp of the household. Special charms, known as aarorad, were placed by the door of the household. The primary purpose of all such charms was to compel success in some undertaking. It was this idea which appears fundamental rather than that of warding off malign or hostile influences. The personal charm, individually owned, might be anything relating to the surroundings. There were carved figures of men, seals, whales, wolves, and any number of animals, made from ivory or bone. But there were also the stuffed bodies of small animals, such as lemmings, squirrels, and small birds. Sometimes only the head and skin of a small animal was used as a charm. Ermine skins were regarded as a good charm. Of the larger animals, the teeth and claws might be used. Thus ugruk claws, polar bear teeth, seal teeth, the feet, parts of the skin, and the like, might be used. Sometimes the nose of an animal made up the charm. The charms were either sewed on the clothing directly or were placed in skin bags and tied under the clothing or sewed there. Charms were worn on the sleeves of the parka and across the back. Charms might be owned by anyone. There was no limit to the number of charms which could be owned at the same time, although practical considerations, since each charm, to be effective, necessitated the establishment of a food taboo, limited the number. While people of all ages and of every status had charms, they were felt to be particularly efficacious for children. When a child was born, an attempt was made at once to secure a charm for it. This was often a small bird, stuffed, which might be worn by the child for a time and then discarded. An amulet was obtained from another person. The general feeling appears to have been that the older a person became, the less his need for an amulet. Old women, for example, a status defined in terms of reaching the climacteric, often passed their charms on to younger people, usually to relatives. Because old women were regarded as having special powers, they often worked out a charm for an individual. The same appears true of old men, although it is evident that they did not achieve the same degree of supernatural power as did women past the menopause. Shamans also might provide a charm. An old person or a shaman was simply asked to give one to a child and might be paid for the service rendered. Like songs, charms were reputed to come from great antiquity. Theoretically, this meant that no new charms could be created. In practice, however, this was not true. If a person found an unusual stone, a piece of bone or ivory on the beach, he might either carve it or simply sew it up into a bag and wear it. Moreover, if he were to do this, he was properly advised to ask a shaman about it and to receive from him the associated food taboos. In case of illness which had been cured by the activities of a shaman, the final act of the shaman in curing was to give the patient a charm and a food taboo with it. This implied that the illness would never return. It was only in this sense that the amulet served to ward off a return of illness. The child, too, was protected by the amulet. If a person found a piece of ivory and desired a charm from it, he was free to carve it himself. If he elected to carve the figure of a sea animal, he was advised to refrain from eating food from the land for a season. The reverse was likewise true. It was always advisable to consult the shaman in such cases, however. When a charm was given, food taboos were likewise imposed. The shaman or old person who gave the charm stated what foods the person receiving it should thereafter avoid. The following is an example: A man brought his son to a shaman to obtain a personal charm for him. The shaman gave the boy an amulet carved as a wolf's head in ivory. The shaman said that the boy should thereafter avoid eating the flesh of the female walrus and the shortribs of the female ugruk. It was not prohibited for the boy to eat the flesh of the male of these animals. It may be noted that here is again a reflection of the land-sea dichotomy: wolf power is adversely affected by certain things derived from the sea. Such special taboos applied throughout life. In order to obtain charms, most people went to an older relative. The shaman could be approached for this but it more frequently occurred that the shaman gave a charm after he had effected a cure. The shaman regularly made charms for his own children, the only service he could perform for them. One shaman at Barrow in the past regularly supplied children with charms. When a charm was requested of him, he would ask the parent for a trade bead. When this rather expensive item was given, the shaman swallowed it, sang and drummed, and in a moment coughed the bead up on the drum. There was always a cord strung through the perforation in the bead and it could then be hung on the child's clothing. The trick of swallowing an unstrung bead and then coughing it up as strung was of course completely mystifying and lent great efficacy to the charm. The shaman demanded a bead for his own services. Beads were not usually charms but might be. In another case, a shaman cured a man by using the bead which was the patient's personal charm. He removed it from the patient's neck, caused him to swallow it, and then recovered it from the man's feces. The shaman cleaned it and returned it to its place on the patient's neck. As soon as the bead was replaced, the man became well at once. The man was advised to refrain from eating the marrow from the female caribou. It was well not to ask a shaman for a charm unless one were "sure of him." Out of spite, he might give the wrong instructions. Moreover, he might demand a high price for his services and any failure to meet his demands could result in illness. An older relative was considered more trustworthy. When a charm and the associated food taboo were given, a song might also be included. Amulets, like songs, had compulsive power. Some were for success in hunting, in racing or wrestling, to make wealth come to one, and the like. The amulet, if it had an associated song, was doubly efficacious. There were those who by adulthood had not collected any amulets. They might, however, get songs without the charm. The effect was regarded as the same; food taboos were imposed with the song as well. If a man wished to be a good runner, he might ask the family of a successful runner who had recently died for the dead man's charms. He might also take some of the hair of the dead man and wear this in a bag under his clothes. A charm might also be made by the would-be whaler from the hair of the corpse of a successful whaler. This was the only instance of mutilation of corpses recorded. The wrestler wore bear teeth as charms, using the canines of the brown bear and the polar bear on each side. This presumably lent strength to his arms. There were various hunting charms, the amulet itself, with the song, having an affinity for the game which was being hunted and compelling them to come and be caught. The question arises as to violations in respect to food taboos associated with charms. When a person became so ill as to summon the shaman, one of the first questions raised by the practitioner was with respect to the foods eaten by the sick person. And from this the shaman often made his diagnosis and cure. But because of the economic uncertainties which might arise, it was not inconceivable that an individual, having only the tabooed food at hand, and no other, might be forced to eat it to keep alive. An out was permitted. The individual could do several things to ward off harmful effects: (1) He could rub the forbidden food over his body. (2) He could hang the tabooed meat outside for a time and allow it to drain. (3) A mitten could be stuffed into the collar of one's parka, hand side outward, and the food eaten with no ill effects. In the latter case, it was felt that the harmful essence of the food would go into the mitten. When the person had finished, he took the mitten and shook it out outside of the house so as to cast away the harmful essence. One informant related that he, as a boy, had been given a wolf charm by an old woman. He was forbidden to eat whale meat. But since whale meat is so prized a food, and since it forms so vital a staple, the informant never followed the taboo. He simply put a mitten in his parka collar and never became ill. There was no secret to a food taboo in connection with a charm. Moreover, since it was regarded as very bad manners to refuse food, a person might maliciously be offered his taboosed food to eat. This was a dangerous practice, however, particularly so for the evil man who gave another food which he knew to be prohibited to him. The guest could take the food, eat it, and then go to a shaman. The latter could transfer the illness to the malicious giver. A case was reported where one woman had given another food which she knew to be taboosed to her. A shaman sang over the woman who had eaten the taboosed food and the giver of the food became ill and died. A person who became ill because he had eaten food prohibited to him without observing the precautions noted above was called agila'vuktuak. When a food taboo had been carefully observed for a time, the person on whom it was imposed might try a bit of the forbidden food. While technically the taboo lasted for a lifetime, in practice it was of short duration and the person built up an "immunity" after a time. Charms were inherited. Any relative could inherit, whether male or female. If for any reason a charm was not wanted, since its efficacy was doubted or the taboos associated with it were too onerous, it was buried under the house and abandoned. If no one wanted a particular charm from a dead man, it was left with the corpse. But in addition to the personal amulets which have been described, there were those associated with the household and the whaling umiak. The latter are reserved for description under whaling; the household charms, however, merit fuller attention here. The most important household amulet was the aaroraq, that placed over the subterranean entrance of the house. This was generally a round stone, described as about the size of a man's fist, and perforated. Not every house had one and no details could be obtained as to how a house acquired one. The purpose of the charm was to work to the good of the house and all in it. It was particularly related to curing, first as a means of keeping illness from the house and second, as a nonshamanistic curing agent. When a member of the household became ill, the aaroraq was taken down from its place above the door descending into the hall and was rubbed over the affected parts of the sick person. Actually, this charm gave rise to a small curing ceremonial in which the activities associated with curing were communal rather than the individualistic ones performed by the shaman. A group of relatives and neighbors assembled outside the house and a fire was built for them there by the members of the household in which the sickness appeared. The group standing outside, known as taaktaktuat, began to sing. The songs were not of the social type, nor were there any words in them. Meaningless syllables were uttered by a leader and the group followed. Inside the house, the patient was rubbed with the aaroraq and the members of the household likewise sang. If the patient improved, it was felt that the force of sickness had been driven away and the group was dismissed. If he failed to improve, there was no recourse but to the shaman. Should illness occur in the house in summer, a model of a boat was made, touched to the patient and to the aaroraq, and set adrift in the sea. It bore the illness away with it. It is worth mentioning that the North Alaskan Eskimo never caught colds, so it is related, until the foreign whalers came. When they did, colds were a serious illness. Little boats were then made to carry the colds back to the intruders who brought them. The aaroraq was the property of the house, not of anyone in the house, and as such could not be removed. If the house was rebuilt, the same site was used. This was not true of the houses which did not own such an amulet. Charms were also placed next to the lamps in the house. These were of stone, bone, ivory, and other materials. Because the lamp had mystic properties, these charms served to keep it in order and "happy" in the household. To a degree, the lamp was personified and was in effect a tutelary guardian of the house. Dolls, so-called, or human figures made of wood and bone, were usually hung on the walls near the lamps. Another lamp charm was the uppermost vertebra of a seal. The concept was that the lamp essence accompanied the seal hunters and enabled them to make a successful catch. This was called nikpaakturak and served as well to notify the group in the house of the hunter's success. When a man had taken a seal, the bit of bone fell down from the wall. The doll by the lamp, like other general charms, was aanaroak. It is of interest that when wheaten bread was introduced from abroad, it was not popular as food but was instead used as a household charm. Pieces of bread were hung up on the roof beams as a means of protecting the house and those in it. One informant recalls the humor of this situation. When a man eagerly sought a piece of bread as a household charm, it was sometimes said to him, "Why don't you eat it instead of hanging it up—it will do more good that way?" NAMES Like songs and amulets, names had a marked supernatural significance to the aboriginal culture. Basically, there was no elaborated belief in life after death. There were ghosts and souls, to be sure, and there were several ways of dealing with them. But the ghost was an ephemeral thing; it had no continued reality. Because the name was regarded as so vital a part of the individual, and is still so regarded, it is impossible to describe the complex of names and naming except in terms of the supernatural. Names tended to be inherited, passing directly from parent to child, from relative to relative, or even from friend to friend. A general, although vague, concept of reincarnation existed. In short, there was the idea, which to some extent continues to exist, that the dead are absorbed into the living. The tangible link between the living and the dead lay with the name. To placate the dead, it became essential that the proper series of names be given to a child. The name (aatuq; pl. aatkic) was given to the individual shortly after birth. It is not known whether the mother of the child actually gave the child a name after delivery in the parturition hut. It is, however, conceivable that she waited through the 4- or 5-day period of seclusion and that the child was formally named only when mother and child returned to the household. Any relative could name the child; several names, in fact, were usually given. In any case, the child was given the name of either a recently deceased relative or close associate of the family. When a person died, it was conceived that the soul or essence wandered about. The absence of an elaborated view of life after death permits neither a concise definition of the soul nor more than a vague concept of where the soul went and how it acted in the world of the dead. It was generally stated that the essence of the dead "hangs around" and in a vague and rather weak way might intrude in the affairs of the living to the extent that it sought to call attention to itself. When an unexplained noise was heard either in the house or outside of it, when an object fell without apparent cause, when a voice was heard calling out on the tundra, such were regarded as manifestations of the dead. At any of these occurrences, water, and later, tobacco and water, were thrown out the front door of the house for the wandering spirit. Similarly, when one's ears buzzed or hummed, it was the spirit of a dead person attempting to communicate. These spirits were not especially feared, but if ignored they might bring illness. The principal way to placate them was to give their name to a newborn child. When this was done, they were absorbed into the child and so reappeared in the living. There was no limit to the number of names which a child might get. Each one, moreover, represented a deceased person. Nor did the question ever arise as to the presence of several souls in a single individual. The point appears to have been that the essence of the dead person was somehow dissolved in the newborn child. While the child might take on some of the character, some of the likes and dislikes, of the person or persons whose names he bore, no further speculation arose, either as to conflicts between the souls now ostensibly resident in the child, or as to the nature of the process of reincarnation. Even though a child had several names, and had thus absorbed several dead people, he still had his own soul which in turn related to the name he used throughout life. The essence or soul of a deceased person was a single entity, not a conceptually composite one. Only in a very vague way did the characteristics of a dead person whose name the child bore reappear. Thus, if a family had lost a member, and a child, not a member of the group, received the name of the deceased, the family customarily gave the child the things of which the dead person had been fond. Thereafter, they "loved that child," since in him their own lost kin continued to live. Every attempt was made to take proper care in naming a child. The point was that the child was spiritually weak and subject to harm by a soul "trying to get in." Such a soul might cause the child to cry constantly. If this happened, and the child cried frequently, it was decided that some soul was trying to get in. As nearly as can be ascertained, there was no attempt made to divine whose soul it was that caused the difficulty. The child was simply given the name of a recently deceased person and if it then cried less frequently, it was regarded as evidence that the soul had entered the child when the name was bestowed. An informant reported that when his first child was born, he took his wife and baby and went inland to hunt caribou. They traveled by umiak and as they traveled, the baby cried all the time. There seemed no way of making the child stop. They then remembered that an old woman had died recently. They called the child by the old woman's name and it stopped crying at once. Later, when they returned to the community, they told the woman's son. He was very pleased and, not being a relative of the family, gave frequent presents to the child who bore his mother's name. The dead might appear in a dream to the parents of a child, asking that their name be given. Or it was often sufficient that one dream about a dead person. If so, it was a sign that the name of the dead should be given to someone living. This practice is far from gone at Barrow and in adjacent communities. The writer's interpreter related that for three nights running she had dreamed of a man who had drowned. The man's name, in English, was Dan. She had recently borne a child whom she had named Barrow. He had cried a good deal in the hospital just after birth and she decided to follow her dream and add the name Dan to the others he had received. Her child stopped crying at once when he received the new name. The woman now feels that she may have acted too soon. Her son, Barrow Dan, is unable to sing a note or carry a tune. Had she let him cry a bit more, she feels, he might have developed a singing voice. (A child which cried became a good singer.) However, when she named the child after the deceased, she no longer dreamed of the dead man. This incident further indicates that the name did not have to be an Eskimo one. Another informant, a man, received a woman's name along with his other names. Later, when he thought about his names, he humorously asked his parents, "Where is the tattoo mark on my chin?" But a soul, in attempting to enter a child, would often cause illness and death to the child. When a family, a man and wife, had a series of either stillborn children or children who died shortly after birth, steps had to be taken. There were several ways of handling this problem. One was to adopt a child and keep it. If it lived, the children born to the couple thereafter would also live. Another method was to take a child immediately after birth, when its previous siblings had all died, and give it out in adoption. Again, children born thereafter would survive. But still another way of handling the situation was to call a shaman to give a name to the newborn child. He found a proper name and then children which might thereafter be born would also live. There was a man at Barrow named pijuusuruk. He was not a shaman but was skilled in finding proper names for children. In one case, he was called in by a family whose children had not survived and who now had an infant girl. He called the child nawnareen'a, a dog's name, and she survived. There are several individuals living at present who bear dogs' names. The name was given under the circumstances described. It was stated that in this case it was not the name which was important, but rather the power of the man, or shaman, who gave the name. Remembering that dogs had no souls, however, it is possible to note how such a name might serve to end a series of names which had proved unfortunate. Within the last century, when a child, for whatever reason, was given the name of a dead person, a bit of tobacco was placed on the child's neck. This was to draw the soul of the dead to the child and permit it to enter easily. In the remote past, other offerings were made. What they were is no longer remembered. Although a person might thus have a good many names, he was generally called by the first one which had been given. This name accompanied the individual throughout life. Unless it proved unfortunate for some reason, it was not changed. There was no concept of changing one's name either at puberty or marriage. If a man was ill, he might, when recovered, call himself by one of his other names. This, however, was his own choice. The men in the Messenger Feast who changed their names did so for only a short time. Often, however, they used one of their other names or a nickname. Nicknames were fairly common in the area but were apparently not in such common use as among Eskimo groups elsewhere. If a person were given a nickname, he might be called it by his relatives and friends, and by his joking partners. It was regarded as bad manners for any other person, not intimately connected with the individual, to use his nickname. As stated, a man went by one name. His other names were not generally known but there was no concept of keeping them secret. Children, in fact, would play a game in which the idea was to see who had the most names. When the name of a child was changed because it cried too much, it was generally called by the new name. If a person disliked his name, he was free to call himself by one of the other names given him. While there was a general sense of names belonging to men as against those which were women's names, no linguistic device was used to indicate a difference. Nor was there any feeling against calling a boy by a woman's name or the reverse. One such instance has been noted above. In another, a man at Barrow named his son by his own mother's name. This was accepted practice and occasioned no comment. An example of names which a member of the group might have is the following: ipaaluq iriccelega awktellik nan'eeeluk The third and fourth names might have originally been nicknames. awktellik refers to a strawberry birthmark; nan'eeeluk means "jumps on one leg." These characterizations did not apply to the individual so named and appear to have been names which passed on to him. Many names are not meaningful, as, for example, the first two. The man in question was always known as ipaaluuq. Four names were the usual number for each individual. It is clear, however, that there was no insistence on this. Some have only 2, others as many as 6 or 7. It is the name by which the person is known that is of primary importance. And, indeed, one does not refer to people except by name. Unless the names of the principals in a tale are known, the tale itself is valueless. Informants were always careful to supply the name of the person under discussion. Families themselves were not named, although the group might sometimes be referred to by the name of the leader or wealthy member of the group. Children were told the names of their grandparents as a means of identifying relationships. In reference, a child was designated not infrequently by the kinship term applied to the deceased whose name he bore. Thus, if a stranger inquired in a household, saying, "Whose child is that?", the mother of the child might answer, "That is my grandfather's father (amaw)." The stranger is able to identify the situation at once, knowing the child to belong to the woman addressed, and having received the child's name, is able at once to determine who is related to whom in the household situation and what the antecedents of the family are. Similarly, a child might be asked, "Who are you?" The child, giving its name, answers, "I am my grandmother," thereby again informing the stranger of his background and family. For a child, the learning of names not only in his own community but throughout the various communities along the Arctic coast, formed an important part of a process of education. Names are thus quite important as a means of identifying kinship relationships and it is clear that there could be no teknonymy. Given names of ancestors have today become surnames. The connection between the name and the charm, or the name and the song, has already been mentioned. When an older person gave a charm, and with it the necessary food restrictions, a name might also be given. This again was the name of a dead person. In this case, the new name was not necessarily a replacement for the name of common use, nor in receiving a charm was the name always changed or a new one given. If the children in a family had died, the help of an old person might be sought. For a survivor, the old person made a charm and often gave a song. A new name was regarded as incidental to the song and the charm in this case. GHOSTS AND SOULS The soul, or essence, of the deceased was called ilitkosiq. A ghost was ilitkosixluk or aliuqtuq. In general, the soul departs when the deceased's name is conferred on a child. While there appears to have been no concept of multiple souls, ghosts and related phenomena were occasionally seen. In the main, these seem not to have been regarded as human. Many of the concepts allied with the ghosts are perhaps recent. There is a fairly extensive lore with respect to ghosts, but in general there is a view that when one has an unusual psychic experience, it may derive from the tunarak, the helping spirits which call the shaman and are his familiars. Thus, the event is told of a young woman, who, during the summer, was camped down the coast while the men in her family were ugruk hunting. She was about to go to sleep in a tent when she heard her name called by a voice which she recognized to be that of a friend at Barrow. She was terrified and became ill. She related to a shaman what had happened and was cured. This was not held to be the voice of the friend, but rather of some spirit which had imitated the friend’s voice. And this is the usual behavior associated with the experience of an unusual nature—the person who underwent the experience inevitably became ill. If he failed to tell what he had seen or heard, he would die. The experience had to be confessed to the shaman, who could then effect a cure. In another instance, so it was related, there was, recently, a whaling crew camped out on the ice in the spring. The crew had gone to the boat leaving one man behind to attend to some chores. He was about to go to sleep in a tent on the ice when the bottom of the tent bellied as if from wind—but it was not windy. The man heard a voice calling his name. He saw nothing but the voice seemed next to his ear. He told no one what had happened. Later, he became weak and ill and was dying. At the last he related his experience but then it was too late to save him. In short, the experience must be related. People who received calls of this kind might become shamans if they listened to the voices and followed them. If they resisted, they had to tell a shaman to withdraw the effect of the call of the spirit. Presumably, the instance here was one such. Many other cases of this kind might be listed. In one, a boy was out tending to the reindeer when the Barrow community had a herd. He saw a head coming toward him. It seemed a human head with a wolf ruff around it. It came close to him and disappeared. He was horribly frightened and ran back to town telling of what he had seen. Another such case of a disembodied head being seen supposedly occurred at the Pass. Noises were heard and a man went out to investigate when all the people in the community were accounted for. He suddenly saw rise up before him a great, round, shining face. It was much larger than a human head but the features were human. The phantom could not be explained. Whenever such things are seen, they are the ominous harbingers of sickness and death. Ghosts of the dead specifically warned of their presence by buzzing in a person’s ear. Noises and calls also marked their presence. There were two principal ways of placating a ghost. This was done by throwing cold water against the door of a house and by hanging a tobacco leaf upon it. A second way involved the process of naming for the deceased as has been described. The dead might also appear in dreams and again could be laid by attaching the name of the dead to a child. Some reflection of the fear of the dead appears in the ways in which a corpse was disposed of. A dead body was removed through the skylight of the house and brought out to the tundra where it was simply left. As the group moved out to dispose of a body, a man walked behind, brandishing a knife. This was to prevent an early return of the soul. Similarly, those in the house were under restrictions for 4 days, if the deceased were a woman, 5, if a man. During the mourning period, called naaciruat, no one in the house could sew lest the spirit be drawn back into the house. Similarly, no noise could be made, lest the ghost find its way back more easily. The removal of a corpse through the skylight suggests a similar practice on each side of the Pacific. The practice was followed, it was said, because the doorway and hall were hard to negotiate. However, the skylight was immediately covered again with the pane of gut when the corpse was taken out. DREAMS AND PORTENTS The dream was not too significant a part of the supernatural as conceived by the North Alaskan Eskimo. When a person had a dream, it was a sign that his soul was wandering about. If the dream was a good one, it should be told to others. When a member of a whaling crew had a good dream, he told the owner of the boat about it before embarking. If his dream was bad, he told no one and might even remain away from the whaling. Dreams could be a cause of illness, since the wandering soul was often entrapped and kept from returning to the body. In this case, the shaman might entice the soul back and so effect a cure. Dreams had meaning for the future. If a person dreamed of the moon, it meant that someone would die. Dreams of noises were also regarded as harbingers of death. People are careful not to tell of a bad dream—a fact which is still true—since the evil portended by the dream may then become realized. If a person dreamed a good dream of another person, he went at once to tell him of it. When a tragedy occurs, a drowning, an airplane accident, or the like, there usually appears someone to say that he had dreamed about it beforehand. When a person’s toe hurts, or the eye twitches, it is a sign of success in hunting. A hurting toe can also mean that strangers are coming to visit. Such concepts do not appear to have been elaborated. Even at present, however, there is reluctance to tell one’s dreams unless they portend something especially good. MASKS As a final note to this section on the supernatural, the mention of masks should be made. These were never too important in the North Alaskan Eskimo areas, nor did they reach the same degree of elaboration as in the southern areas. The masks which were used were principally dance masks. There may have been a concept of supernatural impersonation but certainly it is not well developed. A suggestion of this appears in the dances associated with the whaling feasts, where masked men visited the houses and frightened children, asking for something from the householder, usually a bit of moss for a lamp wick. The masks worn were called axrellik, they and the dancers together were axrelliktuat, and the dancers in the ceremonial were specifically known as axraligiit. The mask was a simple wooden face mask with slits for eyes and mouth. Murdoch (1892, pp. 365-370) describes some of this type (his figs. 366, 368, 369). An older type of mask, at least according to modern informants, was the sakimmak. It was this one which had wings, an attached gorget, and to which various figures might be attached. Often the mask had boards protruding from it suggestive of the whale's flippers. On these were painted whales, walrus, and other sea mammals. Such seem to have been worn by the umaliq in the procession of axraligiit. Whether there was impersonation here, or whether, as has been suggested under the treatment of the whaling cult, these masks suggest a secret society situation in the karigi, cannot now be said. In the Messenger Feast, a fillet or headband made from a loonskin or from the head and feathers of a raven was worn. This was a costume, however, rather than a mask as such (pl. 1, b). The snow goggles of the Eskimo were listed by informants as a mask. They were called akaatuk. SUMMARY Because situations were so largely controlled by songs and the magic inherent in them, there was little beyond the institution of the compulsive song that was highly formalized. Songs, charms, and names were three vital features to what might be called the religion of the North Alaskan Eskimo. When other aspects are encountered, they are of considerably less significance. These three features, with shamanism and the necessary ceremonial, associated with a development such as the cult of the whale, were fundamental. These institutionalized aspects of religion had the effect of minimizing other less well formalized features such as an attention to world view and cosmology or to an eschatology. The Eskimo of the Alaskan Arctic slope had capitalized on the song as a means of achieving the desired result. This they had developed more elaborately than had Eskimo groups farther to the south in Alaska. Hence, divination, omens, and similar phenomena were of much less significance. No attempt was made, for example, to predict weather; since the desired weather could be sung for, it was hardly necessary. No attempts were made to predict success in one or another undertaking. Here again, the individual had a degree of control in the songs which either he or another knew. It is true that there were casual connections between various actions and events but one had only to avoid an act to prevent an undesirable event from occurring. Thus one became ill if he saw or heard a spirit and did not tell of it, he got a nosebleed if he picked up a lamp which had fallen while lit, and other forms of illness might come from failing to observe the necessary prohibitions and restrictions. In general, however, these and like developments were overshadowed by the control which the individual could exert over specific situations. If he could not effect the desired result alone, he could rely on an older relative to assist him, as in the case of giving charms, or, as a last recourse, there was the shaman. A few instances arise where attempts are made to determine the unknown. When a man was lost at sea, for example, the family would wish to know if he were still living. His mukluks, were hung up from the roof beam of the house, the wife or some other person first having smoothed out the linings of the mukluks, whether of caribou skin or baleen shavings. The group then slept. On awaking, they felt in the man's boots. If the lining were at all disturbed, that is, pushed back or no longer smooth, it was a sign that the missing man was still alive. This was repeated until the mukluks showed no sign of change. Then it was known that the hunter was dead and not moving about any more. But if a family were really concerned, the shaman would be asked to go out to look for him. This he did either in a trancelike state, his own spirit leaving his body, or he obtained the answer from his familiars. Another aspect of supernatural concepts which should be given further attention is that relating to other means of establishing controls over situations. Such power was best developed in the shaman, who, apart from the compulsive songs and the familiars which he had, had developed other power. Shamans could reach out and take what they wished, according to several accounts. But again, this power was not restricted to the shaman. Here arises the complex body of folklore relating to the worms, without mention of which no account of North Alaskan supernaturalism would be complete. Worms were a source of fear and horror. Some of this attitude was carried over to animal parasites, but in general, it was the earthworm which occasioned such feelings. It was told that anyone could develop great power from the worms if he were willing to undergo a horrible experience. If a man, traveling alone on the tundra, came to a hummock and turned over the earth, finding the depression alive with worms, he could use them to his advantage. This he did by baring his arm and inserting it among the worms. After a moment, he took it out again and would find that the flesh had been eaten off. He then replaced his arm into the worms and when he removed it a second time, the flesh would be returned. After this experience, he could reach out with his arm and take whatever he wished from any distance. He could make game come to him, he could reach out to the houses of other people and take their possessions, and he could even cause illness and death by reaching up from under the ground and stealing the hearts of people. Many shamans were reputed to have undergone this experience. When it was related, the informant became extremely uncomfortable and remarked, "This scares me when I think about it." The earthworms were called kupilleroq. The threadworms which appeared in fish (inilik) were also to be feared. The part of the fish into which they had bored had to be thrown away. These worms, it is said, if swallowed, will eat a person from within. Sufficient has perhaps been given as to suggest the major religious preoccupations of the Eskimo of the area in question. The above, so far as can be ascertained, reflects the aboriginal religious emphasis. There is one aspect of religious attitude and belief, however, which requires treatment and which is somewhat difficult to place. It is that of the "Strangers in the Sky," the wiivaksat, "those who come around again." To anyone familiar with the history of the Indian of the United States, much of what is described for these visitations suggests a messianic cult. Informants are agreed that the development of this notion reached a high point just before the advent of the whalers from abroad. If this is true, the concept may have arisen because of the diffusion of possibly Christian ideas from some other area, possibly from some point of Russian or other European contact. Much of what is told relating to the belief does not coincide with aboriginal religious concept. Undoubtedly, further attention should be given to the concept. THE WIIVAKSAT—STRANGERS IN THE SKY The term wiivaksat, wiivaksaat, means literally, "those who go around and come back to the place where they started." Another term used to designate them was apin'eric, "strangers." The basic idea was that these were the dead who would return "some day." When they came back, they would bring everything needed for a comfortable life; one would have only to ask them and anything one wanted would be given. The idea was also expressed that the dead circled around the world and then returned to the land of the living. There is no agreement as to the meaning of the concept. Some say that the way the dead behave was ordained by Raven. After death, a soul flies about the world and then returns, entering the body of a living person when the latter bears the name of the dead. This concept would of course be wholly aboriginal. Engrafted onto it, however, appears the idea of a time, a kind of millennium, when the dead would return, bringing with them the things that men needed. It is this aspect which is clearly not aboriginal and which suggests an attitude of revivalism and messianic cult. One associated feature, mentioned by several informants, was that the dead would come back as they had been in life, not in the form of souls to enter a living body when a name was conferred. "Your father will come back; he will not be old, but will be young again" was a statement made to a girl of 15, who, as a great grandmother, still recalls it today and still awaits the event. Another informant, age 68, recalls that his grandfather's father mentioned the "strangers." He said that when he died he would come back again, not old, but as a young man, and he would live over again. He said that he would be happy when he did so because he had never killed a man. Another informant reports that when she was a child, the family traveled inland. They met some people from kuvuk, the kuvunmiut, who told them that "strangers are coming—we can follow them and we won't have to bring anything; they will have everything for us." Still another tells of her mother and her family who were traveling down from nuwuk to Barrow. For some reason, she lagged behind and pitched a tent by herself and stayed there briefly to "look at some work." Once she was coming back to the tent and heard voices overhead, speaking in a strange language. She was frightened and fell down, hiding between the ridges of drifting snow. After a moment the voices were gone and she went back to her tent and heard of them no more. When she told of her experience, it was agreed that she had heard the wiivaksat passing overhead. Other examples might be given at length. They are essentially alike: "It was said that strangers were coming; they brought everything for us and we had only to ask for it." And it was agreed, too, that this took place "just before the first missionaries came." Many are today agreed that what was meant was the coming of the mission and Christianity. It appears that there was the development of a cult related to the concept of the "strangers" which must have arisen in the 1870's and 1880's, at the time when contacts with the outside began to be more numerous. Apparently, too, there was the view that the wiivaksat were coming at any time. It is said that children were cautioned to be quiet lest they disturb the "strangers." There is also mention of the fact that the shamans were bitterly opposed to the idea and worked hard against it. As one informant remarked, "It was not the shamans who did this [i.e., introduced the idea of the wiivaksat]; they were always mean and against the Christians and did nothing to help them. They were always against anyone who helped the poor people.” Another said, “There were shamans who fought with the people over it.” In general, the “strangers” appear to have been identified as the dead. They would return and bring abundance with them. If it is correctly assumed that the concept was a recent one—and this would be borne out by the disagreements on the part of informants over this point, such disagreements never occurring at other questions—then here is presumably the evidence for the beginning of a messianic cult in the Barrow area. Perhaps the entrance of trade goods, metal, beads, tobacco, and the like prior to the first contact with Europeans brought with it ideas which were somehow made meaningful to the culture. On the other hand, a development such as this may have been a reflection of reaction against the power of the shamanistic class; with such fragmentary evidence, and with the lack of corroborative materials from adjacent areas, it becomes impossible to say. SHAMANISM In the aboriginal culture of northern Alaska, the principal religious practitioners were the shamans (anatquq, pl. anatqut). These were both men and women whose activities related primarily to curing and doctoring. They were also concerned with finding lost articles, foretelling the future (although with little of what might be called divination), reviving or speaking to the dead, and locating missing people, and there is a suggestion of such activities as bringing game, controlling weather, as well as of malevolent work which might be viewed as black magic or murder. Another important function was to provide charms for people desiring them. They also established taboos for the individual, usually relating to the charms which they furnished and to hunting activities, and they determined those who had violated any customary practice such as might impair communal good. There are no significant differences in the pattern as between the nuunamiut and tareumiut. The shaman in general worked as an individual. There were no shamanistic societies; on the contrary, rivalry between shamans tended to exist. Occasionally the shaman had an assistant or helper. In such cases, the person involved was an apprentice. In a few instances, there is a mention of a husband-wife team, the two working together. For the average individual, there is no doubt that the shaman provided a tangible link with the supernatural. On the one hand, the shaman stood as a buffer between ordinary men and the realm of spiritual power; the shaman was present to be called in at times of sickness and so fulfilled the role of healer and physician. But on the other hand, the presence of the shaman was productive of fear and anxiety. The practitioner could not only relieve sickness, he could also bring it. One never knew at which point his personage might be offended so as to call forth his vengeance. He could, moreover, bring illness so as to cure and profit from it. Under the circumstances, it is hardly surprising that shamanism should have died out with the advent of the Christian missionaries. Not that Christianity is necessarily a force in such communities as Barrow, or Point Hope, but it has served to relieve in some measure the anxiety-producing tensions which were caused by the presence of the shaman in the community. These tensions, it would appear, far outweighed the security which a shaman might have afforded. Although the formalized office of the shaman is gone, there are unquestionably still present the attitudes which in the aboriginal culture brought the institution into being. No one today would deny the erstwhile power of the shaman or question the reality of the activities in which he engaged. If such denial does occur, it is usually uneasy. The various discussions of shamanism among the Eskimo and other Arctic peoples imply a dichotomy between shaman and layman. That this existed there is no question. As the data are considered, however, it is clear that a line of social cleavage is most difficult to draw. In some measure, every Eskimo of the aboriginal Alaskan Arctic slope was a shaman. He or she, at least, had a certain amount of power which could be used to advantage in one or another set of circumstances. The various songs, the charms, and skills which effected magical compulsion in this or that area, such as in bringing game, in controlling weather, even in curing, applied to shamans and nonshamans alike. Such powers as were regarded as inherent in the shaman were therefore in a sense general, open to any who chose to make capital of them. This general power, available to all, was suunan, a term which merely denotes power in the general sense, and it could be obtained in various ways. It lay in songs, in charms, and to some extent, in names, all of which had to be acquired in some manner. Such power came to the individual through inheritance or purchase, since songs and charms, specifically, were salable commodities and could pass through family lines by inheritance. Shamans had such power together with everyone else. They might merely have more of it, and there was, moreover, a suggestion of the concept of the guardian spirit in respect to shamans. One difference, then, between the shaman and nonshaman lay in the degree of power. Informants note frequently, "That man had six songs, but he was not an aqatquq; he didn't have enough." But more than this, there was the concept of a special class of shamanistic power—the tunarak. This reflected rapport on the part of the shaman with a particular type of spirit, which in the North Alaskan area was conceptually animal, although some natural phenomena, such as fire, might also be a source. As nearly as can be judged, no other supernatural beings, dwarfs, giants, monsters, or the like, were sources of shamanistic power. Such power implied that the shaman either had such an animal as his guardian or familiar, or that from time to time he actually became the animal in question, or both. Tunarak, animal power specifically, was the factor which distinguished the shaman from others. Such power appears to be linked with land animals, reflecting in some measure the concept of a land-sea dichotomy. Thus power coming from walrus, seal, or whale, or even polar bear, although this is questionable, was seldom encountered. It was rather that power arose particularly in association with brown bear, wolf, and fox. Bird power, from the ptarmigan, as well as power from lemmings and ground squirrels was also known. However, because wolf and killer whale were equated, the latter being the sea equivalent of the wolf, the wolf shaman might appeal to the killer whale. At that, however, the wolf shaman was offended and his power nullified if salt water, that is, sea water, were used against him. Sea water was regarded as hateful to the wolf. Brown bear and polar bear were not equated and were regarded, in fact, as enemies. There was no specific mention of polar-bear power, but there were were-bears, men who might assume the form of either the polar bear or the brown bear, never both. Caribou and mountain sheep seem not to have been sources for power, nor were dogs, of course, since the latter lack souls. Mention of power emanating from insects, such as bees and mosquitoes, was not encountered, although bees were often used as charms. It was generally agreed that one "could not always tell" who was a shaman. Unquestionably, there were those who claimed to be shamans but who lacked the necessary intimate rapport with an animal spirit. "Other shamans could always tell" is the general consensus. The charms of the shaman were no different from those of other people. Charms which have been noted for the shaman include the skin and head of a loon; a weasel, stuffed and dried; a box containing insects; or a wide variety of other acceptable aanaroat. It could not be said, therefore, that there was any shamanistic badge. A shaman was to be recognized as such when he "begins his anatkoaq," that is, when he demonstrates the necessary qualities of frenzied or hysterical behavior. Much has been written concerning the hysterical types of behavior associated with shamanism in the cultures of the Arctic. It has been generally agreed that the neurotic, possibly schizoid, individual is given some social acclaim and latitude for his aberrant state. The imperfectly understood phenomenon of the so-called "Arctic hysteria," whatever its environmental or cultural causes, is unquestionably a factor in shamanism and in the molding of the would-be shamanistic practitioner. It appears true that the unbalanced, neurotic, hysterical, or even psychotic personality, however these attitudes and states are defined, was the one who seemed destined for the office of shaman. It is to be emphasized, however, that the aboriginal cultures of the North Alaskan area called forth such types of behavior, created circumstances which induced them, and, to a point, rewarded them when they appeared. And, indeed, this seems true of the Arctic cultures in general (see Aberle, 1952). Rarely did a person consciously seek the position of shaman. If he did, the probability is that such an office was held by father, mother, grandparent, uncle, or some other member of the family group. A shaman might select his own successor, not necessarily a relative, and prevail on him to undertake the period of training and apprenticeship. Not infrequently, this was a man traveling alone and dependent on his own resources. In such cases, the person would often hear his name called. Were he reluctant to assume the power, he might resist, not answering. Were he to answer, however, the power would be his. It is said that a man to whom the power came might begin to act abnormally, seeking to kill himself, behaving in a frenzied and wild manner. When, for example, the shaman pisiktaaraq was beginning to develop his anatkoaq, he felt compelled by his tunarak to drive knives into his body. Later, when his power was recognized and his status as a shaman assured, he ceased this activity. As indicated in the examples of shamanistic activity which follow, the borderline between a socially accepted shamanistic vocation and forms of paranoid schizophrenia was thin indeed. A person who, in youth, was given to what might loosely be termed schizoid behavior was often selected by a shaman as his apprentice. He might resist and try to withstand the demands of the shaman. Unless he was a relative of the shaman, he was expected to pay the shaman during his apprenticeship; not, it must be added, for the services of the shaman in instructing him, but rather for the songs which he was supposed to be purchasing. As part of the process of instruction, the various techniques associated with the office were imparted: legerdemain, ventriloquism, and the like. It is said that the shaman would select as his successor only "someone he could teach." Fred Gordon, who visited Barter Island, was selected by a shaman to be his successor. Although he resisted, he reluctantly went out with the shaman to observe his anatkoaq. When the two returned, Fred was badly shaken and was thereafter unable to avoid periods of trance and ecstasy. He failed to follow up his training and so was not recognized as a full-fledged shaman. It is agreed that he could have been one had he wished. Formalized instruction, although important, was not, however, wholly necessary to the office of anatquq. A person who had been traveling alone, or who might otherwise feel the compulsion to undertake the shamanistic role, could develop his powers without instruction. Many evidently succeeded in working out their own forms of public magic involving such features as swallowing and regurgitation, or their own skills at a new sleight-of-hand variation. Hence, although formal training might occur along family lines or in the event that a particular shaman picked a likely candidate as his successor, it was not so formalized an institution as to call forth in every case some specialized training. The element of individual psychological compulsion was clearly uppermost. It is also agreed that the power "seems to run in certain families." The shaman alesuuraq received no formal instruction. He was traveling with his brother-in-law along the Utokok River after caribou. The two men came to a tributary stream with a steep bank on each side. At this time alesuuraq was becoming agatquq but was unaware of it. The two men split up, the brother-in-law walking on the top of the bank while alesuuraq took the course along the stream. The brother-in-law failed to meet him at the designated spot and retraced his steps along the stream. At length, he came across alesuuraq who had his hands tied behind him with his belt. So tightly were his hands and arms bound that the brother-in-law had a difficult time releasing them. Afterward, alesuuraq was barely conscious, and it was known that the tunarak had bound his hands. After this, alesuuraq began to take on the ways of the shaman and to practice. When a man became a shaman, he made his own drum and kept it always. He also made his own sticks for the purpose of head or foot lifting, the method by which the life or death of a sick person could be determined. This was the only form of divination or scrying known to the culture. If a shaman made songs, these remained his own and were an ever-present source of power. At shamanistic seances, there might be those present who knew the songs of the practitioner and would sing them with him as he put on his demonstration of power. In such cases, the singers themselves might lapse into a trancelike state. But socially, the shamans did not form a group apart. They acted like others and were concerned with the usual tasks of living. The male shaman hunted, joined a whaling crew, not necessarily as a leader, since this depended on success and on physical prowess and skill. The female shamans were likewise engaged as the other women. The shaman had no special badge of office, clothing, or other adornment. It is said that when not engaged in the tasks of his office, he "was just like anybody else." The shaman, therefore, could not be considered a community leader simply by virtue of his calling. If he were wealthy, he had the usual status accorded to the man of wealth. Lantis points out that the Nunivak shamans were often poor, unskilled men, and not infrequently physically or even mentally handicapped (Lantis, 1946, p. 201). From what can be gathered regarding the northern Alaskan, this also seems to be true, the point being that for the otherwise unsuccessful, here lay a means of attaining prestige. Shamans had no special sacerdotal functions in relation to either the Whale or Caribou Festival or the Messenger Feast, the principal ceremonial affairs celebrated by the Eskimo of the Alaskan Arctic slope. If they participated, it was as other men. But they did have a definite place in the society in relation to the tasks outlined above. And in the winter months they came into their own. It was at this time, through December and January, during the sunless period, that the shamans were most active. It was now that they held their seances, assembling people in the house to show off their powers. Involved in the seances were such features as speaking with a corpse, shaking the house or tent, bringing in the voices of the familiar spirits, being released from bonds by the spirit helper, flying through the air, and the like. At this time, the shaman would have himself bound. The group, seated in the darkened house, would hear him fly up through the skylight of the house, hear his voice on the roof, and after a period of silence, hear him return. He often claimed to have visited some other village, and told of events there, what people were doing, and the like. The lights would then be turned on and the shaman would be present, bound as before. In the winter months, too, were the shamanistic contests, when shamans would unleash their power against each other. There is no doubt that to see a shaman, seated in a semidarkened house, wrestle with hostile powers sent by a rival was a dramatic and terrifying experience. And clearly, it was by means of such seances that the shamans were able to keep attention focused on themselves. It was asserted that in this period two shamans might meet, being outwardly friendly, while all the while their tunarat were engaged in a bitter struggle. It may be noted that one of the terms for November, or, at least, for one of the last moons, was kiyeevilwik—"the time when the shamans get busy." While there was no special clothing associated with the shaman, it is true that much of his activity centered in the tambourine and the songs he knew (pl. 7, b). Any activity on his part was prefaced by a series of songs and the beating of the drum. After singing for a time, the shaman would lapse into a trancelike state, undergoing a kind of autohypnosis which not infrequently transferred itself to the attending audience. As has been mentioned, it was the songs more than any other feature which characterized the shaman. The various feats of legerdemain might be performed by anyone. Various people, indeed, knew "tricks" which they could use from time to time. One man, for example, is described as having a blue bead which he could roll across the floor and it would then return to him. Another man knew a trick by which, in drumming, he held his drum out and tobacco leaves appeared on it. The drum of course was not the exclusive property of the shaman; it was used in social dances and for social singing as well. The shaman's drum was said to be somewhat larger than others. Anyone skilled in drumming was free to practice. Male shamans, it is true, did use the drum, but it appears that the female group did not. The latter, too, were less skilled in legerdemain and ventriloquism. If the shamans were a husband-wife team, the woman might then handle the drum. The feeling appears to have been strong, however, that such a woman should have passed the climacteric. The trance state did apply to both sexes, and women, as well as men, learned to induce it with singing. In a few instances, male shamans are described as wearing a headband of bleached sealskin from which a little bag containing a special charm was suspended. This type of headband, with charms attached, however, appeared among other people as well. There was no sense either of shamanistic initiation, such as the death and resurrection theme which appears elsewhere, or the idea, encountered in Siberia, that the shaman wears old clothes. In addition to the seances described above, the shaman might be called on at any time to effect a cure. When a family member was ill (the various recognized types of illness being discussed below), the shaman of the patient's choice, or the "family doctor" was summoned. The feeling appears to have been strong that a shaman in the ingroup, that is, either in the household itself or in the community, was safe and would exert himself in behalf of the sick man. There was, however, a vague tendency for shamans to "specialize" in treating certain kinds of sickness. Thus, one shaman is described as being especially good in treating wounds. It is true that the idea of specialization seems not to have occurred to the native peoples in respect to attitudes toward shamans; it was rather that a shaman of known powers was preferred to one whose tunarak was questionable. Illness arose from two primary causes. The first, and most important, was soul loss. The causes for this were: (1) the soul was taken from the body by a malevolent shaman; (2) the soul wandered in dreams and failed to return; (3) the soul wandered because of the breaking of a restriction. The soul, ilitkosiq, was often identified with the heart, and the attitude existed that the shaman could pull the heart away. Young people were always warned never to sleep on the stomach, as evil shamans went abroad underground and reached up and removed the heart, causing sickness. Similarly, young people were advised against yawning loudly and gaping. If they did so, they were told, shamans and the dread spiritual forces clustered around them would say, "He's tired of living; let us take his soul." A shaman could be paid to bring harm to another by stealing his heart or soul. Also, the soul wandered in dreams. A dream, therefore, could be the cause of illness, if in the dream world some event occurred which prevented its returning to the owner. Hence, if a person fell ill following some vivid dream of this kind, he related it to the shaman whom he employed to cure him. The shaman then sought to entice the soul back to the patient. But a more significant cause of disease than the latter was the infringement on or violation of a prohibition. For the most part, these were personal prohibitions imposed by a shaman. When a person was given a charm, either inheriting it or purchasing it, he took on with it certain restrictions. These were, for the most part, food taboos and were usually fairly limited. Some examples are: "The anatquq said not to eat any of the meat from the saddle of the female walrus." "He said not to eat any of the marrow from the hind legs of caribou." But there were more serious violations also. In the aboriginal culture, when a person ate foods which were not spiritually compatible as, for example, caribou and wolf meat, or whale and any meat from a land animal, his soul would be offended and wander off. The second basic cause of disease related directly to shamanistic malevolence. This was the familiar phenomenon of intrusion, the belief that some object, usually invisible to all but the shaman, was driven into the patient's body by a hostile shaman. Another shaman had then to be employed to extract the cause of illness for all to see. Among the North Alaskan Eskimo, this was a far less frequent cause of sickness than the concept of soul loss. When a man was ill, he usually waited for a time before summoning a shaman, trying any ways of curing or remedies that were at hand. When the case proved stubborn, the patient often being in extremis, the shaman was summoned. He either worked in the house of the patient, or, if it appeared that a larger audience could be commanded, in the karigi. If he did his work in the house, he most often had the patient laid out on the floor boards. He then walked about the patient, examining him from all angles. Then he might touch the patient about the spot where the "pain" lay. He licked his hands, then rubbed them over the painful area. Some shamans blew on the affected part, occasionally sucking at it tentatively at first if the case was diagnosed as one of intrusion. With duck wings, the shaman might sweep the affected area. When these preparations were completed, the shaman began to sing. He stood over the kataq, the round door which was located in the floor of the house, straddling it, his feet either firmly planted or kneeling. Then he began to talk with his familiar. He stood with his back to the room, facing the door in the floor. The people assembled in the house could hear the voices of his spirit helpers coming from the hall. Then he lifted his tambourine before his face and began to sing. The tambourine, it is said, was just a bit smaller than the trapdoor itself. The shaman would sing for some time. Sometimes, in the course of his singing, he threw mittens belonging to the patient or to any of his kin, tied to a cord, into the hallway and struggled to make them return. Here, the concept was that the mittens would go out to seize the errant soul. Another method was to place the tambourine on his head after singing and lapse into a trance. At this point, the shaman might announce that his own soul was leaving his body to fetch that of the patient. The trance followed. Such a trancelike state might last indefinitely, often for several days. During this time, no one present dared go into the hallway, and no one entered the house. At the end of the trance, the shaman moaned a little, and as he moved, it was said, "His soul is coming back now." On coming out of his trance, the shaman drummed again and made a formal announcement to the effect that he had succeeded in restoring the soul, or was having a hard time getting it back from whatever being had it. Undoubtedly, the sight of a shaman at work in the house was fraught with drama and terror. All are agreed that "he was a devil," "he acted like crazy." The shaman stripped to the waist, sang his measured songs, often gradually stepping up the tempo to a frenzied pitch. He perspired freely, his eyeballs turned inward, and his performance was punctuated by the voices of his familiars, with their wolf howls, their bear growls, or other sounds coming in from the hall. His pounding and stamping shook the floor of the house and, working in darkness or semidarkness as he often did, the effect must have been wholly dramatic. Certainly, the contrast between the frenzied singing and moving of the shaman and his sudden lapse into a wholly silent, trancelike state was striking. Even while he was in a trance, however, his spirits continued to speak from the dark hall. Still another method employed in relation to disease was to lift the head or feet of the patient. After singing, the shaman took a special stick which he placed under the feet of the sick man. These he lifted. As he did so, he might ask his powers if the patient were going to be well, and the "yes" or "no" answer was returned from under the floor. Frequently, too, if the patient's feet were found to be "light," that is, easily lifted, recovery was predicted. Similarly, the shaman lifted the patient's head. To do this, he tied a string about the patient's head and attached it to his stick. He lifted it in the same way. But if the head were "light" it foretold death. Should the portents have indicated the death of the sick man, the shaman then proceeded to develop a series of defenses. He instructed the patient and his family in the procedure they should follow. Sometimes this was an imposition of silence, that no one in the house could talk or make noise for a certain period, usually 4 to 5 days. Or else the shaman banned some food to the members of the household. The concept was that if the food taboo were violated during the period of illness, either the patient or someone close to him, that is, in the household, would die. If, by his divination, the shaman foresaw the death of the patient and felt he could take no measures to counteract it, he left the house and abandoned the case. He was not paid in this case. This activity, coupled with weather forecasting, was about as close as the North Alaskan shaman came to an actual divination. There were those, however, not accorded the status of anatquq, who could also perform in this manner. One old woman at Point Hope was said to be highly skilled in the lifting of the patient's limbs with the sticks and was even able to cure by this means. She was not, however, a recognized anatquq. For such services, she was always paid. If the shaman decided to perform in the karigi, his activities were carried out in essentially the same way. Here, he placed a curtain before the door of the structure. His spirit voices spoke from behind it. The successful shaman was paid for his services. There are varying accounts as to how much the shaman was paid, but it seems safe to say that several factors were involved in payment. The fact that no one wished to appear niggardly undoubtedly played a part in the contribution to the shaman. Further, the shaman, knowing in general what a family's resources were, could gage his demand accordingly. Failure to meet it meant, of course, that the disease which had just been banished might now return. In general, the shaman was paid "something which he could use all winter." The man who wished to establish his reputation for generosity and gratitude might, however, give the shaman all his possessions. Some, it is said, gave extra clothing, boats, ammunition, dogs, and the like. An acceptable payment was the offering of a wife or a daughter as a sexual partner. As the various payments to shamans are compared, however, it seems that extremes were avoided. An average payment for a successful cure was an umiak, which, in terms of the aboriginal culture, represented a handsome fee. If a shaman were unsuccessful in his efforts, he was theoretically not paid. However, it is to be recalled that the shaman was a dangerous force in the community and it was fitting to keep his good will. Hence, the shaman, even when the patient died, was offered something—a new parka, a puppy. If the gift were refused, the shaman was regarded as "honest." This would imply that the shaman, by virtue of his fear-producing role, might be rich. Surprisingly, this was not always the case. As has been indicated, shamans were not always successful in other pursuits, such as hunting, and might be forced to depend solely on their field of specialization for a livelihood. And this in itself was often defeating, since people feared particularly a shaman whose activities were limited to his craft. Unable to compete with others in manifesting skills, such shamans were often regarded as querulous and misanthropic. And, indeed, in this is reflected a degree of social control which the community at large was able to exert over the shaman. The uncooperative and quarrelsome man, even if a shaman, was particularly suspect, was avoided, and ran the risk of being killed by the relative of some person recently deceased, on the ground that his malevolence caused the death. Malevolence and hostility, as conceived by the community, were by no means confined to those classed as shamans. An interesting series of scapegoat techniques was developed in keeping with the patterns of enmity. Old women, for example, were often suspect and, indeed, made themselves so. An old woman, one who had passed the climacteric, and hence was believed to have developed certain special powers, was often feared. A special term existed for the power which old women were believed to have, ilisiicuk. This was sickness-bringing power, and the pattern developed much in the same way as in the witchcraft cases of European fame. Such an old woman might go about and tell someone, "someone whom she hated," that he would become ill. Illness usually followed. And here, in fact, was an "out" for the shaman. The diagnosis in curing might involve the statement "there is an old woman making this man sick." The shaman then would lapse into a trance and seek to discover the culprit. In this respect there arises another parallel to the witchcraft lore of Western culture in that the accused person might compulsively confess. The shaman sought the guilty person much in the same way as if he were looking for a lost article or a thief. He might make all suspects tread on his drum. The guilty would break the drumhead. Or, having found the culprit in spirit, the shaman would ask for a public confession. When confronted with the words, "You are making so and so sick," it was not unexpected that confession might follow. After the confession, moreover, the family of the sick person might demand an indemnity and might not kill the old person. The same behavior was also attributed to old men, although to a lesser extent. A case is described of an old man at nuwuk who had said to two women, "Your babies will die." The babies did die, and the women's husbands killed the old man without question. All knew of it, it is said, and no attempt at vengeance was made by the old man's relatives. While it seems true that the shaman was a "scapegoat" in that hostile attitudes might be directed toward him, and that he might be regarded as responsible for the ills of a family or community, the shaman himself could discover a target and could redirect community hostility. It was probably a fairly safe practice, especially since the economic unproductiveness of the old people made them fair game. Actually, the mechanism of confession in Eskimo culture is an interesting one and not restricted to older people. A person could confess and thereby relieve his own anxieties. In the aboriginal culture, the pattern seems to have been fairly well developed. With the advent of the whalers from abroad, however, the mechanisms of confession were lost. The shaman was the principal functionary in the process. He called the people together, either into a house or to a karigi, and might make accusations to force confession. This was done in such cases as that given above, for theft, and also to ward off any undue misfortune in the community. Thus, if meat were scarce, a person might voluntarily confess to the violation of a prohibition. The shaman, by imposing other restrictions, or by enforcing the old ones, could set the matter right. In this respect, the shaman might work for communal good. The matter of confession, especially in relation to food taboos, suggests the patterns described by Boas and others in relation to the Sedna myth (Boas, 1888, pp. 592–593). It was interesting that no ramifications of this myth, or the tale in any form of the goddess of the sea, could be tracked down in the area. Although a man could employ a shaman to steal the soul of an enemy or to shoot magic spears, arrows, or darts into him, this practice was presumably rare. Informants mention its occurrence but no cases could be recalled where this actually had happened. Much more frequent was the employment of a shaman to inhibit success on the part of another. Between whaling captains, for example, there was considerable rivalry, and living informants recall the anger of one captain against another more successful. Nor, indeed, is this feeling lost today. Hence, one captain could employ a shaman to sing and drum in order to drive whales away from his rival's boat. And the same rivalry could extend to other activities. There were special songs to deflect the aim of the hunter, to drive game of any kind away as well as to make them appear, and to bring general misfortune. But such songs were not, as has been shown, the exclusive property of the shaman. These were songs which might belong to anyone, and were inherited and purchased. Again, the shaman "had more of such songs." Thus shamanism raises the whole problem of hostility and interpersonal tension in the culture. It would appear that the less skillful, the more misanthropic, the aggressive type of personality found its outlet in shamanism. The songs, too, which reflect aggressive tendencies might serve the nonshaman in this direction. All are agreed that the jealousy, hatred, and ill will resident in the community centered in the person of the shaman, man or woman. There were certain things which the shaman hated and which would inevitably call forth his wrath in the form of sickness and misfortune. The hunter who was always successful was a fair target for the hatred of the shaman. The man who was credited with many whales or walruses or the hunter who got many caribou could attribute any sudden lack of success, or his illness, to shamanistic malevolence. When a hunter out on an expedition became ill, he always blamed the malefic influence of a shaman. In such cases, he always turned home at once and employed his local shaman to remove the influence or to find out who the responsible party might be. If the guilty shaman could be divined, he was often paid to remove his spell and the hunter might return to the field. Similarly, the shaman was said to hate a good runner, and there existed a whole series of songs designed to make a runner lose a race. As late as 1914, when the last Messenger Feast took place, the foot race was won by a man from Barrow. It is recalled that his mother took him aside and warned him not to race again lest he incur the hatred of the shamans. Such was apparently frequent advice. It appears that the attitude is explainable in terms of the modesty and uniformity which the culture demanded. Any form of exceptional behavior was frowned on. Unquestionably, too, the shaman existed as a force to stabilize this attitude and to produce conformity to the norm. A shaman who had hatred toward an individual might act in several different ways. In order to kill the person, he might cut a small piece from the garment worn by the object of his wrath. If this were discovered, the person merely had to throw the garment away and the spell was broken. If not discovered, the person would sicken and die. There is today, it is said, an old woman at Wainwright who still resorts to this practice against those whom she dislikes. Another method, and this was more restricted to the shaman, was to send out the mittens on a string. They seized the soul of the victim and removed it, and illness followed. A shaman could also produce illness in a house by holding a handful of hair and shaking his fist into the doorway of his enemies' house. Eskimo views toward what the shaman does when he captures a soul are not well defined, "He had it in himself"; "He keeps it." Unquestionably, the most effective method of bringing sickness and misfortune, and the one most easily publicized, was the song. The shaman who sang, in his own house, out on the tundra, or in the karigi made it plain that evil was in store for someone. There is no doubt that the shaman's life was fraught with danger. He ran the constant risk of being killed by vengeful relatives. It was regarded as good practice to stay away from a shaman who bewitched one. Always this task was relegated to one's kin. But, it is repeatedly said, it was exceedingly difficult to kill a shaman. His supernatural guardians kept him from harm and he himself had miraculous recuperative powers. But apart from the character of the shaman as a curer and as an ostensibly vengeful and malevolent personality, there were certain well-defined functions of the shaman in the community. When a particularly valued article was lost, for example, the loser would often summon the shaman. He recovered it, either by forcing a confession from a thief or by sending his spirit helpers out to look for it. If the article was recovered, the shaman was again paid for his services, although not, of course, as much as when he had effected a cure. Actually, the same method was employed when a person, hunting or engaged in some other expedition was lost and failed to return. Attempts were made by the shaman to locate him and to draw him back to the community. Among the specific cases of shamanism which follow appears a detailed example of this type of activity on the part of the shaman. Similarly, the shaman might attempt to make the lost article appear, often using the magic mittens to fetch it. As has been noted, divination was not an essential part of shamanistic function. The shaman might predict good for some individual, as related in one of the following cases, or he might employ practices which suggest divination in predicting the recovery of a sick person. But the emphasis lay not so much in divination as in actual magical control. Thus, game was compelled to come by the force of the songs which were sung, and, similarly, weather was controlled by singing. Again, however, these were not limited to the shaman, since anyone with such songs could sing them as the occasion demanded. Another function of the shaman was to deal with the recently dead. Particularly powerful shamans were often able to restore the soul even after it had completely departed the body and the spark of life was extinguished. Here is perhaps a reflection of culturally induced mental states, catatonic or otherwise, which presumably might appear in any member of the community. Often, too, after death, the shaman might speak with a corpse. An instance of this kind was witnessed by an informant living today at Barrow. He related that a man had died at nuwuk and that a shaman had been attempting to cure him but failed. When the man died, the shaman said to the corpse, "Who is it that has killed you?" The corpse answered, giving the name of another shaman nearby. Here was the signal for the family of the deceased to take action, but, as the informant put it, "they were afraid." As has been mentioned, amulets and charms (aanaroak) were obtained from the shaman. This is not entirely true, since occasions did arise where a charm was purchased from another, and such amulets, like songs, might also be inherited. Frequently, a shaman might be summoned to make a charm for a newborn child. He was paid something for this and prescribed at the same time the food prohibitions which accompanied the charm. These would presumably accompany the owner of the charm throughout life. A question which always arises with respect to the shaman is the extent to which he believed in his own powers. All informants are agreed that there were pretenders, people who wished to be shamans and knew the lore and the sleight of hand but who did not have tunarak. The man with the true helping spirit, the man to whom the power had actually come, whose "life had been taken" by another shaman, was regarded as genuine. He underwent a course of instruction from his guardian and familiar spirit and he was taught songs and tricks by his shaman mentor. It is not known how long the period of instruction lasted, although it is generally agreed that it was a long time and probably varied depending on the circumstances of each shaman. Certainly the impression obtained is that shamans were essentially older people; a young person, while he might be a candidate, was not regarded as sufficiently versed in his craft to practice at length or to compete with others more mature. One learns of young shamans practicing, that is, going out alone on the tundra and singing and presumably finding rapport with their spirit helpers. One such young man was said to go out a great distance and sing. Even then, however, the sound of his voice would reach the community. The shaman had a bag of tricks and was evidently clever in inventing new ones. These involved swallowing and regurgitation, as for example, in the cases which follow, the man who tied knots in strings held in the mouth, tricks with drums, ventriloquism, as presumably speaking to the spirits clustered in the hall of a house, and general legerdemain. In the latter class appeared such problems, to the people at least, as the knife through the body, a trick mastered by most shamans. Vomiting blood, bleeding from nonexistent wounds, and the whole dramatic procedure of the seance belong with the shaman's trade. But when it is remembered that the shaman's presence was essential to certain community activities and that the shaman was a source of fear and awe, it is hardly difficult to understand the underlying motivations. The shaman could ward off forces of malevolence in the community. He was himself an essentially "unbalanced" personality and in his ecstatic state, the line between fantasy and reality was undoubtedly stretched pretty thin. And since, too, the total experience of both shaman and layman was limited to and lay in the institution of shamanism, it is not difficult to accept the fact that the shaman was probably sincere. There is no doubt that the institution was perpetuated since it did so effectively serve to channelize hostile and aggressive behavior. Shamanism as an institution in the area was of the ecstatic type. It could hardly be regarded as possessional shamanism, however. In general, the shaman coexisted with his tunarak; he did not become them in the main. It is true that there are tales of shamans becoming bears, and the case is described below of the shaman with the wolf familiar who, in dancing, seemed to have wolf legs. In changing his shape, however, the shaman was still himself. His behavior, while often frenzied and wild, was in the main controlled. If his spirit were wolf, he might, it is true, howl like a wolf, but the familiar would answer him from nearby. There was the tacit recognition that the shaman controlled his spirits. There was no conception of the reverse being true. Conceptually, the tunarak was always with the shaman. He was often seen conversing with his familiar, and there is the suggestion, made by a number of other Eskimo observers, that a shaman’s language consisted of archaic forms (Weyer, 1932, p. 435). No examples of this, except in songs, could be secured. It is interesting that the concept of the shamanistic spirit still survives in Christianity. The various missionaries have employed the term tunarak to designate the devil, Satan, and other evil powers. This attitude has been carried over to today in the Christian church and the rationalization is present that the devil inspired the old shamans. By the same reasoning, the Christian missionary is not a shaman, nor, actually, is he regarded as having spiritual power, at least analogous to that of the shamans of the aboriginal culture. Another pertinent question with respect to shamans is that of their number. This is somewhat difficult to answer, there being no statements available. One of the factors which make it a problem is the thin line separating those with certain spiritual endowments from those with an actual tunarak. Thus a curer might be summoned who knew curing songs but was not a shaman. And it is again true that each person had some kind of spiritual specialty. That not every household had a shaman is quite clear, and it also is evident that the shaman might live alone, either by choice or because others feared living with the powers which he had. Among the inland Eskimo, shamans were, if anything, more numerous than among the maritime groups. At least, data recorded with respect to inland life point out that a shaman often traveled with a small band. Judging from the living conditions as described for the aboriginal culture on the coast, and allowing for one hundred to one hundred and fifty people in a community, it seems safe to say that one in twenty to twenty-five was a shaman (Weyer, 1932, p. 435 seq.). Hence, at Barrow, in, let us say, 1875–80, there were five to six individuals reputedly active shamans and a somewhat lesser number, perhaps three to four, at piyiniq and nuwuk. It is to be remembered that these were not always present in the community. Like other men, they traveled about with their families, went inland for the hunting and fishing, or camped down the beach away from the settlement in the summer time. Active shamans would come together in the winter ceremonial season, although in an informal way. When living with others in the community, the shaman always had to guard against threats to his power. Certain elements did curb his effectiveness. The presence of a menstruating woman, for example, was dangerous to him. She was expected to avoid him. The same was true of a woman who had just given birth. They were, in any case, expected to stay in the birth hut or menstrual lodge. It was actually this fact which prevented women from becoming as powerful as men in shamanism. A case (see p. 119) is described where a female shaman attempted to revive her slain husband. She was unsuccessful because she was menstruating and had no power at the time. Children also were a source of annoyance to the shaman; they were not allowed to bother him with talk. There was some feeling that the power of the successful shaman lived on after his death. The great shaman ipexsin had the power to reach out, extending his arm, and could seize things. He was alleged to have obtained all his food in this way. After his death, his spirit wandered about and continued to pull things. Children, particularly, were dragged about by his spirit. In conclusion, it may be noted in how far shamanism was a vital, although not highly formalized, institution in the cultures of the North Alaskan Eskimo. As a person the shaman was not popular. Many who were called to this position—those by chance alone out on the tundra who heard the voices of the tunarak and who were approached by a shaman to take over his office—resisted. Good advice was, "Stay away from the shaman; don't get friendly with him, don't hear his songs or he'll take your life and give you the shaman's life." EXAMPLES OF SHAMANISTIC BEHAVIOR The foregoing discussion of shamanism would scarcely be complete without some attention to the details of shamanistic behavior. The ecstatic, hysterical, or compulsive acts associated with the office are best illustrated by example. Unquestionably, some of the cases recorded here may be ascribed to the realm of the folktale and have reached modern times only by hearsay. Others are actually witnessed events. In either case, however, the reality of the shamanistic experience is not subject to question. Even if the shaman is no longer an accepted public official, the recollection of his acts is still strong. The following examples of shamanistic activity will serve in some measure to point up the nature of the institution and indicate some of the psychological as well as social factors relating to the pattern. 1. There was one man at Barrow who had talked to the polar bear. He had been sealing out on the ice and was attacked by a bear. The bear bit and clawed him. After he said, "Stop, you hurt me too much," the bear left him and went away. When the man returned home, he became anatquq. He took the claws and teeth of the polar bear. Sometimes he wore the claws, sometimes the teeth. He growled like the polar bear. Everyone knew that his power and his songs came from the bear. 2. At Herschel Island there was a woman who had bear power. Once, when she visited people at Umiat, she changed her shape to a brown bear and walked all the way. It was noticed that when she started out walking, she would stop now and again to rest. Each time she stopped, she looked more like a bear. At last, she turned into a bear altogether. When she came back from Umiat her husband was afraid of her. He loved his two children, a boy and a girl. To protect them from their mother, he killed them with his knife. When the woman came back, she took the knife from her husband and brought her two children to life again. 3. There was an anatquq trying to kill another man. The man's family hired another anatquq to make him well again. The latter saw the little spear which had been driven into the patient to make him sick and die. He came to the house, began to beat his drum, standing astraddle over the entrance hole at the end of the passage. He acted "like a devil." After a while, he took mittens, tied them together and threw them toward the sick man. Then, of their own accord, they moved away from the patient. The shaman who was causing the illness from far away looked into a tub of water and saw his opponent using the gloves to cure the patient. He tried to stop the mittens from moving, but his power was not sufficiently great. The mittens pulled the little spear out from the man's body and he became well again. As payment, he gave all he had to the shaman who cured him—his clothes, his umiak, his stored food, etc. He kept only the clothes on his back, his house, and his gun and ammunition. 4. There was a young man who was trained to be an anatquq by his mother who had great power. He married and settled inland with his wife. Every day he went out alone to practice his songs and his animal noises. They could hear him everywhere. 5. If a man, not necessarily a shaman, had power in hunting, he could use it at any time to his own advantage. A shaman, however, could sing for his food and it would come to him. It might come to him even from another person's ice cellar. Most shamans, however, went hunting like other men. If a man had no success, particularly in inland hunting after caribou, there were special songs which might make the caribou come. People who owned such songs were "like shamans." One man had several such songs. He put his arms in his parka and then put one sleeve ahead and sang through it. This made the caribou come to him and he could shoot them at his leisure. The caribou ran toward the sleeve. The songs, obtained by a man from his father, are as follows: I. pisiksigaa manja my bow I carry with me saagava qaymatna pagaalligiel they come to me in a run [caribou] magoowoo magoowoowoo [Wolf's growl] alivakvimmilyu u u u from strength sanivakvimmilyu u u with strength II. Song to hit caribou once they have assembled: nawkuxowoo ᵑᵢⁿᵃⁿⁱᵥⁱᵍᵘ kaareroaxaa ayyiyaaxaa xaₙₙaa [Repeat above once.] setkugaₙₙaaγa ayiiyaxaaxaaγaa tutkumii tuneaaktuk xaₙₙaa tokuaagun aayiyya yanexiyaa aₙₙaaγaa xaₙₙaaγa Free translation: It makes the arrow to strike where the animals will die [caribou]. I don’t miss with it. 6. One shaman had a piece of mastodon tusk about as long as a man’s forefinger. It was carved and had three strings run through holes in it. The shaman placed it on the tambourine, then picked it up and swallowed it. Then he vomited it up on the tambourine. When he threw it up, the strings were knotted. He swallowed it and threw it up again; the strings were untied. The informant was a small boy at the time this was done. He watched the shaman and saw the ivory come out on the tambourine. The shaman took the drum and held it toward him. The informant picked up the ivory and felt it. Then he gave it back to the shaman, who swallowed it again. Again the informant picked up the ivory. “Does it feel different?” asked the shaman. “No,” he said. His mother and father were nearby. His mother pushed him and shoved him out of the house. She was quite worried. She said, “You made a bad mistake when you said it doesn’t feel different. Now he’ll do something to us.” His father said, “Try to do something now that will please that aqatquq; don’t go bothering him.” The informant was quite anxious over it for some time, but the shaman didn’t do anything. 7. Several people were in a house at Barrow. They were visited by a shaman. He said, “Let me pull each of you. The man I cannot pull will be the first to get sick.” The shaman had a rope in front of him. He tied it to each person in turn. Then he stood in the passage below the floor of the house and pulled on the rope. While he pulled, he kept talking to himself and to people who weren’t there. The informant was in the house with his mother. She said, “You are next.” He was afraid but tied the rope around himself. The shaman began to pull. The boy was pulled to the edge of the flooring in the house. He saw that the shaman had pulled up his trousers and that his legs were bare. The shaman was pulling at the rope with his legs, not with his arms. One man was there who couldn’t be pulled. He did get sick some time later. 8. A group was seated in a house and a shaman joined them. He took off his parka and sat naked from the waist up. He said to the people, “I will show you something.” He put two lamps on the floor and sat between them. Then he began to sing. After a while he said, “I shall make feathers come from my arm.” He put his arms akimbo and as the people watched, from the bare upper arm came a redness. After a few moments black marks appeared on the red mark on the skin. Real feathers grew from the place, about as long as a man’s thumb. 9. Children were always told, “Don’t go around too much where the aqatquq is working: don’t make fun of him.” There was once a boy at Barrow who did make fun of some shamans. They were the shamans who wore a special kind of labret, which looked like a walrus tusk. This boy made as if he had such labrets and followed a shaman around. The shamans agreed to make the sticks which the boy was using to imitate the shaman's labret cleave to the boy. They worked magic. The boy was unable to open his mouth and died. The shamans took the body and it is said that they buried it near the lagoon in piyiniq. People are looking for it to this day but the body has never been found. 10. The shaman atoktuak, whom Captain Brower called "Shoo-fly," could drive a knife through his body. He used a snow knife and drove it into his chest so that it came out the other side. When he removed the knife, there were no wounds to show where the knife had entered. 11. Three families from Barrow went to Canada. While they were there, they wondered how things were at Barrow. They called a shaman from among the local people and asked him to fly to Barrow to see how things there were getting along. The shaman had them tie him up tight, his arms behind him, his legs to his neck. Then he blew out the lamp. They heard the sound of wings above the house where they were, and all was quiet. After a while, they heard the wings again and the voice of the shaman, saying, "I have returned." They lit the lamp, untying the shaman. He told them that he had flown to Barrow. Then he gave the names of people who lived there, he described the ravine and the houses around it. He drew a map on the floor showing the various houses and gave their names and the names of the people who lived in them. He said that all was well with the people there. This same shaman had power over whales. The whalers always gave him gifts before whaling and were successful always. 12. There was a man who was not a shaman although he knew many songs associated with shamanism. When still a young man, he had lived at Wainwright and was in contact with a powerful shaman there. This anatquq said, "I am going to take your life and give you the life of the anatquq." He made him sit down by him in the house. The shaman put his head between his knees and went into a trance. The young man felt the same influence working on him. He began to fall forward and felt his eyes turning inward. But he grabbed at his ankles and kept himself from "going out." He did not lapse into a trance. Then the shaman said, "Hold up your hands and open your fingers." He held his open hands before the shaman but only seven fingers would open up—the others remained tight against his palm. The shaman said, "Open up your other fingers." But try though he would, only one more would come up. The shaman said, "Now you are going out for the winter hunting. You will take eight wolves. When you have taken that many, come back to me and I will take away your life and give you the anatquq's life." The young man went out after caribou and was gone a long time. When he had taken seven wolves, he became frightened and tried to avoid taking another. He turned back and drove toward the settlement. Suddenly his dogs stopped. Sticking up in the snow, he saw an ear. He dug around it and found the eighth wolf. He realized that the shaman's prophecy was fulfilled. But when he got back, the shaman had died and the young man did not have to become a shaman. 13. Once when the informant and his family were camped for the winter, there came another man and stayed with them for a while. He began to be more and more nervous. Finally, he said, "Get me a flint blade, as wide as your hand and twice as long" (whaling lance head). They gave him one of these. As he took it, he became tense and his eyes rolled. He took off his parka and shirt and sat naked in the house. He began to talk to himself. Suddenly, he plunged the blade into his chest and worked it into his breast bone. Blood spurted out from between his fingers. He pushed the whole blade into his breastbone, working it in gradually until it disappeared. Then he fell forward as if dead, remaining in a trancelike state for some time. At last he came to his senses, got up and left the house. It was noted that he had a red mark on his chest but that there was no wound. Only his hands were covered with blood. When he left the house in the place where he had been sitting the lance head was found. He was not otherwise injured. 14. Several shamans had the ability to drive a knife through their bodies without injury to themselves. One indeed, was a woman. She lived at the coal mine. Her father was a Russian, her mother Eskimo. Her mother had been a shaman. She knew this art but none other. Hence, she was not regarded as a true anatqiq. 15. Shamans were often apparently mortally wounded but survived the wounds, frequently without showing more than a mark on the flesh where the wound had been. In a feud between some people at Barrow with others inland, some of the representatives of each party met in the mountains were they had gone to hunt sheep. This was in the area to the south of Umiat. A shaman was also there representing the maritime group. One of the other faction, a little man, shot him in the back. He fell and rolled down the mountain, leaving a trail of blood behind. When the man who had shot him came down, he passed a few tents where people were camped. Near one tent was the man he had shot. He was presently joined by seven of his kinsmen. They stood and looked at the little man for a long time. No one said a word. Then the shaman he had shot said, "Have you tobacco; have you flint and steel?" The little man reached over his pouch and his fire-making equipment. Still, he said nothing. The shaman said, "It is good that you have these things. If you hadn't, it might have been different." And they let the little man go. He said that he could see the bullet hole in the shaman's wrist where the bullet had gone through after passing through his body. On his body, however, there was no mark at all. The informant remarked, "I don't know if they could really do these things, but it seems like they could." 16. There was a shaman living on the beach at Barrow. He had a female dog which he especially liked. His spirit was wolf and he danced in wolf-skin trousers. When he did so, it seemed as if his feet became the feet of the wolf and his wolf-skin pants looked just like the skin and fur of a wolf. He lived all alone in a sod house with a roof entrance. One day a man came by and was attacked by his bitch and severely bitten. He ran away but came back again and shot the shaman's dog. His whole family got sick and died within a year. 17. When the informant relating this instance was about 25, just before he was married, he went up the coast, traveling with his dogs. He was just seeing the country. He came to a place where relatives of his were. They were the nephew of his mother's grandmother and the wife of this man. The informant called them "uncle" and "aunt." He stopped with them and they fed him. Then he decided to go on. "No," they said, "you have to stay here and we will find things out for you." So he stayed another night. That night, the old man, who was a shaman, took his drum and beat it and sang, while the old lady danced. She danced a long time. Then she said, "There is going to be good weather tomorrow." Then she and her husband changed places. She drummed and sang, while the old man danced. After a long while, he said, "You are going to have a good life; good things will happen to you and you will live a long time." Next day, the informant went away. "Now," he says, "what that old couple told me came true; the weather was good and I haven't had a bad time in my life." 18. Mental illness (hysteria) with associations of shamanistic ecstasy: There was a man who went insane not too long ago. He lived near Wainwright up the coast and a little inland from the town. When winter came he and his family didn't have enough food. They even ate their dogs. Then the man decided to go to Wainwright and get food. He took a tiny sled and dragged it behind him; he was very weak. After a while, he lost his way in the dark. He camped near some old abandoned houses but he was afraid to go into them. He built a snow house and slept there. While he was asleep, he heard his name being called. In his half-sleep, he answered, "Yes." Then he awoke and was alone. He was horribly afraid and went on to Wainwright. He sat all trembling in the informant's house and related what had happened to him. "Something is now touching me, it has its hand on my back," he said. "Something has stuck its finger up my rectum," he cried. He went to the fire and picked up the burning ashes in his hands, pouring them into his parka by the handfuls. He dropped his trousers and rubbed kerosene into his anus. "They still touch me," he yelled. Then he began to scream and wouldn't stop. After a moment of this he said, "There is my father-in-law's face looking down at me; he is looking in, he is looking in." The man's father-in-law had been a great shaman. He turned away from the skylight so that the face couldn't look at him but it appeared on the other side of the room, still looking at him. He screamed "aw, aw" and fell into a faint. After that, he couldn't do anything. He just sat around and wouldn't talk and wouldn't answer when people talked to him. He just sat staring. But every once in a while he said that things were touching him. In the spring, he was sent out from Wainwright to the A. N. S. doctors. They took him to Morningside, and he stayed there 2 years. At last they sent him back on the North Star. For a while he was all right. But one day he was carrying a large piece of driftwood and something grabbed it from behind and he couldn't go on. After that, he couldn't work any more and he said that things were touching him. They sent him to the hospital again and he died there. 19. The informant's uncle had not been a shaman originally. When Stefansson came, it was the father, rather than the uncle, who sang him the songs associated with shamanism. Or at least, he gave him a few; he refused to give them all because he was really afraid to sing them. Now the uncle lived at Barter Island and the informant went up there to see him. When he arrived, the uncle's wife was insane. She yelled all the time and had visions. She said that great numbers of caribou were coming and that people were there behind them, driving them. The informant stayed 3 days and during that time, the aunt didn't sleep at all; she just yelled about the caribou she could see. The uncle said, "I'm going to cure that woman." He had the informant get him several weasel skins. He made songs over them and laid them all over his wife. Next year, when the informant returned to Barter Island, the woman was cured. The uncle had meanwhile established his reputation as a shaman and people were coming to him to be cured. The uncle had acquired his power from the weasel. 20. An informant related the case experienced by her husband. Before his marriage, he had visited Canada and had camped with some Eskimo living there. Among them was a shaman. He was old and wanted to pass his power on to someone else. He selected a young man from Barrow whom he wished to instruct. The young man had accompanied the woman's husband. He was a Christian and had no belief in the powers of the shaman. However, he consented to go along with the shaman's ideas and was skeptical of the whole business. He went out with the shaman on the tundra and the two of them spent some days alone. At last, however, the young man became terribly frightened. He refused to go out again and wouldn't have anything more to do with the shaman. "It was as if some of the tunarak of the shaman rubbed off on him," she said. The young man would never tell what had happened between himself and the shaman when they were alone. 21. A woman who was camping with a group at Brower's Ranch recalled that she had been a bear. Her husband had recently died and while the other women were sitting with her, offering condolences, she felt the urge of the bear power. She took the skin of the brown bear on which she regularly slept and, placing it over her head, walked back and forth. She repeated again and again that she was a bear and would turn into a bear. But she didn't. 22. An inland family had a daughter whom the shaman crippled through his drumming. He broke the bones in her back because she refused to marry the shaman's son. The proposal for his son had been made by the shaman in person to the family. On the whole, the family was willing but an uncle of the girl objected. The family agreed with his objections and vetoed the marriage. In revenge, the shaman began drumming. The family made no attempt to take revenge on the shaman. 23. The informant's grandmother grieved so much over the death of her only son that she attempted to commit suicide by hanging. Before she died, however, she was saved by her daughter who cut her down. Her son's death was "harder" because he died away from home. It was recognized that something "evil" came from the shaman. The family had a daughter whom the shaman wanted to marry. She refused and was backed up by her family. The shaman took his revenge against the family. When the son, the brother of the girl, and his wife were out hunting, he lost his pipe. The shaman found it and "did something to it." When the young couple were camping, the shaman came and said, "I have found your pipe." The young man was glad to have his pipe back. Both husband and wife began smoking from it again and became sick and died. If they had known that the pipe had been tampered with, they would have made a new one. No one knows what poison was in there that made the young couple die. The sister of the man, the girl who had refused the shaman, also got sick and died within a few days. There was nothing that anyone could do to help them. 24. An informant relates that her older sister and older brother were killed by a shaman. He drummed, singing, although he was not among them at the time. They died after a few days. The shaman was angry because the girl had refused to marry his son. Another shaman diagnosed the cause of death. 25. There was a shaman hunting caribou. He got his toe caught in a trap out on the tundra. He could not get out even though he was a shaman. (A fact regarded as highly amusing.) After a time, he called for his mittens to come to him. They came to him across the tundra and freed him. His toe was frozen and was amputated. 26. There was a man at nuwuk who became sick because he had offended a shaman. As it happened, he did not know that the shaman, whose name was umiglu, was really the cause of his sickness. Hence, he hired him to effect a cure. The family of the sick man paid the shaman, umiglu, but the patient failed to improve. He was getting sicker all the time and it seemed as if he would die. The reason that the patient was sick was that umiglu had shot a lot of little wooden spears into his body. Not until the family got another shaman to work on the sick man was this found out. The second shaman, more powerful than the first, drummed and sang. Then he put his mouth against the sick man's body and coughed up a little wooden spear. It transferred itself from the body of the patient into the shaman's mouth. "Here," he said, "This is what is making you sick." The second shaman now knew who had sent the little spear. He went over to umiglu and said: "Here, I return your spear to you; you better not do that again. Next time the spear will turn on you and you will die." The man who was sick now was well and the second shaman protected him. The family paid an umiak to him. The evil shaman, umiglu, was obliged to return the payments he had received from the family. 27. There was a man at Barrow who had six special curing songs. He had gotten them from his relatives, although it is said that he bought one or two from a shaman. He was not a shaman himself although he could cure. He did not use a tambourine. In curing, he put his parka on backward, with the hood in front. He made the patient lie down and began to sing into his parka hood. When he had sung for a time, he would blow into the patient's armpits. He was very good as a curer and was paid for his services. But he did not have the true shamanistic power. 28. A shaman could staunch the flow of blood. There was a man at nuwuk who was making an umiak. He was working with an adz. It slipped and he cut his leg very badly. It was bleeding very much and his wife tried to stop the flow of blood. She was unable to do it. Finally, the man sent her to utkeaayvik for a shaman who was a specialist in such matters. She walked down the beach 10 miles or so. Finally she returned with the shaman. The man was weak from loss of blood and was holding his leg to keep it from bleeding more. The shaman took his drum, sang over the wound and talked over it. When he was done, just a little scratch was left on the skin; there was no wound at all. They paid him two seal pokes full of oil for his services. 29. Shamans used a special kind of magic poison to kill people. They could treat arrows and other weapons so that these poisons would work and the weapons would always be effective. Actual vegetable poisons were unknown. A case of the shamanistic poison is the following: There was a man at piyinik who married a woman from Wainwright. She had a brother who was lame. When the family went down to Wainwright, they stayed with the woman's brother. Now the couple had a son who had grown to be a young man and was starting to learn to hunt. He asked his lame uncle if he might borrow his bow to hunt caribou. The uncle refused. The boy borrowed a bow from another man and was successful in getting some caribou. He gave the meat to the man from whom he had borrowed the bow and arrows. The uncle was furious because he had not been given any of the meat and in his violence killed the boy. The news traveled up to piyinik and the relatives of the boy's father decided to take action. They hired a shaman. He took arrows and started working on them, singing over them. He gave them back to their owners and said that bodies touched by these arrows would swell up. The shaman took a snipe's crop and placed the arrows in it while he worked over them. The piyinik group came down to Wainwright and took after the boy's uncle. He lined up his supporters and there was a battle. The piyinik people touched their enemies with the arrows. They all went into their houses and never came out again. The besiegers circled the houses and shouted, "Come out and fight." An old man said, "They can't come out—they are all swelled up." And all the people touched by the poisoned arrows died. Among them was the murderous uncle. 30. An inland family had moved to the coast bringing berries with them. The son in the family got a polar bear. Shamans warned him that no member of the family should eat things from the land for a time. The informant and his sister ate some of the berries they had with them. She got sick at once. Her mouth dried up and she was unable to swallow. Her mother blew into her mouth again and again. While it relieved the pain she felt, it did nothing to cure her. So the mother tried another means. She lit two fires on the ground and had the girl walk back and forth between them. This made her sweat. Then the mother took a duck feather and rubbed water on her throat. After that, she could drink a little water. Now there was an old shaman who was traveling along the beach where they were camped. He said that he would cure her and that all he wanted was some tobacco. He made her lie down, blew on her neck and licked it for a long time. Then he sang over the neck. Then he licked it again. Part of this time, the girl fainted. He said, "You will be able to eat well tomorrow." She lay exhausted after the shaman finished with her. He stayed with the family that night. In the morning, she was hungry and ate and was completely cured. No one in her family had any tobacco to pay the shaman but the mother gave him two caribou skins and he was content. He went away after that. 31. After the establishment of the whaling station, some liquor was available. A man named taakpug, a great whaler, had gone with his wife inland. He was drunk and shot her dead. As it happened, there was a shaman nearby. He came quickly, breathed over her, and sang and drummed, and she was well and alive again. Her wound was closed by the shaman. Her brothers heard what taakpug had done and wanted to kill him. Since she had been revived by the shaman, however, and was not seriously injured, they let the matter go. They did, however urge her to leave taakpug. 32. Shamans sometimes recovered lost articles. They were called in particularly when an article was stolen. At piyinik, there was a man who had stolen an ice saw. The owner had put it under the cover of his sled and when he looked for it, it was gone. He was convinced that someone had stolen it. So he decided to employ a shaman to help him recover it. The shaman went into a house, made all the men come into the house. He had them sit around the floor in a row. Then he had each man in turn come to the middle of the floor and stand on his tambourine. The one who broke his tambourine, he said, would be the thief. Each man took his turn. The cover of the tambourine remained intact as each one stood on it. At last there were two men left. The last man said to the other, "I have that saw at home; I just borrowed it and meant to bring it back." The man to whom he told this pointed him out to the shaman. The man didn't stand on the drum and break it. He returned the saw and gave something to the shaman. The shaman was also paid by the owner of the saw. He received three caribou skins. After the shaman had them for a while, he decided that he was not entitled to them. Besides, the father of the owner of the saw had recently died and everyone had pity for him. So the shaman returned the caribou skins. 33. There was a shaman at Wainwright named kovanna. He married a woman with a daughter by a previous marriage. When they had been married for some time the daughter, ayranna, became ill and was close to death. Her mother told her stepfather, the shaman, that if he could cure her, he might take her as his wife. He succeeded in curing her, and, although he made no demand on her at the time, let it be understood that she was to become his wife. At a later time, the girl's mother separated from kovanna and went with her daughter to Barrow. After they had been there for some time, the mother died. The shaman, kovanna, then came from Wainwright to claim ayranna. She was afraid of him at first because of his power but he overcame her fears and succeeded in marrying her. It was agreed that this was right, that the shaman was in effect taking his fee. Even though kovanna was at the time quite old, the girl lived with him and the two settled at nuwuk. When he died, she married a younger man named isawvaq and lived with him for many years. They had only one child. 34. There were two shamans who had the same-sounding name. There was a tall man named uweeruraq and a short one named uweeyuraq. They shared their fees and were very rich. Sometimes they worked on a sick person together. In some cases, they would demand only sexual relations with the women they cured or with the female relatives of their patients. 35. On the Noatak River lived the shaman in'axluuraq who had power from the loon and used a loon head as his aanaroak. On one occasion, he went hunting with a number of people and the loons kept coming to him. Nor at this time did he fully realize that he was anatquq. Later he developed his powers and became well known, so much so that he was widely feared. Fear prompted his murder and a group of men shot him, took the body away, and dropped it into a pond and covered it with sod. Later, the killers were hunting in the same area and they saw a loon swimming in the pond. When they had driven some caribou into the pond and killed them, the loon began eating the flesh of the dead caribou. Meanwhile, the other shamans in the area began to be curious about the missing in'axluuraq and set out to find him. They put their tunarat together and discovered that he had become a loon. They went to the pond where his body was, recovered it, and restored him to life. He then settled at sisalig, near Point Hope, and continued to inspire great fear because of his unusual powers. 36. In a shamanistic seance, a shaman was bound and a hatchet put between his feet. The lights in the house were then extinguished and the assembled group heard the rushing sound of wings. These seemed to fly away and then return. At this, the lights were put on again and the shaman was seen, still bound, but the hatchet between his feet had blood on it. He then took his drum, sang, and conversed with his tunarat in the hallway. 37. There was a female shaman at Point Hope named kuuturug. She was extremely vindictive and able to bring crippling diseases. In this way, she destroyed several people. One of them was a very successful hunter, a man named samarun. When kuuturug was insulted by this man, she, aided by other shamans, crippled him and he was never able to hunt again. She weakened his bones so that he could not walk. At Point Hope, also, there was a blind female shaman. She was traveling in her spirit power when she met kuuturug. The latter's power was so strong that she killed her blind rival. The woman died in her house. Her relatives assembled and placed the blind woman's aanaroat on her. Through their power she was restored to life. She then swore vengeance on kuuturug and arranged it so that the latter's power would return to her own family. At this, kuuturug's children began to die and one by one they perished. There was nothing that kuuturug could do to prevent it. 38. There was an old shaman at nuwuk who had the loon and fire as his tunarat. His daughter was traveling with a group which was going up to ne-yliq to trade. She called the attention of the group to a fire which always appeared in the distance behind them at night. This was her father, following them from his house at nuwuk but traveling in his power. His name was amawroad. 39. When qiwak was a small boy (ca. 8 years old) his father was out on the ice. The ice broke and took him away. It was in the fall and the father didn't return until the spring whaling. There were two families going to Point Hope. The head of the other family, a man named kaleak, told young qiwaq that if anything happened to the latter's father that he, kaleak, could be depended on to help. At Point Hope, the ice was not yet thick. Several of the men went off to get seal. They were unsuccessful and went back to shore, leaving qiwaq's father alone out on the ice. He took a seal and was dragging it back across the ice when he noticed that the ice had shifted and that he was cut off from shore. He found a breathing hole in the ice and dropped his net again, waiting to see if he could get in touch with the people on shore. Meanwhile, he got another seal. He then started to walk along the ice, in view of the shore, until he could come opposite the place where his family and the others had camped. With him he took a seal net to rest on and some pieces of meat which he cut from the dead seals. He called to shore again and again but he was too far out to be sighted. He took the tobacco pouch which he carried and carefully tied it to his sleeve. His pipe he strung around his neck. He sat on the ice, smoking, waiting to be sighted. One of his hands got numb. qiwaq meanwhile went to kaleak to get help. The latter sent after a shaman who lived at Point Hope. The father's sister had a song which made the south wind blow. She sang it and the ice was blown into the shore. They thought that qiwaq's father, axooceak, might be able to make his way to the shore. But the wind veered off and ice moved out again. Several of the people walked the beach to see if they could spot the missing man on the ice but they missed him. Meanwhile, the shamans began their work. Now axooceak walked about to find a safe place to spend the next few days, thinking that he could get back when the ice moved again. But it was hopeless. The offshore rift remained. Meanwhile, the pack on which he was stranded was constantly moving. He was already a considerable distance away from shore. He thus realized that there was no hope of his being found and he gave himself up to dying out on the ice. He looked for a hollow in the ice where he could rest. There he laid his seal net, and his three seal spears he stood on the ice outside his shelter. Meanwhile the days grew shorter and at last the light was gone. Once he looked at his seal spears. They had moved and he thought that a fox was about. And while he sat there, his boot started to work itself off. He caught it before it worked off his foot and pulled it back on. Now this was the shaman who was trying to get him back. The anatquq was moving his spears and had nearly pulled the boot off his foot. In a house, the shaman was pulling. He stamped in the hallway to draw the father's soul to the hallway of the house. He had the family in the house cover the skylight, put a rope across, and he had the floor covered with canvas and skins. He brought in a bitch with puppies and dragged them across the floor. Out on the ice, the lost man could smell a dog's smell. As the days passed, axooceak could no longer walk. His legs and feet had swelled badly. He could barely crawl from his ice shelter. He saw three men coming toward him. He crawled out to them, telling them to go away, that he couldn't do a thing for them, that he had no food himself. Carefully, he had preserved the pieces of raw seal which he had taken with him originally. The men whom he saw disappeared. When they were gone, he remained in his shelter all winter. When at last the sun again began to appear and the days to get longer, he crawled from his shelter, very weak, unable to walk. He crawled along the ice with the sun. Finally he got to thin ice and saw that the wind was blowing from the south. In his weakened state, he thought he saw a stretch of water moving wildly. Then he noticed a log caught in the crushed ice along the shore and realized that what he thought to be rough water was really blowing sand. Ashore at last, he tried to get his bearings. He decided to move south into the wind. After a while, stumbling, crawling along, he caught sight of a mast. And, crossing a little frozen stream, he found himself at Point Lay. At Point Lay, he had relatives—cousins. His family, now following kaleak, had moved northward shortly before. He came to the houses, thinking of how he could reach his family. Actually, following his disappearance, there had been some trouble at Point Hope. His wife, qiwaq's mother, had accused another man, saying, "You killed my husband." She had tried to get her brothers-in-law to take revenge on this man, piwak, who had been along on the ill-fated sealing expedition. The wife persisted but the others would not agree to kill piwak. Because bad feelings were growing, kaleak had taken the family, consisting of qiwaq, his mother, the accuser, the father's sister, and some smaller children, away back up the coast. They had come from Point Hope to Point Lay, stayed there for a time, and then moved farther northward toward Wainwright. They were slow in getting up from Point Hope to Point Lay, having been overtaken by a storm and circled into their own tracks. At Point Lay, times were hard. The ice had been uncertain, and had broken unseasonably. Hence, the winter sealing was affected. kaleak debated the matter and decided not to push farther to the north but to go back to Point Lay, where in spite of the tension created by the accusation on the part of axooceak's wife, there was at least sufficient food. Hence, a few days' travel out of Point Lay, kaleak turned back, taking a short overland journey to avoid Point Lay and to return to Point Hope. When axooceak appeared in Point Lay, he was not aware of this, thinking his family had headed northward. Happily, however, he learned, from another traveler, of their decision to return to Point Hope. At Point Lay, axooceak had fallen exhausted before one of the houses. The people rushed out and called his relative. His cousins, and an uncle who was living there, came for him and took him to their house. He was given food, some seal meat and oil, and was provided with a large pouch of tobacco by his uncle—the pouch being made of a membrane from a caribou heart. The wives of his cousins quickly made him a new pair of boots. In a few days he had recovered from his winter out on the ice. He then decided, having learned of his family's whereabouts, to go after them at Point Hope. Because of the food shortage at Point Lay, his relatives could only provide him with oil to take along. They did lend him a team and he joined in with several other men and their families who were going, as well, to Point Hope. On the way, the men hunted ptarmigan. The ice closed in again, and it was found possible to hunt seals. With another man, axooceak took seals. All the group ate, camping to cook the seal meat. The man with whom he hunted on the ice was named masagaroak, a man who was later murdered at Barrow (cf. Case 4, pp. 114-115). The next day, they started off again for Point Hope. axooceak walked ahead of the team, while another man drove it. At last they reached wiivak, a place near Point Hope. He sat down with masagaroak and the two finished the seal meat they had. They then smoked together. After a while, they went over to one of the houses at wiivak to see if there was any more food there. They entered a house, passing a woman in the hallway. The man in the house was silent for a time but then informed them that they had also been short of food. He offered them water and hung up their mukluks to dry. The water was meanwhile being melted by the women. After a while, masagaroak said, "We are getting no water here—let us have our boots." They ran out of the house. As they passed the woman in the hallway, they remarked that she had melted no water. axooceak's belief was that the couple was thinking of killing him for the tobacco he carried. Water they obtained from a nearby spring. Having rejoined their travel group, they related what had happened to them. Another man with them, aakpalik, was very angry at this and stopped to spring the traps set by the people at wiivak as they passed along by them. The people had been getting foxes. From wiivak they went on, stopping that night on the ice. axooceak was afraid but they persuaded him that they would not leave him. In the morning, they saw polar bear tracks nearby. Then they went on to neearamiut, a little village between wiivak and Point Hope. They stopped, looked into the hallway of a house and saw a dog team there. An old woman came out and called, "You are axooceak." He left his companions and went into the house. Another old woman there said, "His wife will be glad to have her husband back again." Her own husband, in fact, had been lost on the ice. The people in that house had caught a seal and there were two ribs left. These they offered to axooceak but he said, "Don't bother about me." He stayed on in the house for a day, drying his boots and letting the others have all the tobacco from him that they wanted. The man in the house got a seal and there was enough to eat. Now, niniyuk, the man of the house, said, "Don't go to Point Hope during the daytime; hide around—go into town when it is dark." And axooceak saw that this was good advice. This was because people were afraid of a man lost on the ice who returned. At last he reached Point Hope. The others went into town but axooceak stayed behind. He waited until night and then went to the house where his wife was and called in the skylight to her. He said, "I am alive." As soon as they heard his voice, all in the house came out to see him. His wife was so surprised that she couldn't leave with the others. She just stayed in the house looking for her belt. She couldn't find it and she called over to her aunt that her husband was back. Her belt was on her trousers all the time—that's how excited she was! Then all went back into the house. axooceak sat down in the house by the stone lamp without removing his clothes. iqwaq and the other children just stood around, looking at him. For 4 days, their father left his clothes on. He didn't take his parka off, or his mukluks, or any part of his clothing until 4 days later. Now they called in the shaman who had acted for them the first time. He told axooceak of all the things he had done to get him returned. He told of trying to drag him away from the ice with ropes and with the bitch and her puppies. And he related how he had stamped in the hallway. Then he asked if axooceak had seen anything out on the ice. He said that he had seen three spirit men whom he had told to go away, that he couldn't assist them in any way. He told of how his boot had started to come off. The shaman then said that if he hadn't pulled his boot back on again, he would have come in from the ice at once and not been obliged to spend all the winter out there abandoned. The shaman asked for a poke of oil for bringing him back from the ice and this was paid to him. This shaman was a man of great power. His son had died and he had wondered whether to revive him. He decided not to, being afraid to do so. It was, however, recognized that he had great power. THE TREATMENT OF DISEASE Although the shaman was summoned to treat disease and illness, there were many instances of sickness which conceptually did not require shamanistic intervention and treatment. There was some variation in respect to the determination of disease situations which the shaman might cure. As has been noted, other curers than shamans might function from time to time and be paid for their services. Much of doctoring, however, related to a series of home remedies in which the shaman played no part. It would hence appear that the shaman was called only when the disease appeared mortal or when other remedies failed. Unquestionably, there was a marked psychosomatic character to disease situations among the Eskimo. It is known that some shamans were remarkably effective as curers. In following the matter through, it was discovered that many illnesses did not warrant the services of the shaman. Those which did were concerned principally with pains of unknown origin, those occurring in the joints, in the body cavity, or the head. If the illness appeared mortal, the shaman might then be summoned, often not so much to cure as to determine the agent in the illness. There was something of the concept that death was an unnatural state, that it would not occur were it not for the malevolent workings of an enemy. And this, of course, the shaman was well able to determine. There was virtually no pharmacopoeia among the North Alaskan Eskimo. No plants were used as medicines, no teas brewed; there was no attempt to develop even magical potions. The group had no poisons, or, at least, no vegetable poisons. Aconite was not known, but it does appear in other Alaskan cultures. Although there were magic poisons concocted by shamans, these were purely spiritual. The only Eskimo way of causing death similar to poisoning that was known at Barrow is as follows: A soup is made of the gut of a very fat reindeer or caribou; the partaker drinks the soup very hot and takes cold water right after it; the result is that the fat hardens and the person strangles. There is mention of such cases by a number of informants. It is said that one man did not believe in this method and so tried it. A bowl of hot water was kept ready for him. When the fat began to harden, he, in great pain, drank the hot water and so saved himself. The poisons attributed to shamans relate to food in that the malevolent shaman prepares a bit of food for his victim, singing over it beforehand. He offers it to the victim, who eats it. If he eats it all, he is safe; if he eats only part of it, it will poison him and he will die. Polar bear liver was also regarded as a poison. The most common home treatment involved the use of blubber for many different kinds of illness. Blubber is mentioned as having been used in the following cases: (1) Nosebleed was fairly frequent, and was caused perhaps by some dietary deficiencies. It is still common. It was said that if a stone lamp fell through the doorway and remained lit, it should not be picked up at once; if it were, the person involved would bleed from the nose. The procedure was to extinguish the lamp first and allow it to cool before picking it up. A person suffering from nosebleed had strips of blubber made, which were pushed up the nostrils and allowed to stay until the blood had clotted. (2) A child with diaper rash was treated with blubber. (3) Boils were not lanced but were drawn with a poultice of fine caribou hair and blubber. The lancing of boils was introduced by the foreign whalers, as was the poultice of brown soap and sugar still in use today. Mucus also was used in the treatment of boils. (4) Blubber was put on burns. In common use also was human urine. This was carefully saved, each person in the household voiding each morning in a wooden tub. Urine was used principally for wounds. If a person had a cut finger, he placed the finger for a time in the tub of urine. Any cut was treated in this manner. When the labret holes on a boy had been cut, the wounds were treated with urine, as well as the ears which were notched for the earrings. Urine, of course, was principally saved for tanning. Bloodletting was also common. For any persistent ache, blood was let. A persistent headache involved a cut on the temple and blood was allowed to flow. The skin was usually pinched between two blocks of wood and the cut made. A special stone knife was used. This was chisel shaped, fairly sharp, and quite long. Bleeding was also performed for aches in the joints, presumably rheumatism and arthritis. Blood was rarely let from the trunk, then only for backache. People were never bled for toothache or for other pains in the trunk. It is said that this is "dangerous." In such cases the shaman was summoned. The shaman did not bleed the patient, for anyone was able to do this. Nor was the shaman called in to treat broken bones. Again, anyone might attempt to set the bone and to wrap the injured part. The broken bone was set with pieces of wood or whalebone and wrapped with caribou skin. Caribou skin, hair, and blubber were also used in wrapping more severe wounds. If the flow of blood could not be staunched, the shaman was summoned. Some shamans had skill in making wounds disappear. Most were credited with being able to reduce the size of a wound. In cases of strain or sprain, heat might be applied. There was no institution of sweating in the culture, however. A man with a sore back might simply lie against hot stones for the relief afforded. If the trouble proved persistent, the shaman was called in. Constipation was said to be uncommon. If it developed, there were one or two remedies employed before the shaman was brought in. A constipated person might drink oil for a few days. One informant related the case of his uncle, who having eaten too many fish heads and eyes, became constipated. He made himself an ivory "spoon" and spooned out the hard feces from his rectum. This proved sufficient. If the case proved persistent, the shaman was called. He performed as usual, there being no massage known. A few persons were reported to have died from constipation. For diarrhea, fat was eaten. An aching tooth might be knocked out with a chisel. However, severe toothache, earache, body and joint pains generally involved shamanistic activity. There was no tattooing for curing. In birth, no special techniques were used. A woman who had difficulty in expelling either the fetus or the placenta was worked over by other women or her husband. The pressure was placed at the fundus of the uterus. No other method was employed. It was related that the mother of an illegitimate child at Barrow delivered in the spring of 1952. She did not go to the hospital. This method was applied to her. Beyond bleeding, there was no surgery of any kind. There was no concept of autopsy, except that the shaman might ask the deceased of what he had died. Lantis' comment on doctoring at Nunivak applies to Barrow as well: Doctoring was the weakest sector of the culture. (People) were adequately fed, clothed, housed, had plenty of recreation, interesting and varied craft work, no oppressive caste system . . . , free competition, allowing any man to rise socially and economically by his own industry and skill. In the case of illness and accidents, however, the people could not care for themselves; they had to turn to the shaman. Yet they did not regard him as their benefactor. They feared him and resented his superior power over the supernatural. [Lantis, 1946, p. 203.] THE CULTS The patterning of religious behavior in the two ecological settings, however similar in fundamental outlook and premises, such as in shamanism, in the attitudes toward nature, and in mythology, began to diverge somewhat sharply in respect to group activities associated with the major economic preoccupations. The most important communal religious festivals were those associated with whaling on the coasts and with the caribou drives in the interior. The economic differences between the two are given added weight when the religious patterns are compared. Indeed, these come to underlie the basic conceptual definition of tareumiut as compared with nuunamiut. Because the whale occupied first place in the hunting of the coastal Eskimo while the caribou ranked first in the hunting in the inland regions, and because the rituals, the social events, and the economic implications associated with each are so complex, it is well to contrast the cult of the whale with that of the caribou. A man from the coast might, it is true, hunt caribou, and he did observe certain ritual practices and express certain religious attitudes in respect to such hunting. But in no sense was he so involved in the elaborated ceremonial that the nuunamiut regularly employed in the wholesale hunting of herds. There was always ritual in hunting and care always had to be taken lest the game be offended and withhold themselves. But the nuunamiut caribou drive was especially characterized by group ritual and prohibition applicable once yearly. In this sense the cult of the caribou applied to the annual drive and the ritual behavior associated with it. It became, in effect, a world renewal rite. Similarly, the details of the whaling cult were lost to the nuunamiut. They had developed among the coastal peoples and reflect an elaborated complex of ideas which, although similar in kind to those arising around the caribou, were evaluated differently. The settled economy of the whalers, in fact, permitted a much more elaborate series of patterns than that which arose among the nomadic inland groups. Just as in the interior, however, the whaling marked the start of the year's activities to which the winter ceremonials formed a fitting prelude. The two major religious patterns were in essence group activities which brought forth all the attitudes which apply in the realm of Eskimo religion. More than this, they provided the means by which nonkin solidarity could be effected and group cohesion achieved. The ritual unit was the hunting group, the voluntary association of men assembled under the leadership of an umea\textit{iq} and connected with a karigi. Distinctions of rank and wealth arise in that the umea\textit{it}, defined as social leaders with prestige derived from wealth, took on the religious role of greeting whale or caribou and in officiating at the appropriate ceremonies. Hence, karigi membership and hunting group association were lent added meaning through the ritual necessary to successful fulfillment of economic goals. THE CULT OF THE WHALE Among the peoples of the coasts, the activities of the winter—shamanistic seances, karigi games, social events—were marked by the constant emphasis on the coming whaling season in the spring and by the expression of hopes for its success. The karigi was the center of crew activities and it was here that each crew member came during the winter not only to engage in the sports and games which the karigi afforded, but also to give proper thought to the solemn duties of the whaler. While the men of each crew played their games, spent their leisure making tools, carving, or engaging in other useful tasks, their umea\textit{iq} was involved in some aspect of ceremonial activity relating to whaling. He prepared the banners and other regalia which the crew would need, he got out the whaling charms, and he would confer with the shamans to insure that the proper procedures were followed. During the winter, much time was given to talking of whales and whaling and the old men told tales of whaling and the experiences of the past. As soon as the daylight returned, although some of the men went out to the tundra to take a few random caribou, the whaling preparations became intensified. The umea\textit{it} were making sure of their crews and were seeing that each man was given gifts, whether of meat or other items; and they had begun to think of the more practical problems involved, such as where to place the whaling camp, and where the most favorable location for the umiak might be, factors necessitating examination of ice conditions and some prediction as to where leads might form. By early March, the men of the Arctic coast had put aside virtually every other work and were devoting themselves wholly to preparation. The getting out of the gear took some time. Every weapon, the harpoons, the lances, and the floats, had to be carefully cleaned and assembled in the kariyit. The whale could not be approached except by those wearing new clothes which had not been contaminated by contact with any animal, that is, had not previously been used in hunting. Moreover, the umiak required a complete new cover of ugruk hides. This work, the making of new clothing and the sewing of a new umiak cover, was done by the women, wives of the crew members, under the supervision of the wife of the umealiq. Each woman made new clothes for her husband. The umiak frame was stripped of its old cover and washed with urine. To make the umiak cover, as well as for their general sewing, the women made use of the umiivik, a shedlike structure which each karigi built. It was a rectangular shed, made of ice blocks and covered with skins, heated and lighted by lamps. Each umealiq associated with an individual karigi brought his umiak frame here in order to have the new cover made for it. The umealit of any one karigi cooperated in building the umiivik, supplying the skins for the roof, while the crew members cut the blocks of ice for the walls. The umiivik was a temporary structure, not too different from the late 19th century kariyit at nuwuk and utkeaayvik. While the women were engaged in making the umiak cover, the members of the crew to which it belonged remained in their karigi and were quiet. After the cover was in place on the frame, they could have no sexual relations and slept in the karigi rather than at home. When the cover was finished, the wives of the crew members who had made it sat quietly until the wife of the umealiq fed them. She cooked food at home, and brought it first to the crew in the karigi and then to the women in the umiivik. All ate to signalize the completion of the boat and its readiness for the sea. At tikeraaq these preparations were made after the snow birds had been sighted and when the first of the whales, usually a beluga, was sighted in the ice leads. Farther north on the coast, the signs were somewhat less specific. A careful watch was kept on the ice leads and the length of day. When the April conditions were right, the crews retired to the kariyit. Here they underwent 4 days of preparation before going out to the leads, setting the camp up on the ice, and awaiting the appearance of the whales. Once the crew had retired to the karigi, they got out the new clothing their wives had made and put it on. This was of caribou skin on the inner layer with an outer parka of caribou or sealskin. While the outer garments were made of scraped skins, the inner suit was softened but not scraped, fat and sinew being left on. This was water resistant and gave added protection during the long vigils in the intense cold by the ice leads. If a double suit of caribou skins was worn, both were left unscraped and untrimmed. Later, when the whaling was over, the crewman's wife could clean the skin clothing and it could be worn for any occasion, although never again for whaling. For the 4-day period during which the men sat in the karigi before going out to the ice, there was great solemnity. No levity was permitted, no sexual relations, and the men were expected to sit quietly, thinking about whales. From time to time, their wives came to the karigi with cooked food. It was likely that a food taboo would have been imposed on the members of one crew either by an experienced whaler, a shaman, or the umealiq himself. There were men who owned special whaling songs; one of these in effect became the spiritual adviser to the crew. Frequently this was a shaman, although it need not have been. Any person who owned such songs and had sufficient whaling experience might qualify as the kaaktiq, the magician for the group. As the men sat in the karigi, this individual sang his songs to attract the whale and to make capture easier. Such songs might prevent the harpoon from slipping and the lines from fouling, and make the weather serene and the whale weak. The kaaktiq was often an old man, well past his active strength, whose presence in the umiak was nevertheless considered indispensable. Food taboos imposed on crew members were varied and depended on the inspiration of the kaaktiq. In later days, bread was a common food taboo, although such foods as the heart of the female seal, caribou marrow, the liver of the male ugruk, and the like, might be prohibited. One crew was forbidden to chew ice, another to drink cold water in the karigi. Violation of the taboo ruined any chance of success and could also result in accident or in illness for the violator. The wife of the umealiq, meanwhile, was engaged in certain rites surrounding the umiak which was to be used in the whaling. She had hired an old woman to make her the special mittens which the wife of an umealiq regularly wore. These were long mittens which came halfway up the forearm and had a ruff of wolf fur around them, and were frequently decorated with weasel-skin tassels. She and her husband, the umealiq, had previously obtained the wooden vessel with which water was to be offered to the whale. This was a wooden cylinder onto which a bottom was fitted. It was usually made by a craftsman whose work specialty this was and who knew the songs to initiate such a vessel. When he fitted the bottom, he came to the karigi and sang while the crew members watched silently. A new vessel and new mittens were obtained each year, as were the boots of the umealiq himself, marked with white stitching so as to record the number of whales he had taken. While the men sat contemplatively in the karigi, the umealiq's wife took one of the greater floats associated with whaling to the umiivik. She dragged this on a sled, together with the wooden vessel, and entered the umiivik. She laid the float in the umiak, singing her own whaling songs, and passed around the craft itself. Then she poured fresh water on the umiak, predicting success for the whaling venture. When the 4-day period had elapsed, the crew members came out from the karigi. As they were about to leave, they donned their new clothes. The crew left the karigi as the sun of the fourth day was setting. They filed slowly out of the building, the older members exhorting the younger, "Don't get tired." Indeed, much of the 4-day period of seclusion was spent singing the proper songs and in listening to the advice given by the kaakliq, directed especially to the young men who were engaging in whaling for the first time. Such statements as the following were regularly made: "Walk on the sand and on the ice; try to be the first one to get to the water. Always be busy. Clean the frost off from the roof of your hallway. If you don't do this, the whale will see your laziness." During the 4-day period, the restrictions were especially onerous for the umealiq. Like the members of his crew, he was obliged to refrain from sexual relations, and the restrictions applied to him for a longer period than for his crew. If his wife were menstruating, her place had to be taken by another, and no menstruating woman could enter the house of a man engaged in whaling. She spent her period in the ice lodge which served as parturition and menstrual lodge on those occasions when ritual demanded that a man avoid women in such condition. It was also essential that the umealiq have his ice cellar cleaned of meat, particularly the flesh of any whales previously taken. This did not apply to the meat which was apportioned to the boat and which was considered to belong specifically to the boat. Nor were the members of the crew under the same obligation, being able to keep a store of whale meat on hand from previous seasons. On the day of departure for the ice leads, the umealiq saw to it that the whale meat which was apportioned to him personally was removed. If too much were left, it was simply given away raw to the men in the crew, their wives coming for it, or it was distributed to the community at large. A portion was reserved for the household of the umealiq and it was ceremonially cooked by the man's wife. When she began to cook the meat, the younger boys of the community, those not yet allied with a whaling crew, came and stood over the smokehole of the iga at the umealiq's house. They let lines down into the house with sticks attached. The sticks were driftwood chips which the umealiq's wife would later use in the ceremonial of greeting the whale. She took these and tied pieces of meat in their place. It was regarded as desirable that the crew associated with a particular umealiq eat all the meat which he had left in his cellar. His wife therefore cooked as much of it as she could, boiling it in pans, and brought it over to the karigi where the crew was assembled. When she had completed giving meat to the boys, these went to the karigi, stood outside and began to sing. As the umealiq's wife came with her pans of boiled muktuk, they attempted to seize some of it for themselves as she entered the karigi. This bit of play marked a social event for the young men of the community and permitted them some degree of sport and horseplay. Actually, the feeding of boys, a pattern so common in the society, had the effect of drawing them somewhat more intimately into the activity of whaling and served to define their status exactly. The boys regularly ran to the karigi of which fathers and other older male relatives were crew members. Although the boys were permitted some mischievous play, the crew in the karigi remained solemn and were instructed to keep their minds on the whale. When the last of the muktuk had been brought in the umealiq's wife signalized it by turning over a pan, and the crew was then ready to leave the karigi. If an umealiq had not used up all of his past year's whale meat in this distribution, he invited people to come for it and so effected a distribution of it through the community. It was thought better if the crew itself could eat all the muktuk supplied by their captain rather than that some of it be given away. An umealiq attempted either to divide his remaining share among his crew or to spread it evenly through the village. Of the meat supplied by the umealiq's wife to the crew, none could be left. A case is known, at the karigi called the qilullaraamiut, where one crew took 10 whales in a single season. So great was the supply of meat remaining that the umealit of this karigi gave portions of meat in large quantities to other crews in other kariyit. Although it was not usual to single out other crews in other kariyit for favors of this sort, the qilullaraamiut were successful again and it was held that the procedure was a correct one. At sundown, when the meat had been eaten, the crew left the karigi, the captain in the lead, and went to the house of their leader. The umealiq entered the house, while the crew stood on the rooftop and called to him through the skylight. The harpooner asked for his lances and the various crewmen called for their lines with the attached seal floats. One by one, these items were brought out by the wife of the umealiq. The leader himself came out of the house bearing the charms necessary to the whaling. The group was now ready to depart for the whaling camp out on the ice. From the captain's house they went to the umiivik and obtained the boat. They loaded their gear into it, the charms being placed last, and, each taking hold of the gunwale, they began to run to the sea. The gang of boys followed, shouting encouragement and asking for parts of the captured whale. While at the present time there is still the feeling that the ice cellar should be emptied, dogs are often used to transport the gear out onto the ice. This was never done in the past. Each crew formerly carried its own umiak and no dogs were permitted out on the ice during the whaling season. These, it was held, would be offensive to the whale. The crew members had also cleansed themselves, a fact indicated by the wearing of the new clothing, and there was a token removal of the essence of the last animal taken. If the hunter had last hunted caribou, it was necessary that the essence of the caribou which still clung to him be removed by washing. This would otherwise be offensive to the whale. Each crew member had also donned a new pair of mukluks. Only one pair was permitted to each man, and the boots could not be changed while the whaling was in progress. The crew now ran to the edge of the ice which was packed along the shore, usually a distance of several hundred yards. At the point where the sea ice began the umiak was set down, the keel resting on the ice. The umealiq then laid his box of charms near the boat and sat down by it. All the men now got into the boat which was resting some distance from the ice lead, and taking paddles, pretended to paddle rapidly and vigorously. The harpooner in the bow, having previously wet his lance in the sea, made as if to lance a whale. The umealiq, meanwhile, sang songs, as did the kaakliq. When this episode was over, the crew left the boat, picked it up again, and advanced to the open water. The boat was again set down at the edge of the ice lead, the gear arranged, pokes, lines, harpoons, and lances being put in their proper places, and lastly, the box containing the whaling charms. The umiak was then set on the water, great care being taken to see that the prow entered the water first, and the umealiq entered it followed by the crew (pl. 5, a). Once in the water, the boat was paddled slowly toward the north, the direction in which the whales would swim. The umealiq sat in the center of the craft, singing the songs which would attract the whale. After a time, the crew returned to the place on the ice where they had elected to set up their camp. Here, at the edge of the ice, windbreaks were set up but no tents. No fires were allowed and there could be no cooking while the whaling was in progress. The men slept in snatches and were constantly alert, ready to move if a whale were sighted. Eating was done silently and sparingly. Proper observance of both personal and group food taboos was highly necessary and carefully followed. The umealiq could not allow the whale to see him eat. He could not, in eating, face the direction from which the whales were coming, the south, and he was to feed himself carefully, with his face covered with his parka hood, the food being handed to him under his shirt. The restrictions imposed on the crew members and especially on the umealiq continued to apply to the wife of the umealiq as well. When the crew had picked up the umiak after the initial stop at the edge of the ice, the umealiq followed behind singing his special songs. He in turn was followed by his wife, she wearing her special mittens and carrying the wooden pot with which fresh water would be poured on the whale. When the umiak was launched into the water, the wife of the umealiq continued to stand at the place where the launching took place. When the boat left, she turned and walked back to her house. She had meanwhile given to her husband the left-hand mitten she wore and her belt. These formed a mystic tie to the land and reflected the activity which she must now carry on. Her consequent behavior at home reflected on the ultimate success of the expedition. She sat quietly in the house, refraining from work of any kind, lest the whale be made harder to catch. If she were active, the whale, it was felt, would also become active. If she used a knife, the lines on the whale would be severed. Other women in the household—a daughter, a cowife, theoretically subordinate to the umealiq's first, or principal, wife—would cut food for her and would make the trip out to the whaling camp with buckets of meat for the crew. A general pattern was for the crew to employ a boy to keep them supplied with water and to meet the woman who came bringing food. The umealiq's wife was also under prohibition with respect to foods. The taboos which applied to the crew were incumbent on her also. She could not eat food from the land, such as caribou or fish, nor could she eat whale meat while the crew was out. To a lesser degree, the same restrictions applied to the wives of all the crew members. They could not sew, lest by this action the whale be made to foul the lines and escape. They could make no noises, such as chopping wood, or clapping the hands together. Noises were said to frighten off the whale with the result that the whole community became quiet when the several crews were out. Children were warned not to make unnecessary noise. If the wife of the umealiq were to menstruate, she was obliged to take off her charms, usually in the shape of a whale flipper in bone or ivory, or the ravenskin flag she wore about her neck, and retire to the menstrual hut. When the news came that the crew had taken a whale, a runner was sent from the boat to the house of the umealiq and the news was given first to the umealiq's wife. She waited quietly in the house until the runner appeared. WHALING CHARMS AND SONGS While there were many charms for whaling, each umealiq, each harpooner, each man, an anatquq, perhaps who acted as kaakliq, had his own particular sets. Most frequently these were kept in a wooden box which had a cover and was shaped like a whale. These charms were for the boat and were necessary to the success of the whaling expedition. They were in the main personal charms, the property of the umcaliq or the other principals, and are not to be identified with the charms which hung in the karigi and which were the special property of the karigi itself. These were the kulugugluq and although they also made for whaling success, being sacred objects in themselves, they were left in the karigi. The charms owned by the umcaliq fell in the general category of personal aanaroak. The box in which they were kept was marked with soot and grease, a mark being made for each whale taken by the owner. While the umiak was at sea, the box was placed under the gunwale at the bow. The charms were numerous. One inventory which was obtained showed the box to contain the following: a beetle in a small wooden box, one stuffed raven skin, several pieces of baleen cut into the forms of whales, walrus, and seals, a piece of fossil ivory. The contents of other such boxes were variable. A charm might also be fastened directly to the prow of the umiak. This might be a ravenskin, a stuffed lemming, ermine tails, and in one case, a wolf's head carved of ivory. Such charms were obtained by the umcaliq from his shamanistic advisers, his kaakliq, and might also be inherited. When not in use, the charms were kept in the roof beams of the house of the umcaliq, and taken down only in the spring when they were needed for whaling. One important whaling charm, owned by taakpuq, the great whaler of piyinik, was the hair of a dead whaler of fame. This was an aanaroak of the class relating to the dead. It was also kept in a box shaped like a whale. Murdoch mentions several other charms—two wolf skulls, the axis vertebra of a seal, and many feathers in association with a ravenskin (Murdoch, 1892, pp. 274–275). There were also the personal charms of each crew member. These were their own property and were acquired in the usual ways. The umcaliq, however, had special personal charms in addition to those which were placed in the box in the umiak. The nawligax, too, the harpooner, wore special personal whaling charms. Both this principal and the umcaliq wore beaded headbands or fillets from which were suspended figures of whales cut in ivory and stone. Murdoch mentions the teeth and skins of mountain sheep among other amulets (ibid., 1892, p. 275). Trade beads, especially the green and white ones known as il'uuminiq, came to be valued as whaling charms. An important amulet associated with the umcaliq was a ravenskin. This the man wore on his back, the wings hanging over each shoulder and tied together at the tips. This skin is not to be confused with the stuffed ravenskins which might make up the charms placed in the box. It was, in effect, a badge of office and had ceremonial functions while the umiak was at sea. The wife of an umcaliq, sitting at home during the expedition, also wore such a skin. When a whale was lanced and killed and was being towed in, kept afloat by the inflated seal pokes, the umealiq removed his outer parka and placed the ravenskin over his inner shirt, then replaced his outer parka. When the ice was reached, he took the ravenskin out again and placed it on the edge of the ice until the distribution of meat was over. The skin was worn again when the flippers of the whale, the umealiq’s special share, were brought to the house in which he lived. Finally, the skin was worn again at the social festival celebrating the successful hunt—the nalukataq. In short, the skin was worn by the umealiq each time a special function relating to the whale was undertaken, such as in the hunting, following the killing of the whale, at the distribution of the meat, when the meat was taken to the ice cellars, and at nalukataq. It was removed when the whale was cut and at the actual butchering of the carcass. At sea both the umealiq and the harpooner wore soot marks on their faces. Soot from the stone lamp and grease were mixed on a stone or slate palette and marks were put on the faces of these principals, the marks signifying the number of whales they had taken in previous seasons. These were marks which started at the corners of the mouth and ran toward the lobe of the ear, each single dot representing a whale. Both he and the harpooner could also make soot; each member of the crew could also use this form of decoration. The principals in the whaling crew regularly used some device to indicate the whales they had taken. The umealiq could, as has been remarked, have stitches in white up the sides of his boots, each stitch representing a whale. Both he and the harpooner could also make such marks on any of their property. One man is remembered who inlaid a piece of ivory on the lid of his workbox each time he harpooned a whale. Such marks, it is worth noting, were made only when the individual umealiq or harpooner was actually credited with the whale. It is always said that eight boats share in the taking of a whale, and it is true that other umiaks came to the assistance of any which had a line into a whale, and received a share of the meat for this aid. This was, however, an “assist” and it was the boat which first harpooned and lanced the whale which received credit for the take. The principals in that boat were then entitled to a mark. Those who merely assisted were not. Only the umealiq and the nawligax were free to wear such marks and they might, if their status were sufficiently high, tattoo these marks on their faces. Members of the crew could indicate their own not inconsiderable status in the community by use of the sooted eyelids. Whaling charms had a compulsive effect, serving to bring the whale close to the boat, to make the animal more tractable and amenable to harpooning, to prevent the lines from slipping and fouling, and the like. The theory with respect to the whale was that the whale soul passed into another animal when the whale was killed. Hence, any irregularity of procedure was offensive to the whale. The animal was thought to be able to see from afar the preparations which were being made, and of course to allow himself to be taken by men. The associated behavior was therefore both to placate the whale and to compel his presence by magical means. Charms had the latter effect but the factor of compulsion was perhaps more fully enunciated in the songs which were associated with the charms or, independent of charms, were regarded as individual property. The singing of such songs was in part a function of the umealiq. Generally, the kaakliq, the older, more experienced whaler, sang the proper songs as well. It was this individual who was especially hired by the umealiq, who, it will be recalled, imposed the food taboos on the crew, and who might, although not necessarily, be a shaman. The kaakliq was, in effect, the owner of special whaling songs which he had acquired by inheritance or purchase. His reputation for these songs was well known and his services were in high demand. An umealiq could hire such a man, supporting him, in effect, and allow him a place in the boat. Several umealit could use the same kaakliq and pass him from one umiak to another. The harpooner, nawligax, whose position depended on skill rather than on magical abilities, regularly had songs which he sang over his harpoon. When the boat was resting prow forward on the edge of the ice, the harpooner stood by, his harpoons resting on a forked stick in the bow, ready to get into the boat at a moment's notice. When the whale sounded near the boat, as he frequently might in the narrow ice lead, the harpooner leaped into the boat and threw his harpoon at once, freeing the line and letting the floats into the water at once. All the while he might be singing. He had songs for the harpoons, the lances, the lines, and for the floats. Songs were also had by members of the crew, and any man who had a whaling song was free and welcome to sing it. While division of labor in the whaling umiak was pretty much relegated to the umealiq, the harpooner, and the kaakliq, there might also be a man who regularly acted as helmsman and took the stern paddle. Special songs for the position in the helm also applied. The umealiq frequently took the helm himself; he seems never to have been nawligax. Songs were sung during all stages of the whaling. Murdoch (1892, p. 274) mentions the group of men who sat in a semicircle on the ice and sang in order to effect favorable weather. This was apparently a usual procedure prior to embarking. Songs to open the ice leads, to prevent them from closing, for favorable winds were also known. There were the songs designed to attract the whale. These were sung by whoever owned them. The harpooner usually had songs to keep the whale from spinning or moving away. When the whale was killed, there were songs to keep the floats attached to the whale, and the helmsman generally sang to insure a safe passage back to the ice. When floats were attached to a wounded whale, there were further sets of songs to control the whale. Once the dead whale was brought back to the ice, no further songs were needed; the compelling magic had had its effect. TAKING THE WHALE To lend continuity to the account of whaling, some further mention of the methods employed in whaling is in order. Murdoch points out that the opportunities for taking a whale were never fully exploited. Rather than comb the open leads, the whalers lay in wait for whales at the edge of the ice. By so doing, they failed to reach as many whales as they might otherwise have done (Murdoch, 1892, p. 276). The same writer comments on the inadequacies of the whaling gear, pointing out that the harpoons were not so well developed as those for other animals. Murdoch expresses the opinion that since the whale is surrounded by archaic ceremony to a far greater extent than is any other animal, the hunting of it likewise requires weapons of an archaic type (ibid., pp. 243–244). This may be true to a degree, but, on the whole, the methods of whaling appear to have been quite adequate. The harpoons were the familiar toggle-headed variety, the head fitted to a line and the shaft able to work free. The function of the harpoon was to secure the floats and to bleed the whale. The line permitted the umiak to come in close so that the whale could be lanced. When a boat engaged a whale, the animal was approached as silently as possible. From the prow the harpooner, waiting until the boat was as close to a surfacing whale as could be managed, let his harpoon go, raising it from the wooden, ivory, or bone crotch in which it rested, and throwing with all his strength. He twisted the harpoon slightly so that the head would turn in the body of the animal. As he threw, he sang his songs. Once one line was secured in the whale’s body, an attempt was made to secure other lines. The seal floats on each line, usually two or three in number, served to make the wounded whale surface again. When the animal did so, the skill of the crew members and of the helmsman were taxed to the utmost. The umiak had to be maneuvered so that the whale could be approached from the side. It was a dangerous occupation at best and there was little hope of survival should the umiak be capsized. Once the craft was close to the whale, the lance, with its stone or slate head locked into a shaft with a bone wedge, had to be used to advantage. The whale had to be stabbed in some vital organ, preferably the heart or kidneys. The harpooner thrust his lance again and again in the effort to kill the whale. For an average-size whale, one running 30 to 35 tons, and a corresponding number of feet in length, two lines and one lance were regarded as sufficient. The crewmen held the lines and drew the umiak near the whale. When the whale was dead, it tended to turn over and was kept afloat by means of the floats which were fastened to the carcass. An ideal situation occurred when two boats came together, one on each side of the whale. The seal floats would then be fastened equally and the animal could be lanced from each side. In such cases, each boat claimed half of the whale and each umealiq and harpooner had the right to claim a whale kill. When a boat engaged the whale alone, any boats in the vicinity could come to its assistance. The meat was then divided, although only the first boat had the right to claim the whale. The principal danger lay in a "spinning" whale. If the quarry fouled up the lines and surfaced under the umiak, tragedy could result for the crew. An attempt was made to gage the behavior of the whale and to predict where it would surface. Skill and experience counted heavily in such cases. There were songs to control the surfacing and sounding of the whale as well. Charms, too, were made for this purpose. Most boats had two pieces of baleen, cut into the shape of whales, hung on either side of the prow. These served to compel the whale to follow an even course. If a harpoon were not well placed, it could come loose and the backlash of the line could endanger the boat. The songs of the harpooner prevented this. Similarly, his songs over the lance aided in locating a vital spot. Both the umealiq and the harpooner spat into the water when the whale was harpooned so the songs would go down to reach the animal. When the harpooner had laid his first harpoon, he remarked "The whale will come back again," a compelling formula which made the whale surface. The umiak which took credit for the whale managed the towing back to shore. The umealiq fastened a harpoon to the lip of the whale and the towing lines were strung out from this. Each boat which took part in the killing aided in the towing, contributing floats to keep the carcass buoyant. The procession was led by the boat which took credit for the whale. The carcass was towed to the ice, a place being selected where it could be readily pulled ashore. This meant that the ice had to be firm, or a point chosen where there was solid ground. As soon as the community saw the boats returning, the children spread the news excitedly and the whole village turned out to watch and to aid in getting the whale ashore. As previously stated, a formal notice of the catch, however, had to be given the wife of the umealiq, a runner from the crew being dispatched to tell her that a whale had been taken by her husband’s boat. Her activities in respect to greeting the whale then had to begin. The dead whale was hauled up onto the shore or ice, as the case might be, by the combined efforts of the community. Lines were carried to the shore and all present, men, women, and children, exerted themselves to the utmost to pull, in a kind of tug-of-war maneuver, the carcass to the shore. When the whale had been beached, it was at once marked for cutting and division. The ceremonial of greeting the whale went on as well. GREETING THE WHALE The function of the wife of the umealiq in creating a mystic bond between the home community and the crew at sea has already been noted. She was seated silently in the house all the time that the crew was out on the ice. She had donned the special clothing that marked her status, she had painted her face with soot and grease in the same manner as the harpooner and her husband (or, according to some, from the corner of the eye to the temple rather than from the mouth to the lobe of the ear), and she had been subject to numerous restrictions. Not only could she not sew, she was also prohibited from entering an ice cellar or, indeed, from stooping when she entered a house. Were she to do so, the whale would be lost under the ice. She could not touch the heads of game once the crew had departed and was obliged to wait until she could touch the head of the captured whale. The soot mixture with which she marked the faces of the harpooner and the umealiq—tuqurmuitaq—she could not wipe off her hands. In summary, the wife of an umealiq lived up to a well-defined role and in this capacity she held an important ceremonial position. As soon as the dead whale reached the place at which it would be dragged ashore, the umealiq drew out the ravenskin he now had under his parka and placed it on the ice. This was a signal for the runner from the crew, a man especially selected before the expedition began, to start his activity. He had previously cut the tip of the flipper of the whale—the right flipper if only one boat received credit for the capture. The runner then started across the ice toward the village, carrying the flipper tip. He ran as fast as possible, not speaking to anyone on the way, and stopped at last at the house of the umealiq. The community at large, of course, had turned out of their houses and stood watching the towing of the dead whale and speculating as to its size from the flipper part which the runner carried. Once the man reached the umealiq’s house, he mounted the roof and waved the flipper tip over the skylight. On seeing this, the wife of the umealiq came out of her house and invited the runner to come in. The two went into the house together and each ate a piece of the flipper. People peered into the skylight and peeked into the hallway as the two sat eating the raw muktuk. The tremendous curiosity as to the expedition, the adventure of the hunt, and the size of the whale had to remain unsatisfied until later. The runner, having eaten with the umealiq's wife, broke his silence to remark, "Let us go." The woman took down the wooden vessel and, carrying it, followed the runner out of the house. The two went back to the sea, followed by the joyous crowd of villagers. When the group arrived at the place selected for butchering, they pulled the whale ashore. As soon as this was completed, the solemn moment had arrived when a formal greeting had to be bestowed on the whale. The wife of the umealiq took back from her husband her left mitten and her belt. Using an ax or a long-handled ulu, she began to cut off the snout of the whale. She made her cuts so as to include the snout, the eyes, and the blowhole. As soon as she had severed this section from the carcase, with the help of the crew, the crew stood it upright on the ice, the snout pointing upward. The umealiq's wife next took the wooden vessel which she had brought with her, and, taking a seal flipper pouch from under her parka, she poured fresh water into the vessel. She poured this water first on the snout itself, then on the blowhole of the whale, remarking as she did so, "It is good that you are come to us." Now the umealiq himself came forward. Taking the vessel from his wife, he also poured fresh water on the snout of the whale, remarking as he poured, "Here is water; you will want to drink. Next spring come back to our boat." The wives of members of the crew then came forward and thanked the whale for allowing himself to be taken, saying "kuyanaq" (Thanks!). The umealiq now addressed the whale further, likewise offering a word of thanks, and concluded by saying, "It is good that you have wished to come and live with us." The whale, having now been made a member of the community, was ready for butchering. Everyone present, which unquestionably meant every person in the community, began to cut away at the muktuk, the black skin which was so highly prized a delicacy. As soon as they had taken as much as their containers would hold, they left to store their share. This was an informal arrangement by which everyone in the village received some meat, indeed, as much as he could carry himself—no dogs were allowed on the ice at this time. This reflected the generosity of the crew and the umealiq. The actual division of the meat was a crew matter and was worked out between the crews of the boats which assisted. The people who had helped themselves to the meat were careful not to touch the flippers of the whale. These, together with the heart, constituted the preferred parts of the whale and fell to the boatowner as his share. They were removed first, together with the skin and the flesh under and behind the flipper. After this, the division between members of the crew of the boat credited with the whale took place followed by a division for the crews of boats which assisted. If two boats were directly involved in the kill, each umealiq received one flipper. The ranking captain, however, he of the greatest prestige and wealth, received the bladder of the whale. This he kept as an amulet in his house. It was dried and shredded and hung up in the main room of the house. Similarly, the small digital bone at the end of the whale flipper was reserved for use as a whaling charm. The captured whale was umeaktuat, that is, game divided between participating crew members. In the main, division was no problem, and theoretically, at least, it was so worked out as to insure each man a suitable share. Trouble, if it arose, came as the result of divisions between crews, one umealiq taking the view that his crew had had a greater part in the capture than the first boat would admit. Moreover, some crew members would claim special shares, and their insistence might lead to dispute and occasionally to bloodshed and murder. An umealiq of stature, although he carried no formal authority, could halt such disputes simply by the force of his personality. A general practice in the division of meat was to butcher the whale, set aside the meat by boats, and allow the boat crews themselves to make the division. Each crew member received muktuk, meat, sections of the internal organs, bone, and baleen. When baleen carried a price, it was more carefully divided. After the whale was divided, the crew might leave for another hunt, especially if whales were still in the offing and the leads were still open. The hunting season lasted anywhere from 2 weeks to 2 months, although a 2-month season was rare. The actual length of the season depended on the stability of the winds which permitted the ice leads to remain open. If the winds drove the ice inshore, the leads would close and the whaling season would be regarded as over. If a crew left again after the butchering, the umealiq's wife accompanied them as before, then returned to the inactivity of the house. Other women would see to her share and its disposal. Once a whale was taken, the community became a beehive of activity. Remembering that a single whale represented literally tons of meat, it follows that the community was engaged in bringing the meat to the ice cellars, cutting it, distributing it, and eating it. In the houses, women were cooking; tremendous quantities were eaten. Sleds were taken down to the butchering site and the meat was loaded and dragged back to the houses. Dogs could be used for this purpose, although there seems to have been some feeling against allowing dogs on the ice during whaling. If the butchering took place on shore, this attitude seems not to have prevailed. An "old-fashioned" view, it is said, was that dogs should not eat whale or lick the blood on the ice. Ashore, they could be fed the viscera. With each whale taken, the same procedure of greeting and distribution was followed. At last, however, the leads closed and the hunting was regarded as over. The crew returned to the home village in triumph if they had taken a whale, but wholly dejected if they had failed. A successful captain was now in the position of having to feast the community. He had allowed the members of the community to help themselves to muktuk when the whale was first brought ashore, but now his position demanded that he extend himself and that he give food to all. This was cooked food and the women of his household were kept busy boiling it in great quantity. The men assembled in the kariyit and the women brought them cooked whale meat. The women themselves ate in their own homes. There was interhouse visiting, but the pattern of dining together out of the context of the karigi had not developed. To some degree, the social conventions were dispensed with in that people could freely enter the house of the successful umeaq, obtain food, and go away again. Such visits were specifically to ask for, and receive, cooked pieces of the flipper muktuk, the choice parts of the whale, which were the captain's share. The successful umeaq paid off his obligations when he had taken a whale. Indeed, having feasted the community and seen that his crew was properly provided with meat, there was little left for the umeaq himself. His wealth began to increase only when he took a second whale. He had obligations to those who had been of assistance in any aspect of the preparation for whaling. These included any anatqut who may have helped with magic and songs, the kaakliq, the artisans who made such items as the special mittens, the pot, or the like. The amount of wealth needed to meet these expenses was considerable and the umeaq might be forced to fall back on the continued support of his immediate kindred, particularly if he had taken only one whale. Following the distribution of the meat, the crew returned to the karigi for additional social events. CLOSE OF THE WHALING SEASON Whaling was formally terminated with a spring festival, marked by gorging of food and numerous social events. When a whale was taken, the crew members might meet in the karigi briefly before setting out again, holding a brief social dance in which the taking of the whale was dramatized and the situation recreated. But since the duration of the open offshore leads was hardly predictable, a crew went out again and again, bringing back as many whales as possible, or at least taking a part in their capture. As long as the whales were coming in and the butchering was in progress, people in the village were busy in getting the meat cut and stored. The impression is gained that people ate, slept in snatches, and worked extremely hard setting the meat in order. At last, however, the leads broke and the season for whaling was formally declared over. The tons of meat were placed in the ice cellars and frozen. The formal close of the whaling season was marked by two final patterns which tended to reflect social rather than religious usage. The whales had been greeted, the proper magic had insured the success of the venture, and the ritual aspects had thus been properly discharged. The first social event was a series of dances which involved the entire community. The principals were the crewmen who had been successful; the remainder of the village merely stood by, observed the festivities, and were fed at the expense of the successful crew. Members of the crew each contributed portions of whale meat, removing it in a now frozen state from their ice cellars, and piling it up in the karigi. The men in the crew put on clothes with the fur outside and donned dance masks and gorgets. The masks, made of wood, were small, just fitting over the face, and they were kept in the karigi except for this occasion. The men put up their parka hoods when they danced, first in the karigi itself, then through the town. From the karigi, they went from house to house, engaging in a stomp dance with no musical accompaniment. The children in each household were told to sit in the hallway. The masked figures with their shaggy parkas went into each house as far as the center of the hallway. The harpooner came first, and the umeaq followed in the rear. The first man to come into the hallway blew to make a whistling sound. The children were, of course, terrified. One informant recalls that as a child he rushed screaming up through the kataq into the house and took refuge under his grandmother's parka when the apparitions appeared. When the crew were assembled in the hallway, the harpooner went to the kataq, thrust his head up into the house and asked for some moss to use as a lampwick. This was given to him by the people in the house and he placed it in a bag he carried at his side. The dancers then left. Next they circled the house and called through the skylight, inviting those present to a dance and feast of whale meat. The masked dancers were called axtrelliktuat. One might look here for elements suggestive of a secret society, made up perhaps of the members of a whaling crew or karigi. This aspect has been subjected to comment by some students of the Alaskan Eskimo, but nowhere is the evidence clear (cf. Birket-Smith, 1953; Nelson, 1899; Lantis, 1947). The use of masks, the frightening of children, the suggestions of impersonation, and the use of special costumes would suggest that the crew, acting in this instance as a unit, had certain secret activities. This is borne out further by the fact that women were excluded from the karigi when the men were donning their masks and engaging in the initial dancing there. If such a secret association existed, it is only in respect to the axrelliktuat that it can be supposed. There was clearly no idea, however, that the identity of the dancers should remain unknown to the community. Moreover, once the invitation to the karigi feasting had been given, the people left their houses and came to the festival at once. When the dancers returned, they took off their masks and joined in the feast. The meat contributed by each member of the crew was placed in the karigi and allowed to thaw. Only when it was thawed would the dance begin and the masked figures extend their invitations. While the meat was thawing in the karigi, young men associated with it by ties of kinship were asked to come to supervise it. They slept in the karigi, keeping the temperature up with lamps the trimming of which was their assigned duty. They remained at this task until the dance began, often engaging in a good deal of horseplay, pushing the meat into each other's faces and smearing each other with blubber. The umeqiq of the crew giving the feast was also on hand. If the rough play between the boys got out of hand and tempers flared, he would urge them to quiet down and keep peace. The dance and feast were social and involved a great deal of fun and play. The people in the community gorged themselves on the whale meat and muktuk, pausing to sing and dance. On the whole, the ceremonial aspects had been put aside, although food was offered to the charms in the karigi and the whalers would occasionally make such pious ejaculations as "Let us get another whale like this one." The communities of Point Barrow, nuwuk and utkeaaγvik, although they stressed the spring whaling season, also put out boats in the fall. There is a suggestion that tikeraaq, long ago, did the same (Rainey, 1947, p. 263). At this time the boats went out on the open sea and whaling was somewhat more difficult because of the immense distances which had to be traversed out to the pack ice many miles offshore. Preparations for the fall whaling were not so ceremonially marked as they were in the spring. Indeed, the same restrictions as, for example, those imposed on the wife of the umeqiq, did not apply. A whale which was taken on the open sea was towed back and the same process of greeting was involved, and the ceremonial charms and songs were also necessary. After the fall whaling, assuming that it had been successful, the dance and feast described above, the axrelliktuat, was held. There was, however, no nalukataq, this being the specific spring festival. NALUKATAQ Feasting in the manner described went on for several days, especially if several crews had taken whales. When all had eaten their fill, preparations were made for the outdoor feast of nalukataq. The men from each karigi met on the beaches and prepared for games and contests. There was usually a series of activities, beginning with competitive games and culminating in the blanket-toss, the nalukataq itself. In the spring festival the functioning unit ceased to be the crew by itself and became the karigi, the crews in each karigi coming together to carry on the festival. Each karigi had its special place where it held its activities. This was the mannixsak, an open place located by traditional usage. At the village of utkeaaγvik these were in the neighborhood of the kariyit themselves, although at tikeraaq they were located down the spit from the village. The members of the karigi met in that building after the last of the boats had returned from the whaling and after the distribution of the meat and the axrelliktuat. It is worth noting that if a crew were to return well in advance of the others, the men did not usually go to the karigi but waited until all of the karigi membership was assembled. The place where they waited was a small karigilike structure, a tent which was placed at the mannixsak. This was called the ukuutak. Here members of returned crews sat until all the other crews had returned and had finished their tasks. The first day of nalukataq was marked by contests and games of various kinds. The members of the karigi met in their building and started festivities by a foot race to the mannixsak. When they were all assembled at this site, the umealit of the karigi ordered their umiaks brought. These were set up on edge to form a windbreak, the whaling paddles being used to prop them. On his umiak, each umealid placed his ravenskin as a kind of banner. Flags, designed for this purpose by the boatowner, are used in this connection today. No substantiation was found for Rainey's statement that the arrangement of umiaks depended on the type of charm owned by the umealit. (Rainey, 1947, p. 262). The umealit in a karigi also set up the tripods for the blanket-toss. These were whale ribs set up as tripods in the mannixsak. Four were set up. When these preparations were completed, the men from one karigi came over to the place of the other. They began by initiating contests and games. Contests of strength, such as lifting weights, feats of endurance, and wrestling, marked the first stages of the festival. The karigi games of the winter season were repeated at this time. They culminated in the foot races between members of the different kariyit, each karigi selecting its best runners as its representatives in this. The latter part of the day was given over to kick-ball (ayukta-aktuat, also axerawraaktuat), the favorite group game, which was so avidly played. In the evening, the umealit gathered before the assembled community and gave away muktuk. There were slight differences in the way this was done as between the peoples of Point Hope and Point Barrow. In the latter area, the umealiq did this merely as gift giving, having previously paid the people to whom he owed favors. At Point Hope, however, it took place on the second day after whaling and was a means by which the debts of the umealiq were paid. In general, the pattern was the same. It was a means by which the umealiq emphasized his position in the community and stressed his characteristics of generosity and openhandedness. Similarly, at Point Hope the emphasis on mourning, by offering meat at the places on the tundra where the bodies of the recently dead lay covered with snow blocks, was not practiced at Point Barrow. The nalukataq feasting went into the second day much in the same way. There were again games, tugs-of-war and the kick-ball. The feast culminated in the blanket-toss on the third or fourth day, the length of the festival depending on community whim and on any other economic demands which might be made. If only one or two whales had been taken by the villagers, the festivities were cut short. If many were taken, a separate nalukataq could be held for each whale. Properly, all contests and participation in them were limited to the crew members who had been successful. The blanket-toss took place at the mannixsak. The four tripods came into use at this time. Walrus-hide lines were strung between them and a blanket of walrus hide was placed over them. The crew first tossed the captain in the blanket and others followed in turn. The idea was to stand erect and maintain balance while being tossed. It was a very funny occasion when a person who was being tossed went head over heels in the blanket. The crew, holding the edges of the blanket and the ropes, would toss all the harder in order to make the person in the blanket fall. A skilled man or woman could easily stand upright and then the attempt was made to be tossed higher and higher (pl. 6, b). People were tossed in order of rank. First came the umealiq of a successful crew. His crew said, "Come, aarviril'iq," the term meaning "owner of the whale," applying to the umealiq and to the members of his family. The term is still used in this connection. The harpooner was the next one tossed, then the umealiq's wife. Finally, each of the crew members took his turn. After this, any person who wished to try was free to do so and the tossing continued for some time. The community gathered around and joked, laughing and commenting on those being tossed. The nalukataq, with its distribution of food, its feasting, and its merrymaking, can be seen as primarily a social occasion. The supernatural begins to fall away when the whale was greeted and when the meat, cut and distributed, was stored in the cellars. Actually, the tenor of the supernatural still remained. It was held that the merrymaking was for the benefit of the whale, “to let the whale know we are happy.” In a sense, too, it was a victory celebration. In the final analysis, it can readily be seen that the same general attitudes applied to the whale as they did to other animals. There was the concept that the whale allowed itself to be taken, had to be placated with proper treatment and the right kinds of avoidances, and had to be invited to return. Since the whale was so vital to the food supply, it is hardly surprising that the basic concepts of religion and ritual should be magnified and elaborated when the whale was encountered. Shamanism did not play a part in the cult of the whale, except in so far as every man was a shaman, knowing certain songs to compel a desired result. If an umeaq used an aqatquq, it was because the latter had special whale magic, weather controls, or the like. Unless a shaman went as kaaktiq, he went as a member of the crew or other actor. In such cases, he was a crew member not because he was a shaman but rather because of his demonstrated skill as a whaler. It is said again, of course, that the shamans “hated” a successful whaler and attempted to make trouble for him. In respect to the problem of envy and jealousy toward the successful whaling captain, there were ways in which such hostile attitudes could be channeled. His enemy could cut off the very tip of the snout of the whale taken by the umeaq and a tiny piece from the tips of the flukes. If these were hidden away, the crew of this captain would never take another whale. Lack of whaling success might inspire the umeaq to seek out the services of a shaman who could discover the missing parts. To prevent such sorcery, many umeaq took these parts off the whale and hid them away. An unusual case of envy is worth noting. There was a man at utkeaaγvik, himself a successful whaler as attested by his tattoo marks and the stitches in his boots. When other umeaq got whales, he became furious and came down to the ice, stamping his feet in rage. He ignored his rivals for a time and would not speak to them. Such behavior was regarded as sufficiently unusual as to be quite amusing. The historical relations of the cult of the whale have been treated at some length in studies by others (cf. Lantis, 1938, 1947, etc.). There are numerous elements in the North Alaskan whale cult which justify comparison with other areas, particularly those of Alaska. The place of the karigi in North Alaska affords one such example and it would clearly be of value to trace the relationships of this structure somewhat more fully, especially when its somewhat attenuated nature in the Barrow area is considered. In the main, however, the various elements, the boat launching, the attention to the bladder of the whale, whaling songs and charms, and the like suggest the whale ceremonialism farther to the south. The emphasis on whaling among the coastal peoples places this institution at the keystone of the ceremonial activities. THE CULT OF THE CARIBOU In the attitudes which the various groups of nuunamiut expressed toward the caribou, some of the same practices and concepts arise as were applicable to the whale on the coast. On the whole, however, the caribou cult was not so elaborately developed. Many of the practices described for the individual hunting of these animals were projected to the group and continued to apply in a somewhat more elaborated and communal way. The nuunamiut shared essentially the same philosophy regarding the caribou and all animals as did the tareumiut. There was the notion that the animals allowed themselves to be killed and that great care must be taken not to offend them. Caribou hunting, with its corrals and its drives, took place seasonally when done on a communal basis. Just as on the coasts the activities led to whaling in the spring, so also among the peoples of the inland, attention was directed to the preparation for the caribou hunts at this season. The term "umealiq," referring to the boatowner and commander of a crew, was also used by the nuunamiut. Similarly, there were kariyit and the crew-karigi association arose. On the whole, these concepts were not nearly so well elaborated. The inland sections, bands, or simply, nuclear family groups were not so well tied to the community or to the consciousness of community as were the coastal groups. The somewhat ephemeral nature of the sections and the fact that people north of the Brooks Range could move over the whole Colville Valley and frequently did so, did not create the same degree of structural stability as in the maritime situation. This is not to imply that crew and karigi were not significant units. The umealiw were the men who organized the hunt, who set up the in'uksut, and who, by virtue of their abilities and kills, not to mention generosity, were able to attract men to themselves and thus to build up the integrated hunting group. As on the coast, this group cut across family lines and so represented a primary nonkin association. But in ritual there was not the same high degree of specialization, any more than there were specialties in respect to hunting tasks. There was no one to assume the role of the harpooner, for example, nor were the activities of the wife of the umaliq so circumscribed with ritual. Because the site for settlements varied with each group, the members of the various nunamuit sections came into contact with the others in the same grouping with only random regularity. The decision to do so was up to the heads of nuclear families, the hunters who were elected to engage in one or another activity. If there were an agreed-upon campsite, several families might congregate, especially if there were a man known for his skill in managing the communal hunt. The men thus became members of his group and a pattern was evolved analogous to that on the coasts. The groups came together after the fall hunting and fishing and there were occasions when many wintered together. Certain sites, such as pinalu on the Noatak River, tivlu on the Tivik River, and places above Hotham Inlet and the mouth of the Noatak were points of winter congregation. Another such site was at kigalik on the Ikpikpuk River. Here fairly large assemblages might meet. The activities of the winter at such locations followed the patterns which applied on the coasts. There were many recreational aspects and amusements, and ceremonialism at this period was much tied up with shamanism. Fall and early spring caribou drives necessitated that the people be ready to move at any time and fairly quickly. While this to some extent interfered with any elaboration of caribou ceremonial, the proper rites were carried on in the late winter, just before the early spring hunts. The patterns of ritual behavior associated with the main caribou drive differed in degree rather than in kind from the whaling ceremonials. For this reason, a brief listing of the elements making up the caribou cult are in order. Although there were sometimes large assemblages of people along the foothill areas through which the caribou came, the few towns noted above offering a case in point, the hunting groups were forced to split off so as to control as many animals as possible during the migrations. At the hunting camp, there was generally erected a temporary karigi, the base of ceremonial activity. Each hunting group—a term probably preferable in this instance to the maritime "crew"—had its shaman who functioned to call the caribou. The men who organized the hunting group—one or several, hence, the umalit—paid the shaman for this service. Taboos operated, both in respect to the members of the hunting group itself and to the community at large. These applied before, during, and after the hunt. There were charms and songs. The former were not associated with the karigi but were always individual property, efficacious for the caribou. Lastly there were the ceremonies of greeting the caribou and of finishing off the hunt. The ritual role was assumed by the shamans, not by the umealit. Throughout the winter, besides their other activities, the shamans had sung the songs to call the caribou. While this went on, the shaman might also walk about searching for caribou tracks and droppings. If he found them, he could sing over them, thereby compelling the caribou to come. The men sat solemnly by while such singing was in progress although they might also sing. If one man owned special songs for the calling of the caribou, he was free to sing them. When the hunting groups broke away from the main assemblage, they turned to the hunting grounds where the umealit had their permanent corrals. At the campsite, they built a temporary karigi, each man contributing skins for its construction. It was large enough to accommodate the men of one or two hunting groups and their leaders. The ritual of the inland karigi involved first a 4-day period of continence. The men who were to hunt left their tents to sleep in the karigi, not leaving it for this period. Their wives brought them food. They were to think of caribou during this period and to avoid sexual intercourse, this being offensive to the caribou. The shaman, one at least being found in each hunting group, sang his songs and drummed. On the fourth day, the men departed for the hunt. The departure was usually so timed as to coincide with the arrival of the herds; scouts might be sent out to watch at the points where the caribou customarily came through. In the karigi, the men of the hunting party had assembled their weapons, the light lances with which the caribou were speared either in the water or in corrals, the lines which were to be strung up on which the caribou might entangle their horns, while kayaks, if these were needed, were placed on racks outside the karigi. All such implements and materials were sung over. The people in the community who were not directly involved in the hunt, women and children, sat quietly in their tents or shelters. The women did some cooking inside the dwellings and brought the food to the men. Children were cautioned against making unnecessary noise lest the caribou hear it from afar. There could be no sewing, no making of cordage, no cutting of meat with a knife, lest the caribou escape. Lieutenant Stoney, visiting in the area in 1883–86, comments on his annoyance at being unable to cut meat with a knife and being forced to use a saw (Stoney, 1900, p. 38). Although the restrictions applied for 4 days in theory, actually the period of inactivity might last somewhat longer. This was because the group might wait until the herds had passed by to the north. When the last stragglers had passed, the hunters might follow them, occasionally circling ahead to effect a corral or water drive and then following again. The men at the late-winter or early-spring hunt wore new clothes. The weapons were washed and scraped. The kayaks, if such were used, were not given a new cover, nor were umiaks, if it was possible to use them. The new clothing was of caribou skins. An umealiq of some stature might own a corral, or at least, have a recognized place where he erected one. When the division of meat after the hunt took place, a portion was given to the corral itself. This meant that the corral required the placing of the in'uksut, the posts, piles of brush, or scarecrows which stretched out in a fanwise direction from the impound. When these were put up, before the hunt, if the route were predictable, the same corral being used over and over again, or at especially selected places when the migration varied, there were special sets of songs which were sung with the placing of each. The hunt itself, involving as it did the wholesale slaughter of caribou, went on for as long as contact could be maintained with the herds. The carcasses were piled up where they were taken. Practices in respect to the treatment of the carcasses varied somewhat from group to group. If sled packing were necessary, some groups bent the heads upward and allowed them to freeze in this position. Some of the groups, however, insisted that the heads had to be cut off the body. This was generally done only at the communal hunt. The men and women who had followed them cut off the heads as soon as possible, placing them as a pile apart from the carcasses. If this were not done at this time, it was said, the caribou would suffer. Actually, when the heads were severed, a formula was repeated. The cutter said "Come back to us again." Formal greeting followed this pattern. Division of the meat followed the usual pattern of umeaktuat. Each member of the hunting party received a share of the meat, including viscera, marrow bones, hides, and meat for drying. The prized back fat as well as the marrow bones could be given in larger proportion to the umealiq. He, however, received no special share or part, except as his wealth and prestige demanded; it was not in the main a ceremonial division. After the division, the meat was stripped for drying, the leg bones cracked for marrow, and the hides packed for trading. There were social festivities in which some ceremonial took place. The first meat eaten from the newly hunted herd was cooked in a pottery vessel outdoors. It was passed into the karigi through the skylight. Social occasions after the hunt might mean the return of the hunting party to the main assemblage. The entire section could meet at any point agreed upon. Here each party reviewed the hunt, cached the meat taken, and might engage in various forms of exchange, suggestive of the Messenger Feast. The leaders of the hunting parties, as umealit, might feast each other. There were the usual games and amusements, and occasionally the blanket-toss although this was not a special feature of the caribou hunting and had probably been derived from the coast. After such festivals, at which much meat was eaten, distributed, and displayed, the umealit gave gifts to the men who had served with them. Also, obligations had to be paid off to the shamans who had sung for the caribou. A final ceremony was the thanking of the caribou. The heads were addressed by the leaders and the shamans, and a message of thanks as well as an invitation to return were given. In short, although the patterns characteristic of the treatment of the whale on the coasts are in some measure repeated in these ceremonials, the caribou drives and their associated ritual were by no means so elaborated. The fact that the caribou migrations were so variable, that several might take place in a season, especially if the herds broke and moved as smaller groups, meant that the seasonal nature of the migrations was scarcely so predictable as was the advent of the whales to the coasts. Moreover, the caribou movements determined the ways in which the people would assemble. This placed ceremonial on an individual level and it was up to the family head to refrain from offending the caribou, to see that the proper rituals were carried on. If a larger aggregation of people were possible, as at the campsites mentioned, there was more latitude for ceremonialism associated with the caribou. On the whole, however, the nature of the hunting prevented the growth of the elaborate patterns which the maritime Eskimo displayed. CULTURE CHANGE The present section concerns itself with the problems of social change that the North Alaskan Eskimo have undergone since the initial contact with Europeans. Of necessity the bulk of the data which follow is drawn from the community of Barrow where some unusual changes have taken place as a result of the naval installation and the increasing influx of money into the community. In other towns, acculturation has perhaps been more gradual, although the influences from the United States Office of Indian Affairs, in the form of education, grants to the indigent, old-age assistance, and the like, have promoted changes as well. On the religious side, the people have been subjected to a fairly intense campaign of missionization, with the result that the older religious patterns, in their formalized structure, at least, have fallen by the way. Actual social change has affected three areas: (1) material culture; (2) economic organization; and (3) religious organization. Despite evident concern on the part of the Alaska Native Service over the economic situation, and the fear that social changes as, for example, in family structure, might occur, there is clearly no evidence that this is taking place or will take place. The aboriginal family is still the basic unit of society and it has successfully resisted any inroads; it remains the superbly functioning unit of cooperation that it has ever been. At the present writing, the United States Navy has closed its petroleum operations in the Barrow and Umiat areas. This has caused unemployment and the withdrawal of the money which the Barrow Eskimo had been making. But since the men who had been employed by the Navy had been spending much of their money on meat, purchased from those who continued to hunt, thus resulting in the distribution of money through the community, the problem which arises is not wholly serious. Neither the hunting skills nor the basic integrative force of society—the family system—has been lost. Luxury products may, it is true, have to be forfeited, but even though there may be some hardship, the continuing moral and social stability prevent disorganization, both of the social groupings and of the individual. And this is the point which is so frequently forgotten by those who deplore what they choose to call the "exploitation" of the Eskimo. This writer finds no cause for concern; the society is stable, the people are adjusted to it and happy in it. In the process of acculturation, it must not be forgotten that there are still remnants of nuunamiut and that the maritime-nomadic ecological division still persists. The Killik band, those in the area of Anaktuvuk Pass, are still present, much to the concern of the Alaska Native Service, since no health or educational facilities can be provided them. This group is closer to the aboriginal life, being wholly dependent on hunting, and receiving little by way of luxury goods from the outside. Sources of money to this group are quite limited, being dependent on wolf bounty or old-age assistance. As between the two ecological types, the former intercourse is gone. Partnerships have broken down since the supplies of textiles rather than caribou skins relieve the necessity for trade. This places the remaining nuunamiut in a dilemma inasmuch as they do not get their complement of oil and blubber which was formerly available to them by trade. One result of this has been to decimate the inland population, most of whom have moved to the coasts. The remaining groups are two—those in the Kobuk Valley, whose maritime orientation was toward Kotzebue and Hotham Inlet and hence away from the North Alaskan coasts, and those in the Killik-Anaktuvuk area. Of the latter, no more than 60 people, in 5 families, remain. Factors of interest in inland hunting, familiarity with the local terrain, and continuing family ties appear to be operative in keeping these groups intact. Returning to the coastal areas, while it is true that the greatest degree of acculturation has occurred at Barrow, other settlements have likewise been drawn through changing patterns of culture (pl. 2, b, c). The four settlements, Barrow itself, Wainwright, Point Lay, and Point Hope, still constitute the basic centers of whaling interest, although Point Lay is less favorably situated for whaling and more inclined to take advantage of the caribou hunting along the watercourses. It must not be forgotten that acculturation began long ago, and, indeed, it may be said to have started with the introduction of tobacco, metal articles, and other European items derived indirectly from the Russians. Thomas Simpson and others refer to the trade of the early 19th century, and erroneously thought of the nuunamiut as the Russians themselves (T. Simpson, 1843; J. Simpson, 1855; Stefansson, 1914 a, etc.). It seems evident that the inland people, trading along the rivers with those of the coasts, brought trade items of European origin to the Arctic coasts, having obtained them at the great center at Hotham Inlet. Such items arrived here from the coasts farther to the south, the people of Cape Prince of Wales evidently being early middlemen. Shortly after Beechey's voyage, this trade began to intensify, with the result that material changes took place on a far wider scale. J. Simpson, at Point Barrow, mentions guns, and it was not long after the 1850's that the Eskimo of the coasts adopted the European whaling gear, with darting guns and bombs. At the time of the visit of Murdoch and Ray, such items were already in extensive use. Introduction of material elements, not excluding tobacco and trade beads, began to accelerate through the late 19th century, and with the introduction of the schools and the churches, and with the increasing contacts, material development began to change rapidly. Not the least of these features were the patterns surrounding the introduction of domesticated reindeer, and even of new methods of dog traction. Granted that material culture changed, the impact of such contacts on the social institutions was less pronounced. As has been pointed out, religion became modified, perhaps less because of the appeal of Christianity and the success of the individual missionaries, than because shamanism as a source of anxiety and threat was proscribed. In summary, social changes took place and are continuing to do so. As long as the family system remains intact, however, the future remains a bright one. It may be well to summarize the developments of the impact of Europeanization on the culture of the area and to consider principally the economic and religious changes that were effected. For such a summary, Barrow may be used as a primary example, although with the exception of the naval activities, the other towns felt an essentially similar impact. At that, however, the naval personnel recruitment drew in families from any of the communities, including those inland. SOURCES OF MONEY (1888–1948) Money, as such, was introduced into the Barrow community sometime after the establishment of the various trading posts and whaling stations. The whalers and traders of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries paid those working for them in goods. It was actually not until the development of Alaska Native Service interest and the rise of the great market for fox furs that money came into the Barrow community to any extent. This community appears to have reached a peak of whaling activity around 1900. At this time the population of the village was fairly large and most men were either directly or indirectly associated with the whaling industry. Capt. Charles D. Brower devoted much time during this period toward encouraging a beginning in salable native crafts. He was not entirely successful in doing so, a possible reflection of the lack of interest on the part of the North Alaska Eskimo in native arts. After 1905, he urged the making of baleen basketry, which, while not an aboriginal art, was nevertheless suited to the transfer of techniques from the earlier baleen netting. The latter skill was at the time almost gone, only a few older men having knowledge of it. Under Brower's influence, basketry of this type was made by a few individuals. Later, with A. N. S. interest, it was exported for sale. It was only in a period of depression, however, that such native crafts began to take hold. Baleen was selling well until 1915-16. At this time, the market fell off, baleen dropped to $1 per pound, then to 50 and 25 cents. With the demand gone, the community appears to have been hard hit on the luxury side, inasmuch as trade goods could no longer be obtained. Beginning with the end of World War I, however, a new economic activity was discovered. This took the form of the sale of foxskins and for the next 12 or 13 years the community wealth, in terms of money, increased. The price of furs went up beginning by 1920, and for the next decade much activity was devoted to fur trapping. This, in turn, was paralleled by an increase in the reindeer industry. White fox furs during the decade of the 20's went for $50; a blue fox went for considerably more, as much as $100 being paid for a single pelt. The writer has been told by one successful fox hunter that he earned $8,000 in 1927, as compared with his present Arcon salary of $5,000. Such earnings were apparently not unusual. It was at this time that larger boats were introduced into the community, paid for by the residents themselves, and that the native stores had their beginnings. The failure of the fur market may probably be attributed to the 1929 depression, although some Barrow residents deny this, claiming that the recognition of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1933 created a new competitive situation and that the import of Siberian furs ruined the local market. Be this as it may, the Barrow furs were no longer in demand after 1931; the market had slipped considerably, driving the price down to $5 or less a pelt. After 1930, many former fur trappers turned to other activities. Money now became short, and the residents of the village were driven back to the land. A few continued to trap and to earn a modest living from it, but most were obliged to return to the basic dependence on sea mammals and to "live off the land." It was in this period, 1930-46, that one may note the carryover of the aboriginal patterns of cooperation and interpersonal dependence. More so than in a time of prosperity, the community sense of ingroup consciousness appears to have developed. Those who did engage in hunting were obliged by custom to share their catch—seal, walrus, caribou, or any other game—with the less fortunate members of the community. But while this factor of sharing operated between nonkin, the economic circumstances of the period furthered the aboriginal family system as a cooperative institution. Families worked together and extended their joint efforts to the benefit of the community at large. The return to the aboriginal social patterns at a time of economic stress appears to have lent to the family system a force which it still possesses. As may be seen, however, the cooperative arrangement between nonkin in the community tends to break down with the addition of new wealth. In the 30's and early 40's, however, a marked sense of community solidarity comes to the fore. The reduced economic circumstances of the period created a dependence on driftwood for fuel, and a return, in some instances, to the use of blubber as a heating and lighting agent. Unsuccessful hunters or family heads less skilled at hunting would gather driftwood to exchange with the more successful for food. Little help appears to have come from outside during this period. The A. N. S. aided to some extent, but the church appears to have taken a more dominant role. One outgrowth of the reduced economy was the organization of the community council, a body which continues to operate and to work in concert with the native service administration. The church and council cooperated in the regulation of community affairs. As it was, however, the individual families, working individually and cooperatively in the community, served as the basic front against the inroads of economic depression. The picture of the Barrow community during the period in question is not too greatly different from that of the Eskimo of precontact days. True, as the result of the introduction of Euro-American commodities and trade goods, certain hardships were faced by those who had become used to innovation as the result of the introduction of money. In itself, however, as regards both survival and an adjusted community, this was not serious. The integrating effect of the social institutions serves to promote a balance between individuals. The Barrow Eskimo have not yet come so far as to have lost touch with their strongly unifying social institutions. It was into this setting of economic depression that the Naval Petroleum Base IV was introduced. While the survey and explorations for petroleum which began in 1944 are so well documented as to require no elaboration here, it may suffice to point up some of the features of the employment of Barrow residents by both the United States Navy and later by the Arctic Contractors. The possibilities of Eskimo labor at the Pet IV Base were considered in 1946. There was no question as to the desirability of obtaining Eskimo labor, but the factor of the health problem was seriously to be considered. The high rate of tuberculosis among the residents of the Barrow community created several serious administrative questions. There was no question that the inhabitants of Barrow would be able to assume tasks requiring a high degree of manual skill. This was proved by the fact that such organizations as did operate at Barrow and which did hire native labor had obtained markedly satisfactory results. The manual skill and dexterity of the Eskimo are too well known to require further comment here and the Eskimo, as an ethnic group, have been able to transfer skills drawn from the aboriginal setting to modern technology with ease. Many Barrow residents had gone southward to Fairbanks and other points during the war years and had learned various skilled trades, while the few jobs that did exist at Barrow, such as with the Native Service School and Hospital, the Wien Airlines, Alaska Communication System, and the like were successfully held by native laborers. The community council did appeal to Arcon for employment. With A. N. S. selection and aid, Barrow residents were chosen to work at the naval installation, were examined for tuberculosis, and hired. Commander Roberts, late of the Barrow area, comments that 35 Eskimo were at first taken on as laborers in July 1946 (Roberts, 1952). Later this number was increased to 80, among whom were several women, employed as seamstresses. From 1946 to 1952, the number of Eskimo employed at the Pet IV Base has averaged between 75 and 80, the work being in large measure seasonal and with seasonal layoffs. The health problem, sanitation, and the like have been considered by the naval and Arctic Contractors officials, and attempts have been made to remedy the situation from time to time. The fact that the Eskimo, not only those from Barrow, but those who have come from other settlements, such as Wainwright, Point Lay, etc., to take advantage of the employment opportunities, are paid at the prevailing Alaska wage indicates that a new source for money has been found. The dissemination of cash throughout the Barrow community has made for a series of recent changes in material adjustment. It has meant that a situation comparable to that enjoyed by the community during the fur boom has been recreated. The fact that the Barrow residents are employed at the naval installation work mostly a 63-hour week, with time and one-half for overtime over 40 hours, and that they are paid standard skilled and semiskilled wages, accounts for the rise of a new cash economy. This is correlated with the decline in the native arts and crafts and the development of new services, such as the motion-picture theaters, the coffee shops, stores, and other luxuries. Since the community has a population of 1,050 and since as much as one-tenth of this population is employed for at least part of the year, the force of the new economy is at once apparent. Virtually every family profits either directly or because of the dissemination of cash by wage-earning residents. It is just this point which has caused so many well-meaning individuals and organizations such concern. The largely experimental nature of the petroleum installation implies that it cannot exist permanently and it may at some time be deemed expedient to curtail operations. When this happens, or, indeed, if it happens, it is felt that a high degree of disorganization and hardship in the community is inevitable. Is the result predictable on the basis of the experience of the social scientist? If the present source of cash were to vanish, certain readjustments would unquestionably have to be made. Those purveying services would be hard hit. However, the community has weathered several such storms before and has come through successfully. The recognition of factors of social integration, in this case those of the basic cooperative family, aids in pointing up the core of contemporary Barrow Eskimo society. It would appear that only if the family system is disrupted will community disorganization on a large scale occur. For, despite the cash economy, the social organization of the aboriginal Eskimo is still the potent force. The series of benign interrelations between individuals within the family setting can be made effective in promoting the cooperative effort again to "live off the land" should the necessity arise. To be sure, members of a group, once accustomed to the advantages of the outboard motor, the washing machine, mail-order luxuries and the like, may find life more burdensome if these are removed or curtailed. However, as long as mutual interdependence can be kept to the fore, it is unlikely that such deprivation will bring dire consequences with it. This point emerges more clearly perhaps in the analysis of the social and familial relationships. An example of the failure of a well-meaning administration to comprehend the Eskimo problem appears in the ill-advised economic solution, mentioned above, of the reindeer. As a problem in applied anthropology, the reindeer emerges as a predictable mistake. It may be stated at the outset that while the inland groups of Eskimo might adjust more satisfactorily to the transhumance associated with the herding of the reindeer, this was scarcely a solution to the maritime Eskimo. As is known, some Eskimo have adjusted successfully to the reindeer economy, or did so at least for a fairly long period of time. At Barrow, the development of the reindeer pattern correlates with the decline of the whalebone industry, that is to say, beginning about 1915. Reindeer had been introduced into Alaska in 1898. It is not necessary here to consider again the rather exaggerated hopes of those engaged in the introduction of the animal. It was felt that here was not only a new source of meat, but an opportunity to exploit the otherwise barren and unfertile areas of Alaska. Further, an attempt to offer the Alaskan natives a new source of food and clothing was also involved, not to mention, for the tundra peoples at least, a new means of transportation. Presumably, the reindeer could replace the dog as a transport animal. Since the Siberian natives have used the reindeer for transport and since the Lapps have successfully broken the reindeer to the sled, this animal, feeding itself on tundra moss as it does, was conceptually ideal for Alaskan native life. Superficially, the idea seems excellent; the carnivorous dog, which makes such heavy inroads on the human food supply, could successfully be replaced. There were those Barrow residents who, when the reindeer was introduced, devoted themselves to the raising of the animal. The development of community herds at Barrow and Wainwright might reflect a successful beginning. But it was found very difficult to interest young men in taking the time to become herdsmen and to undergo the 4 years of apprenticeship away from the family situation. Since the herd must move inland in search of pasture, the herdsman must move with it. And because, too, the animals become intractable during the summer rutting season, and incline to stampede because of the insect pest, much time must be given to rounding up strays. From the point of view of the individual resident of the Barrow community, herding means isolation. The support offered by family contacts and the social intercourse of community life strongly detract from any ambition in this pursuit. The entire project at Barrow was fraught with disappointment for those engaged in the industry. Not only was there lack of interest because of the personal isolation which herding entailed, but there was also a series of mishaps associated with herding. Lantis (1950 a) remarks that wolves decimated the herds. While this was unquestionably a factor, hoof and mouth disease was a far greater danger. Barrow and Wainwright got into difficulties over their communal herds. The latter community lacks the whaling in the fall. While the Barrow residents were engaged in whaling, the herds became mixed. When roundup was finally effected, following a disastrous stampede in the mid-20's, Barrow recovered only a fraction of its herd. One herdsman estimates that only 3,500 out of 20,000 were recovered. The depression of 1929 also killed interest in herding, since no market was found for the meat or hides. By 1930, the price of a dressed carcass went from $5.00 to $2.00, and at last the market died away altogether. Basically, however, the long period of training necessary to the herdsman, the type of life implied in herding, and the subsequent insecurities associated with the industry were in conflict with the demands of family and society. Wild fragments of the once great Barrow herds are still sighted occasionally on the tundra, but there is no question that the reindeer industry is incompatible with the sedentary economic and social life of the Barrow people. Some factionalism and ill feeling has grown up between individuals concerned in Barrow and as between Barrow and Wainwright over the ultimate failure of the industry. The Barrow community thus failed to capitalize on the reindeer and realized little from it in terms of money or capital. SEASONAL ACTIVITIES At the present time, the year's activities may be said to begin in mid-April. By this time, the days are again long and it is possible to start the spring whaling. This is the first major economic activity of the year, and preparation for it, i.e., refurbishing of boats, collecting and cleaning of gear, etc., occupies the final weeks in March. The spring whaling continues until approximately June 1. From June 1 on, some attention is devoted to sealing. This is often done on the basis of cooperative crew activity, the whaling boats being devoted to tracing the various seals, principal of which at this time is the ugruk (Erignathus barbatus). Spotted and hair seals may also be taken during this period, although it is to be emphasized that there is no particular time for these smaller game. The spotted seal are taken in some numbers to the east of Barrow along the deltas of various rivers. Smaller seals are taken throughout the year wherever they are found and are often individually hunted. Unless a crew agrees beforehand as to how the game will be divided, the smaller seals are the property of the individual hunter. The ugruk, however, is divided according to custom and is regarded as are larger mammals such as the whale or walrus. Sealing continues throughout July. By July 1, however, there is some breakup of the community—actually there is less now than formerly because of naval employment—and individual families may go out for the summer months to fish camps or to the "ducking station" near the Pet IV Base for the bird shooting and some other hunting (pl. 4, c). By July, there is considerable diversity in activity. Not only are there fishing and duck-hunting opportunities but hunting on a more intensive scale is also possible with the arrival of the caribou and walrus. The caribou have for some years now pushed down across the tundra and foraged along the coast. This has made hunting of them much easier since it is possible for a crew to direct their boats in the direction of the caribou herds and to load the meat and bring it back to the community with ease. While the caribou herds move rather rapidly, remaining on the coast rarely for more than a week at a time, they can be obtained in very large numbers. As a result, caribou hunting is an intense activity during the fairly short season. Men engage in the hunting of the caribou and may leave the community for a time to follow the herds and to take as much meat as possible. Caribou hunting has thus been intensified by the maritime peoples in recent years. The carcasses are butchered on the spot, and the meat and hides transported back to the community for storage. At the same time, with the breaking of the pack ice along the shores, the walrus herds come into view, moving along the current northward, their herds resting on the broken floes. Here again, crew activity comes into play, the walrus being shot as they sleep on the ice. Butchered on the floes, the meat is brought back to the community. Boats may go considerable distances, 50 to 100 miles into the ocean, for these animals (pl. 5, c). By August, the walrus supply is pretty well exhausted, the herds having moved away, and the caribou also become less. Duck hunting continues as does fishing. In fact, during August and early September, the fishing activities are stepped up. The fish camps along the inland rivers become centers of activity. Much of the fishing done during the summer is relegated to women, a woman, with her children, leaving her husband at home in the community while she engages in this activity. The family pitches a tent on a selected watercourse and so engages in fishing, putting out nets across streams, etc. The fish is split and dried or simply frozen in an ice cellar built for the purpose at the fishing station. By August and early September, the husband may go for his family and the fish they have taken. The long gill nets described by Murdoch are still in use, although the materials from which they were made have changed (Murdoch, 1882, p. 284). Formerly, baleen netting was usual. Commercial netting is used today, although cord nets are still made locally. Net making is done by men. The various species of whitefish are obtained in considerable quantity. In the summer of 1952, women bringing back as much as 1,500 pounds of fish to the community for storage was not unusual. Fish are loaded in the launches at the river fishing stations and brought back. Netting and ice fishing continue much of the year, an apparent carryover from aboriginal days. It is not an intensive activity until summer, however. Other fish than the whitefish are also taken, most of them in the summer months. On the coast the ocean cod or tomcod (Boreogadus saida) may be taken in winter. This is done through the ice with jigs. Because of the freedom in choice of activity, there is no hard and fast rule demanding that a man (or woman) be limited to a certain kind of work. Each member of the community is free to make his own choice. A family may thus spend the entire summer season fishing. Although women may fish, there is nothing to prevent men from doing so also should they choose. It often happens that a family will fish one summer, spend the next between fishing and various kinds of hunting and the third at hunting alone. This makes for some variation in the pattern of existence. Duck hunting parallels the fishing season. Here again, a family is free to hunt as it chooses and has the right to set up a summer tent at the shooting station. The men hunt the ducks, shooting them—they are rarely trapped or snared, although this is not unknown—and the women prepare them for storage. Duck hunting is for the most part the activity of older people since it lacks the strenuousness of the chase for larger game. Both ducks and fish are valuable not only as food for the family taking them but they may be traded or sold. This is one of the features which helps disseminate cash throughout the community. For fish particularly, the Native Store acts as an agent, and pays cash for fish and other game. Formerly, duck eggs were sought. This is no longer done. If bird's eggs are found on the tundra, the hunter may eat them raw or boil them. There is no longer any effort directed to searching for duck eggs. The same is true of owl hunting and owl eggs. While formerly these were sought, there is no longer any interest in them. With the onset of colder weather late in August, preparations for the fall whaling are undertaken. The beginning of this season is rather unpredictable and has varied rather markedly over the past few years. In 1926, whales were taken at Barrow early in August. More recently, the community has waited until September and even October before beginning this activity. Fall whaling is limited to Barrow. The people at Wainwright and Point Hope, although they engage in spring whaling, have not developed the fall activity. It is actually somewhat different from the whaling in spring. In the latter case, the long stretch of ice from the beach to the open water must be traversed, and there is marked dependence on the dog teams and sled travel. In the fall, however, boats may take off directly from the beach since as yet the winter ice has not closed in. Although slush ice may form along the beaches in late September, the sea has been known to remain open as late as December. As a result of contact with the whalers, the Barrow Eskimo have adopted modern methods of whaling. The darting gun, bombs, lines, etc., reflect modern whaling techniques. The activity is still dangerous, however, since the 30-foot boats are scarcely adequate for the great whales of these waters. The past few years have seen something of a decline in the whaling success. In 1952 there was a total failure in both seasons; lack of adequate boats had caused failure in the fall of 1951. One whaler remarked that his boat would not carry the necessary amount of gasoline together with the crew. He had killed a whale, estimated at 80 tons, in the fall of 1951, other boats having turned away before he had engaged the animal. Since he was some hours from shore, being about 100 miles from Point Barrow itself, he had no alternative but to abandon the whale. The attitude of the man in question was of itself interesting. As he related his misadventure and told of his having to cast the whale off because of his low fuel supply, tears came to his eyes and he remarked bitterly that the other boats had given up too soon. This is a reflection of the continuation of the basic economic interest in the whale. While it was around whaling that the former ceremonial life centered, today, although the ceremonies are gone, the activity is still of paramount interest. Whaling was without question the major preoccupation of the past, and of all hunting at present it is whaling which holds first place. When the late fall winds begin to pile up the young ice along the shore, the intensive activity of the summer and early fall comes to an end. One of the tasks of November and December is the cutting of ice for storage as drinking water. It is to be remembered that the Barrow area is a virtual desert in the geographical sense and that water is always a problem. Fresh-water ice is obtained from the lakes and streams as the winter freeze begins. Blocks are cut, ranging in size from 8 to 18 inches, are transported back to the community by dog team, and stored in the ice cellars. An attempt is made to obtain sufficient ice to make drinking water, as well as some water for washing and other purposes for several months to come. The amount of ice packed actually depends on the size of the local ice cellar. If a householder has a sufficiently large cellar, he may attempt to store a considerable surplus of ice blocks. These, too, have an economic value and may, if there are extra on hand, be sold. With winter, concerted activity comes to an end. Today, of course, many men in the community are employed and continue to work at the naval installation. In normal times, however, winter is the period of greatest freedom for the community. In the aboriginal period, winter was the sacred season and it was then that the shamanistic activities and much of the social and ceremonial life was carried on. There is a survival of this at the present time inasmuch as native dances, visiting, and various community-sponsored recreational activities, such as the school and church programs, are held. The various economic pursuits by no means come to a standstill in winter. It is true, however, that the work undertaken to fulfill the needs of the food quest is in large measure individual. Throughout the dark days men may go out sealing on the pack ice, searching for blowholes in the ice and netting the smaller seals. This may continue throughout the winter at the option of the individual hunter. In November, men who have been inland either trapping or in search of caribou generally return home. A few families may leave the community during the winter in order to fish on the inland ice. This is again the common method of stretching nets across holes in the ice and obtaining the various whitefish. The sites visited at this time are the same stations or camps which are used in summer. Actually, not many families leave the community in winter; the various social activities offer a strong incentive to remain. There is some further gathering of ice in January and February. During the winter period, a few men may travel out some distances with dog teams to lay a string of trap lines. Since the decrease in the value of furs, however, fewer individuals have been doing this. This is rather arduous work, necessitating as it does a constant return to the traps. The yearly activities at Barrow may be reviewed as follows: \| Month: \| Economic activity¹ \| \|--------\|-------------------\| \| January \| Sealing (individual, at ice holes) (−) \| \| \| Trapping (−) \| \| February \| Individual sealing at ice holes (−) \| \| \| Trapping (−) \| \| \| Caribou hunting (−) \| \| March \| Individual sealing (−) \| \| \| Trapping (−); caribou (−) \| \| \| Preparation for whaling \| \| April \| Whaling (+) \| \| \| Duck hunting (−), caribou (−) \| \| May \| Whaling (+) \| \| \| Sealing, ugruk, etc. (−) \| \| \| Duck hunting (−); fishing (inland) (−) \| \| June \| Whaling (−) \| \| \| Sealing in open water (+) \| \| \| Duck hunting and fishing (+) \| \| July \| Sealing in open water (+) \| \| \| Walrus hunting (July 15) (+) \| \| \| Caribou hunting (+); duck hunting and fishing (+) \| \| August \| Sealing in open water, walrus, caribou (+) \| \| \| Trapping (−) \| \| \| Duck hunting and fishing (+) \| \| September \| Sealing in open water, walrus, caribou (−) \| \| \| Trapping (−) \| \| \| Duck hunting and fishing (−); whaling (−, +?) \| \| October \| Whaling (+); other sea game, i. e., beluga (−) \| \| \| Caribou (−); polar bear (−) \| \| \| Seal netting (−) \| \| November \| Seal netting (+) \| \| \| Caribou, trapping, etc. (−) \| \| December \| Seal netting (individual, at ice holes) (+) \| \| \| Caribou, trapping, etc. (−) \| ¹ (−) = Minor activity. + = Activity intensified. FOOD There has been considerable by way of speculation regarding the diet of the Eskimo both past and present. This has been particularly true of the Arctic Eskimo groups who, in their aboriginal life, made virtually no use of vegetable foods. At the present time, even though money has come into the community and it has been possible to purchase somewhat more by way of the foods prevalent in the United States at large, the Barrow Eskimo have not exploited this innovation and have preferred to concentrate on what remains essentially an aboriginal diet. A question which is frequently asked, "Is this diet adequate?" can be answered only by pointing out that the present Eskimo, if free of the scourge of tuberculosis, is a remarkably healthy and long-lived specimen. It appears, further, that the basic diet of meat and the associated oils contains the necessary complement of nutritional elements. Food thus remains significantly meat. The economy has not been so modified as to create a change in the basic dependence on the products of the chase. Modern living has introduced luxury items in respect to food, but it has neither succeeded in offering adequate substitutes for the meat staple nor caused a basic change in dietary likes and dislikes. It is said that a grown man will eat 6 to 7 pounds of meat and oil a day, a fact borne out by observation of the contemporary situation. Modern foods, added to the meat diet, consist principally of flour, sugar, tea, and/or coffee. Other items, such as fruits, pastries, canned goods, and the like, are luxuries and are so regarded. A family which earns a fair amount of cash may add variety to its table by purchases of imported food but continues to regard the meat diet as basic. One growing variation in the dietary pattern is the tendency toward eating one meal per day which consists of imported food, possibly crackers, tinned meat, or tinned fish. This has been a recent development, however, and appears to depend on the influx of cash to the community. Another possible reflection of this is the use by mothers of the various kinds of canned milk for small children. In some measure, this has been impressed on the women of the community by the school, church, and hospital. But if all such changes may be regarded as recent, it follows that the aboriginal diet is still in force. Various foods drawn from the adjacent surroundings, hunted throughout the year and stored in the natural ice compartments in the permafrost, form the basic diet. The meats used are as follows: whale, all seals, beluga, walrus, polar bear, fish, the various waterfowl, caribou, and not infrequently, wolf, fox, and sometimes dog. Unquestionably, the sea mammals and caribou are most important. Other animals have been eaten in the past, such as lemmings, owls, etc., but there is no longer any necessity for resorting to such food. Of the sea mammals, the whale is by far the most preferred food. The whale skin and outer blubber, the so-called muktuk is a prime delicacy. This may be eaten raw and may be boiled. Some of the European whalers—Hopson particularly, but also Brower, Smith, and others—developed a means of pickling muktuk which is still fondly remembered. It is said that the true pickling art has been lost, although a few treat the muktuk in this way. As stated previously, in spring the whale is dragged to the edge of the ice and butchered. All crews engaged in the pursuit of the whale are entitled to a share. The crew which actually is credited with the taking of the whale, that is, having sighted it and having the first harpoon in it, receives for division the especially favored tongue, heart, and kidneys of the animal. The butchering involves the cutting of blocks of meat weighing 200 to 300 pounds. These are carried to the various ice cellars and deposited for freezing and future use. One interesting feature of the whaling is the continuing custom of opening the house of the whaleboat’s captain to the community, if the hunt is successful. All may come and be served portions of the meat. These are taken home to be eaten. Virtually all parts of the animals taken are used, and skins of the caribou, ivory from the walrus, pelts of the polar bear, and the like are carefully kept for sale. The meat is reserved either for human consumption or for the dogs. In the case of the latter, the important means of winter transportation it is to be remembered, much meat must be utilized. A grown dog will eat as much as a man. This implies that the parts of game not destined for human consumption will serve as dog food. A place is thus found for the use of entrails and other less palatable portions. The Barrow Eskimo, like other Arctic peoples, have been able to exploit the animals which they hunt to the fullest. Preferred meats, aside from the whale, are principally the various seals and the caribou. Walrus is somewhat less desirable. These four classes of animals, however, for the Barrow people, form the staple foods. All can be obtained in sufficient quantity to insure a dependable food supply. Thus, although no whales were taken in 1952, sufficient walrus and caribou were had to permit the group to carry on through the winter of 1952–53. The basic staples were augmented somewhat by the meat of bears, which were plentiful in the fall of 1952, and the flesh of the various seals. In addition, fish was obtained in sufficiently large quantities to offer an additional food supply. Similarly, various waterfowl were obtained. The meat of larger game is butchered in chunks for the most part and frozen in the ice cellars. When needed for food, it may simply be boiled with the blubber. It is here, actually, that the basic dietary needs of the Eskimo are met, as the blubber, the layer of insulating fat which is found on sea mammals principally, is rich in numerous nutritional elements. Boiling is the usual method of preparation, equal sections of flesh and blubber being consigned to the pot. It is only since the advent of the commercial oil stove, a commodity recently purchased through the various mail-order houses by many families, that roasting is possible. Even then, the time-honored methods of preparation still come to the fore, and boiled meat is the most preferred. Various methods of preparation and cooking survive from the aboriginal past and continue to be of importance. It may be well to consider the various ways in which food is prepared and eaten. With few exceptions, the aboriginal fare is still followed. (1) Whale.—Choicer portions are boiled alone and may be eaten with raw muktuk. Whale meat and oil, apart from such favored sections as the heart, kidneys, and tongue, are boiled together. Sufficient oil is obtained from the whale to allow its use in cooking with food other than whale. Caribou, for example, may be cooked with this oil. The whale blubber is stored raw and taken as needed, since boiling before use is said to cause the material to turn rancid. Whale entrails may be chopped into blubber and eaten raw. Meat is said to get sweet if stored with muktuk for 5 or 6 days in the house. The mixture must be regularly stirred and then placed outside to cool. Mention is made elsewhere of the generosity incumbent on the umealiq whose boat takes a whale. He feeds the community, cooking up tongue, kidney, heart, and portions of the intestines with muktuk. Members of the community who partake of the feast at the boat-owners' houses proceed from house to house, eating equally from the portion of each umealiq. Today, when a whale has been taken, fresh muktuk is cooked out on the ice in oil cans, being boiled in salt water, and shares of meat are given to all who assist in butchering the whale. (2) Seals.—The choice portions are the heart, liver, and shortribs. Seals, particularly the ugruk, being rich in fat, are butchered so as to free the blubber layer. The meat is boiled with salt—formerly it was boiled in sea water—and cooked sufficiently long as to "have the middle part red," rare meat being desired. The liver is fried. Seal meat is strung and dried. It is eaten dipped in oil. Many today make ground seal meat and fry the patties. Seal intestines are peeled and hacked in blubber with anulu; the resulting mixture is eaten raw. The brain might be boiled in the head. Eyes are also eaten. Seal stomachs are eaten, but also they may be dried and used to store oil. Other organs, such as the spleen and lungs, are discarded and served as dog food. (3) Walrus.—The heart, liver, and ribs are eaten. The brain may be eaten raw. Walrus is less highly regarded, and much of the carcass is reserved as dog food. The flesh of the flippers and shoulders is sewn into the skin and allowed to ferment. This is later boiled. Walrus kidneys are also prized as human food. Walrus, unlike seal and whale meat, cannot be eaten frozen. The meat may be put in a barrel with the skin left on and the blubber untouched. The hair, after a time, is easily plucked off and the skin is eaten. Walrus is a tougher meat than that of other sea mammals. (4) Belugas.—While this does not have the same degree of palatability as whale, nor is it treated with the same ceremony, the flesh is eaten, the choicer parts, such as the major organs, are saved, and the meat is boiled. (5) Caribou.—The caribou lacks blubber. It is, however, a desired meat. A caribou carcass runs on the average to 200 pounds, much of which is waste. The saddle, rack, and haunches are preserved as food, being stored in ice cellars. The legs of the animal are kept and cracked for the marrow. Soups are made from the bones and meat. Boiling is the common method of preparation. A common dish, the basis of which is caribou, is akuitutq, sometimes called in the area “Eskimo ice cream.” The fat is taken, heated, and chunks of meat introduced. The cook stirs the mixture with her hand, beginning when it is lukewarm, and beating the fat until it becomes “white.” Two hours of preparation and beating are required. Only enough is made for immediate eating. A variant of this recipe is caribou fat, whale oil, and berries, the latter obtained from the inland regions by trade. Another dish involving caribou marrow and fat is pacexsut. Marrow and fat are boiled together and then allowed to freeze in a caribou paunch. (It may be mentioned that caribou droppings were saved for fuel and were collected off the tundra for this purpose and sacked. Such droppings also served as dog food, being mixed with oil. Humans would eat this in an emergency.) (6) Wolves and foxes; bears.—Wolf and fox were eaten with relish, the meat being boiled. These are less frequently eaten today. Polar bear and brown bear are eaten both raw and boiled. Of the polar bear, the liver is carefully avoided. Presumably too rich in vitamin A, it is regarded as “poison”—“it makes your hair fall out.” The same is said to be true of wolf and dog liver. (7) Dogs.—The inland Eskimo raised dogs for food and parkas. They were eaten when still in the puppy stage, boiled, and the skin preserved for clothing. The maritime groups were less inclined to eat dog, but had no strong feeling against it. The dog was economically too valuable to form a dietary staple. (8) Moose.—These animals, obtained in the inland only, are valued as food. Particularly is the moose antler prized, being used as tool handles, harness snaps, and as wedges. (9) Rodents.—Rabbits are trapped inland and eaten. This formerly was true also of ground squirrels. Weasels, ermines, wolverines, and apparently, lemmings are not eaten, although hunted for their pelts. Rabbits and squirrels are skinned and boiled. (10) Birds.—Geese are sometimes roasted with the feathers on. Feathers today are used for mattresses and pillows. The various ducks, of which so many varieties were taken, are cleaned and plucked and often stored in oil. Other methods of storage involved drying and freezing. Fowl are boiled, dipped in oil, and then a soup made of them. Two or three ducks might be cut up in a soup. Today, rice, imported of course, may be added to the soup. Ptarmigans are treated in much the same way as ducks. The owl was eaten, having been cleaned out, plucked, and boiled into a soup. Owl oil was formerly used for cooking. The owl may at one time have been popular as food, but it is no longer so. The village name, utkeaayvik, refers to the “place where owls were hunted.” The owl is said to have white meat but to be very tough, “like lemming.” Owl wings were used for sweeping and dusting, for arrow fletching, and for costume trimming. Loons were also eaten, but they were hunted more for masks, made from the loon bills, than for the flesh. Rain parkas were made from loon and duck skins. (11) Fish.—Most fish, obtained inland, are frozen and eaten raw in the frozen state. This is still a common meal. Eulachon are obtained from the surf. They were cooked for oil. The cods are taken for their liver. A “bonehead” liver is set in a vessel until it dissolves into oil, and this is drunk with no other food. As stated, there were no vegetable foods, with the possible exception of berries. These were never frequent along the coasts, and were obtainable only by trade from the south. Berries were pounded with fat to make a pemmican. It is said that willow leaves were sometimes put in soups. No other utilization of plants could be traced. Mushrooms, for example, were feared. They were called aareyarenniq, “hard on the hands,” and to touch them was to be poisoned and to have the hands wither. MEALS In the aboriginal culture, two meals a day were frequent, but this was scarcely definite. A woman cooked at home in the morning or again later in the day. Food which was not eaten at this time was left, and anyone in the household might eat it as he chose at any time. There was no feeling that a family in a household should assemble for a mealtime. While boys were discouraged from eating too much, there were snacks between meals in which most would participate. Frozen fish was one such between-meal food. Another food of this type was seal blood. The seal was killed on the ice and the blood allowed to form in a pool and freeze. It was then picked out and could either be made into a broth and eaten or could be sucked in its frozen state. Sometimes oil was added to the blood and frozen; people cut off a piece and walked about chewing it. Today the prevailing pattern of three meals has been adopted. A fairly typical menu for a day might be the following: Breakfast, the time varying with the season: Biscuits or cornflakes, canned milk, bread, coffee, in virtually any combination. Lunch: Frozen fish or meat, coffee or tea. Also canned meats, such as corned beef, sardines, etc. Dinner: Boiled meat, consisting of any of the items listed above. This is the large meal of the day. Much of the pattern of meals has been subject to changes brought about by employment by the naval installation at Barrow. Where the head of the family is not employed by the contractors, the program of meals might vary considerably. FAMILY AND BUDGETS Today, with the introduction of money, budgets of families differ according to income. Those who are employed, as at the naval installation, bring home cash and are obliged to depend on the native store as a source of food, or they may buy meat from the men who are still actively engaged in hunting. With the spreading of money throughout the community, however, all have in some measure benefited and are to some extent dependent on the goods and food which are imported. Considering a few family situations as to monetary outlay for food, clothing, and other items, one finds the following: The most important item to be considered in a family budget is food. One woman states that for a family of five, $30 to $40 a week is spent in the purchase of staples, such as bread, milk, fruit juices, canned foods (Spam and corned beef, sardines), and the like. If it runs short of hunted meat, the family estimates that it must spend about $900 for a 3-month period. This would be particularly true of the winter months and does not include fuel. Another woman maintained that her family of five spent only about $50 a month for staples, not including meat. Such items would be purchased at the Native Store, or at the various other groceries which have been developed since the arrival of the Arctic Contractors. This family bought, for example, butter, shortening, flour, and sugar; their staples included flour, salt, tea, sugar, coffee, dried fruits, onions, and soap. This family stretched its purchases and felt that $50 a month was a fair estimate. Since, however, no family makes a careful budget, it is difficult to check the accuracy of the estimate. Some are said to like clothing better than food; as a result, they invite themselves to the houses of others for meals. This suggests the breakdown of the older pattern. Second in importance in family disbursements is heating. As much fuel as possible is bought with extra money, according to one woman. Since a drum of stove oil, 50 gallons, is priced at $37, the outlay is considerable. A family in a 3-room frame house will use roughly 5 gallons of oil a day. Coal can be purchased at $2.10 a sack, coming as it does from the Meade River. Wood, which is gathered, is also used. Blubber mixed with dry sod is still important as fuel. Pitch has been sent to Barrow, where a severe fuel shortage has always existed, but it is not practical, since one must travel "three dog-team days" to get it. Clothing is third in importance in a family budget. The local stores supply dry goods, but at a high rate. Mail ordering is common, but actually little is saved by this means since ordering is so frequently done via airmail and air freight rates must be paid. One woman orders her needs as to dry goods and other forms of clothing in the spring and in the Christmas season. A main order about twice a year is common practice, although some order throughout the year. These are the principal expenditures. Money is also spent by a family for entertainment, such as at the motion-picture houses of which there are two at Barrow. The family keeps its money at home, or often the head of the family carries it about. With employment, the Federal and Alaska income taxes create a problem for many. Property taxes are also involved, despite the absence of defined land tenure. Few people use the banks in Alaska cities, although encouraged to do so as a saving measure. At present, some families are concerned about fire and casualty insurance, although little is done in this direction. SUMMARY OF MODERN ECONOMIC LIFE With the advent of money and the changes in distance, some aspects of the society of the town of Barrow have become considerably modified. Modern conveniences, appliances, washing machines, outboard motors, and the like make their way into the community, as does a change in food patterns and habits. Important though such changes are, they have not yet succeeded in disrupting the older spirit of cooperation and of the family tie. The institutional change has been gradual and is hardly traumatic for the community inhabitants. Despite the presence of an elected community council, the town is still not politically structured or defined. The family unit adjusts with ease to the inroads of modernity in economic affairs. CHRISTIANITY The American and European whalers, who established posts at Barrow in the mid-1880's and who continued their activities in the area until the whalebone industry began to decline, were without doubt the most powerful acculturative force. From 1854 on, as Murdoch notes, there appears to have been no season in which some boat did not come to Barrow in the summer months (Murdoch, 1892, pp. 51–55). The voyage of the Plover, between 1852 and 1854, involved the wintering of this vessel at Barrow and the reports of Commander Maguire, as well as the excellent ethnographic observations of Dr. John Simpson (1855). When the Blossom's barge arrived in 1826, presumably the first contact between Europeans and the North Alaskan Eskimo, and when Thomas Simpson arrived in 1837, the natives were already in possession of trade goods from the south or Siberia. These included metals, possibly tea, and certainly tobacco (Murdoch, ibid.; T. Simpson, 1843). The intensive whaling of the period from 1855 to 1885 culminated in the establishment of whaling stations along the Arctic coast, the principal of which was that at Barrow, on what is today the "Brower side" (Brower, 1942, passim). While the details of social change brought about by such contacts between the Eskimo and Europeans may be reserved for scrutiny elsewhere, it is clear that the whalers, themselves rough and lawless men, had little to offer to the native culture. Of material things there were bread, flour, tea, coffee, spirits (this becoming a great problem in the early stages of contact, although it is not today), sugar, and other foods. Metal objects were available in quantity before the visits of Murdoch and Ray, whaling bombs being already in use before 1880, and in Murdoch's day, at least, the rifle was common and had begun to replace other hunting weapons. The introduction of objects from abroad, whether for utility or prestige, seemingly did little to effect an overt change in the native society. It is perhaps true that an institution such as the Messenger Feast might be bolstered by the fact that added goods could now be distributed and that wealth came to take on a somewhat greater significance. On the whole, however, the initial changes seem to have touched the material culture and not to have affected the social institutions. Murdoch was struck by the conservatism of the groups he encountered and mentions the tenacity of the aboriginal culture (Murdoch, 1892, p. 54). Many of the foreign whalers formed attachments with Eskimo women, some of the unions, in fact, being permanent. One result today is the presence of a high degree of Caucasian admixture among the population. European surnames have likewise persisted. But it seems that the whalers made no attempt to bring about any social changes. They seem to have been content to adjust to the native manner of living. If there was any mention by them of Christianity, it clearly does not survive except possibly in the beliefs relating to the "strangers," the wiivaksat (see pp. 296-297). Missionization appears to have begun with the intensive missionary activity, particularly by the Protestant churches, in Alaska in the 1890's. The agreements reached by the Federal Council of Churches had the effect of dividing Alaska into zones of missionary influence, divisions which are still in operation. The Barrow area fell to the Presbyterians and remains a Presbyterian mission to this day. Wainwright and the Pass region have also been converted by the Presbyterian church. In the Wainwright area is an ordained Presbyterian minister who is an Eskimo, the Rev. Roy Amagoak. He preaches in Eskimo and has begun a translation of the New Testament into Eskimo, having so far completed Mark and The Acts. The Rev. W. Wartes acts as moderator for the entire district. In 1951-52, the addition to the old church at Barrow was begun. Plans were made to dedicate this building on Easter Sunday, 1953. Thus the Eskimo of northern Alaska, at Barrow, Wainwright, and in the interior nearby Meade River and Anaktuvuk, are members of the Presbyterian church. Point Hope and Point Lay fall into an Anglican area. Under the circumstances, the individual has little choice as to his church affiliation. The modern Barrow people who have gone to Fairbanks and other cities in Alaska profess themselves to be much attracted by the various "holiness" cults, such as the pentecostalist Assemblies of God. This, they say, is a "friendly" church and they are made to "feel at home." The interest of the present report lies in the reception by the groups of Christianity. The question may be justly raised as to the role that it plays as an integrative social and religious force. There are many individuals now living who still recall the coming of the missionary in the early 1890's. A Reverend Mr. Stevenson came first, as preacher, teacher, and medical missionary. He set himself up on the "Brower side" at Barrow and attempted to begin English instruction. He is said to have prayed in public, several informants recalling this. No baptisms were performed for some time. It was said that the mission at first failed to attract much attention. When the missionary went on his knees in public and offered prayers with his eyes closed, this was regarded as the most amusing thing to strike the community in a long while. As the missionary prayed, several young men walked around and around him. One was said to have picked his pockets. The novelty of this performance evidently wore off after a while, and when the missionary introduced hymn singing, he found himself a center of attraction. The high degree of interest in music, together with the Eskimo skill in music, unquestionably was the factor in winning people over. An old woman recalls that when she was a girl, shortly after her first menstruation, she went to a church "sing" with friends. At first she was much afraid of going, but when she heard the music she was quite pleased with it and decided to attend the church sings. There were three groups of singers and she was assigned to one. She enjoyed it immensely and from that day she has continued to sing the hymns she learned. The Reverend Mr. Marsh, who came next as a medical missionary and preacher, organized the church somewhat more formally. He began to acquire some knowledge of Eskimo, which pleased a good many. He is said to have been a very stern man, and to have made a number of enemies as a result. The first baptisms were performed by him about the late 1890's. Although people were said to have spat at him a few times, he apparently got his message over. When he prayed, his eyes closed, some touched him on the nose and upper lip—the grossest of Eskimo insults. Marsh, after a year or two, was able to communicate, and he talked of Jesus' death and resurrection. This, it was related, came as a great surprise, and the concept was related to that of the wiivaksat, about whom the people had been talking at some length. The growth of the belief in the "strangers" appears to have antedated by a few years Christianity in the Barrow area. As noted elsewhere, it is difficult to say whether this is an aboriginal concept. Under Marsh, Eskimo hymns, translated into Eskimo by missionaries in Canada, were introduced. These were very popular and continue to be so today. The first two missionaries were described as saying all the time, "Obey God and Jesus; don't steal; don't talk lies." This struck the members of the group as rather inane, particularly since stealing in the aboriginal culture was virtually unknown and no self-respecting individual would think of telling a falsehood. In general, among the older generation at least, this desire to maintain accuracy in all statements still holds true. One informant recalled particularly that the missionaries were against liquor. She maintains that she still cannot understand why this should be so. The success of the mission appears to have hinged on several factors. Certain material benefits were conferred, such as food, clothing, and medical attention. The people appear to have liked the sociability which the mission provided and the songs which were sung. In a sense, here was a complex grafted onto an aboriginal pattern of singing both religious and secular songs. The missionaries were also identified with the wiivaksat, the strangers who were said to be coming. Here patently, was a fulfillment of native prophecy. And since the gift of prophecy was prized, or, at least, the individual who could correctly foretell the future was accorded prestige, the missionaries were regarded as men of truth and veracity. They predicted that the people would suffer diseases, as indeed they did in the measles and influenza epidemics and in the present prevalence of tuberculosis. One informant recalls that the missionaries predicted that there would be much metal, many things in cans, that many white people would come, that people would have abundance and would waste it. All this has come true. It follows that if this is true, then all else that the missionary said is also true. This attitude has seemingly accounted for unquestioning acceptance of the Christian dogmas. But above all else the mission was successful because it effectively undermined the power of the shamans. The shamans were, as has been shown, a constant source of anxiety and fear. When a new doctrine was advanced which overcame the shamans, it was accepted readily. One way in which this was effectively done was by the medical facilities offered through the mission. It was no longer necessary to go to a shaman for illness and it was no longer necessary to observe a series of onerous taboos which he might impose. Further, the medical missionary demanded no pay, whereas a shaman by blackmail and threats could take most of a man's property away. As soon as this was known and as soon as a glimmering of Christian doctrine was understood, the power of the shamans was broken. They did little about it, being individual practitioners and not an organized group. Some shamans, it was said, reviled the missionaries and tried to get people to stay away from their influence, but their opposition seems to have been short lived. This did not mean that shamanism died out. The last of the shamans at Barrow was still practicing in 1935. He retired then, and died in 1939, starving to death while on an inland hunting trip. There is said to be an old woman at Wainwright who is a shaman still. But it is clear that the shamanistic cult as such was no longer popular after the advent of Christianity and that the anxieties occasioned by the presence of the shaman were in large measure relieved. As nearly as can be judged from conversations with Barrow residents, Christianity is meaningful. Even the oldest have grasped the concept of immortality and of salvation. The aboriginal concept of "sin," that is, punishment for the violation of a prohibition, could quickly be allied with the sin-guilt complex of Christianity. When to these basic concepts are added the social opportunity afforded by church membership, the men's and women's organizations, the young people's groups, and the like, the pattern becomes clear. The church is not without its opportunities for individual prestige. Being Presbyterian, the ordination of presbyters has importance. The church leaders become, in effect, leaders in the community. Although wealth and whaling and other hunting success still have a vital relation to the prestige system, the church has arisen as another outlet for individual and social expression. It is not to be implied that Christianity is universally successful in the Barrow community. There are backsliders and there are those who find social opportunities elsewhere. The Barrow church has 219 families, with 392 members as such. There are 430 in the Sunday School. There are 17 presbyters, or about one to 25 members. Three are said not to function. Six new presbyters were ordained in 1951–52. The Presbyterian church in the Barrow area is very much of an active concern. The congregation itself pays about half of the cost of upkeep and maintenance, and the group is fast moving away from the status of a mission and is about to become an autonomous congregation. As in similar churches in the United States, various organizations operate within the congregation at large. These include a choir, a young people's society, made up of young married people of the 20- to 35-year age group, the Sunday School with its teachers, and various other organizations. Christianity has effected several changes in older patterns. It has attempted to stabilize and legalize marriage. It has changed the mortuary customs by introducing burial and a funeral service. In paying particular attention to children, both in the Sunday School, in infant baptism, and in burial for children, an important factor considering the high infant mortality rate, it has effected changes in the status of the child over against the older culture. The Presbyterian church built the hospital at Barrow, turning it over to the Alaska Native Service in 1930. Certain difficulties appear to arise in respect to the presbyter system. Several of the highly placed men are reputedly eager to demand punishment for "sins" of all kinds, and are willing to subject church members to the various degrees of banishment and excommunication. The incumbent minister remarks that there is much self-castigation and regret over "sins" committed. The result is at times a kind of spiritual austerity. The present writer lacked the time to investigate fully these attitudes. In a more elaborated study of acculturation in the group, the role of Christianity should unquestionably be more fully explored. In it, as among so many other groups, one should expect to find a carryover of ideas from the aboriginal past. The tales which follow offer a very few examples of the vast body of oral literature which the Eskimo everywhere possess. It is of interest to note the presence at Barrow, and in the general North Alaskan slope area, of tales which are so common to the American Indian and which have connections as well in Asia. In working with Eskimo informants of the older generation today, one cannot avoid hearing much of the involved folklore which was so dear to the older culture. Anyone who has worked with the Eskimo has had this experience. The present study made no systematic attempt to collect folklore, although in one instance, in a tale published elsewhere, so many versions were offered that a brief study was undertaken of the distribution of the plot (Spencer and Carter, 1954). The folktale had great entertainment value in the older culture. There were rewards for the successful storyteller, however informal they may have been. The idea was "to get the story right." If a raconteur deviated as much as by a word in his recital, his skill was considered dubious indeed. Among the older living people, this attitude still prevails. The writer might ask for a story, only to be told, "I know only part of it; I cannot tell it." When pressed for as much as he knew, the informant would answer, "But that wouldn't be right; I can't give you the whole story." This was true, of course, not only of folktales, but of any fact on which the informant was questioned. The sense of personal integrity is so strong that unless a man feels he can be accurate, he prefers to keep silent. In telling a story, the speaker could hold his audience spellbound by his skill. He acted out the parts of the characters and his mimicry was applauded as much as the tale itself. Even today it remains an interesting experience to be told a tale. The speaker allows himself to be carried away by the drama he recounts. He will go through all the actions of, let us say, arising from sleep, dressing, riding in a kayak, spearing, harpooning, and the like. He shows how the various animals, always central figures in a tale, act, and he will imitate their cries. Tales were told in winter. Not that there was any prohibition against telling them in summer; there was merely no opportunity to do so, nor the leisure for it. In winter the people assembled in a house or in the karigi and several men told tales. There was often a notion of a contest in storytelling, the tellers seeking to outdo each other, not in the number of stories they could make up, but rather in the number of stories they knew. No one tired of hearing the same tale recounted. Indeed, it was in this way that the stories took their verbatim character. As the men settled down for their winter sports and games in the karigi, they often played and worked hard. Later, after they had eaten and sat about resting, a few might sing. Others played at less strenuous games, such as dice or string figures. Always with these there were songs. But at last, someone might begin to tell a tale. Work stopped, as well as other play, and the group gathered around the narrator. Women might come in to hear the story, and children as well. When the story was over, it was always said, "You can't leave it standing on one leg." This meant that the speaker had to tell another tale, and sometimes several more. Custom demanded that one tell at least two stories at one time. While the stories in the folklore of the group were often concerned with the supernatural, with monsters and ghosts, with intimate relations to the animal world, neither the telling of tales nor the tales themselves were regarded as in any way supernatural. Aside from the customs associated with narration, there were no prohibitions on recounting a folktale. Even from the small sample collected here, it is obvious that a great many themes appear. A variant of the magic flight is encountered, the raven mythology so common to northwest North America appears, as well as numerous other common motifs. For the present purposes, however, it may suffice to say that folktales had great entertainment value, and played a significant part in the whole process of recreation which the culture developed. Although there were no special taboos relating to folklore, it would be wrong to state that these tales had only entertainment value. It is evident that they were believed. Even today, some of the older people find difficulty in reconciling the creation of the world by Raven with the Christian concepts given them by the church. And since, too, the group has no interest in a tale in which the setting is not given, an added basis for credence is given. Thus, in keeping with the detailed knowledge of the terrain which every individual had, the storyteller had to place his tale with great exactness. One is told: "This is a true story, because it happened right here at the lagoon called malekpik." The folktales follow in translation. THE FOLKTALES THE CREATION Men say that the world was made by tulunjixiraq, the Raven. He is a man and he has a raven's bill on his head. The ground came up from the water. It was brought up by tulunjixiraq who appeared on the water. He speared down into the water and brought up the land and fixed it into place. The first land was a plot of ground, just a little bit bigger than a house. There was a family that had a house there. There was a man and his wife and their little son. This was tulunjixiraq. One day he saw a round thing, a kind of bladder, hanging up over his parents' bed. He wanted to play with it and he asked his father for it again and again. Each time his father said: "No, you can't have it." But the boy begged so much that finally his father gave in. While he was playing with that round thing, he accidentally broke it. Now up to that time, it had always been dark. But now it began to grow light. The father said: "We had better have it night, too, not just daylight all the time." So he grabbed the round bladder before the little boy could break it further. And that is how day and night began. Now the father had a kayak. He said: "There is other land far away; how can we reach it?" Then tulunjixiraq asked his father to let him go to that other land. But his father said: "No, you had better not go; there is danger there." But at last he agreed to let the boy go. And tulunjixiraq paddled a long time over the sea. Finally, his kayak came to a place in the sea where some land was bobbing up and down on the surface of the water. First it would rise up above the surface and then it would sink again. The raven boy was afraid and slowed up. When he came close, the land sank down. As he watched, the land came up again. Now he carried his spear along with him in the kayak. When the land came up again, he speared it and held fast to the lead rope. This fixed the land firmly and it stopped bobbing up and down. Then tulunjixiraq got out of his kayak and walked around on the surface of the land. The place where this was done is called Umiat, the landing place (Colville River, 69°30' N., 159°16' W.) even to this day. Because there is high ground there, the raven boy was able to walk about. After the land became fixed in place, the sea began to move away and there was dry ground all around. And so it is because of tulunjixiraq that people are able to live in the world. Note: It is readily seen that this tale, even though obtainable in fragmentary form, suggests the fairly common Earth-Diver myth (Boas, 1916, p. 581, ft.). The use of the spear is suggestive and may parallel the Japanese creation tale as recorded in the Kojiki. The initial section relating to the origins of light, and the Raven-transformer's part in bringing it in being, has also been recorded widely (cf. Boas, 1916, pp. 60, 641). A variant of this motif, involving also the element of supernatural conception, is the following. THE ORIGIN OF LIGHT In the early times, there was only darkness; there was no light at all. At the edge of the sea a woman lived with her father. One time she went out to get some water. As she was scraping the snow, she saw a feather floating toward her. She opened her mouth and the feather floated in and she swallowed it. From that time she was pregnant. Then she had a baby. Its mouth was a raven's bill. The woman tried hard to find toys for her child. In her father's house was hanging a bladder that was blown up. This belonged to the woman's father. Now the baby, whose name was tulugaak (Raven), pointed at it and cried for it. The woman did not wish to give it to him but he cried and cried. At last she gave in and took the bladder down from the wall and let the baby play with it. But in playing with it, he broke it. Immediately, it began to get light. Now there was light in the world, and darkness, too. When the woman's father came home, he scolded his daughter for taking the bladder down from the wall and giving it to the child. And when it was light, tulugaak had disappeared. THE MAGIC LAMP There were two old women living together at piyiniq. They wanted to cook meat but their lamp went out and they had no more oil. One of them, when the lamp went out, said a curse and threw the lamp out of the door. She cried: "Go get some oil for yourself!" After a while, she went out to find the lamp but it was gone. Those two old ladies went all over, looking for that lamp. After a time, they looked out at the ocean and saw the black spot far away. It came closer and closer. And at last, it came to the edge of the beach. It was a whale with a lamp riding on its shoulders. It was their lamp. And when the whale came to the beach, the two old women danced for joy and sang: suvti inpuan tipakeevatiiguk taleoligurua áyyee áyyee áyyiq áyyiq áyyiq sinitkayawmearinmaa After they danced, they cut blubber off from the whale. They brought it home and filled the lamp with oil. And they cooked and got warm in the house after the lamp got the whale. THE SPIDER There was an orphan boy. Sometimes he became a cooking pot (utkusik); sometimes he became a needle case (uyamik). This boy was going after a woman who didn't want to get married. Several men were trying to possess her but she refused them all. Once she was sitting in her house. She heard something rolling over the roof; it rolled over her skylight. She went outside and found a pot rolling along. Since she liked it, she took it in and began cooking in it. The pot on the fire made a noise as if it were boiling. Night came. Suddenly, the pot became a man and got into bed with her and bad her. Now this orphan boy could also turn himself into a bird. He wanted the woman to get onto his back and to fly with him to his house. Although she tried to resist, he won her over and she flew away with him and became his wife. He flew with her over the mountains. On his back she flew. He told her to keep her eyes closed while flying and not to open them until they came down. When he stopped flying, they were high up on a mountain. While the woman lived up there on the mountain, she cried all the time. She cried so much that the tears wet the front of her parka. It became so wet that all the hair came off. Now once while she was crying, a little woman came to her. She told the orphan's wife to get a piece of sinew and to work it to its greatest possible length, working it, braiding it, and curing it so as to make it just as long as she could. Every once in a while, while she was doing this, the little woman came back to see how things were getting along. When the work was finished, the dwarf woman asked her if she wanted to go home. The sinew was now just as long as she could make it. The little woman told her to close her eyes and to wrap the sinew around her. If she did this, the woman said, she could go down the mountain. She wrapped the sinew around and with her eyes closed went down to the foot of the mountain. When she came to the bottom, there was the little woman again. She asked in which direction her home lay. The little woman pointed the way and the orphan's wife left for home. This little woman was the spider (pilirayuq). This is why she gave the sinew to braid and this is why, even today, no one likes the little spider to be killed; it always helps people. NAKKAYAQ AND HIS SISTER Two orphan children were living on a bluff near the sea. They lived there far away, all alone. They had a hard time with their food; there was no meat. Finally, the brother nakkayaq decided to take his sister away from there. The days were getting longer so they decided to go to utkeaγvik, that is, Barrow. They started out without taking any food along. On the soles of their mukluks they had only reindeer (caribou) skin. After they had gone a little way, they met a lady who called them. She was a big, tall woman. She said: "What will you do?" They said: We are going on to utkeaγvik." The lady tried to make them come to live with her in her house but they wanted to go on. So then she licked her fingers and wet the soles of their mukluks. And she gave them a large piece of muktuk to eat along the way. She told them that when they stopped for the night, they should not take the muktuk inside the shelter where they were staying, but should instead leave it outside covered with snow. And this is what they did. In the mornings, when they came to dig the meat out from under the snow, it was the same size as before. It looked as though they had never cut a piece off of it. Their boots, too, never got wet or wore out. Finally, after they had walked a long time, they came to utkeaγvik. At the ravine there, they came across the houses. They started across the ravine and came to a house they liked. They thought that they would like to go in and live with the people there. But they were afraid, not knowing the people. But they went up on the house and looked into the skylight. Inside, they saw an old man and an old woman. Now when they saw these two old people, the brother and the sister were unhappy and afraid. While they watched, the old people took a corpse and put it in the middle of the floor. It was the corpse of their only daughter. The two children came down from the roof and peered into the doorway of the house. When the couple began to dress the body in new clothes, nakkayaq's sister thought: "I wish I could have some of those new clothes." It happened that the old woman knew what she was thinking and she said: "If you will help us, I can make better clothes for you than these." When the old woman said this, the boy nakkayaq, said: "I can help you." And the old people said: "Come in, come in, we are not afraid of you." The boy started down the doorstep, down into the hall of the house. Suddenly, he was gone. But in a moment, a polar bear came squeezing its way up through the kataq. When the bear got up into the house, he rolled around the floor and lay down next to the body of the dead girl. The sister of the boy and the old couple put the corpse on the back of the polar bear. Several times the bear got up from the floor, shook himself, and lay down again. When he had done this several times, the dead body began to come to life. At last the bear became nakkayaq again and the dead girl returned to life. After that, they all lived together and the girl who had been dead treated them very well. At last nakkayaq became a man. When he grew up, he liked to act like a polar bear. He rolled around on the ground and swam in the lagoon. One day several young men and one old man were going out to sea after walrus. The young men made fun of nakkayaq, saying: "You act like a polar bear all the time." The old man who was with them said: "Don't make fun of him; he really can be a polar bear if he wants to." As they went, the water was so smooth; there was hardly a ripple in it. As they paddled in their umiak over the smooth sea, they made jokes and sang. Then came the polar bear, sticking his head up out of the water. He pulled on the edge of the boat and capsized it. The old man he took in his arms and swam to shore with him, putting him safely aground. But the young men were all drowned. THE HEADBAND An old lady lived by the sea with her orphaned grandson. There was a rich man in that place who took care of them, doing what he could to feed them. He gave the old lady all that he could. This rich man had a son, a young man. The orphan boy who lived with his grandmother was mistreated by the other boys, but the rich man's son took care of him and protected him. Now these people had settled on a beach near where a river came to the sea. They went out on the tundra to hunt caribou. After some time, several men went out and failed to come back. Other men went after them, but they, too, did not return. The son of the rich man decided that he would go to look for them. And he went out into the tundra but did not come back. He had gone up the river. Although all waited for his return, he stayed away. The orphan boy asked the rich man, the missing boy's father, if he could borrow a kayak and go to look for the one who was gone as well as for those who had gone before him. When he talked the matter over with his grandmother, she urged him to start looking for the people who had disappeared. But the rich man refused to lend him a kayak and said: "You are like my own son; in you my son returns to me. I cannot let you go." But again the boy talked the trouble over with his grandmother. She went to the rich man and persuaded him to let the orphan boy go. The rich man said: "Wait! I will make a kayak just right and then you can go." When he had built the kayak, the orphan boy asked for arrows. They were given to him and he said that he was ready. But before he started out, the rich man called him aside and gave him new clothes and beads for a headband. The rich man said: "An orphan will always return to his home. When you come back, the people will know you by the beads in this headband. Wear them always." Then the boy left. He traveled up the river in his kayak. Over the river he saw a blackbird flying toward him. He watched to see what this raven would do. Then, as the bird flew nearer, the boy aimed an arrow at the raven, saying: "This is the bird that keeps the men from coming home." The bird flew nearer, dipping up and down over the surface of the water. He shot an arrow and hit the bird; it fell down into the water. He paddled over to it, picked it up and put it in his kayak. Now it was the custom to hunt seals in that river. Just then, in front of him, he saw a seal swimming. He said: "This is the seal that never lets the hunters come back." And he shot the seal. He did nothing to it. He just picked it up and put it into his kayak. After he had been gone for some time, the people said: "The poor boy doesn't come back; he'll never come back any more. He is not so strong as the other men who went up the river before him." But the boy paddled on up the river. After a time, he came to a place where there were willows. And there were all the kayaks of the men who had gone up there ahead of him; some were old and some were new. When he came ashore, he arranged his kayak so that he could get into it easily and start quickly down the river if he had to. Then he took his arrows, his bow, his spear with the ugruk bladder float, the raven, and the seal and began walking along the bank of the river. On a raised place on the bank, he saw a small house, very old and much discolored with smoke. He went to the house and looked into the skylight. No one was there. So he decided to enter and cook meat there. As he came in, he noticed that over the doorway was a brown bearskin. Inside, a fire was going. So he sat down by the fire and prepared to cook himself some food. Suddenly, a man entered through the doorway. This man's mouth was so big; it was as if it were cut from ear to ear. The man said: "Pahá! If you don't give me something, I'll eat you." The orphan boy threw the raven to the man and said: "Here, you can have this." The monster took the bird and went away. When the man was gone, the boy took his knife and cut the seal in half. Soon the monster returned and said the same thing again. The boy threw half of the seal to him and again he went away. Now the boy began to cut meat from the seal. But again the monster appeared and again he said: "Pah! If you don't give me something, I'll eat you." So the boy threw the rest of the seal to him. But now he had nothing further to give. He had only the spear with the bladder poke. Soon the monster returned again and again he asked for something. "I'll give you my spear," said the boy, and hurled the harpoon at the monster, piercing his chest. The monster pulled the spear out and fled. The orphan boy ran after him but found him hard to follow; he was unable to see in which direction the monster had gone. After a while, he walked to a high place where there were many houses. One of these was set off to one side and it was to this one that he went, treading softly, so that the people inside would not hear his footsteps. Two old women were sitting inside the house. In he went and killed them both. He took one of them and put her in bed as if she were sleeping. The other body he hid in the house, taking its clothes. He put the old woman's clothes on and got into bed with the first corpse. Quietly, he waited until someone came in. He did not know where the monster had gone but he did know that he was wounded. Soon he heard footsteps coming to the house. A man came in. The orphan boy acted just like an old lady; he got up out of bed and squatted down near the fire. The man asked the two old women to come and cure their only hunter. The two old women were doctors and had power to cure. The boy acted just like an old woman, saying "ayya." He got up and followed the man outside. When they came outside, the man was joined by his partner. They stood on each side of the boy and took his arms. The first man said: "This doesn't feel like an old lady's arm; it is like the arm of a younger person, a boy or a woman." At this the boy was frightened and his skin turned hard and his arm felt and seemed like the arm of an old woman. So the men took him to the karigi. All the people of the town were there. In the middle of the floor was lying the monster, the man with the huge mouth, complaining of a pain in the chest. Now the boy saw that when he had thrown his spear, the harpoon head had detached itself in the monster's chest and the cords and the bladder were all tangled around. When the monster had pulled out the spear, he had removed the shaft only. But no one, except the orphan boy, was able to see the cords and the bladder float. So the boy, using the voice of an old woman, told the people to turn out the lights. And he asked that all the people in the town be present in the karigi. He told them to begin singing. While they were singing, the boy worked in the dark. He began untangling the cords. Taking his knife, he cut his harpoon head out and let the monster die. Then he cut off his clothes, those that had belonged to the old woman he had killed, and, rolling up his cords and taking his ugruk bladder, he began running away as fast as he could. He began to run in the direction of his kayak. Soon all the people started to run after him. As they ran, they turned into foxes and wolves. Closer and closer they came. From his headband he took a bead and threw it on the ground. He said to the ground: "I'm giving you a bead to protect me." Then he lay down and all the foxes and wolves ran past him. They sat down, sniffing the ground, unable to find him. Two of the people had become brown bears. They called to the others that they would find him. But they looked around and were unsuccessful. "Let the foxes find this orphan boy," they said. As the boy lay on the ground, he saw the eyes of the fox, winking at him. "So don't let them find me," pleaded the boy. And the fox said to the others: "No, I can't find him." After a while, the boy started up again, making his way to his kayak. This time, the people saw him again and began to pursue him. Again they turned into different kinds of animals, foxes, wolves, and bears. As he ran on to his kayak, they came closer and closer. For a second time he threw his head to the ground and hid and they were unable to see him. Then the brown bears said for the others to make medicine man's work (anatkoak) in order to find his hiding place. They all sat down and began to sing and the same fox was again set after him. The orphan boy saw the eyes of the fox looking into his own. "Don't let them find me; I will bring you a piece of blubber and leave it on the tundra for you." So the fox went back and told the others that he was unable to find the boy. At last the people gave up and started back to their village. Now the orphan boy was able to reach his kayak. He got in and started off on the water. As soon as he started, all the people, again taking shapes like animals, foxes, wolves, and bears, ran after him. But he was already in the water. From the shore the brown bears called to him and urged him to come back to talk to them. He refused. The bears pulled up a willow tree and cried: "This is what we'll do to you if you come to us again." The boy threw his spear at them, holding fast to the cord and pulling it back to the kayak again. Then he paddled off toward home. He came to his home at dark and waited until all the people were assembled in the karigi. He walked toward it, slowly so that the people would be unable to hear his footsteps. As he came into the hallway of the karigi, he heard the people talking about him. The rich man said: "Why did that poor orphan boy go away? He was not so strong as the others who went up there." But another man said: "Sometimes it is the poor boys who come back home even if they are not so strong. People are not all the same." He heard a third man say: "It's too bad we let that poor boy go. I used to like to see him working out of doors." And then the boy went into the karigi. He walked into the house, taking the rope off his arms and throwing his spear on the floor. On the head of the harpoon was still a piece of the flesh of the monster he had killed. "Here," he said, "there is still a piece of skin from the man who would not let the people go." The rich man took the boy and his grandmother to live with him in his own home. And after that, people could safely go hunting up there, up the river. But then there was the fox to whom the boy had promised a piece of blubber. He forgot all about it and didn't bring the blubber as he had promised. Not long after this the boy got sick and the doctor, even though the rich man paid him well, could not make him well again. Then the sick boy remembered his promise to the fox. The rich man took the blubber out to the tundra and only then did the boy get well. After that, this poor boy became a great hunter. He married the daughter of the rich man. And there was yet another rich man who also had a daughter. One evening she came into the boy's house and said: "My father wants you to marry me." The first rich man, the father of the boy's wife, said: "Why didn't you ask him when he was poor?" But the second rich man's wife came and asked him to marry her daughter. And the daughter too, came again and again. So finally, he gave in and married the second girl as well. Thus the boy who had been poor and an orphan got two rich wives. Note: In the tale above is an interesting variation of the theme of the Magic Flight. While scarcely unexpected among the Eskimo of northern Alaska, it is of interest to note how it has been incorporated into the plot here, virtually as a secondary element. THE WOLF BOY There were a man, a woman, and their child living alone in a place by the sea. One day the woman went out to get water. She got lost and wandered away, going farther and farther from her husband and their house. At last her husband started out to look for her. He searched a long time but was unable to find her trail. Season after season he looked for his wife. At last he found her far away and together they started back to their house. Now while they were gone, wolves had come to the house and had found the little boy there. This is what wolves will always do when there is a child left alone in a house. These wolves took care of the child and raised him. When the man and the woman came back, they found their house. A young man was living there. But he looked like a wolf and his clothing resembled the skin of a wolf. The couple came up to him and said: "You are our son." But he was unable to talk and he rushed at them biting wildly. He failed to recognize even his own parents and tried to kill them. Sadly the couple went away and left him there alone. THE STORY OF QAAWEILUQ There was once a boy whose name was qaaweiulq. He was partly bald. His parents had died and he lived with his uncle. This uncle was very fond of him because he liked to work all the time. Once, in the winter time, he went to the river to get water. They had been camped on the river and had built a snow house at the place from which they got their water. The boy went to the hole cut into the ice and dropped his dipper down into the water. Each time he did so, however, the water receded and he could bring none up. So when he found he could get no water, he started off home. When he reached the house, he sat down facing his uncle. He laid the dipper on the floor at his side and stretched himself out. His uncle said: "Now why do you do that? You shouldn't get angry while you are working." The boy replied: "I am angry because I cannot get the water out of the hole." His uncle said: "Those who are quick to anger only get into great trouble." Again qaaweiulq went out to get water. This time the water stayed level and did not recede. So he filled his pail and went home. Some time later, he went to the east to get wood. He grabbed at a piece of wood, but it moved away before he could take hold of it. Each time he reached at it, it escaped him. Even the pieces of wood which lay under the snow somehow escaped him. He got no wood and returned home. As before, he lay on the floor and was sad. And his uncle talked to him again: "Don't feel badly if things don't work out." He began to tell his uncle how the wood eluded him. His uncle replied with the same words: "You should not become angry when you are working." But he did not go out after wood again. Summer came. It was warm again and qaaweiulq lay in the place where the warmth of the sun could reach him and began to think to himself: "I'll just go over there to the river and see what I find." So he walked over there. As he approached, he heard the sound of laughter, but it was not such a sound as would be made by people. And he couldn't see where the noise was coming from. There was a low place where the bank came down to a level near the river. There he saw a number of young girls playing. They had taken off their clothes and had laid them together on the bank and were playing near the water. Concealing himself, qaaweiulq began to creep toward them on the ground. Before long, one of the girls noticed him and stared in his direction, trying to make out what he was. He looked at her as well. He observed that she was both old and young; her face was like an old woman's, but her body was that of a young girl. She called to the others: "Someone has found out that we are here; someone is watching us." But the others replied: "No one will find us here; there are no people around." And they paid no attention. Meanwhile, qaaweliuq crawled to where their clothes were piled up, and the girl who had first seen him called a warning. At this, he got up quickly and ran to their clothes, reaching them first and grabbing all of them. Three of the girls came over to him and begged for their clothes. They stooped down and begged him again and again. The girl who had seen him first was there. She said: "Give me mine," and pointed to the ones which were hers. He handed them to her; she put them on and at once flew away as a brand goose. The other two asked for their clothes, but he refused to give them. They said: "We won't fly away; we'll remain as people when we put on our clothes." So he gave them their clothes. As they put their clothes on, they said: "When you were working, did you see what happened to you?" And he remembered the water and the wood. The two girls said: "We are the ones who ran away from you; one of us was the water you couldn't get and one of us was the wood." Now they promised not to run away again. And they reassured him again and said: "Now that we have our clothes, we can build a house together on that bank over there on that high place and we can all live together. This is what we will do." After he had given the clothes to one girl, he waited until she had them on and then he gave the other hers. When they were both dressed, they said: "We are sorry for you; we won't run away from you now." The three of them then walked up to the high place on the bank where they had decided to build a house. Up in that place were a great many holes where the squirrels made their burrows. The girls said: "Sit by us, back to back with us." But qaaweliuq said: "Come home to me and stay with me at my uncle's." But the girls refused. So he sat down with them as they requested. After a time, they said: "Look!" And he looked and found that they had built a house and that before it they had placed a rack. On the rack were all the things that he needed: kayaks, clothing, weapons, and all the rest. And the inside of the house was ready too. The two girls were much better looking and they worked harder than any of the girls around his uncle's place. Always he tried to persuade them to come to his uncle's with him but they always refused. "Any time you want, you can take food to your uncle and he can come here and get anything he wants from us." But they would never leave the place where they were living. And after a while, too, the first girl, the one who had flown away as a brand goose, came back and lived with them too. Now the two girls who had married qaaweliuq were really animals. The first was a squirrel, the second was a ptarmigan. And whenever he went away, as to his uncle's, they drew him back to the house on the cliff with their thoughts. Whenever the brand goose was afraid, they reassured her by telling her that qaaweliuq was coming. And after a while, too, the uncle learned of his nephew's marriage and of his three wives. He saw, too, that his nephew's wives were better looking and much more industrious than were the girls of his own people. qaaweliuq continued to work hard. He went out and got loads of caribou meat and gave much of it to his uncle's people. He even gave them meat with the skins on. He traded with his uncle's people, getting blubber from them after their whaling and trading caribou meat for it. At last he told his wives that he wished to go whaling with the other men. They said that he should not do this, that something would happen to him. They urged him to continue trading for blubber and oil and not go out on the sea. But he insisted and went over to his uncle's people and joined a whaling crew. He told his wives that he was going to get a share of the meat. It so happened that there were other men who had become envious of qaaweiulq because of his three wives. They wanted to get them away from him but they were afraid of his uncle. A number of men thought of different ways of getting qaaweiulq out of the way. South of where he and his three wives lived there was another river. The young people of his uncle's town were going there to play games. They invited qaaweiulq, planning to push him from a high cliff into the river. He arrived there and saw the others enjoying themselves and having a good time at that place. His wives told him: "Don't go over there; there is just trouble for you over there." But he went over to join the people. For a while he stood and watched what they were doing. The people were playing side by side in two teams. One team would hold a plank out over the river at the top of the cliff while the people on the other team would walk one by one out to the end of the plank. Each one took his turn, walking out on the plank until he became afraid of the height and turned back. When qaaweiulq finally went up to the people, each team said: "Be on our side! Be on our side!" Finally he joined up with a team and took his turn walking out on the plank. He was not afraid because he wore a charm of duck feathers around his neck. It so happened that the people had planned that when he took his turn, he would be dropped from the cliff. The men would then race away and the ones who ran the fastest would get his wives. So qaaweiulq walked to the end of the plank. The people upset him and let him fall. But because of his charm, he did not fall. Instead, he floated through the air like a piece of down. At the bottom, his squirrel wife was waiting and ran with him to their house. Meanwhile, all the men began to run toward qaaweiulq's house. One man, the fastest runner, got there first. He was thinking that he would take the best woman for himself. He rushed up to the house and ran inside. There, seated with his three wives, was qaaweiulq. Sweating from his hard run, the man just came in and sat down on the floor. He was unable to say anything. qaaweiulq turned to his three wives and said: "These men have come, too; they have come to see us. Let us give them something to eat." And all the people came in, one by one, and got some food. Then they left and went back to their own houses without saying anything. But qaaweiulq still thought of going whaling. It became spring. His three wives said: "No, you must not go; we would rather see you trade for blubber. We cannot help you out on the sea." This made him very angry and he beat the three of them and went off to the water's edge to the whaling camp. He went with a boat and joined a crew. He did not join the crew and boat of his uncle. In the boat he sat next to the steersman and next to him sat a young boy. All the boats went after a whale. His boat could not approach the whale, although it tried again and again. At this, qaaweiulq became angry and said: "Why don't we get any nearer to the whale?" The boy next to him said: "Why don't you go after the whale all by yourself?" At that, all the crew faced him and shouted: "Get the whale yourself!" He replied, ashamed, that he did not know how to whale. But they forced him and made a place for him in the bow of the umiak. He held the harpoon and the line with its three seal pokes attached. At length, the steersman neared the whale and the time was ready for the harpooning. qaaweiulq let the harpoon go and struck the whale cleanly. The crew drew up on the line and the umiak was towed by the whale. As they did this, they reached down and stealthily fastened the line to qaaweiulq's ankles. Suddenly, they cast off and he was pulled overboard. As they did this, all the other umiaks turned back and gave up the whale. As the canoes reached the edge of the ice, the men leaped ashore and raced toward qaaweiulq's house to get his wives. The first one to get there saw the women in the house, one standing near the door, the other two near the skylight of the house. As he ran close, he saw a ptarmigan and a brand goose fly up from the skylight and he saw a squirrel run into the doorway. Suddenly, as he watched, the house was gone. There was only the bank on which the house had stood, run through with squirrel burrows. Meanwhile, the ptarmigan and the goose flew to the sea and the squirrel, too, ran through the underground burrows to the beach. But they couldn't find their husband and they searched for him all spring and into the summer. Now when qaaweiulq found himself on the back of the whale, he didn't know what to do. He closed his eyes. Suddenly, all was quiet. He opened his eyes and found himself on a sandspit with the water pushing him back and forth. He got up and saw the whale on the beach and found the rope bound to his ankles. He dried his clothes and began to look around. But he didn't know where he was. He found himself on a river at the sea but he was unable to recognize the place. After a while, he began to build a house. When he had a place to live, he made weapons and caught some caribou. He made himself new clothes and all summer long he lived from the caribou he caught. There was also the meat from the beached whale. He could get water from the river and he had plenty of food and good clothes. At last, when the sea was covered with ice, he stopped his hunting. He turned his attention to the river. He made nets and hooks and chopped a hole in the ice. He fished at the hole and got grayling and other fish. And he made a place to store them. Now as he fished, he looked down into the hole in the ice and down there in the water he saw a large grayling that he was unable to catch. Finally, he put his arm inside his parka and reached out underneath down into the hole in the ice. He was able to grab the fish by its fin and to pull it up. As he got it to the surface, it turned into a young woman. As soon as she was out of the water, she began to dance. He brought her home and she was dancing all the way. But when she came into the house, she began to work. She worked hard, but from time to time, she would stop and dance again. Even when she was sewing, she would stop to dance. She never said anything. Meanwhile, his three wives never stopped looking for him. At last, after much time and searching, they found him by the river in a far place. They saw his house there by the mouth of the river. The three came to the house and looked into the skylight. Inside they saw the woman sewing. After a time, she put her sewing down and began to dance. Then she stopped and went back to sew again. It was moonlight. After a time, they heard a voice, singing out on the ice of the sea, far away and very faint. It came louder and louder. "Perhaps it is qaaweiulq," they said. And they decided to walk out on the ice to see. As they came near the voice, they hid in the shadow of an ice ridge. Among themselves they said: "If he is half bald when he takes his parka hood down, then he is our husband." He walked toward them, dragging a seal. Close by them, he drew back his parka hood. They saw it was he, his half-bald head shiny in the moonlight. Then they followed him back to the beach and to the house. When he came home, he called in the skylight for the woman to come out and to give the seal a drink. She came out, put her cup down and began to dance. The three other wives then decided that they would wait until the man went hunting again and that they would then talk to the woman in the house. So they stayed there, trying to keep warm. And they waited until their husband left the house and went hunting again. When they went into the house, the woman was very glad to see them. They had planned that when they had eaten, they would grab the other woman and put her into the water. So when they had eaten, they grabbed her. She was dancing and kept on dancing even while they held her. They dragged her along the ice and pushed her into the hole, headfirst. As soon as her forehead touched the water, she slipped from their hands and they saw the grayling swimming in the water. They then agreed among themselves that they would go back to the house and wait. If their husband came home with a seal, they decided they would not come out of the house with water. After a time he came, dragging a seal behind him. They heard his footsteps and his call for water. He called several times but no one came. He called for the grayling woman again and again. Finally, angered, he began to scold: "My first wives were not like you." And the women inside knew for certain that this was their husband. Then he came rushing into the house. The brand goose, afraid, flew up through the skylight and away. The other two remained behind. One wife hid herself but the other confronted him. He saw who it was and fell down fainting in the passage of the house. The one who was hiding pulled him up into the house onto the floor. He said: "If you hadn't grabbed me, I would have died." Then he told them: "I don't know where I am staying." And he related how he had been thrown from the boat by the whaling crew. He told them how sad he had been at being so long away from his home and that he would gladly have gone back to his uncle's people but that he did not know the way. The two women told him that he had gone whaling against their advice and that this was why all the misfortune had come to him. "We looked all summer and winter for you and now we have found you," they said. "Your uncle's place, if you want to see it, is far away." He begged them to take him there. After that, they traveled all winter and into the summer, going season after season, for many years. Finally, they arrived at the uncle's village. There were only a few houses left standing and all the people were very old. After that, people said of qaaweituq only that he had a brand goose, a squirrel, a ptarmigan, and a grayling for his wives. KAYAKTUQ, THE RED FOX There was a boy lying unconscious on the sand. Finally he rose up and began to walk on the beach. After he had gone a way, he saw a red fox walking beside him. The boy did not know where he was. At last he came to a place at the mouth of a river. There he began to build a house and make preparations for fishing. But he did not know who he was or who his people were. He began to fish and caught a great many different kinds of fish. From time to time the red fox would come and the boy would feed him, giving him fish to eat. Once while he was fishing, the red fox came close. The boy seized it and began pounding its nose on the ground. The fox raised its head, the skin of its face folded back, and the fox's face became the face of a man. The fox told him that to the north, some distance up the coast, there were many people. And down the coast, too, southward, there were also many people living. The fox said: "Even farther to the south, on the coast, there live a man and his wife. They have a daughter with no husband." And the fox wanted to take him there. So they started off to the nearest people. These people lived in a village with a karigi. The karigi had a skylight made from a block of ice. All day long, the people stayed in their karigi. Before they reached the village, the fox said: "Let me go ahead; you wait here. I will come back here and tell you what is going on." The boy agreed. The fox walked up to the karigi and looked into the skylight. He called the people to come out, but they refused to come out until dark. At dusk, a man came out. The red fox said: "There are people coming, many more than you; they will kill you all. You had better take your people and go away." Now the man was very frightened. He ran at once back into the karigi and announced: "This is the first time that an animal has talked to me. We had better do what he says and go away from this place because there are those coming who will make war on us and will kill us all. Let us leave at once." The people were all afraid and went home at once to get ready to leave. Then the fox came and fetched the boy. He said: "The people are now all gone; we can go to that village and stay there." And when they arrived, the fox told the boy to pick out the best place he could find. The two stayed together. In the evenings, the fox would sing so that the south wind would blow. It blew and began to thaw out the snow. By evening, it would be all wet. But by morning it would freeze up again. The people who had run away from that village had taken so few things with them that they were not ready for the changing weather. In a short while they had all frozen to death. From then on the red fox and the boy lived together. Again the fox told him of the couple with the unmarried daughter. He said: "If you want that girl, go and get her." So they walked down to where those people were living. The boy walked up to the skylight of the house to make someone come out. A girl came out and the fox knew that she was the daughter of the house. As she stood there, the fox asked her to marry the two sons of a rich man. "How can they be so rich as to send a red fox?" thought the girl. She said she would go in and ask her father. When her father came out, the fox said the same things to him. "My daughter can do what she wants," said the father. But meanwhile he was thinking: "How rich those two men must be to send a red fox to tell us!" He told his daughter to follow the fox. But the fox asked the father to hitch up his team and to take the girl along. They came back to the village which the people had left. Now the girl saw only the young man. She saw no one else at all in the houses around there. She married the young man but she knew that the fox had lied. When the boy and the girl married, the fox went to live someplace else. He went back to the parents of the girl. He said: "There is no need for you to concern yourselves about her; she has everything she needs and wants." And he told them that she had much more than her parents. Every time the fox came by that way he told the father of the girl: "Your daughter has plenty; she has much more than you have here." And since that time, the red foxes know how to make tricks against people and to fool them. THE BLIND MAN AND THE LOON There is a lagoon of fresh water to the east of utkeaayvik (Barrow) which is known as malekpik. Once there lived here a boy named tiptan. He was blind and lived with his grandmother all alone. The boy could not hunt and he and his grandmother were starving. In the wintertime a bear came and sniffed around their house. At last the bear walked up to the top of the house and thrust his nose into the skylight. The grandmother took the blind boy's bow and two arrows and, putting them into his hands, told him to shoot in the direction of the skylight. tiptan did so and struck the bear. He heard it groan and roll down 11 For a fuller version of this tale, as well as an analysis of its distribution, see R. F. Spencer and W. K. Carter (1954). off the rooftop. But the wicked grandmother insisted that the arrows had not hit the bear. "You hit the itkax," she said (itkax—the wooden frame of the skylight). But the boy insisted that he had hit the bear and the grandmother continued to deny it. The grandmother gave the boy only poor rotten meat with worms in it. For herself she kept the good rich meat of the bear. All winter long, the grandmother lived off the bear's flesh, while tiptan went hungry. At last, summer came. Tiptan was sitting in the summer sun by the house. His grandmother had gone away to gather wood. Suddenly, he heard his name called and a voice saying, "Tiptan, come!" Slowly, he made his way over to the shores of the lagoon. He felt his hand grasped by that of another person. It was a loon who had called him and who took him by the hand. The loon said: "Put your arms about my neck and I will dive with you into the lagoon." He did so and the loon took him down to the bottom. At last, he could no longer breathe and struggled back to the surface. He found he could see the light. The loon took him on its back again and dived with him once more. When he came up, he could see still more. When he had dived with the loon four times, he came up and he could see better than he could before he became blind. And when his sight was restored, the person who had taken his hand was gone. No one was there; in the distance, he saw a loon flying away. Now tiptan returned to his house. His grandmother still had not returned. He noticed the skin and the bones of the bear he had killed. He became very angry and planned to take revenge on his grandmother. When she returned, he said: "I will eat the bear meat and you can have the meat with the worms in it." Seeing that tiptan had recovered his sight, the grandmother became most frightened and said nothing. Next morning, the boy took his harpoon and said to his grandmother: "There are belugas swimming near the beach. I am going to spear one. I want you to come with me and hold the line for me." When they came to the beach, several belugas were swimming past. The boy who had been blind harpooned one. Suddenly he fastened the line of the harpoon to his grandmother's wrists. As the beluga swam away, the old woman was dragged into the sea. As she and the beluga disappeared, a killer whale was seen following them. The killer whale killed the beluga and tangled himself up in the harpoon lines. As he swam away, he dragged the old woman with him. Today the killer whale has a hump on his back. This is the old lady, whom her grandson used as a seal poke. THE TALE OF MAXWOQAW There was a town where there were many houses together. Outside of this place a mother and her son were living together all by themselves. One day the son got married to one of the girls from that village. When they had been married for several years, they had a baby boy. They named the boy maxwoqaw. In those days, the men never went out to empty the chamber pots; this was women's work. One night, the wife went out to empty the pot. Her husband waited for a while for her to return. After a time he started out to look for her but he couldn't find her anywhere. Finally, he went over to the village to see if she was with her parents. But she wasn't there either and he told the people in the village that she was missing. So all began to search for her but to no avail. In the morning, they found the chamber pot where she had emptied it but saw no sign of her. The husband attempted to locate her tracks. He circled several times around the house but saw nothing. Again on the next day he looked for the tracks of his wife. This time he found a track some distance from the house. It appeared as though something had been dragged through the snow. It looked like the drag marks left by someone's legs. This track led toward the inland country. But this was all that he saw; he could find nothing else. Now when he came back to the house, his mother told him to go up to the trees and to cut a branch which he could use as a staff. There were some willows growing near where they lived and the man went to them and selected a branch and took it home. His old mother took it into the house and began to work on it. She made some singing over it and she took a little bag and tied it to the end of the stick. Now she told her son to take this stick and to stand it up outside the house so it would not fall down. He did so, burying the end into the snow and pouring water over it so that it would freeze in tight. In the morning, his mother told him to go to see if the stick was still standing. But the stick had fallen down and was pointing in the direction of the tracks he had seen. And the ice around the base of the stick was broken up. When he told his mother about this, she told him to do this again, putting the stick firmly in the ground so that it wouldn't fall down. And she advised him to be careful so that the little sack on the end would not be knocked off. He placed the stick deeper in the snow, stepping on the snow around it to pack it in and pouring water over the base so as to freeze it in solid. But the next morning, the stick had fallen down again, the ice was broken up around it, and the stick lay pointing in the direction of the tracks. When he came again into the house and told his mother what had happened, she said that someone had taken his wife away in the direction in which the fallen stick pointed. Then she said to her son: "If you go in the direction that the stick has fallen, you must make a pair of water boots and a pair of snow boots." She took the skin of a seal and made a bag to fit on his back. Next she got the boots ready and some dried fish. And she made him ready to go, giving him the fish, the bag with the two pairs of boots in it, and placing the staff in his hand. She told him that if he didn't know in which direction to go, he should stand the stick up as before and go to sleep. He would know the proper direction when he awoke. So the man started from his house and walked. His boots never got wet, nor did they wear out. Each time he stopped, he ate some of the dried fish and replaced it in the bag his mother made for him. When he took the fish out again, there was just as much as before. And his boots, placed in the bag when not in use, never wore out. When he lost his way, he placed the stick upright, went to sleep, and in the morning the stick had fallen down, pointing in the direction he should go. For two winters and two summers he traveled in this way. In summer, he put on the water boots but they never got wet. In winter, he wore the snow boots. Now soon after the man had left in search of his wife, his mother, the old lady, who was taking care of the boy, maxwojaw, died. One day, as the baby was left alone, there came wolves to the house. One looked into the skylight of the house and saw the little boy all alone there with the corpse of his grandmother. The wolf went in and fed the baby, changing his shape to that of a man. And when the baby had been fed, the wolf left, changing back into his wolf form again. After that, the wolf came daily and kept the baby alive by feeding him. Now the man who was looking for his wife came at last to a river. When he arrived there, he put his stick up and went to sleep. He did not know in which direction he should go. Next morning, the stick had fallen down and was pointing to the edge of the river. He paused and walked along the bank. As he walked, there were clouds which came up over the river and it became darker and darker. At length, he reached a place on the river bank where some people had settled and built their houses. The people of this village were playing football; it was in the autumn. As he looked at the houses, he noted that he could see no land behind them, only water. He concluded that he had reached the edge of the sea. And when he saw the houses and the village, he decided to remain where he was, waiting until it grew dark. He thought: "I'll just remain here where I am and when it is dark, I'll travel through the village, stopping only long enough to ask the people what they have seen." When it grew darker, he began to walk toward the people and their village. As he walked, he remembered that his wife was a fast runner and that, at home, when they had football, she was always taking part in the racing. He recalled how fond she was of all games. It so happened that the people saw him before he came to the village and they ran out to meet him. When they came close, he looked to see who was the fastest runner. It was a woman who was running the fastest. Behind her came two young men but they were unable to overtake her. As they came up to him he saw the family resemblance and noted that they were a sister and two brothers. Each man took his arm and they led him home to the house of their parents. When they came back to the village, they entered the house. Inside was the father and mother, as well as a younger brother. The father said: "You are a fine looking man. It will be a pity if that man over there sees you. He always kills strangers." After they had eaten, a little man came into the house. At once he said: "Oh, you people have a stranger with you." He left again at once. The family was troubled and said that the little man acted as a spy for the man who killed strangers. He went about daily, reporting the presence of newcomers to the village. Then the man who killed the strangers would come to seek them out. When the little man had gone, the father of the house asked his wife to bring from the hallway something that had a little bag in it. When the woman brought the little bag in, she put a pan on the floor and began to unwrap the thing she had brought in. Inside was a small object wrapped in skins. This she put in the pan. "Now," she said, "if you can catch this little thing inside this pan, you must swallow it. Then you cannot be hurt by the man who kills strangers. The guest picked the pan up. As he did so, the small wrapped object began running about in the pan. He tried to catch it but couldn't get hold of it. The object never ran over the edge of the pan; it remained only in the center. The woman told him to catch it and to swallow it right away. But each time he put out his hand to get hold of it, it eluded him. It seemed to get livelier all the time. But after several tries, and after watching it for a time, the object seemed to become slower in its movements and he was able to grasp it. As soon as he held it, he put it inside of his mouth. He was surprised that he could feel nothing and could taste nothing. But as he swallowed, it seemed to him that he had swallowed something. When he had done this, two men came to the house. They said that there was another man who wanted the stranger to come over right away to his place. Then they left, but after a little while they returned and repeated their message. When, each time, they called down through the skylight, the stranger told them to come into the house and they could then all leave together to visit the man who had called him. But they remained outside. Now actually, these two men were also people that the man who killed strangers wanted to kill. The father of the family said to the stranger, the man who had been searching for his wife: "Perhaps you have nothing that you can carry along with you; what will you do, when they start to do something to you?" The stranger answered: "If you won't be afraid, I'll try something." And he told the old couple to tie a snow knife on each of his arms. After they had tied one on each of his arms, he called the two men again. This time they came to the house and stood by the doorway. He said to them: "Do not be frightened if I must do something; if you are afraid, I'll kill you both when I attack that man." Then he got down on his belly by the doorway and lay there. As they watched, he turned into a polar bear and got bigger all the time. He said: "If you look at me now, as I am becoming a polar bear, take the strings off the knife on my left arm." As he said this, he looked at the two men standing by the doorway. They began to argue with each other as to which one should untie the strings. Both were afraid. But at last they approached the polar bear together and, as they touched the bear's foreleg to take the snow knife off, the bear became a man again. The two old people said: "When that man over there wants to kill people, he turns himself into a giant worm; he circles around the house, getting bigger and bigger, and swallows the person whole." The father of the house said that he believed that if the stranger could become a polar bear, he could beat the worm. So the stranger, the two men who had come for him, and the two brothers of the house started off. The youngest brother wished to accompany them. He was just a little boy but he began to look around the house to find his father's ice-pick to take with him. He was looking for something to strike the man with. He was thinking that he could help the stranger and that when the wicked man turned himself into a worm, he could stab him with the icepick. He looked all over but he couldn't find his father's pick and so he stayed at home. At last the group approached the house of the man who killed strangers. They entered it and saw a big man sitting there. He had a bench which went all around his house. He told them to go over to the other side and to sit on the bench. The five men, the stranger, the two men who had called, and the two brothers, sat down as the man asked them, seating themselves across from him. When they were seated, the big man took a curtain and hung it up so that he was behind it and they could not see him. When he was concealed behind the curtain, the stranger told the young men to help him with the snow knives on his arm as before. After the young men did this, he went to the middle of the floor, turning his back to the curtain and facing the bench where the young men sat. But he kept his eye on the corner of the curtain. Finally, he saw a long worm go out and begin to circle the house. The worm was long and had a hard shell, and its head was shaped like the head of a nail. When the young men saw this, they began to make a loud noise. The two brothers said: "Every time any people come, this worm eats them up." And they began to wail. The stranger told them to be quiet and not make so much noise but they were frightened, too much afraid to stop. They kept right on making noise. Meanwhile, the stranger had become a polar bear. As the worm continued circling the house, the bear began to move. "Something is going to happen," he said. As the worm was about to circle the house again, the bear ran up, and drawing the knife off its right foreleg, cut the worm in half. The worm had grown bigger and bigger all the time. As it was cut in half, half drew back, splashing blood all over. But while they were still watching, the other half, the head and mouth end, ran around the house again. The bear rushed at this part and cut it in half again. Now the people who were behind the curtain with the worm man began to talk. They said: "The worm is already dead." They took down the curtain. The man who was a polar bear resumed his human form and sat down with the others. He had won. Now when the worm was dead, all the people were happy. They said that the wicked man was dead and that although they had all always wished to kill him, they had not dared to do so. In the house were many women which the worm man had taken from others. He had often taken the shape of a duck when he went about and had abducted women. Even from that same village he had taken women. He seized all those who were good looking. And whenever he got any news of strangers, he sent the little man around to spy on them and then, in his worm form, he killed them. The stranger then asked if there were any other partners of the worm man. "There is only the little man," they said. And the stranger called him over and killed him. "Are there any more?" he asked. "No, you have killed them both," the people said, "we are glad that you killed them both." Then they all went over to the place where the women taken by the worm man were gathered. And among them the stranger found his wife. He learned from her that the wicked man had taken her away, having seized her from the air while in his duck form. He then asked the other women who their husbands were. And the men all began taking their wives home. After this, the stranger and his wife continued living in that village; they lived there several years. Now while they were there, the son they had left behind had become a young man. He had been raised by wolves. He never learned to hunt because the wolf brought him food daily. Every time people came there, this boy, maxwoqaw, killed them because he believed that they had taken away his parents when he was small. He became like a wolf too. In the other village, the parents began to think of their son, maxwoqaw. They wondered if he were dead or still living and decided to go back and to look for him. So they got ready to go back. The father of the house first visited by the man told his daughter to go back with them. She too became the wife of maxwoqaw's father. They walked away. The two women walked much faster than the man; in fact, he could hardly keep up with them. They traveled the same way and it took them 2 years. After this time, they saw their house. As they approached, they saw the wolf come out of the house and start running away. The mother of the boy said: "Maybe the wolf has eaten our son and has started living in the house." But when they came close to the house, a big young man came out. His hood was up but they could see his ears clearly and they were just like the ears of a wolf. Then they looked at the village nearby. It was deserted. The young man had frightened off all the people through his close ties with wolves. As the young man started out from his house, he carried a bow and arrows, the arrow drawn taut on the bowstring. When he came close, the man said: "We are your father and mother and you are our son. Here is your mother; I have brought her back." But the young man replied: "You are fooling me. Everyone who comes here says the same thing so as to keep me from killing them. You are lying so that I shall not kill you." But the man said: "You are indeed my son; I have brought your mother home." The young man said: "If you are truly my father, you will have to say my name. If you cannot say my name, I will kill you." The father answered back: "You are my true son and your name is maxwoqaw." When he was thus called by name, he broke his bow and cracked his arrows across his knee. Then he put his arms under his parka and began to walk back to the house. His parents, with his father's second wife, followed him back. They could guess that his grandmother was dead and they thought that the house would be filthy inside. But actually, it was cleaner than any house they had ever seen. The family now sat down together and maxwoqaw began to tell all that had happened since his grandmother had died. He said that a person had come in and begun to take care of him. This person, he said, had no knife or arrows but had brought fresh deer meat every day. This was the wolf, who killed a deer each time it hunted. And it happened that it was a female wolf. When maxwoqaw was thus reunited with his parents, he no longer had need of the wolf. It never came back. And his father taught him to hunt and he became a great hunter. Later he married several wives and was very rich. And the people came back to live in the village. THE GIANT There is the story of the giant who lived at nuwuk. He was the biggest man all around and he lived in a great big house. He laughed all the time but he beat everybody up and everyone was afraid of him. Now there were two orphan boys who also lived there. For some reason that big man hated them. Whenever he would meet them, he would grab them, one by one, and pulling his pants down, would rub their faces in his anus, sometimes defecating on them. Then he would laugh and let them go. These two poor boys were at their wits' end; they didn't know what to do. Sadly they wandered around the place, avoiding the giant. At last, a man took pity on them; he asked them why they had such sad faces. At first they wouldn't tell him. Then they said that they were mistreated by that giant. Every time he saw them that big man mistreated them. The man said: "I will help you; I feel sorry for you." And he made them little bows out of bone, carefully fitted together, and backed with sinew. And he made them sharp, stone-tipped arrows. Then he said: "You must learn to hide these under your parkas so no one can see them and you must practice with them." Every day, the boys tried shooting with their arrows. The man said finally: "Now try shooting your arrows against this dried ugruk skin." They tried it and were able to shoot their arrows through the skin. "That is enough," said the good man, "Now you can do it." And he told them that when the giant grabbed them again, they should shoot him right in the rectum with their arrows. They went away and the giant saw them. He laughed and grabbed them, dropping his trousers down as he did so. He took the first boy and rubbed his face in his anus. The other stood by. As soon as his brother was free, he grabbed his little bow from under his parka, fitted an arrow, and shot the big man in the anus. The giant fell down, screaming with pain. The other boy pulled his bow out and shot the giant in the chest. He died, and the boys went away. Now the man who had been so good to the two orphan boys adopted them. Nor did the family of the giant try to do anything to them. Everyone felt that they had done right in getting their revenge on him for his bad ways. This giant's house is still standing at nuwuk. And he had another house at piyinik, too. He was a very rich and strong man but he always treated everyone so mean. THE POOR BOY AND THE TWO UMEALIT And there is the story of the group of people who lived by a river. Among them there were two umealit. And in their village there was the karigi to which all the people came. Here the good hunters fed the people who did not have enough to eat. Across the river, away from the village, there was a poor old woman who lived with her poor orphaned grandson. Now one of these umealit had two sons and it was his habit to care for the old woman and her poor grandson. The second umealit had goods and much wealth and he also had four sons and one daughter. He didn't care at all about that old woman and her poor grandson. The orphan boy, as soon as he got up in the morning, used to go over to the karigi and would wait there. The wife of the first umealit would give him food which she brought there. The poor boy grew up and was able to help his grandmother. Then when his work was done around the house, he would go over to the karigi and wait for food. This he would bring home. And that is the way he and his grandmother kept alive. But the wife of the second umealit never gave him any food, even when she would bring it to the karigi. She didn't bother about him at all. After a time, the orphan boy wanted to join the others in hunting. But he had no weapons. While the boys of his own age hunted, he just stood and watched. There was no one to make the weapons for him. So he continued to depend on the karigi for his food. His grandmother gave him as an aanaroaq the tissue from the underside of dried blubber. She sewed this on his parka. And she also gave him the tail from a squirrelskin as his aanaroak. He knew what his aanaroat were because his grandmother taught him. Now one night he was going home from the karigi when the second umealiq called to him and said: "Hey, ii'ponaaruuq (a term of familiar address, used only with reference to a close friend; the umealiq pretends affection for the boy) the boys your age are out hunting. Why don't you go out with them instead of begging food in the karigi here?" The orphan boy gave no answer but thought to himself that he had no bow, no arrows, and no harpoon, and that he was unable to make them. And he got up and started off toward his house. But the umealiq said: "Wait!" He opened his tool bag and gave the boy a flint knife. The orphan thanked him and left. When he arrived home, he showed the knife to his grandmother and told her what the second umealiq said. "I am so glad to have this knife," he said. Then he asked his grandmother if she knew how to set snares for ptarmigan. In answer, she picked up the willow rushes off the floor and showed him how to set the snares with sinew. Still he held his knife; he liked it so much. "Now you can set ptarmigan snares for yourself; you see how it's done," his grandmother told him. Then she braided sinew and made five snares for the boy. Then he asked her what part of the ground was best for setting the snares. She said: "In the willows where no one has walked." And after she gave him the snares, she went to sleep. But the boy stayed up and went out of the house and watched the stars, waiting until morning. While the whole village was still asleep, the boy walked upriver. He walked along by the willows, looking for a good place. At last, he came to a spot where there was a tributary stream flowing into the river. He went up this a way and began setting his traps, each one in a different place. As he worked, he saw ptarmigan tracks. When he finished setting his last snare, it was already nightfall. On the way back, he watched carefully where he went, studying the way because he had never been away from the village before. When he arrived home, his grandmother asked him if he had set his traps. He told her that he had and then went over to the karigi to get their food. Now it was in the springtime and food was scarce. As soon as he arrived at the karigi, however, the first umealiq gave him food. And the second umealiq asked him what he had been doing all day. He answered that he had been walking around, not doing much of anything. And after he had eaten, he took some food and went home to his grandmother. He was tired and fell fast asleep. But he arose in the middle of the night and went out to look at the stars, impatient for morning and the chance to inspect his traps. As soon as it began to be light, he started and reached his first snare. All the snares had ptarmigan in them. He brought them home at once. Then his grandmother cooked three of them, and, observing the ritual of the boy's first game, took them over to the karigi to distribute them. Two she kept for herself and her grandson. In the karigi, she told the people what her grandson had done. Then she went home. The next day, the orphan boy went again to inspect his snares. Again he had taken five ptarmigan. When he brought them home, he asked his grandmother how it was that men trapped foxes. But his grandmother said that she did not know how to do this because her husband was dead. All she could remember was that he made use of rocks. The next day, the snares again had taken five ptarmigan. But now the orphan boy cached these in the snow and went on walking up the river. Near the bank he found some rocks. As he looked at them, it seemed to him as if someone had put them there. There were five rocks together, placed in a circle with a big rock over the top. The orphan boy lifted the big rock off and inside the circle was a piece of old wood with a smaller piece on it. And he realized that this was a fox trap. He sat down to study how it was made. He saw that one put bait on the long piece of wood and that the big rock would fall when the bait was touched. He took his blubber aanaroaq and used it as bait. It was night when he finished. No one had taught him how to set a trap but he learned all by himself. Walking home in the dark, he found his ptarmigan. When he reached his house, his grandmother said: "Now you can feed us." And then he went over to the karii. The second umealiq, who was already there, said: "Now I wonder why my illonanaruaq didn't come here all day." So the poor boy told about his snares. Then the first umealiq fed him again and he went home. Early next morning, he went out again. There were his ptarmigan, five of them. These he cached and went on to the fox trap. There was a fox in the trap. He took the fox, set the trap again and left. And this time it was still daylight. When he returned to the village, he saw a man standing outside, waiting for him. Now, according to custom, the boy had done everything right. He had skinned the fox, had taken its head off, and had cached the meat. He was carrying the head and skin back with him. As he got back to the village, he saw that the man waiting for him was the second umealiq, the one who called him his illonanarud. The umealiq walked up to him. He snatched the skin of the fox from the boy's hands, tore it to bits, and threw it away. Then he left. The boy went home to his grandmother and told her what had happened. But she said nothing. They both then went to sleep. Next day, he began again. Again the snares had ptarmigan and the trap had another fox. He skinned it and returned with the skin. And again he met the second umealiq. And again the man snatched the skin and tore it to shreds. When the boy reported this to his grandmother, she remained silent. Now this happened five times. And all the time, the boy's grandmother said nothing. The boy was not sure what he should do. But when he got five foxes, his grandmother told him to move the trap. So the next day, he moved his trap and went home. On the following day, he had caught a red fox. But the second umealiq was again waiting outside the village. He seized the red fox skin and ripped it to pieces and went away. Nor did the boy's grandmother have anything to say about it when he told her. And this happened five times with red foxes. When he had caught his fifth red fox, the orphan boy again moved his trap. And the next day he found that he had caught a blue fox. He got five blue foxes in a row but each day the second umealiq was waiting for him and each day the man snatched and ruined the skins and threw them away. And still the poor boy's grandmother said no word about it. At the end of five days, he moved his trap again and reset it. He moved his trap and he changed the opening in the trap. Now he took a cross fox. He was tired and sad at what the second umealiq was doing to him but he did not know what to do. He had no other way go going to his own house. There was nothing else he could do. Although he was eager to show his grandmother the skin of the cross fox, he knew that the man would be waiting for him and would destroy the skin he had with him. And indeed, the man was there, the skin of the cross fox was seized and ruined, and when the poor boy told his grandmother what had happened, she refused to say a word against the man who had done this. Word of this was getting out in the village. The first umeañiq heard of it and he would have liked to do something to protect the boy. But as he had only two sons, and as the second umeañiq had four, the first felt unable to interfere. The orphan boy would go early to bed and would rise early so that he could visit his snares and trap. Always he got five ptarmigan and always he got one fox. He was getting the cross fox. He took five of them, skinned them, cached their meat. Always as he went on his way homeward across the river, the second umeañiq took and destroyed the skins. And then he got a silver fox. The man was waiting near his house and ruined the silver fox skin. Even though he tried to make his grandmother angry by telling her what the umeañiq had done, she remained quiet. Next day, the same thing happened to the second silver fox skin and to the three silver fox skins which he took thereafter. But the grandmother said not a word. Then he reset his trap. As he approached the trap, he thought: "I wonder what my trap will have in it this time." When he got there, he found that he had taken a wolverine. He started homeward with the skin. This time he really wanted to show it to his grandmother. But the man who called him iiñonaarug was waiting. He looked closely to see what kind of skin the poor boy was carrying. And he grabbed the wolverine skin and tore it to bits. The orphan told his grandmother that he had lost the skin of the wolverine just as he lost the foxskins. But she remained silent. And each time, the poor boy went over to the karigi for his food. The first umeañiq wanted to help him but there was no way to take sides against the man who destroyed the skins. So he could only keep on feeding the poor boy. And again, the boy took five wolverine skins in succession, losing them to the waiting umeañiq. Then he reset his trap again. "What will I get this time?" he wondered. He found, when he reached the trap, that he had taken a wolf. It was dead. Again the man was waiting as the boy came home. He saw the skin of the wolf and grabbed it and tore it to pieces. Still his grandmother kept silent when told what the man was doing to him. Next day he recovered his ptarmigan and found another wolf at his trap. And he lost the wolfskins to the fury of the second umeañiq. And still his grandmother said nothing. The grandmother was grateful to the second umeañiq because he had provided the knife which had made their food possible. That is why she was silent. She did not feel that she could speak out against this man. On the day that he took the fifth wolf, he sat for a long time wondering if he should set his trap again. Finally, he decided to do so. He moved the trap, reset it, and started to walk away. But he had not gone far when he found his trap before him, the opening pointing toward him. He turned in another direction, but the trap followed him and came to rest before him. All evening this happened, the trap following his every movement, and coming to stop in front of him with the opening pointed at him. He stopped each time but when he changed his direction, the trap moved again. He didn't know what to do. Then he paused, thinking that no one would mourn for him; he was an orphan, with no kin. So he walked right into the trap. The upper part of his body was caught in the trap. He was locked in place by the trap and stayed that way all night. He listened for someone to come, but he heard no sound at all. Soon it was morning again. After a while, he heard two men talking: "I wonder where that thing is that the umeañiq wanted us to get." But the orphan boy did not understand what it was they were talking about. They never said what the thing was that the umeaqliq sent them for. And the voices came closer, saying the same thing. After a while, one said: "This must be it." And they lifted up the top of the trap and there was the orphan boy. They lifted him to his feet but he was weak from being in the trap. They worked on his arms and legs, rubbing them, and told him that the umeaqliq had sent them after him. But he did not recognize the two men. Looking at them, he saw that they wore the masks of wolves, the nose of the wolf being on their foreheads. Their faces were human but they were dressed in wolfskins. The men told him that they had come to rescue him and to take him somewhere. The orphan boy replied that he didn't want to go somewhere unless he could tell his grandmother that he was going away. But the men said: "Our umeaqliq has sent us and has asked us to take you to him." The poor orphan said again that he would go nowhere without letting his grandmother know. But the men took the boy's arms and pushed him and said that their umeaqliq really wanted him to come. There was nothing he could do and he started off with them. As they walked, the men told him that when their umeaqliq had seen him he could go back to his grandmother. And after a while the men let his arms go and walked ahead of him. He walked by himself. But the two men walked so fast that he was unable to keep up with them. Then they would stop and wait for him. When he came up to them, they would go on again. Finally, one of the men asked him why he always lagged behind. The boy made no reply. One of the men then stamped with his feet together on the snow, making footprints. He told the boy to stand in the footprints and face away. The man stepped behind him and the poor boy heard something drop. He looked and saw that his wooden bucket and ladle had fallen into the snow. One man said: "When you were small, you drank from the bucket instead of from the ladle." Then they started off again and this time the boy was able to keep up with them. But after a time he lagged behind again. Again the men waited for him to catch up. This time the second man made footprints in the snow and had the boy stand in them. When he stepped behind the boy, again something was heard to drop. The poor boy looked back and saw the willow broom which was used for the floor, old and mixed up with caribou hair. And the second man told the boy that he had stayed in bed too late in the morning. This time he kept up with the two men and was able to go even faster than they. Now the two men said: "Our place is not far away; it is just up the river from the place you have been trapping." They went up the river farther. "Now you will see our houses," the men said. At last they came to a bend in the river. The poor boy could see no houses and he began to feel that the men had lied to him. He walked faster and kept on. A hill came down by the river. The two men said that their house was on that hill. But he saw no house; he saw only a small mound. The two men said to the boy that they were going to run a race up to their house. They told the poor boy to try to beat them, running hard so as to get to their house before they did. They stood side by side and began their race. While they ran, the orphan boy was first even with them, but then he began to gain on them and overtook them, winning the race and getting first to the top of the hill. He stopped at a hole in the ground and wondered how he could get in. The two men caught up to him when he stopped and both of them ran on into the hole. Soon he stood alone on the outside. Then he heard someone walk up out of the hole. It was the two men again. This time they had fox masks, with the fox noses appearing in the center of their foreheads. The two men asked him to come in, saying that their umealiq had asked for him. But he just stood there, saying that the hole was so small that he didn't know how to get in. The men went away but in a moment he heard footsteps again and there they were, asking him to enter. "I can't get into that little hole," he said. The men told him to enter feet first. This he tried and he found that he could enter the hole without any trouble. He looked up and found himself in the hallway of an iglu. Looking around, he saw the kataq there and along the hallway he saw ropes suspended, decked with the skins of all kinds of foxes, wolves, and wolverines. Then he decided to go up through the kataq into the house. There he saw many people sitting. On one side there sat a very old man. This old man had the nose of a brown bear in the middle of his forehead. And when the orphan boy looked closely, he saw that the brown bear's nose was really part of the man's forehead. The old man asked the poor boy to sit down by him. He did so and then noticed, on the opposite side, a very old woman. A seagull was sitting in the room above the kataq, while over in a corner there sat a raven. Soon the orphan discovered the two men who had conducted him there; they sat in a place together with their fox noses on their heads. Other people were sitting there. Some had wolf noses, some had wolverine noses. And all those people sat there together. While they were sitting there, the old man said that they had better give their guest some food. At this, the seagull descended to the floor of the room by the kataq, took a hook, and began to prepare it. Suddenly, the poor boy noticed that there was water in the kataq. He saw it and he heard it splashing and sloshing around. The seagull dropped his line through the kataq and began to fish. He began to pull many tomcod into the room. At this, the old couple advised the boy to get ready to grab the fish, saying that the others would grab for them as soon as the seagull had finished. "If you are not quick enough," they told him, "you will get no food." Then the seagull finished and went back to his place. All present grabbed for the food. The old man told him again to get some too. The orphan boy reached down between the legs of the people in front and grabbed a tomcod. Then he went back to his place and began to eat it. As he looked up, he saw that all the others had finished eating and were looking at him. He was afraid but said nothing. Then after a while, he remarked that he better begin to start out for home. But the old man said: "No, you stay here with us a while; I want these others to show you something. You stay here tonight and then tomorrow you can set out for home." Then the old man called to the others to come. The raven came from his perch in the corner and sat on the side of the house in the middle. He began making a hole in the side of the house. Then the raven called to the boy to come over to look through the hole. He did so and saw all kinds of animals through the hole. When he saw these, the raven told him that whenever he was hungry, he could take any one of them for his meat. Then, when he had showed him the animals, the raven told the orphan boy to go back and take his place again. Meanwhile, since it was spring, the people back in the poor boy's village were having a hard time getting food. But the first umealiq, he with the two sons, went out daily with his boys and were able to get something. Since they were all good hunters, they brought some food back every day and gave it to the people in the kariqi. Now when the raven had showed the poor boy the animals, the old lady got up and went over and stayed with the kataq. She had a stick with a hook at one end; she reached down through the kataq and pulled something up from within the hallway. She pulled a corpse up, one that was wrapped in an old canoe cover. Then she took the ropes off the wrappings and all present looked to see what she had. There was the corpse of a young woman wearing pretty clothes. The poor boy thought to himself: "She must be the daughter of some umealiq. Wrapped up with her in the canoe skins were the pelts of wolverines, wolves, and foxes. Then the old woman got up and walked around the corpse. She came near the head and kicked it. Then she walked around by the feet of the corpse and kicked them. Then she went back to the head and kicked it at again. And then again she kicked the feet. Suddenly, they all heard a noise from the corpse and the old woman came back around to the head. The young woman sat up and began to look around. They asked her: "Did you know you were sick and died?" "Yes," she said. Then the old woman said: "Would you rather marry this poor, orphan boy or be dead again?" The girl said that she did not want to be dead again and that she would marry the orphan boy. When she said this, and as the boy watched, the old lady touched the girl on the body and she died again. Then the old woman wrapped the corpse back up in the canoe cover and pushed it through the kataq into the hallway. Now the old man said that they were through showing him things and they all must sleep. "You will sleep beside me," said the old man. Then all present went to sleep. After they had been sleeping a while, the old couple woke the poor boy up and told him that he had been left behind, that all the others had left. The boy looked around and saw that the house was empty except for the old couple and himself. The old man told him to shut his eyes and go out through the small entrance. In a moment, he was standing above ground. As soon as he reached the open, he thought how worried his grandmother must be. He remembered too, that as he passed through the passageway, all the skins which had been hanging there were gone. So then he started running toward home. He came to where his trap was and saw that the trap had moved again. But his wolfskin was still there. He left it behind and started running toward the home village. As he approached, he wondered if the man who called him iii'onaaruq was still waiting for him outside the house. But the man was not there. Then he came up to his house. Inside, he found his grandmother sitting alone and grieving. She looked up and saw him. She was crying; she thought that he had gone away for good. She looked up and saw him. Then she asked him what he had been doing. So he told her that he had just been traveling around, that he hadn't been doing much of anything. After a time, he went as usual to the karigi for his food. There he found the man who called him iii'onaaruq. This umealiq pretended to be glad to see him and asked him why he had been away for these days. And the orphan boy answered that he had just been walking around, looking at his snares and traps. Now food was scarce but the people weren't too worried. The first umealiq and his sons always got meat and brought it back to the karigi and the wife of this man always prepared it. And then, too, the orphan boy had always been getting ptarmigan and bringing that back to the karigi. So all had been eating all right. But now the second umealiq persisted and kept on asking where the orphan boy had been. But the boy refused to tell him anything. Then the boy and the other young men remained in the karigi and started to play games and have a good time. Now the old woman he had seen, the one who brought the corpse up through the kataq with the hook, had told him never to forget what he had seen there. And the boy remembered. So when the young men started to play games in the karigi, the orphan boy said that they better light up some lamps. When he asked for lamps, the two sons of the first umealiq got up and went to their house and brought back some lamps. They put them on the floor and lit them. And they put one of the lamps in the middle of the floor. This was the custom in those days. And all the young men were all playing, even after all the rest of the people in the village had gone to bed. Then the orphan boy sat down. He put his arms by his sides and started thinking of the seagull he had seen. He reached down and got a hook for fishing. Suddenly, the kataq of the karigi was full of water, splashing and sloshing around. The water rose right to the level of the kataq. The sons of the first umeaq were frightened and said that if they knew that this was going to happen, they would never have brought a lamp from their parents' house. Now the gull had told the orphan boy that he could fish like this in any kind of water. So he dropped his hook in and started fishing. He brought in many tomcod. Then, because food was scarce, he invited the other young men to share in the catch. He told the others: "This is the thing which I found out when I was away those nights." When they had eaten, the poor boy thought of the old woman and of her stick with the hook on it, and of how she had pulled the corpse through the kataq. He took such a stick and reached into the kataq, down into the hallway of the karigi. He thought to himself: "The man who calls himself my iiłonaaruuq will now be fast asleep." Then he reached out and started pulling. After a while, he pulled in the second umeaq. The man was hooked by the nose and he had no clothes on at all. The poor boy shook him by the shoulder. "Hey, iiłonaaruuq!" he said, "Why are you sleeping here in the karigi and why have you no clothes on?" The umeaq got up frightened, ran down through the kataq, and fled home. Then he told the other boys to go on playing their games. Then after a while, the poor boy took his cane again. And again he pulled the umeaq out of his house by the nose. And he said: "You, my iiłonaaruuq, why do you sleep here without any clothes on?" And by now the boys who were with him in the karigi began to get pretty frightened. Then the orphan boy said that he was going home to sleep. He shared the only bedding with grandmother in their poor house. In the morning, he woke up and stayed around. He decided not to go out and look at his traps. But the man who called him iiłonaaruuq—he woke up with a swollen nose! He didn't know what was the matter with his nose and he was beginning to be pretty scared of that orphan boy. And the boy stayed around all day. He didn't hunt at all. Then in the evening, he told his grandmother to go over to the house of the second umeaq and ask him for his daughter. "I want her for my wife," he said. The old woman, his grandmother, said: "How will you take care of a wife; we are so poor"; and she begged him not to do this thing. But the orphan boy kept on telling her to go over there and ask for his daughter anyway. She kept on begging him not to make her go over there. But the boy told her to ask the girl and her father. He said that if the girl refused to come, it would be all right, but that his grandmother should try to make her come. So the old lady crossed the river and went to the house of the second umeaq. She came up into the hallway, went up to the kataq and put one leg on the floor of the iglu. "Why did you come here?" asked the umeaq. "You must be hungry, too, because we all need food; I have none here," he said. Now the old lady was scared to come into the house. That was why she put only one leg on the floor and kept the other foot in the hallway under the kataq. The umeaq thought that she was going to ask for food but she said: "kuxsin'aaaruq (this was the poor boy's name) wants your daughter to be his wife; I have come to get her." The umeaq was angry at this and told the girl to throw the old lady out. But the old lady said that she was going anyway and ran away. After she went home, she told her grandson what had happened, that the umea-liq had asked his daughter to throw her out. And she said, too, that the girl had started to throw her out of that house. The poor boy said: "Well, that's all right with me." And then he thanked his grandmother for trying. Then he asked his grandmother to go to the house of the first umea-liq and to ask him for his daughter. But the grandmother said that these were the only people who cared for them and that if she went to ask them, she would offend them. "Then we will lose our only friends." But the old lady allowed herself to be persuaded and went off to the house of the first umea-liq. She sat in the same way by the kataq. The umea-liq asked her if she were hungry. She answered that her grandson wasn't thinking of food but that he wanted the man's daughter for his wife. At this, the umea-liq bowed his head and stopped talking. And the old woman said that she didn't know how her poor grandson could take care of a wife. The umea-liq thought for a while, then he looked at the old lady and at his daughter and said: "Sometimes it is the poor boys who become the great hunters." He said that when his sons hunted, they often needed help and that if his daughter married this orphan boy, her brothers would have someone to go with them and help them. The old woman was trembling, but when the umea-liq said this, she was again at ease. The man kept talking to his daughter, telling her that the poor boy would be able to help them some day. Then he told his daughter to go along with the old woman. The grandmother wondered if the girl would come. As she walked back to her house, she turned back to look, and there was the girl following her. The boy saw the girl come into the house. He saw that she wasn't unhappy. The old woman slept and the couple stayed up and talked, enjoying each other's company because they had known each other for a long time. Then the boy went to bed. Before he did so he said to the girl that she should now go home because he and his grandmother had only the one set of bedding. And he told her to come there whenever she liked. The umea-liq expected that his daughter would stay there but in the morning, he looked, seeing that his daughter had returned and had spent the night at home. After that, she often spent the day with the orphan boy and his grandmother but at night she always returned to her father's house to sleep. Now the orphan boy, kuxsin'vaarug, stayed at home; he did not go out with his snares and traps. And after a while there was not enough food for all those in the village. The hunters brought only small amounts to the karigi. So one day, when the girl was visiting with them, the orphan boy asked her to go to her father and to borrow his bow and all the arrows she could get. He said that he wished to get food and to share it with the needy. He told the girl to instruct her parents to give away all the food they had on hand and to reserve only enough for one day. So the girl told her father what her husband, the orphan boy, had said. At this, the umea-liq began to worry, saying to himself: "What shall we do? Suppose we give all our food away and then this orphan boy comes home with nothing?" And he told this to his wife. They he said: "If I give our food away, and then if the orphan boy comes home with nothing, I shall kill myself." Then he gave his bow and arrows to his daughter. She brought them back to the boy's house, staying with him a while after his grandmother slept. And then she went home again. Early the next morning, the orphan boy went out to hunt. When he came to the hill where the underground house was, he began to run. Then he thought of the raven who had showed him all the animals through the hole in the house. When he reached the top of the hill, he began to look around. On the other side of the hill, he saw a vapor coming up out of the ground. Looking closely, he could see through the vapor and observed a herd of caribou through it on the far side. And even though this orphan boy had never hunted, he shot his arrows at the caribou. When he started down the hill, the caribou came up the hill to meet him. He began to shoot them with the bow and shot until all his arrows were gone. Then when he stopped shooting, the caribou went away. Next, the orphan boy selected the fat carcasses, taking those so that there would be meat for all. Then when he took the fat carcasses, he began to divide up the rest. He made portions for as many houses as there were in the village. If he left out the house of the man who called him ilponaaruuq, there would be 10 caribou for each house. Now there was just one fawn left over. This he decided to give to the second umeaqiq. All day long he worked on the meat. At night he was finished. He looked at himself and found that he was covered with blood. When he reached home, his wife was with the grandmother. The old woman looked at the boy and saw him all covered with blood, his boots all bloody. Then he told her that he had enough caribou for each house but that for his ilponaaruuq he had only a small fawn. And she believed him because she saw all the blood. So the orphan boy told his grandmother to tell the umeaqiq, his wife's father, that he had 10 caribou for each house in the village. And the umeaqiq believed him too and thanked him. He told the people to go out and get their shares of the meat. And all the people were surprised at what the orphan boy had done. Now when the second umeaqiq heard of this, he told his daughter to go to the orphan's house and to help the other girl out. The boy, his grandmother, and his wife were sitting in their house when they heard someone coming in. And this was something new, because no one ever visited them. It was the daughter of the man who called the boy his ilponaaruuq. They said: "What is it you want?" And she said that her father had sent her to help out with the meat. The orphan boy looked at her when she first came in but then he looked away. Then he turned to his grandmother and said: "Throw her out of the house." And the girl started to leave slowly. Then the orphan boy turned to his wife and told her that they would go to get the meat in the morning, using her father's team to do so. Then she went home to her parents' house. Early the next morning, she started for her husband's house. From every house she passed, there came a man to ask if it was really true that there was meat for everyone. When she arrived at her husband's house, there were other men there who also asked if there was food. The second umeaqiq was the last to come. He came up to the orphan boy's house and asked through the skylight: "Can I have meat?" The orphan boy replied that he had saved a fawn for him. The umeaqiq said it was enough and thanked the boy. Then he asked if there were many caribou where the boy had been. The orphan replied that he had seen only the one herd and had not looked for any more. It had happened, on the previous evening, when the boy's catch was announced, that the second umeaqiq had sent his four sons out to look for the meat. But they had been unable to see it. The orphan boy and his wife went out to get the meat. They divided it, giving enough for both their households. Then all went and got their shares of the meat. Meanwhile the sons of the second umeaqiq spotted the caribou herd. They followed it for a long way but they were unable to catch up with it. And every day, the people of the village went out and hauled their meat. When everyone had brought his meat in, the father of the girl gave her some extra bedding. After that, the girl moved into the house of the orphan and they were married. And she stayed with him and his grandmother. The couple slept on the skins her father had given her. Then the young men played in the karigi and the orphan boy stayed up with them. One night, he told the others to get a lamp so they could have games. And again, the two sons of the first umeaq went over to their parents' house to get the lamp. They set it up in the middle of the karigi. Then the boy put his hands at his sides and bowed his head. Then he took a staff with a hook at the end and reached into the kataq. And he pulled out the dead body wrapped in the umiak cover—the same corpse the old woman had pulled up. He took the ropes off, started circling the body just as the old woman had done, and kicked at the head and feet. The dead girl then sat up and the orphan boy asked her if she recognized him. "Yes," she said. Then he said that the people in the other house—the animal people—had planned it so that they two should marry. But, as he went on to say, he had already married. "If you want to marry one of the sons, the oldest boy, of the umeaq who is my friend, you can and it's all right with me," he told her. He said that if she did not want to marry, he would send her back to the dead. But the girl stood up and the orphan boy took the canoe cover and the foxskins and wolfskins that were wrapped with the body and pushed them all back into the kataq and they were gone. And when the young men in the karigi saw what had happened and what the orphan boy was able to do, they looked at him with great fear and respect. When the poor boy was ready to leave, he told the girl to come with him over to the first umeaq's house. He said that if she wished to go back to her parents when she had married this boy, she might do so. Now the eldest son of the first umeaq was at home asleep. He awoke and saw the girl standing beside him. He noticed her clothes, new, neat, and clean, but of course he could not know who she was. And the boy's parents were glad, even though they didn't recognize the girl. Then after a while, the orphan boy asked his own wife to ask her father and her brothers to come over and help him build a new house. He said that he needed a much bigger house so that he would be able to feed all the people that came there. He would be able to give food to anyone that asked him. So his father and brothers-in-law came over and helped him build a big house. And all the young people of the village were welcome there and they could go over and get food there any time they wanted to. The orphan boy and his wife were always glad to share their food. And after a time, they had all kinds of furs, boots, skins, and beads. And people no longer called him the poor boy; they called him kuxsin'aaruq, the great hunter. Now the second umeaq, the man who had called him his iil'onaaruq, sent his daughter over to help. When she got there, she went into the new house. But when the boy saw her, he told his grandmother to shove her out of his house. Now as for the eldest son of the first umeaq, the man who married the girl who had come from the dead—he and his parents discovered he had married the only daughter of a great umeaq of the tareumut. As soon as the river froze, the father sent his son and his daughter-in-law down to the sea. It had happened that when the girl was sick and had died, her parents wrapped her body in an umiak cover and had placed it on a rack. Every once in a while, they would go out and look at the wrapped body on the rack, but they never noticed that it had changed. And when the girl and her husband came down the river, the people of her village came out and watched them coming. Then the girl showed her husband where her parents' house stood. And there were her parents. They were much surprised to see a girl that looked so much like their dead daughter. But then she called them father and mother. She and her husband came in and spent the night with her parents. In the morning, her parents went out and looked at the rack. They opened the canoe cover and looked inside. And they found only the skins. Then they asked their daughter how it was that she came alive again and she told them the whole story. Then she told them of the orphan boy who had brought her alive again and of her marriage. She talked about the village of her husband and the things they did there. After they had stayed some time, her father told her and her husband to go back to her husband's people but to come back whenever they wished. And after that, the couple went back and forth, visiting with their parents. And later, kuxsin'aaruq, he who had been an orphan, grew very rich and had all that he ever needed. And he became the umcaliq in his own village. THE WOMAN WHO MISTREATED THE CARIBOU There was a married couple living close by some other people in a village. After a while, they left to go hunting by themselves far away. Now the man was a skilled hunter. He came to the place where there were many caribou and he killed many of them. At other times he had hunted seals; he could hunt both on land and sea. And his wife never wasted any meat. She always went after his catch and brought it back and treated it right. She always gave water to animals from the sea and she was careful about the caribou. When the couple went to the far place and the man hunted, killing many caribou, the wife stored the meat, dried it, and put the skins up on the rack. And the man, when he had killed caribou, took the sinew and the skins and sent his wife after the meat. He did his hunting in summer mostly and got enough meat for the year. Usually he took just enough. This year, the couple moved far away from the others and settled where there were some old houses where people had lived long before. And he hunted as before and both he and his wife were busy. Pretty soon, the woman got tired of the hard work she had. She was wearied with the mosquitoes and she stopped looking forward to the summer. She began to hope that her husband would come home with nothing. Then she saw an old wooden bucket which the people who had once lived in that place had thrown away. This was on a day when her husband had killed a caribou right nearby. And it occurred to her that her husband had not yet cut the head off the caribou. She thought to herself that if she were to put the discarded bucket on the caribou's head, her husband might then not be so successful. She did this. Before she had done this thing, her husband had not had to go far away from their camp at all. He hunted the caribou right there and killed them. He got them quickly. But the next day the man had to go some distance before he could find them. And each day after that, he had to go farther and farther away to find the caribou. And then one day he came home with nothing. This time the caribou were just too far away. It was getting to be near winter and he stopped getting game. He told his wife that if this kept up, they would starve through the winter. He tried hunting again and again, but he got nothing. At last, toward spring, food was very low. The woman ate with her husband when he returned, but otherwise, she ate nothing all day. Then the food was at last gone. Then they ate sinew and the sealskins they had been storing. And both became very weak. The hunter began to wonder why there was no game. In his weakness, he could scarcely walk, although he tried every day to find game. Soon he had to use a staff to support him but still he got nothing. One day, as he staggered along trying to find game, he saw something black moving, somehow stumbling over the tundra. He started to it but it was hard to overtake. And when he came near, he heard a sound, "haw!" (usual exclamation of tiredness or weakness). It had gone dark and he thought that this was another person. This person must also be suffering from hunger was his thought. He approached nearer and again he heard the sound, "haw!". When he got nearer, he thought he could see a caribou. Then he came in front of it and saw that it was a caribou with a wooden bucket over its head. The caribou was talking to itself: "haw! Who will take this bucket off my head? aaaaah, haw!" The man went up and put his hand on the bucket. He took it off and the caribou saw him. After it was removed, the caribou talked to the man. It said that the man had saved him. "Even though this is what your wife did to me," said the caribou, "all kinds of game will come to you now." Then he told the man to start looking for caribou. It wasn't long before the man came on a herd. Because he was so weak, he took only one animal from the herd. He took the back fat and the haunch and started back to where his camp was. And as he walked by, he came on other caribou feeding. At home, his wife saw the meat and began at once to cook it and soon they were eating. Then the man asked his wife if she had done anything to some caribou he had once killed. And she confessed to putting the caribou's head in the old bucket before the caribou's head had been properly cut off. She had intended going back to release the head, she said, but she never did. And she promised never to do this again because of the suffering she had made. Her husband asked her why she did this thing. Then she confessed to her own fatigue and her wish to stop her husband from catching so much game. The two of them then started off to recover the rest of the caribou meat. While the wife was carrying the rest of the meat home, the man took another caribou. As he walked back and forth, he kept passing the caribou which had its head in the bucket. It was feeding nearby and paid no attention to him. After a while, the man's strength returned and he began to get more and more caribou. Nothing was wasted and all was brought to the camp. Then in the summer, the man and his wife moved down the river a way and began to get ugruk at the seashore. The single caribou followed them down there but in the fall he went away. Now this couple had no children and each continued to work hard. After the woman put away the meat, she worked on the skins and sinew. She had learned to be afraid of being hungry. Always after that, the man and his wife had enough food. THE WORM There was a worm that was about as long as a canvas tent. It crawled on the ground. And this is the story about it. There were people living in a village by the sea. Among them, there was an umcaiq. He had a son and a daughter. Some time before, the daughter had married a man of the nuunamiut and had gone to live inland with his people. In that village by the sea there lived also an old woman. She was anatquq. She lived with her son who was a man of great size and strength. And these people by the sea hunted seals and whales. In summer, they went inland to hunt the caribou there and to trade with the nuunamiut. In winter, they stayed in their village where they had one karigi. Whenever the men had finished hunting, they went to the karigi. They would sit there and their wives would cook and bring them food. And this is what that village was like. Now to this karigi there came customarily the umcaiq and the son of that old woman anatquq. The people were always a bit afraid of that big strong man. When the men were not hunting, they played games in the karigi and sometimes they played football. One winter, the daughter of the umeaļiq and her husband, the nuunamiu, came to spend time in her father's village. This nuunamiu was not a strong man. He was, in fact, kind of weak and he couldn't run fast. All the time in that village of the tareumiut, he hunted with his wife's brother. He wasn't good at sealing at all but once in a while, he would get a seal. And when they finished hunting for the day, they all went to sit in the karigi. Now the big man, the son of the anatquq, whenever any person in the village got a seal and the food was brought in and served in the common platter in the karigi, grappled with any person who tried to get the choice flipper parts of the seal and seized them for himself. The first time the man of the nuunamiut saw this, he was mad but he didn't say anything. Then later, he went to his father-in-law's house and told the man what this son of the anatquq had done and how angry it made him. But the umeaļiq answered that they had stood this for a long time, because everyone was afraid of the man's great strength and of his mother's power. He said there was nothing they could do. The two brothers-in-law continued to hunt together. They went out for seal on the new ice. And when their day of hunting was over, they would wait for the other men and all would come off the ice together. This was because it was necessary to see that everyone came off the new ice safely. They still do this today. While they were waiting for the others, the nuunamiu discovered that the son of the anatquq, if he failed to get a seal, would simply snatch one from another man and take it for himself. When they came home, the nuunamiu again complained to his father-in-law. But he said that no one could do anything against that son of the old woman anatquq. In the evening, at the karigi, always the big man grabbed the choice flipper parts for himself. It made no difference if an old man or a young man had this piece; always it was snatched away by the anatquq's son. Whenever this happened, the nuunamiu would complain to the umeaļiq, his father-in-law. But the umeaļiq always told him not to worry about it. And in the ball games, the son of the anatquq always did well but the nuunamiu was a poor kicker. Then one day, as they hunted, the anatquq's son got no seals. He stole one away from another man. The nuunamiu was angry but he did nothing. After a time, he too got a seal. He brought it home and while his wife was giving it water, he told her to hurry and cook it and bring it over to the karigi. Then he changed his clothes and went over there. They had been sitting there a while when in came the son of the anatquq. The wife of the nuunamiu brought in the cooked meat and all started to eat. While the wife was watching, the anatquq's son grabbed the seal flippers off the platter. At this, the nuunamiu snatched the flippers out of his hand. He expected to have to fight at once but the big man just sat there and ate no more. Other women also began to bring in food they had cooked but the anatquq's son continued to sit and eat nothing. Then after a while, he got up and went away. When the nuunamiu snatched the flipper parts away from the big man, all in the karigi were surprised. The brother-in-law of the nuunamiu went home at once to tell his father, saying how angry that anatquq's son must have been, not eating at all. Then the nuunamiu came home too. His father-in-law said that he had done something for which he would be very sorry. And they all told him how that old woman anatquq kept a polar bear as a watchdog, keeping it chained in the hallway of her house. No one ever sees it, they said, but it is there. But then the nuunamiu said that if trouble was going to start, it would be of concern only to himself; he did not want to involve the others in it. Next day, they went out to hunt seals again. The brothers-in-law each got seals and then waited for the others. This time too, the son of the anatquq got no seal and, as usual, he stole one away from another man. He was dragging it behind him across the ice. The nunamiu saw this and began to look for a piece of ice about the same size as the seal. When he found one, he made a hole in it and pulled it along. When he came up to the big man, he quietly exchanged the seal for the piece of ice he had and returned the seal to the man who had taken it. When they reached the house, the brother-in-law told his father, the umeliq, what had happened and how angry the son of the anatquq would be when he found that he had been dragging a piece of ice. Then, when they had changed their clothes, the two brothers-in-law went over to the kariqi. And this time, axsuq, for that was the name of the anatquq's son, didn't come at all. When they went home, the umeliq's son told him that axsuq hadn't appeared that evening. And now the umeliq really began to be frightened. Just as they were going to sleep, someone came over to the house and yelled down the skylight, saying that axsuq was inviting the nunamiu to go hunting with him on the next day and to play some games with him. The nunamiu replied: "I'll be right here." And he told the others not to interfere. He said that he was sorry for the poor people and that was why he did as he did. All were very frightened but the nunamiu was not. And they were all worried because he wasn't afraid. They thought, too, that he wasn't too strong and was a poor runner. So they all told him to make a strong spear. So he sat up making a heavy harpoon. Even so, the men in the house felt it was scarcely enough to go against axsuq, the anatquq's son. In the morning, when the spear was finished, someone called in to say that axsuq was waiting. And when the nunamiu went out, there was axsuq standing in the place where they played football. The brother-in-law came along but the nunamiu said for him to stand aside and not to do anything when something started. Now axsuq had a bow and some arrows, so the nunamiu went back into the house and got a bow, too. They stood and faced each other for a long time. Neither said anything. Then axsuq went back to his own house and began to call something. It was the bear that they used for a dog. And the bear came out, an old yellow polar bear. And axsuq stood by the doorway of his house and said to the bear: "There is the man for you to fight." And the bear started for him. But the nunamiu, when the bear came at him, just stepped aside. As the bear moved past him, he stabbed it in the arm with his spear. The spear went through and into the bear's side. The polar bear fell over and died. Then axsuq came forward with his bow. He pulled the arrow back but the nunamiu was too quick and discharged his arrow first, hitting axsuq. Although axsuq was wounded, he was so strong that he kept on shooting. But he got weaker and weaker and his arrows lost their force. The nunamiu shot again and killed the bully axsuq. When axsuq was dead, the nunamiu came forward and called loudly: "Let all who want to take axsuq's part come and fight with me." No one came. But there was one man who ran away from the village secretly to tell axsuq's brother. That day, the people didn't go hunting. The men all stayed to watch the fight. They saw that the nunamiu could really move faster than he had pretended. When axsuq was dead, someone went to tell the old woman, his mother. She came out of the house now carrying her anatquq's stick and she yelled at the nunamiu. He ran up and snatched the stick out of her hands. At that, she went back into her house. Now the nunamiu began to wonder if he should kill the old woman, too. He felt that if he did so, she wouldn't stay dead, being But he also felt very sorry for her, seeing that he had killed her only son and source of support. But when he came home again, he learned from his father-in-law, the umealiq, that axsuq had a brother who lived inland. This brother, he was told, was also anatquq and possessed a huge worm. This worm ate people and the man would send it against persons he hated. Toward morning, a man came running from inland, telling how axsuq's brother had heard of the killing and was starting down to the coast with his worm, looking for revenge. All morning, the people waited. About noon, they heard the sound of snow crunching. They could see axsuq's brother coming up the hill with his worm. And the worm was crawling and crunching the snow. But before all this happened, the nuunamiu was still thinking about axsuq's mother and feeling sorry for her. He thought about her so much that he couldn't sleep. After a long time, he decided that it would be best if he were to go and kill the old woman. So he got up from his bed and went out into the night. In the dark, he came slowly into the house. He looked for axsuq's wife but he couldn't see her. Then he saw the old woman lying on the bed. He went up to her and shook her but she was cold and stiff. She was dead. Then he realized that in taking her stick, he had killed her. Now when the brother of the dead man came with his worm, he brought many of his people with him. They all followed the worm and had come to see the worm eat the man. And the nuunamiu waited at the place where he had killed axsuq and the bear. He warned his brother-in-law not to interfere. Now the worm came up the hill and over into the village. Its master came right with it. Then the man said: "There is the man, standing there; he is the man you are to eat." The worm crawled into the open place. It opened its great mouth and raised the front of its body off the ground. It came closer and closer. But when it lunged at the nuunamiu to eat him, he just stepped aside. At once, the worm attacked with its tail but the man stepped over it. The worm did it again and again but each time the man stepped aside. As he did so, he noticed the joints of the worm on its body. They seemed thin. Otherwise, the worm's body was as hard as a rock and no spear could stab through. After the man had jumped back and forth a while, he took his spear and stabbed the worm between its joints. It began to bleed but still it came on. But the nuunamiu continued to escape. He stabbed again and again. And at last the worm weakened. From the cuts in its joints began to fall human bones. And as axsuq's brother and all the people watched, the worm died. And when the worm died, the power of axsuq's brother was gone. Now this brother was a big bully, just like axsuq. He would force his people to give him skins and meat. If they refused, he would send his worm after them. But now this worm was dead and he began to be very frightened. He went up to the nuunamiu and said that he would give him all the things that he had if only he might live. The nuunamiu said: "If I hear of you taking things from people again, I shall come and kill you." And axsuq's brother promised. Then he and his people started back inland. But the nuunamiu warned him again. Back in the karigi, everyone was afraid of the nuunamiu and what he might do. But he told them all that he meant only kindness to everyone and would help them. And everyone was happy. No one ever heard again of any trouble from axsuq's brother. All the people were very grateful and they thanked this man of the nuunamiu. And when caribou hunting time came again, he took his wife and they went back inland. In the old times, there were many such worms and other things. But they say that men like this good man killed them all off. That is why we do not see them around today. THE DOG WIFE There was an old woman who lived with her grandson in the village of tikeraaq (Point Hope). In that same village there lived an umealiq and his two wives. The old woman and her grandson never left; they stayed in the village both summer and winter. As soon as her grandson was old enough, his grandmother took him to the karigi so that he could get food there. Every day he came to the karigi for food. Now when he had been doing this for a long time, the umealiq, he with the two wives, told him that he was old enough to hunt. "Why do you hang around here all the time?" he asked the boy. "All you do is beg; you should work, even if you have to go out and gather sea worms." But he did nothing and continued to beg his food at the karigi. He stayed with the young men there and when the older people left, he joined the young men in their games. But once, while the young men were playing, the boy went out into the night and walked around, not doing much of anything. Then he saw a light and realized that it was the skylight of a house he had never seen before. He started over to the strange house and went in. Inside, he saw a woman sewing by the light of a lamp. He saw that this woman wore good clothes but they were made from a spotted kind of skin he had never seen before. The woman saw him and asked him to come in. So he came up into the house and joined her. Then the woman put her parka on and went out, returning in a moment with a platter full of strange meat. She invited the boy to eat. He did so, liking the meat very much, even though he had never eaten meat like it before. He didn't know what kind of meat it was. After they had eaten, the woman told the boy that he was going to stay there with her. She told him that he could sleep there with her. She said that he could go home the next day. Now the woman was attractive and when she told him to undress and get into bed with her, he agreed, even though he felt a bit afraid. And so they slept together that night. In the middle of the night, the woman awakened him and pushed him out of the bed. "You must go now," she said. "If they find you here in the morning, it will be bad for you." Then she told him to come again the next night at the same time. So he got up, went out as fast as he could, and slept the rest of the night at his grandmother's house. In the morning, his grandmother woke him up and sent him over to the karigi for his food. When he got there, the umealiq said: "You are late; you must have something to tell about." But the orphan boy said nothing. Then the others took it up and all questioned him as to where he had been. Still he refused to answer. All day he stayed in the karigi. He kept on thinking of the woman he had been with. When it was dark, he waited a while and then went over to her house. And again he found her doing work by the light of the lamp. When he came in, she gave him meat as before. Again they went to bed together. In the middle of the night she woke him up and pushed him out. He was half asleep and found it hard to get up but she insisted. So he went home to his grandmother's house and finished his sleep there. In the morning, his grandmother awakened him and again sent him over to the karigi for his food. This time again the umealiq was full of questions. He said: "You might even have a woman somewhere around." But the orphan boy said nothing. That night, when the boy returned to the woman in the strange house, he was treated as before. When she woke him up in the middle of the night to send him home, he tried to stay but again she forced him out. Next morning, the boy was again late at the karigi. But he kept on refusing to answer the umealiq's questions. But that night, when he went back to his wife again, the umealiq followed him when he left the karigi. As he came up to his wife's house, the umealiq stopped him and asked him if he had a wife. "Yes, I have a wife now," said the orphan boy and told the umealiq where she was. Then the rich man asked him if he would be willing to exchange wives for the night, offering his two wives for the boy's one. The boy agreed and pointed out the place where the woman's house was. But the boy told the umealiq that his wife would ask whoever was sleeping with her to leave in the middle of the night. "If she tells you this," he said, "you stay there and do not go." So when they had agreed to exchange wives, each one left to go to the other's place. Now the boy had never been to the house of that umealiq. When he got there, he found the two wives in bed, sleeping. He told them that he had exchanged with their husband for one night. Then they made room for him in the bed. The orphan boy knew that if the umealiq did not leave the woman's house when he was told, he would never again come back. He stayed all night with the man's wives, but the umealiq did not return. In the morning, he went back to the karigi as usual but the umealiq did not come there. They waited for him all day but he never appeared. That night, the orphan went over to the house of the umealiq and took possession of it. He kept the man's two wives as his own and used the man's property. After that, he became a great whaler and umealiq in tikeraaq. And the people around there never knew where that man had gone. They never saw him again. This orphan boy had had a female dog. She was pregnant and she died. They took the dog's carcass out on the ice. Then that dog returned as a woman. So in reality that woman was a dog and had been the boy's dog wife. THE MAN WHO MARRIED THE POLAR BEAR WOMAN There were people of the nuunamiut. They were many in one place. Among them, was a couple with just one son. This boy hunted well and the couple was well-to-do. The people had settled on the bank of a river. On the east side of the river, not far away, was a high hill. When the young men of the settlement hunted, they always hunted to the west, away from the hill. But the son of the couple always hunted alone and always went to the east, in the direction of the hill. In winter, this young man brought in all his meat, racking it and caching it in his racks behind the house where he lived with his old parents. One day, as he returned from hunting, his parents told him that he was too old to be without a wife. "We are not strong any more," they said. "It is time that you get married and brought a woman home to help around the house." The boy did not answer. After a while, his mother got a girl from another family and brought her to their house. But the young man refused even to look at her. Each day, the mother brought a different girl but the son never even glanced at them. Soon there were no more girls left and the mother stopped in her efforts to make her son marry. Every day the boy hunted. He brought back much meat, even in winter. But otherwise he was very shy in front of other people. He never went to the karigi even if his mother brought food to the men there. And when the other men went off on the summer hunt, the boy would go in another direction to hunt alone. And everyone wondered why he was so good at hunting by himself. Over the hill, in the place where he liked to hunt, the boy built himself an iylugawraq, a small sod house. Here he put up racks to dry his meat. When the hunting time came, he usually lived in his little house, cooking for himself on a fireplace under the skylight. He usually kept the skylight open in the summer. One night, when he was alone in his little house, he heard a noise in the hallway of his sod house. He looked and saw a white dog there. Using caribou fat, he coaxed it into the house. Then he heard a noise again and there was a girl looking into the house. She said that she wanted her dog. He told her to come in and get the dog herself. But she stayed in the hallway and asked him again for her dog. But the boy told her again to come in. She was afraid, but after a while, she decided to enter the house. The young man offered her food. She sat down in the house and ate. He then told her that he was single and that he was alone with his old parents. He described how his mother had been trying to marry him off but he didn't like the girls she had shown him. Then the stranger consented to marry him if his parents raised no objection. And the reason for this was that the boy liked the girl's dog so much. He fed it, even cutting up its meat for it. And the dog liked the boy too. The couple decided to spend the night together in the little sod house and to go back to his people the next day. They ate more and the boy noticed that both the dog and the girl liked the caribou fat much better than the meat. Next day, they decided to start out for home. The man got his meat ready for packing. His own pack was so heavy that he could scarcely lift it. He fixed a lighter pack for his wife. As she lifted hers, she said that it was too light and asked him for a heavier burden. So he added more meat from his own pack. Now they carried packs of the same size but the girl carried hers much more easily than did the boy. On the way back they camped two nights and arrived the third day. They approached the hill by the river and the boy told his wife that the village lay on the other side. When they arrived, the boy's mother was waiting for him outside their house. She called in to tell his father that he was bringing a woman with him and the father came out to see. The parents came over to the girl, wondering who she was and why the couple had the white dog with them. As soon as they came to the house, the parents welcomed the girl. "Where did you find her?" they asked. They stood outside talking until the father invited them in. Then they got food ready and all ate. Again the girl and her dog hardly touched the meat but ate only the caribou fat. And the man told of his adventures and of how he had met the girl. And the two settled down in the house of the boy's parents. Now the girl was a good, strong worker. She did all the work around the house but she would never take food to the karigi, leaving this work for her mother-in-law. All winter the couple stayed in the village and everyone wondered who she was. The dog grew up and was big and strong. When the man went hunting, he took the dog with him and the dog helped him carry caribou meat. Next summer, as was his custom, the boy went off alone to hunt. When he had taken caribou, he sent for his wife and she came to help him carry the meat in. She remained very strong. After a while, the girl became pregnant. Soon she gave birth to a baby boy. And the grandparents were very happy and proud of their grandson but they gave him no aanaroat. The young man, the father of the baby, did have an aanaroaq. This was made from the puffball which is called "old smoke" (puyualug). It was covered with skin and the young man wore it around his neck under his parka. Now this baby boy seemed hardly normal because he grew so fast. Soon he was walking around. Next summer, the young man and his wife went away for the hunting, leaving the baby with its grandmother and grandfather. Even when the water froze, the young man and his wife were still away and the grandparents were feeding the baby. Then the grandmother remarked that the baby and its mother liked the caribou fat even better than the meat. And when the couple returned, the wife fed her husband. Then she lay down on the bed and said nothing. "What is the matter with you?" her husband asked. But she refused to tell him. He thought that she was acting very strange. Then she got up and left the house. He followed her, asking her again what the matter was. She explained that she was tired, having worked too hard that day. Then she came back into the house and went out again, this time carrying her baby. She had taken the chamber pot out to empty it. But she didn't return. After a while, the young man began to worry and went out to find her. Both she and the baby were gone. He went back and told his parents. All of them looked into each house in the village but they were unable to find her. The young man began to circle the village. At last, he came on his wife's tracks leading to the sea. And when he had located her tracks, he returned home, dressed himself and took his bow. Then he went off, following his wife's tracks. When it became dark, he stopped and camped. Next morning, he set off again, following his wife's tracks. In the daylight, he came across the place where his wife had camped for the night. From the tracks he could tell that the baby too had walked part of the time. Soon he came to the ice and the tracks left the land and followed the ice out from the shore. And at last he came to the open sea. The tracks led directly into the water and he lost them. So he sat down on the edge of the ice by the sea and began to think. He decided to sit there as long as he could. In his grief, he didn't care whether he got back to the land or not. He put his hands inside his parka. He began to weep, saying that he didn't care if he lived or died. And as he was sitting there, grieving and weeping, he heard a splash. Looking up, he saw a polar bear come out of the water and put its paws just alongside his feet as he sat there on the ice. The bear remained in that position, looking into his face. Then the bear rolled the skin back from its head and he was looking at the face of his wife. His wife told him to go back to his parents. "I have gone home to my own people," she said. But the young man refused to return; he just sat there. The bear came up on the ice and the young man stood up by the bear. Then she dived into the water and was gone. He watched her swimming under the water. Then she emerged again and said: "The people with whom I stay are not good at all." But the young man insisted on coming with her. Soon many bears came up from the water. With the others, the man saw his own son, also a bear. And the bears all came up on the ice where the man was. Then the polar bear wife became a woman again. She explained that she had parents and two brothers living in that place. And she said that there were those of the people with whom she lived who always killed any stranger or outsider. There was one person who was particularly mean. But still, her husband insisted on going with her. Then he looked up and saw the houses on the beach, houses which had been invisible to him before.¹² The wife said that they two would wait until it was dark and then proceed to the village. She said that the person who was especially hard on strangers was afraid of her parents and her two brothers but that it would be better if they were not seen. So as soon as it was dark, they ran to the village. They came to the house where the family of his wife lived and entered it. In the passageway, the bearskins hung on ropes. Two of them were old and yellow. Hanging there, too, was a spear just like that used by humans. It had a rope on it and seal pokes. ¹² Animals, like men, have houses, but no human being can see them unless he is granted the ability to do so. Animals, too, can remove their skins just as a human removes his parka. When they do so, they become human in form. Inside the house were two old persons, sitting side by side at the end of the room. Near them sat a young man. Now the father began to talk. He said that he had sent his daughter to marry among the nuunamiut and he asked her why she returned. The daughter answered that she knew that the boy’s mother complained of her fondness for caribou fat. This made her angry, she said, and she wished to escape her husband and had tried to elude him but had failed. Then her father told the young man, his son-in-law, that there was this one person who hated strangers and always killed them. Any stranger who came by was killed by him and there was no one who could vanquish him. The woman’s father went on to say that this person had a helper who came around each night, looking for strangers in each house. When he saw any, he reported their presence to his master. Then the woman’s oldest brother entered the house. He brought his wife with him and together they were carrying a big platter of good seal meat. All sat and ate. The young man noticed that all present ate a good deal but that they tended to leave the meat and to eat much blubber and fat. After they had eaten, they sat around. Then they heard a noise in the passageway and a person came in. He raised his head through the kataq and peered at them. When he saw the young man of the nuunamiut, he looked at him a long time without saying a word. Then, just as silently, he left. Now this person who hated outsiders and killed them was named aquisil’uq. The woman’s father said: “This is aquisil’uq’s servant.” And he went on to say that next day aquisil’uq would come and want to fight him. Now the oldest son of the family said that he liked his sister’s husband and that he and his brother would aid him against aquisil’uq. They reported that aquisil’uq usually did things a certain way. He had a big ivory ball that he regularly killed strangers with, and if this failed he had others which he used. He also had other strange weapons he could use. In the morning, while the young man of the nuunamiut still slept, all got up ahead of him. They awakened him and told him to get up and eat. Then someone came to the house and called down the skylight, saying that aquisil’uq wanted his aqutawkun$^{12}$ to start this fight. The man from the nuunamiut was a bit concerned at this, thinking that his wife had been previously married to aquisil’uq. But the woman’s father said that this man had always been trying to get the girl but had never succeeded. After they had eaten, the girl’s two brothers followed their brother-in-law outside. They did not put on their bearskins but came as humans. And in the village, people had heard of the presence of the stranger. The men stayed home from hunting that day; everyone stayed around to watch the fight. Now the young man from the nuunamiut and his two brothers-in-law started out walking. They came to two small hills. Between those two hills stood aquisil’uq, tossing and kicking his big ivory ball. He came over to the stranger and said: “I want to play with you.” And the man looked at the ball and saw that it was made of ice and ivory and covered with blood, the blood of many animals and humans. They faced each other. “When you get ready to kick the ball, kick fast,” said aquisil’uq, “it will kill you if you aren’t fast enough.” The man’s father-in-law said to pay close attention because the ball moved so swiftly when aquisil’uq kicked it. At first, aquisil’uq did not kick the ball. He turned his back to it and walked around a bit. Then he suddenly turned and let fly. The ball went off like an arrow. But the nuunamiu stepped aside before $^{12}$ aqutawkun, term of address used by men when they have had sexual relations with the same woman. it hit him. Now no one ever knew just how strong this young man of the nuunamiut could be. He always hunted alone but he carried huge packs of meat all by himself over long distances. Then ajusil'puq, having watched the nuunamiu step aside, told him to kick the ball back. The ball was terribly heavy. He dribbled the ball back to where he could kick it. Next he built up a pile of snow and put the ball on top of it. Then he used all his strength to kick it. It flew like an arrow over the head of ajusil'puq, hit the ground behind him and broke into pieces. The brothers-in-law said: "Now come home with us." And their father said: "Well, you have won this time. It is good that you have broken his ball. But he will try again tomorrow." As they started away, ajusil'puq said nothing. Then they came home and sat there. The wife of the nuunamiu was very frightened. That night, after they had food, there came again the man who peered at them with head in the kataq. Next day, after they had eaten, they heard someone come to the house and call in through the skylight: "ajusil'puq wants to hunt seals with you." And they knew that ajusil'puq was proposing a game to see who could catch the first seal. But the nuunamiu had no spear and also he had lived his life inland so that he had no skill in sealing. But his father-in-law told him to dress in the old yellow parka he had seen in the hallway. He said that ajusil'puq would be wearing the same thing. When he started out, his two brothers-in-law accompanied him, explaining to him what would happen. They said that ajusil'puq and he would dive at the same time into the water. They told him that ajusil'puq would stop to do something in the water but that the man should not stop but should go right on. It so happened that the man's father-in-law could catch a seal faster than any of those other bears. In lending his son-in-law his skin, he was making sure that he would win. Then the two brothers helped him get the skin on. It was big, and at first he couldn't get used to the head. But they helped him and they showed him and he learned to be a bear even before he left the hallway of the house. The three of them went out. There at the edge of the water stood ajusil'puq. All of them were bears now. When he came to the edge of the water, he said that he was ready. As they dived in, he saw something white but he didn't pause to see what it was. He went right on, saw a seal, killed it, and brought it up on the ice. And he came up before ajusil'puq did. Again he won. Then he went home with his brothers-in-law and they helped him take off the bearskin. Now this ajusil'puq had a big house. In it he kept the wives of all the men whom he had killed. When the man came back to his father-in-law's house, they said that ajusil'puq would try again the next day. On the next morning, after they had eaten, someone called in through the skylight that ajusil'puq wanted his anjutawkun to come to the karigi. The father-in-law said that ajusil'puq would now be wearing another kind of parka. He told his son-in-law to take with him the spear which was hanging in the hallway. This was the spear which the nuunamiu's father-in-law had made when he was a young man. And again, his brothers-in-law went with him to the karigi. The three of them walked past the big house of ajusil'puq. When they arrived at the karigi, all the men in the village were watching and waiting there. This ajusil'puq had not yet come. The young man was carrying the spear which his father-in-law had loaned him. He had it in his hand but no one looked at it and all acted as if he weren't carrying anything, just as though it weren't there at all. Then they sat down at the end of the karigi. Then the brothers-in-law started to tell the nuunamiu what he would see. "The middle door will open," they said, "much water will start coming in. In the water will be a herd of walrus and the biggest walrus will be agusil'ugq. You must spear him and then the two of you will fight. No one knows what will happen then." The people were beginning to be frightened and got up, one by one, and left. But the brothers stayed to be at the side of their brother-in-law. The door opened and from the middle of the floor came water. In the water were many walrus, all bellowing. In the middle of the herd was a huge walrus. "Use the spear!" said the brothers. And no one could see that spear. Then the younger brother left, followed by the older, leaving the nuunamiu alone to fight the walrus. The biggest walrus looked at the young man who was now left alone in the karigi. The man got his spear ready and as the walrus rose, he speared it. Then the walrus submerged. The man tried to hold the rope but it was pulled from his hands. As soon as the rope was gone, the floor rose back and the water fell. The nuunamiu waited a moment but nothing happened and he made his way homeward. When he reached home, he found his wife full of grief. She was lying face downward on the bed. Joyously, she rose and greeted him. All were very happy. Then his father-in-law said that he had passed the worst test but that they still didn't know how it went with agusil'ugq. At this moment, someone called in through the skylight that agusil'ugq was very sick. After a while, they called in again that he was rolling around the floor of his house in agony. At this, the nuunamiu felt very sorry. He considered all of agusil'ugq's wives and how they would be left without a provider if their husband died. So he went to see his rival. He went without telling his father-in-law. He went up to agusil'ugq's house, following the rope through the hallway and saw that it led up through the kataq of the house. Inside, he saw his rival rolling around the floor in great pain. He could see the spearhead in his chest with the rope leading from it. And all the man's wives sat about the room and didn't know what to do. The nuunamiu thought to himself: "All these women will be hungry if this man dies." Then he called to them: "Put the light out." He came up into the house and with his knife he removed the head of the harpoon. "You can put the light on now," he said. Then agusil'ugq was free of pain. He asked him how he felt. "I feel much better now," said the man. And he thanked the nuunamiu for helping him. Then the nuunamiu came home. He took the harpoon head and the ropes with him. When he reached his father-in-law's house, he replaced the head of the spear on its shaft and hung it back in place in the passage. This spear was invisible to all but members of that family. When he came back into the house, he said that agusil'ugq would now live. And for many days afterward, no word was heard from agusil'ugq. Then one day, some time later, the helper of agusil'ugq came again and called, saying that agusil'ugq wanted to see which of them could stay under the water the longer, he or his aqutawkun. And again the nuunamiu's father-in-law lent him his polar bear skin. His brothers-in-law went again to help him get the skin on. When they got outside, agusil'ugq was waiting at the edge of the water, this time in the form of a huge polar bear. At the water, the nuunamiu thought to himself that this man continued his wicked ways, even though he had saved his life. This time he resolved to kill him. Then he remembered the puffball that he wore as an anaaroaq. When they two got ready to dive, they agreed that the man who came up first would be the loser. The young man thought: "Now I will try something." He stayed under the water awhile. Then, when he could hold his breath no longer, he faced the ice and took out his anaaroaq, put it in his mouth, and started blowing all around him in the water. He kept doing this for a long time and then decided that he had waited long enough. So he came up out on the ice. There was no sign of anusilpuq. He waited around a while but no one came. A heavy fog began to come up on the ice. The people who had come to watch began to get tired and one by one, they started off for home. The nunamiu, too, got tired of waiting and left to go home. When he arrived, all were in bed. Next day, the helper called in through the skylight and said that anusilpuq had not come home. They waited at home for a while but still there was no word of anusilpuq. Then the young man began again to think of the wives of this man and how they would be left without a provider. He went out to look. But it was so foggy for many days that it was hard to see. Then the young man took his aanaroaq and sucked in the air, thus making the fog vanish. Then, after a few days, anusilpuq returned home, all skin and bones. In the great fog, he had nothing to eat. Then he realized that the young man was to blame for the presence of the fog and he became much afraid of him. He was so frightened that he decided henceforward to leave him alone. And when he had his strength back, he said nothing to him again. After a while, the nunamiu's father-in-law asked him about his parents. He said that they should return to his parents and then come back again for a visit. So the young man took his wife and his son and the three of them started back up inland. When they got there, they found that the boy's parents still had the girl's dog and had taken care of it. So the young man told his parents what had happened, "Why did you complain when she ate the fat?" he asked his mother. "Never say that again; you see all the trouble you have caused." And the two couples, the boy's parents and the boy and his wife and son, lived together well after that. And after a while, the young people visited again among the polar bears but they never had trouble with anusilpuq again. THE KUKUWEAQ (TEN-LEGGED POLAR BEAR) There were some people living between Icy Cape and Wainwright. They had two houses. In one house there were a man and his wife and their many children. In the other lived quite a few related people. Now it happened that one winter the people in the second house got a walrus. They kept all the meat for themselves and gave none to the family with the many children. The father of the family with the many children, a man named kucirak, was very unhappy. Food was scarce and he didn't know how he was going to provide for his children. The next day he decided to go out sealing. He went out on the ice. In among the pressure ridges, he noticed a huge glacier, bigger at the top than at the bottom. Walking by it, he saw a big hole. In the hole there were seal lungs floating about. And he knew at once what he had stumbled into—the lair of the kukuweaq, the 10-legged polar bear. He was very frightened but he decided that his family needed food too badly. So he sat down by the hole and waited. Soon the huge head of the kukuweaq came out of the water. Taking his seal spears, kucirak blinded the monster, stabbing out first one eye, then the other. The bear came up out of the water roaring. It followed the man by the smell of his footprints. As the man ran, he saw the ten-legged bear gaining on him. He began to circle around but still the bear followed him, coming closer and closer. Soon he doubled back to the inverted glacier. He circled again, noticing that there was a narrow passage in between the ridges. He ran in between and the monster, following him, was caught tight. The man crawled around behind it and stabbed it to death. Then he cut off one of its ten legs and brought it home as food to his family. As soon as the people in the other house heard of his catch, they came over with plenty of walrus meat. Next day, he and his wife went out and began butchering the carcass. It was just as though they were cutting whale. And they gave freely of their food to those people in the other house. THE THREE ESKIMO KINGS Note: The following tale was written in English by Eddie ugruk, age 25. It is presented here with no editing beyond an orthographic change or two. By "kings" the writer refers, of course, to the umialik. There was a big village up inland. The village was divided into three sections. And they had three kings to rule them. The usual name was given by these people as east, middle, and west. The east-side king had an adopted son and he was supposed to train him as a strong boy. This boy was about 12 or 15 years of age. This happened during the month of July, at about 7:00 in the evening. The wife of the king went to empty the garbage can and it disappeared. It was believed that it was caught by someone, some evil spirit or some magic. And the kings' wives disappeared. These three kings didn't know what happened to them. Sadly they went to bed. The east king and his son went to bed, too. But about midnight that boy got up and went 2 or 3 miles where there was a tree. All night long he wrestled with that tree, trying to pull it up by the roots. Next morning, the father of that boy noticed that his clothing was wet from sweating but he didn't ask him about that. The three kings waited nearly a week. And finally they agreed to look for their wives. They planned to go the next morning. The boy wanted to go with them but his adopted father refused and told him he could stay with the people. But he begged to go with them. When he begged three times, they let him come along. And they started out without any food. They mentioned that there would be animals along the way. They traveled for weeks and weeks without any food because the three kings were not good hunters. They spied some rabbits but they couldn't outrun them. Finally, the boy decided to try to catch or grab some rabbits because this was the only animal they could find. The boy grabbed one and tossed it in the air and killed it. They ate for the first time since they had left their home town. So the boy became their hunter after all. They traveled until they came to the mountains. Then they camped for a couple of days and started off to the coast, following the river. And finally, they saw two villages, about 20 or 25 yards apart. They didn't rush to the villages because they wanted to take them by surprise. Also, they saw that the villages were playing football. This was their usual custom in the evening. Finally, one side won. The three kings stood watching about 75 yards away. And the people finished and went home about 6:00 p.m. After the people went inside, the boy's adopted father led his companions under the bank of the houses because they did not want to be seen. They stood outside a house and waited. It was dark. Finally, someone came out of the house. It was a lady. She looked up at them in surprise and without asking any questions, she went inside as quickly as possible. About 30 minutes later that same lady came and invited the strangers in. The lady led them through an inside passage covered with ugruk skin. When they came into the house, they saw some families with one father and mother. The old man and his wife were in the middle of the room and the others sat by the sides of the house. The old man asked the strangers where they came from. And he asked them what it was they were looking for. The boy's father answered and told what had happened in their village, how all three had lost their wives. The old man said: "I think that the dwarf brothers have taken your wives. They rob men of their wives. It is the usual custom of that village." This old man was head of one village. The other village had as its leaders the two dwarfs. They were dangerous men because they took wives and they usually took their husbands as well and they took out their left eye and treated them as their slaves. And the old man said: "Today we had a ball game with that village and we won. Tomorrow we will start early with the sunrise and we will play all day." Then they had a supper and went to bed because the ball game should be played on time. Early the next morning, the dwarf younger brother was playing with the ball while the older watched from the top of a house. The old man invited the strangers to be on his team. They all started to play but the strangers didn't get into the group right away. The dwarf said in pride that this time they would win. Then the boy came to the dwarf and asked him to let him play in the game. But the dwarf refused, saying that in their country boys couldn't play. But the boy said he would join them even if they wouldn't allow him in the game. They didn't quarrel but started to kick the ball. They kicked it sideways and struggled with it until it burst. Then the dwarf ordered another ball from his brother and they did the same to that. Then he begged another ball. The older dwarf brother told his brother to try to get it away because it was the last one. Then the dwarf kicked the ball. As the boy looked, it went toward the winning stake. The boy had to fight through the crowd to get at it. Then the boy kicked it back. They played 2 to 4 hours, kicking the ball back and forth. At last the boy won. Then after the ball game, the people went home as usual. The next morning, the older dwarf brother invited the strangers into the big sod house used for gathering together (karigi). When they went inside, they saw quite a few people which the dwarves kept there. Finally, the older dwarf ordered one of the men to get a pot of cooked meat for his supper. And a few minutes later, one of the women came up with the meat. Other women came, and the strangers recognized their wives. The women went out as soon as possible, fearing the older dwarf. Then the boy got angry and kicked over the pot of meat. The older dwarf looked up in surprise and said that the boy did not obey his commands. He told the boy to come over. Then he grabbed him and tried to pull him to a stone he had there. But the boy wrestled with him and dragged him around. The boy got hold of his arm and lifted him off his feet. He circled with him and threw him onto his own stone and killed him there. Then the boy started for the younger dwarf brother. This man begged for his life and said he would not rough the people up like his brother did. But the boy refused to believe him and grabbing him by the arms and legs, threw him through the window. And afterward, the three kings got their wives back and all of them went home in victory. Texts I. tapkoak irinʸereeik anuneaatinqak Those two parent and son hunting iglu igalaaga aasi igalaanun tuttu house through skylight and into skylight caribou kataxluutin aasi irinʸereeik anilermata tuttu falling in and parent and son not remove caribou tavraja tiriannellu aasi aynaq kupiluktuwak from there fox and woman walked kataganetsuq taaptumuwa aasi suliiliniktapkoak fall into that place and those, those two kalanilluakkalekamik ariyuuniraaq tamna aasi when almost fall in they quit that and saqovluutiq aalaamun nirerunmik anuneksek they two turned other way other animals they catch arervirmik tapkoak anatkuvluutik aasi whale those two two shamans and sull aynaq awlanaruuak kataganetsuq that woman was away fall into taaptumuwa aravaʸvennu aasi inyugunik that place of catching whale and other people peaaksimman saakuminmirak they fell they two broke it Free Translation A man and his son in their hunting so arranged it that the animals they took would come directly to their house and fall through into the house from the skylight. They took caribou and foxes in this way. But a woman also fell in and they themselves were drawn to their own skylight and almost fell in. Being shamans, they turned their attention to the sea. A whale was drawn to their skylight and fell through. But then the woman fell in again. And when others too began to be drawn to the house and fall through the skylight, the two shamans gave up their hunting and broke their skylight. [The informant remarked that he considered this a true story. He had seen the house full of caribou bones and a whale backbone had been seen in the house itself.] II. irinʸereeik innexsuq taareeum sinʸaanne nuwuknamme parent and son they were the sea alongside at the point tukuttane innexsuq inʸunnexluq taanna ireniqa aasi at tukut (n. pr.) they were big man that man her son and kayaaktukunne kaluweak tuxluwic kayemmiq arvaʸuniksuk was in kayak with spear he speared from kayak he caught a whale arvaaninyik aasi tuttuneaktuwat naʸvammi innexsut young whale and caribou hunters in lagoon they were There lived a mother and son out by the point at tukut. He was a strong man who would take whales in his kayak. The inland people who hunted caribou came down and would trade their caribou skins for the blubber which the whaler had. When they traded, the whaler would examine the skins and take the best ones for himself. The inland people finally wanted to kill him. When he came to the inland people in his kayak, they stuffed the cockpit of the kayak with skins so that he couldn't free himself. Then they started throwing harpoons at him. He was able to kill some of them and threw stones at their umeak, making a hole in the bottom so that it sank. Then he kept them from reaching the shore. But some of them managed to spear him and kill him. After he was dead, they, having no blubber, starved. When the whaler was dead, his mother also died. His name was suluq. III. A HERO TALE in'uwie in'uneaanuksuat tareeum sin'aaanne They were peoples' habitations sea alongside in'uneaanuksuq tapkunani inawruani aananil'u they lived with those with others grandparent and child sekunaksimeoylu aanaluwiik in'uq when time to sleep grandmother and grandchild man tukularaic igalaskun umealugumyo imma ireninja he called in through skylight of the chieft his his son picaq tapkoak aananil'u nelumin'erak umealugum he is gone they both grandparent grandchild didn't know it the chieft akil'uutineraa ivaakuvluryu nukatpecanum akil'uutivlu paid them searching him young people paying them awlaaniksut sumuupaya pakacin'in'asut go out seeking everywhere they did not find him \| English \| Inuktitut \| \|-------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| they did not track him \| tupsinjicitunirit \| \| orphan boy \| iiilpepuk \| \| he said \| okallaneksuq \| \| I try to find him \| uvupaleataewvuya \| \| grandfather \| anegjen \| \| she agreed and \| anpiraniraa \| \| when dark \| taaxsiman \| \| he got ready \| taaxsiman \| \| when dark \| annixsuq \| \| he went out \| umeaalugum \| \| the chief \| umealugum \| \| to his house \| umealugum \| \| in front of his door \| umealugum \| \| he stood \| qigaaneksuq \| \| he thought \| sumaroq \| \| to which way he \| suwunamutkeeq \| \| the son of the chief \| ireniqa \| \| he thought so \| awhaanetpaq \| \| suddenly \| tenna \| \| he knew not \| tavranaceaq \| \| nothing \| nukatpeeamik \| \| he noticed \| nukatpeeamik \| \| be stood next to him \| nukatpeeamik \| \| young man \| nukatpeeamik \| \| young man \| nukatpeeamik \| \| said \| nukatpeeamik \| \| father \| nukatpeeamik \| \| told me \| nukatpeeamik \| \| poor boy \| ayikpin \| \| asked \| ayikpin \| \| where house \| ayikpin \| \| he could see the sea \| uvanikiraaksemma \| \| he took him \| uvanikiraaksemma \| \| he could see the sea \| uvanikiraaksemma \| \| he approached \| uvanikiraaksemma \| \| it had racks \| uvanikiraaksemma \| \| he looked to see \| malaroinik \| \| what would happen \| malaroinik \| \| they came in there \| malaroinik \| \| man and wife \| malaroinik \| \| there was young girl \| apayokaxruk \| \| old man \| apayokaxruk \| \| he got up \| nalaneksuq \| \| he said \| nalaneksuq \| \| over there to that place\| nalaneksuq \| \| at side of young girl \| kilowaktuq \| \| went out young girl \| kilowaktuq \| \| went out young girl \| kilowaktuq \| \| after eating old man \| puyuttamik \| \| it was filled berries \| puyuttamik \| \| they ate after eating \| pisallexuneisattuq \| \| old man \| pisallexuneisattuq \| \| he said \| kanucinikiklaa \| \| he said \| kanucinikiklaa \| \| he said \| okallatuq \| \| he said \| okallatuq \| \| I want to sleep early \| uvulaaku \| \| tomorrow \| uvulaaku \| \| in morning \| tevretutaaktuit \| \| they go with his son \| tevretutaaktuit \| \| poor boy \| sinviksak \| \| young girl \| sinviksak \| \| maybe \| nalamivarok \| \| they slept \| nalamivarok \| \| poor boy \| nalamivarok \| \| his wife \| nalamivarok \| \| they ran after him \| nalamivarok \| \| I know \| nalamivarok \| \| Word \| Meaning \| \|-----------------------\|----------------------------------------------\| \| aapa \| father \| \| wixiramnik \| for husband \| \| tiliisuuniraa \| he sent him \| \| irinye \| his son \| \| kaxreritkovluyu \| say to bring \| \| tennaasi \| as usual \| \| pilirosikaamisun \| let them go \| \| awlaktinneraasik \| fat caribou \| \| and then \| \| \| saresimivisiga \| today \| \| uvuluupuk \| sleeping \| \| sin'iktillu \| as usual \| \| okalanereluktuo \| suddenly said \| \| ninaw \| son-in-law \| \| kannak \| too much \| \| sin'aktuvat \| he sleeps \| \| awlarasuuaowopitpat \| they should go quick \| \| itektuq \| he awoke \| \| ireniqalo \| when he awoke \| \| iterimaan \| \| \| winyi \| husband \| \| koruvogualuaraa \| when her tears fell \| \| illepuk \| orphan \| \| kamaasumicok \| he did not care \| \| koruvemun \| her tears \| \| nuleeane \| his wife \| \| tavrasi \| and then \| \| awlaktuq \| he went \| \| irrim \| mountain \| \| tunaanu \| toward \| \| irrik \| mountain \| \| tikin'amiku \| he arrived at \| \| okalawtigaa \| he said \| \| nukatpeeam \| young man \| \| avatkuluyu \| go around each \| \| kasutisawyulutik \| get together ahead \| \| awlaqenikamiq \| he started \| \| illepuk \| orphan \| \| sua'yoomuna \| and there was \| \| kuwaraq \| river \| \| sua'yuna \| there was \| \| pagenuq \| fat caribou \| \| illopaaene \| in sight \| \| kuwarum \| of river \| \| kilirakluyu \| being \| \| pisiikttira \| he shot bow \| \| tuttu \| caribou \| \| aasi \| and \| \| awlaksetkikaaluaknamne\| before he started again \| \| piliyakaa \| he skinned \| \| tuttu \| caribou \| \| aasi \| and \| \| tununigik \| hind quarter \| \| mumuraaniyulu \| after on his back \| \| nanmexlune \| \| \| aysaktuq \| started home \| \| awlanigmeoylu \| after he left \| \| tunuaninq \| behind him \| \| tikisaninaksuq \| it came from behind \| \| niptaylaaq \| fog \| \| avuna \| over there \| \| kanirenaylaq \| can't see \| \| niptaypaylune \| too foggy \| \| pisuqutanellamme \| while he walked \| \| tutinniraq \| he stopped on \| \| sua'yokmanna \| that was \| \| pisiksi \| bow \| \| tigumiriuyutigaa \| he picked it up \| \| tavra \| and then \| \| isigani \| his feet \| \| tawtuleraiq \| he can't see \| \| niptaypaylune \| starts falling \| \| putukisaleksuq \| and then \| \| kisamatemma \| his hands \| \| tawtuleraleqpe \| could hardly see \| \| pisukatan'irknelaamme \| while he was walking \| \| putukisalekpu \| he falls down \| \| tavrasi \| and then \| \| nutkakaame \| when he stopped \| \| okalaktuq \| he said \| \| tavrallekka \| that's it \| \| ataataruruq \| old man \| \| inaxluwie \| he did that way \| \| tukuttaknire \| he killed them \| \| taynaqaxhuni \| After he that \| \| aanarawni \| his amulet \| \| itkaaniraa \| he remembered \| \| aanaluakeq \| old lady \| \| avrumma \| that \| \| sukuramnik \| what for \| \| oynamitkoalen'ekpaga \| she gave amulet to me \| \| tavragasi \| from there \| \| isaklu \| he got it \| \| puunga \| bag \| \| alikuyu \| he carried it \| \| aasi \| and \| \| okumiriitivlu \| he put it in mouth \| \| tavrasi \| and then \| \| makixlune \| he stood up \| \| suvluaaniraa \| he blew it \| \| okumiraykanni \| in his mouth \| \| tavrasi \| and then \| \| kaninani \| close by \| \| inexsuq \| there was \| \| nipteruaq \| clearing \| \| in'ugnamaja \| for the man \| \| nipteruamu \| clear \| \| tamatumunnasi \| on that \| \| English \| Inupiaq \| \|---------\|-----------------------\| \| started home \| nipteruakun \| \| where clear \| tikitmeoylu \| \| he got there \| iyhumun \| \| to the house \| nanmayganikmeoylu \| \| aninyeeksuq \| arnaq \| \| koyavaytune \| he took it off (what he carried) \| \| went out \| woman \| \| was so glad \| ayynaata \| \| okalawtineraa \| ayligurooaneksutin \| \| his woman \| told him \| \| finally got home \| nanmajitkotige \| \| aarnata \| kuyaroq \| \| iserimaan \| he took (his load) \| \| his woman \| was glad \| \| when he entered \| illepuk \| \| naganeksuq \| ataataruruq \| \| temma \| he ate \| \| old man \| ninjawk \| \| and then \| pisawyuminaytuklawuaneksuq \| \| he sat down \| old man \| \| said \| son-in-law \| \| can't get into trouble \| aymagniq \| \| sin'iksalawyneksuq \| uvulami \| \| awlayovsik \| when comes \| \| wants to sleep quick \| in morning \| \| you go \| ugruceaktuuq \| \| ticarevsinga \| aasi \| \| sekumman \| hunting ugruk \| \| let me eat \| and \| \| slept \| okallawtineraa \| \| nuleeni \| suknamun \| \| awlakneakinuksamma \| \| he told her \| his wife \| \| which way \| are we going to go \| \| apiyamna \| awlutinearaatin \| \| my brother \| will take you \| \| when wake up \| without eating \| \| awlatilikia \| kayernik \| \| palupaneksuq \| kayak \| \| onaniyulu \| he took him out \| \| in kayak \| turned it over \| \| kayak \| with spear \| \| kamukwarkeniylu \| nukatpeeam \| \| young man \| told him \| \| different ways \| sikum \| \| awlaresiruksamna \| agusaaxiran \| \| what is caught \| of ugruk \| \| alawrak \| awlaktuq \| \| avannmu \| siku \| \| sin'ikraasiga \| \| different \| they went \| \| each way \| ice \| \| he started on the edge \| ayuγaloakaname \| \| tawtuka \| uguruumin \| \| alawrak \| different \| \| right by \| before he got far \| \| he saw \| ugruk \| \| kiligiaqun \| kayagata \| \| puivilyune \| kasigeaq \| \| temmasi \| near it \| \| his kayak \| came up \| \| spotted seal \| and then \| \| kasigeaq \| kolawtueaksigaa \| \| kayaga \| naliksaynaypeakluhe \| \| so he won't spear \| omicatexhune \| \| nawlikteraa \| kasigeaq \| \| temasi \| and then \| \| he didn't know \| when he noticed \| \| where he stood \| he heard \| \| tinaaketaqisirensuq \| kayeniru \| \| makinname \| tusaaneksuq \| \| ebbing and flowing \| uvlulugani \| \| toward day \| something moving \| \| he stood \| he saw \| \| rope \| iyumi \| \| tunaanun \| ulaksinpiraa \| \| suagoomenna \| isilpapa \| \| some of it \| isiqaneksuq \| \| kikaktuaksanjikeukunni \| iserinexsuq \| \| he went in \| when he went in \| \| Word \| Meaning \| \|-----------------------\|----------------------------------------------\| \| onna \| young man \| \| nukatpeeak \| had pain \| \| saγuniuneksuak \| he looked \| \| kinirimaw \| rope \| \| suagomenna \| there was \| \| isuqaaneksuq \| the end was \| \| sanjiraaqanu \| on his side \| \| iilpepom \| orphan \| \| aperiyaq \| asked him \| \| suwitsamna \| what is matter \| \| samaygo \| that it is \| \| aniuatakaxane \| he has pain \| \| piyirinperiga \| I take it out \| \| awlukeayilikteetuqsawmeamawt \| try to keep still \| \| iilpepom \| orphan boy \| \| savinji \| his knife \| \| tigulekamiu \| he got hold of \| \| aklunaaq \| rope \| \| tiguyluyu \| took hold \| \| piyirasaasiga \| going to take it out \| \| nekiligexliuyu \| he got meat on it \| \| aasi \| and \| \| tavrawva \| right away \| \| anilpexune \| he went out \| \| kigyenritocunkne \| he didn't look back \| \| kayaminuxlune \| went to kayak \| \| kayeminzu \| his kayak \| \| iikukammi \| he went in \| \| awlawtigillan \| started out \| \| ulaaxluyu \| he went \| \| ataataruruq \| old man \| \| aasi \| and \| \| tikiqamme \| he arrived \| \| kayenni \| his kayak \| \| kakisinraxluyu \| he pulled up \| \| tikikanjitkamme \| arriving there \| \| iseraxelune \| he went in \| \| nalalinipaksewak \| lying down \| \| aarnata \| his wife \| \| sakisexluyu \| nudged him \| \| niyupa \| his leg \| \| okalawtiga \| she said \| \| ninjawa \| our son-in-law \| \| uvuna \| here \| \| akavitaniqmin \| having said \| \| okalawtiga \| she said \| \| nakixiran \| take food \| \| uva \| here \| \| ataatarurum \| old man \| \| tiguua \| got hold \| \| tigukamiu \| when took hold \| \| okalawtiga \| he said \| \| niqawvak \| to son-in-law \| \| sanna \| this \| \| okalawtiklikaa \| he said again \| \| ataatarurum \| old man \| \| uvuna \| here \| \| sivukamnu \| in front of me \| \| akovlutin \| sit down \| \| kuleaktarootiqna \| tell me something \| \| akuvitkalaroma \| if I sit down \| \| operkanenikyma \| you don't believe me \| \| anilputin \| you go out \| \| ilquagaqtuamik \| hollow \| \| keruunmik \| wood \| \| imeriypuyu \| all it \| \| silumiglu \| with ice \| \| itkurrii \| bring in \| \| killammiq \| quickly \| \| aneruq \| went out \| \| ataataruruq \| old man \| \| isektuq \| came in \| \| tigumeaxlune \| he carried \| \| imaqaatquamik \| inside of it \| \| sikumiglu \| with ice \| \| aasi \| and \| \| iljivluyu \| he put it \| \| ilpepallu \| orphan \| \| puturyunni \| his toes \| \| misuwaxhuwiq \| dipped them \| \| imerremut \| in water \| \| ataatarurum \| old man \| \| umasinitecuq \| not far \| \| kiniriniktutilaanatu \| as long as he could \| \| kinakoova \| looked at him \| \| makitanealaami \| as he stood \| \| mikilisayaktuq \| started to get smaller \| \| ataatarurum \| old man \| \| tawtukka \| he saw \| \| kayaktooneksuq \| was in kayak \| \| sikum \| too \| \| kiliganu \| edge of \| \| kayaktukttilu \| as in kayak \| \| puwiroq \| came up \| \| ugurueaq \| ugruk \| \| satkuxurutimaw \| when took spear \| \| ilquwilipeanaxluyu \| he was in the way \| \| kasigeaq \| spotted seal \| \| puwigaraxsiru \| began to come up \| \| kisayma \| and then \| \| nawliktatpa \| he got his spear in \| \| aasi \| and \| \| kiguruutiylu \| turned him over \| \| ilpepom \| orphan \| \| nuleana \| his wife \| \| kearitirooq \| while she wept \| \| keaneaktiluyu \| beginning weeping \| \| akanata \| her mother \| \| English Translation \| Yup'ik Translation \| \|--------------------\|-------------------\| \| okalawtileya \| iil'epuq \| \| told her \| orphan \| \| ikulexluyu \| kamukawramin'yu \| \| getting it \| his sled \| \| sikum \| kan'ecktillunne \| \| of ice \| while watching \| \| sekuminmatu \| kamukawrane \| \| when broken \| his sled \| \| awlaaneksuq \| igliraluakamme \| \| he went off \| while going \| \| naypektomare \| taatke'yilru \| \| he watched \| moon \| \| ukiuraaksin'eraamn'a \| aanaaloaq \| \| winter coming now \| grandmother \| \| awlawtigillan \| pil'vekami \| \| started again \| when tired \| \| itiktuq \| awlawtigillan \| \| he awoke \| started again \| \| kalliyuutiga \| nutkaxame \| \| pulled it up \| when stopped \| \| aligaktuan'ynieksuq \| puktayumine'yune \| \| it was torn up \| \| \| pisuaaxlune \| awlaktuq \| \| he walked \| he started \| \| ililikoreruq \| innim'un \| \| he found out \| to himself \| \| sumuna'yilagname \| pisuakataktoale'ylanga \| \| as I can \| \| \| suamanna \| imaq \| \| there was \| water \| \| kanuukasawiskirayeq \| tavraakiuuya \| \| he didn't know what to do \| and then \| \| tavruvawanga \| tokulla'yanga \| \| and there \| I had better die \| \| itiktuky \| makinname \| \| be awoke \| when he stood \| \| onaksipayan'yejunkunne \| naril'varaneksuq \| \| he didn't even get warm \| he had no food \| \| nagaliiksaaleksuq \| nakixirayixlune \| \| he began to suffer \| he had no food \| \| kumigineksuq \| sekosuklune \| \| got arm under \| for sleeping \| \| isiganilyu \| neakoalom \| \| the feet \| the head \| \| papin'yiylu \| kin'illaan \| \| tail feather \| watching \| \| kamukawraaniqa \| sikuume \| \| his sled \| on the ice \| \| awlaanxitraniksueq \| started out at once \| \| awlaaneksuq \| he went out \| \| exliutivluyu \| he shouldered it \| \| nukaaneksuq \| he stopped \| \| kayene \| it was broken \| \| kayak \| kayak \| \| uvulureet \| stars \| \| kayenni \| in kayak \| \| kayenni \| in kayak \| \| ayutoakpasajikecuq \| he didn't go far \| \| sin'anukitecuq \| it was edge of \| \| paneanikutnga \| I am already thin \| \| keyalexlunne \| he got cold \| \| mitkotaylum \| of sea bird \| \| takinixraniqj \| the longest \| \| itkaxniya \| he remembered \| \| awlanipayaana \| have seen \| \| every movement \| \| \| Phrase \| Translation \| \|-------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| il'ee pom \| orphan \| \| aanani \| grandmother \| \| tuxluniraa \| he called her grandmother \| \| anan \| right now \| \| tavra \| there \| \| in'yu utiy'a \| my life \| \| isukkasa siro \| will end \| \| ananjan \| his grandmother \| \| tavrawvaa \| at once there \| \| ki yu uva \| answered \| \| in'yu utin \| your life \| \| isokaxananajceuq \| does not end \| \| oyamitkooreu \| your amulet \| \| aareserlu yu \| wet it \| \| kanisuqaynu anin \| from your mouth \| \| arinnareksil'yu \| make it very wet \| \| isigani l'u \| the feet \| \| neakoalo \| the head \| \| aaresanikuku \| after wetting \| \| siguukun \| on the bill \| \| tiyuluyu \| get hold of \| \| tawtuksa re sigin \| start to look at it \| \| tawtungmayu \| when he saw it \| \| suago yuna \| it was \| \| mitkotay lum \| sea bird's \| \| aameya \| skin \| \| nuk sawsiika \| he didn't know what to do \| \| nannagulanu neksuq \| it was whole \| \| aane \| his grandmother \| \| tuxluniraa \| he called her grandmother \| \| anan \| grandmother \| \| aaresanikolaneksuq \| it is all wet now \| \| kanuk sawsikiya \| I don't know what to do with it \| \| anan \| grandmother \| \| atikuitlkka \| answered \| \| akoylutin \| you sit down \| \| ovlanj nun \| between your legs \| \| il'iyu yu \| put it down \| \| atisaqoakti ru \| try to put it over \| \| il'ee pom \| orphan \| \| atisaqoakti ra \| he tried to put it on \| \| sikugarexlune \| he closed his eyes \| \| kikaani yineksuq \| already he stood up \| \| qin'gaqanne \| he observed \| \| tawtukke \| he saw \| \| iric \| mountains \| \| tayka \| there \| \| anan \| grandmother \| \| kanijane \| close by \| \| irik \| mountains \| \| kin'ira ana neksuq \| can be seen \| \| ixmin' un \| himself \| \| suago yuna \| he was \| \| kin'ixlune \| he looking \| \| iimin'rik \| himself \| \| mitkotayla yone xlune \| resembling sea bird \| \| suago yuna \| he was \| \| taligini yunmukluwiq \| he put his arms up \| \| awlacakti xuwiq \| he began to move them \| \| kanatak irimeksuq \| he got off ground \| \| sakoovlune \| when off ground \| \| awlhaan eksuq \| he started \| \| sikutun a nuu \| toward the ice \| \| he turned back \| he turned back \| \| pil'e oomin'za anek suq \| he won't get tired \| \| inimin' ukamme \| he went back \| \| tiqyineksuq \| he flew \| \| aanami \| his grandmother \| \| tu naanu \| toward \| \| sukata laa misin \| as fast as he can \| \| tin minieksuq \| he was flying \| \| nerisule reneksuq \| he wanted to eat \| \| nerisuki laane \| wanting to eat \| \| il'ie urik ami \| he found out \| \| qive ana eksuq \| he looked \| \| anmun \| down \| \| suago yu kua \| there were \| \| ikal luwaret \| small fishes \| \| il'pan apnik \| some of them \| \| naqix irak tir neksuq \| he obtained for eating \| \| allami ksule \| still more \| \| nirisu wi xsuq \| stopped eating \| \| awlakit kami \| when started \| \| owin'pira ale reneksuq \| was again sleepy \| \| sukur amik \| secure place \| \| tawtuk amme \| he saw \| \| mica neksuq \| landing on beach \| \| sirkot igillan \| went right to sleep \| \| sin'isiguruyune ksuq \| after sleeping a time \| \| tiqik amme \| he flew \| \| awl awtig illan \| he started out \| \| tiqik amme \| he flew \| \| sukata lea a misin \| as fast as he could \| \| tawtuke \| he saw \| \| iryl ut \| houses \| \| kallik amme \| when he arrived \| A group of people were living in a village by the sea. Among them lived an orphan boy and his grandmother. Once when it was time to go to sleep, a man called into the skylight of their house, saying that the son of the chief (umealiq) had disappeared. All were looking for him and although the chief was paying them to find him, they had sought everywhere and were unable to find his tracks. The orphan said to his grandmother that he would try to find the lost boy. She agreed and he got ready. At dark, he came and stood before the house of the chief, thinking of the way in which the chief's son might have disappeared. As he thus stood, a young man came to stand next to him. This was a stranger, who informed that his father had sent him to fetch the orphan boy. The young man informed him that their house was nearby but they walked on far. At last, they came to a house with two racks. When they went in, the orphan boy saw an old man and his wife. With them was a young girl. The old man was lying down but rose up when the orphan boy entered and said: "Go to your wife over there." So he sat down at the side of the young girl. After he had been seated, the girl arose and, taking a pan, went outside. Presently, she returned, her pan filled with berries of all kinds. When they had eaten, the old man said: "I wish to sleep early." Then he told them that in the morning the orphan boy should go out with his son. Then they slept. The orphan boy asked the girl, his wife, what had happened to the young man (the son of the chief) for whom they were searching. She told him that her father had sent this young man out for caribou. The young man had accompanied her brother. She told him that when they went out this day, he should get many caribou. Then (in the morning) the old man said: "My son-in-law sleeps too much." He wakened his son and they got ready to go. Meanwhile, the wife of the orphan boy cried bitterly. Disregarding her tears, he started off with his brother-in-law. He started off toward the mountains. When they arrived there, he told his brother-in-law that each of them should go around in different ways and come together ahead. The orphan started off alone. He came to a river and saw many fat caribou. He shot them with his bow. Before he started again, he skinned one and removed the hind quarter and slung it over his shoulder and started off. As he walked, there came a fog from behind him and he couldn't find his way. As he walked in the fog, he stumbled over something. Reaching down, he found a bow. He picked it up and carried it along. After a time, it began to be more and more foggy. At last, he couldn't see the ground. He lost his balance and began to fall. As he did so, he exclaimed: "This is the way that old man killed those people" [i.e., by sending a fog]. Suddenly he remembered the amulet an old woman had given him. "This is why it was given to me," he thought. He took it from the bag in which it was carried and, putting it in his mouth, he blew hard. A clearing came in the fog, and following it he was able to get back to the house. His wife received him there, glad that he had come, and taking the caribou haunch, welcomed him. Then he ate. The old man was there and said: "My son-in-law can't get into trouble; he quickly goes to sleep and sleeps in the morning." Then he gave instructions for the following day. He said to the orphan that he wanted him to go off to hunt ugruk (bearded seal). Then the old man went to sleep. As they were in bed, the orphan asked his wife which way they were to go in the morning. She replied that her brother would show him. In the morning, his brother-in-law took him out in his kayak. They had not eaten. They put the kayak and the spears on a sled and started off. The brother-in-law remarked that they would go different ways out on the ice for their ugruk. The orphan boy took the kayak and a little sled. He started off to the edge of the ice. He had not gone far when he saw an ugruk and then another right near his kayak. Next he saw a spotted seal. He struck at it with his paddle and it went down. Then he saw another ugruk. He took hold of his spear, but the ugruk was gone and the spotted seal came up again. This time the seal came up from the edge of the ice and leaped over his kayak, to avoid being speared. Angry, he speared it. His kayak turned over and he was cast away. He came to himself at a place where the tides were ebbing and flowing and from which he had started out. It was dark. As it grew light, he heard something moving. He saw a house nearby and the rope from his spear led to the house. Without hesitating, he went to the house and entered it. There was his brother-in-law with a harpoon in his side and the line from the harpoon leading through the door. The orphan boy bade him be quiet, saying that he would remove the harpoon point. He took his knife and pulled at the cord. His knife came away with the flesh on it. He got up and without looking backward at all, started off alone. He went to his kayak and started off, going back to his wife and father-in-law. When he arrived there, he went into the house and lay down. After a while, his wife nudged his leg. "Here is our son-in-law," said the old woman. They offered him food and he took hold of it. The old man said: "Come over here; sit down in front of me and tell me something." The orphan replied: "If I do, you won't believe me." But then he told the old man, his father-in-law, to go out and bring in quickly a hollow piece of wood filled with ice. The old man did as he was told and put the wood in front of the orphan boy. Then the latter said: "Now sit down over there." Then the orphan boy dipped his toes in the water. The old man began to get smaller and suddenly he was in his kayak. In the water, the ugruk and the spotted seal came up again. The orphan boy took his spear and turned the kayak over. The orphan's wife and her mother were weeping at this. Then the orphan started out from the house. He took his kayak and a small sled along with him. He went out on the ice. Suddenly his sled broke. He shouldered his kayak and sled and started walking over the ice. He paused to look at the stars and moon. He thought to himself that winter was approaching. And he thought of his grandmother at home. After a time, he paused to rest and sleep. When he awoke, it was daylight. He came down to his kayak and saw that it was all torn and wouldn't float. He walked about the ice, marooned. He became thinner, starving. At last, he came to the edge of the ice and could go no further. He didn't know what to do—he was starving. At last, he thought to himself: "I had best die right here." Lying down, he went to sleep. It was cold. When he awoke, he could scarcely walk from hunger and weakness. He could not get warm and he had no food. He lay down again, exhausted. But this time, as he lay down, he drew his arm inside his parka preparing to rest his head, and suddenly he felt his charm. He reached in and drew it out. It was a charm consisting of parts of the sea bird called mitkotaylug, the feet head, wing feathers, and the longest tail feathers. And he thought that his grandmother would have seen every movement of his sled on the ice. So he called: "Grandmother! My life will end right here." And at once his grandmother answered: "No, your life does not end. Take your amulet and make it wet from your mouth. Make it very wet; wet the feet and the head. Then get hold of the bill and look at it." He did so, and suddenly, the whole bird was there before him. Then he called again: "Grandmother! It is all wet now and I don't know what to do next." She answered: "Sit down, try to draw it (the birdskin) over you." He tried to do this. Then he closed his eyes and stood up. He could see the mountains and he knew that he was near his grandmother. He suddenly realized that he had taken the form of the mitkotaylug. He put his wings up and began to fly. Above ground, he flew over the ice and fearing fatigue went down again. Then he flew toward his grandmother as fast as he could. As he flew, he recalled his hunger. Below him, in the water, he observed numerous small fishes and flew down to gather some of them up. He ate until he was full and then flew on. He reached the beach and, tired, slept again on the beach. Then he flew on until he came to the houses of his people. Pausing, he got some more food, and ate and slept again. This time, when he awoke, he had regained his human form. He started up, taking the bow that he had found when it was so foggy, and went in to his grandmother. She told him, after exclaiming that he had finally come, that he should take the bow and take it to the chief. "Let him see it," she said, "it is the only one found" (i.e., only evidence of his lost son). And that old man was a shaman who regularly killed young people and the orphan boy destroyed him. And the old lady (the shaman's wife) died after that, too. And the orphan boy told the story to all and the chief was glad when he saw the bow which had belonged to his son. Note: This tale is interesting as a reflection of a shamanistic contest. The orphan, aided by his grandmother, vanquishes the wicked shaman and returns to his people, ostensibly taking vengeance for the death of the chief's son. Children's Stories A few examples of stories told to children were collected. The type of story involved here relates in the main to animals. These were principally told to the very young child. Older children, by age 7 to 8, had begun to develop an appreciation for adult folklore. Most frequently, a song is associated with the child's tale. Such songs were regularly sung by children as part of play. At present, the tales are still virtually universal. The element of the lullaby is present; children were often told such stories on retiring. In all such tales, humor is a significant feature. THE MOUSE There was a little mouse on the edge of the skylight. He looked in and saw the stone fireplace. He circled around and missed his step and fell. He fell on the edge of the stones. When he fell, he hurt his belly and his intestines came out, so he thought. But he just hit himself on his little ribs. He began to cry: isuja na naa inloaat alitkikaa intestines I tore them LITTLE BLACK RAVEN It was blowing on the side of the river. It blew hard. And the little black raven sang: tininaa aa aa tininaa aa aa tininaa kuugunaa turukueuk turukueuk uyaranoo ee ee ee Poor little black raven—he had a pain in his belly. THE RAVEN There was a raven who flew over two people who couldn't find their son. They asked him: "Raven, can you tell us the story? You are flying over us." And the raven answered: suumiqme suumiqme What then? what then? uleaktoonaakpik What shall I tell the two of you? nearjik pigin'aa Up at the mountain akuyun'aaarane between them irin'ereek pinyaa there is your son nerekpukpigin'aa We have eaten him tatpigin'akpiviu Is he the one you ask about? And the woman answered, singing: sumiktukpayana I wonder what it is milukxaalugu I throw at him nekemiglu irimiglu with meat with an eye CONCLUSIONS It is evident that there is justification for considering North Alaska as a single zone of Eskimo culture. This is an area, as has been shown, bounded on the south by the Brooks Range and the Noatak drainage system, and thus includes the Alaskan Arctic slope, the northwest coast of Alaska, and the Arctic coast as far east as the trading centers of the Colville mouth and Oliktok Point. Despite the ecological differences between the two basic groups resident in the area, and the consequent differences in material culture, there is a high degree of cultural uniformity which further justifies the culture area designation. The foregoing study has sought to raise the question of the extent of the relationship between economy and society, asking in how far the social forms developed in the area relate to the demands of the physical setting. It remains to consider briefly the implications of this hypothesis in the light of the data available. At the same time, the relations between this and other Eskimo areas deserve to be considered, if only to demonstrate how North Alaska represents a particularized zone of Eskimo culture. Lastly, because so much attention has been given to the questions of the temporal development of Eskimo cultures, it seems fitting to conclude with some remarks on the ethnographic implications of this problem as revealed by North Alaskan data. ECOLOGY AND SOCIETY IN NORTH ALASKA As was noted in the introductory sections of this study, and following the suggestions advanced by Kroeber (1939), environment can be considered only a limiting factor in the shaping of human society. Among the North Alaskan Eskimo, the physical setting might be considered harsh and inhospitable, demanding concerted human activity in order to promote maximum efficiency to effect survival. That the culture was efficient there can be little doubt, but it was no more so than a host of other Arctic cultures which have succeeded in meeting the problem of survival equally well. Given, indeed, a complex of culture traits which are widely distributed in the circumpolar zone from northern Europe across Asia and America to Greenland, the North Alaskan Eskimo simply offer variations on an Arctic theme. Theirs was a development suited to the environment in which they found themselves. It made capital of whaling and of caribou hunting in a distinctive way, factors which in turn lead to some specialized social forms. These in fact are localized phrasings of a basic Arctic hunting culture and permit a social delimitation of the North Alaskan culture area. The distinctive aspects of the culture appear to rest primarily in the ecological dichotomy which arose in the region. Unlike the Eskimo farther to the east or, indeed, farther to the south in Alaska, such as in the Kobuk-Selawik drainage and south of this in the areas approaching the Bering Straits, there was less attention given to pronounced changes in economic activity. The fact that the contrast arose between inland caribou hunting and maritime sea-mammal hunting is revealing. It places the two ecological adjustments in rather sharp contrast to each other, a contrast which is not evident among other Eskimo groups, some of whom follow a changing land-sea pattern, shifting from one activity to the other. It must be stated, however, that even in North Alaska, the boundary between the one hunting activity and the other is somewhat blurred, since it is evident that there were maritime dwellers in the area who did hunt caribou intensively, and at the same time there were various inland peoples who might engage in sealing at different points on the coast. But there was associated with each activity a skill which neither group could quite capture from the other. The nuunamiut who might engage in sporadic seal hunting did not engage in the challenging activity of whaling, nor did the maritime dwellers who might engage in caribou drives do so on a scale comparable to that of the inland peoples. Further, if the yardstick of societal integration be applied and if these two ecological systems be viewed in the light of their stabilized internal relationships, the whale and the caribou respectively become the pivotal focus of each setting. There is the same cultural base, it is true, but the distinctive ecological alignments evoke differences of response. The cult of the whale is to be contrasted with that of the caribou. And if one can readily see the parallels and the structural elements shared between the two socioreligious forms, it is evident that factors resident in the physical setting of each group operate differently off the base of a common culture. In general organization, the unity of the area goes far; the concepts of the umealiq, of family and society, of cooperative crew and karigi, and the attitudes toward the natural world are in essence the same in both settings. It is only the primary economic emphasis, either that on the whale or the caribou, which spells the difference. Where various other Eskimo groups have permitted seasonal variation of activity, North Alaska chose a greater degree of stability. The groups became interdependent and by developing the patterns of trade, made the particularized adjustment of the area possible. Trading thus came to represent a specialized activity, the hallmark of the area. This is not to say that trading is not characteristic of other Eskimo or other Arctic peoples, but it does become for the area in question a crowning achievement. Its remarkable intensity reflects economic interdependence on a massive scale. It served to throw one group in sharp perspective against the other. It meant that the tareumiut and the nuunamiut, for all their community of culture, were distinctive peoples. Where, as among the Central Eskimo, the individual group, having amassed sea-mammal fat in quantity, could then turn to the increase of a meat supply by hunting caribou, and become quite mobile in the process, North Alaska balanced specialists against each other and chose to lay particular emphasis on the trading partnership, effecting thereby a fairly uniform distribution of goods. It was through the trade and, further, through trade focused in the trading partnerships, that the economic balance was achieved. This, as is evident, was primarily a cooperative institution, one of several selected forms of cooperation characteristic of the area. If environment limits (and among the Eskimo it is perhaps clearest as to just what the limitations of environment are), it follows that the human element can make as wide a series of choices in fashioning a society as the environment itself permits. Indeed, the primary solution which was found in North Alaska was the selection of means by which the cooperative tie could be most effectively achieved. Forms of cooperation, obligations incumbent on the individual to cooperate, appear as two primary principles or premises of North Alaskan culture. The first of these lay in kinship, in the bilateral kinship unit from which mutual aid, economic assistance, and moral support were always forthcoming. No insignificant aspect of this first principle is its corollary: that there were patterned ways in which the whole implicit array of mutual obligations between kin could be extended, under specialized and formalized circumstances, to nonkin. The second formal manifestation of cooperation was basically economic, lying as it did in the social and ceremonial relationships which existed between the members of a hunting group, what has been called in this study a crew, a body working together under the banner of an umealiq and pledged to the concerted activity of the hunt, whether on the sea, for whale, walrus, or ugruk, or inland, in the intensive caribou drive and impound. Only in these basic aspects of cooperation does society in the area come to be. Once developed, these aspects operate as a continuing force to promote societal stability. The individual was a tareumiut or a nuunamiut by birth. Further, he was identified with a particular locality in the ecological setting. But, as has been frequently noted, this did not mean that he was bound to it or even to the ecological system into which he had been born. He was free to move in and out of a particular setting if he chose and to seek his associations where he wished. But from a practical point of view, a man generally remained where he received (and was required to give) the support of the bilateral kinship grouping of which he was a part. Clearly, the cultural definition of the happy man bears out the aspect of the kinship tie. He is regarded as fortunate who can count on the backing of his kindred and who can enumerate them widely. Conversely, the worst fate which can befall the human being is to be an "orphan," that is, one lacking in the support of a circle of kinsmen. The kinship structure itself was not highly formalized, relatives being those with whom the kinship tie was affirmed. It could be a widely dispersed, extended family group, but more often it was an affirmation of ties to a relatively limited circle. In practice, it is evident that a good deal of variation existed, as it does even today. Given a bad season at nuwuk, a man might leave to settle at tikeraaq, reaffirming kinship ties there, or seeking a place by virtue of some other kind of formalized association. But the point remains that there was a formalized recognition of such social ties. One defined one's relatives by the fact of cooperation and support, and by the sense of collective responsibility applicable to the group membership. By the same token, partnerships, whether within the same ecological setting or across ecological lines, were formalized, reached only after deliberation and then in patterned ways. The partnership, with its sexual exchange, with the resultant status of quasi-kinship applicable to the respective offspring of partners, was such a formal way of extending kinship privileges to nonkin. On this level, the cooperative patterns may be summed up as being resident in kinship to various bilateral degrees, and in the circle of nonkin who came to occupy a position of quasi-kinship. This meant that informal associations, apart from the hunting group or crew system, were not only rare but competitive as well. Friendships, outside of partnerships, however conceived, had really no meaning. Indeed, the term ill'onaarud, meaning an intimate in the sense of "friend," has a joking derogatory sense and suggests competitive status difference and a patronizing usage. Karigi memberships and crew composition were infinitely less stable than the formal partnerships, owing to the changing success or lack of success of a leader. The umcaliq, whether inland or at the sea, bribed his crew to keep them. Except for his own kin and his associated quasi-kin, he commanded little primary loyalty. Indeed, it was his competitive success which insured him a full crew. What this situation and societal organization did to other social institutions is obvious. While a village or settlement represented community of interest, it lacked reality as a corporate unit. There were instead coexisting kin groups across which, at specified times of activity, crew membership might cut. It would be incorrect to identify either the village or the crew with a political organization. But even though a political structure was lacking, this was hardly an anarchic society. Social sanctions, customary law, community of interest, and the common cultural bonds of a folk society made for relatively smooth functioning. Only when competitive rivalries came to the fore, as in respect to the competition for status, and particularly for status as represented in the control of women, was a dilemma created. At times, when the unconforming or status-seeking individual arose, bullying his way across the community, since this was the usual pattern of antisocial behavior, the society was at a loss to act. It was then that the otherwise fairly smooth net of interpersonal relations was broken and the kinship units lined up one against the other. Clearly, despite the rather limited kinds of formal association which the social structure permitted, the society followed an even course. If one's kin group was thus primary, the question as to the place of the marital tie may again be raised. Again in line with the economic aspect, it is evident that, as among other Eskimo (and many so-called primitives), marriage related to a sexual division of labor, to the fact that the defined activities of one sex necessarily complemented those of the other. By this same token, marriages, though conceptually ephemeral and being fairly informally conceived, were fairly permanent. The unmarried individual was so rare as to occasion comment and disapproval. Thus marriage may in effect be compared to the partnership for mutual aid. Indeed, this is precisely what it was. Sexual liaisons did not necessarily result in marriage and although, for the male, prowess over women related to status rivalry, this is wholly apart from the defined reciprocities of the marriage tie. One's affined kin were not conceived to fall into the kinship classification, but because of the emphasis on bilateral organization, a bond with one's in-laws was effected through offspring, whether of blood or by adoption, and further by the lack of formalism in residence. This meant that marriage, tenuous though it might at first glance appear, with its suggestions of polyandry, its polygyny, possibility of divorce, etc., was more of a stabilizing force than not. One cannot forget that there were ceremonial duties imposed on the married couple, something borne out best in the case of the duties imposed on the wife of the umeaqliq, but true of every hunter's wife as well. The wife of the seal hunter was obliged to offer fresh water to the slain animal, while the wives of both inland and maritime hunters were obliged to remain quiet while their husbands were engaged in the chase. But the obligations of a wife went far beyond these simple ceremonial acts. It followed, too, that the social system, with its emphasis on formalized associations of cooperation, could impose regulations governing the selection of a mate. In the effort to do all possible to increase the circle of cooperative activity, it is easy to explain why the marriage of cousins was, if not ceremonially prohibited, at least regarded by the group at large as the poorest kind of social arrangement. By the same reasoning, the levirate, the sororate, sororal polygyny, or fraternal polyandry were considered outrageous and shocking. Although these forms of marriage might occur, it is clear that they never did so without social stigma. The social organization which is summarized here applies equally to the interior and to the coast. The differences between the nuunamiut and tareumiut were thus solely those of making a living. The social structure readily permitted either kind of economic life. Religion emerges in the culture as an important social institution, one which is again intimately related to the ecological system. As has been suggested, religion in the North Alaskan area has three aspects: (1) world view, (2) ceremonialism, (3) shamanism. As in any religious system, the latter two are intimately connected with the first. The religious organization at large relates, of course, to the general patterns of supernaturalism current among the boreal hunting peoples, but it does possess some distinctive facets. A primary theme among the nonagricultural hunters of North America and Asia is that the world of the hunted animals is superior to that of men, and that the animal allows himself to be hunted and taken, that compulsive and imitative magic may succeed in subduing him, and finally, that at all costs no offense may be given him. From this basic premise proceeds the magic of song and amulet, and from it, too, comes the power of the shaman. This study has perhaps added something to the body of knowledge concerning shamans and shamanism among the Eskimo by way of detail, but the affinities of Eskimo shamanism are well understood. Suffice it to add only that the Eskimo, like other Arctic peoples, treat shamanistic power as coming from the environment, that is, from the animal sprits whose presence is conceptually so vital to the continuation of life. If every hunter has his particular magic for game, especially in the compelling songs which he may own, this pattern reaches its extreme in the North Alaskan area in the two cults which characterize the two ecological systems. Ritual directed to the major activities in the economic sphere reaches its peak in respect to the whale among the tareumiut and to the caribou among the nuunamiut. The umealiq, as has been shown, was usually a man of parts, a good leader, a dominant figure, strong, and a respected hunter. But he need be none of these things. The harpooner and a skilled crew could do the work of whaling, while it was an experienced hunter and several hard-working assistants who could best manage the caribou impound and slaughter. Thus the umeaļiq was primarily a ritualist, a priest, and it was as much on this as on his wealth and bounty, that his success in holding a crew depended. And it was in this ritual arrangement that one finds the cult, the special phrasing of some basic Eskimo ideas which applies to North Alaska. North Alaskan Eskimo society thus emerges as a balanced and integrated one. Its common cultural understandings created the possibilities, while the society arranged itself around the two dominant economic modes. The interdependent system which was created was wholly effective, self-perpetuating, and would undoubtedly have remained so, had not forces from without—new interests, new diseases, new modes of life—disrupted and decimated it. The coastal peoples remain, with perhaps a larger population than was true a century ago, but the nuunamiut are virtually gone. In its untrammeled setting, the culture provided for the individual and the group, leaving a wide range of individual latitude and freedom of choice, but at the same time allowing a high degree of security. Limited by environment, forced to focus on the resources of a rather narrow kind which the area provided, this culture, more effectively perhaps than any other among nonliterate peoples, represents a cooperative human triumph over nature. THE PLACE OF NORTH ALASKA IN ESKIMO CULTURE No attempt is made here to provide a listing of the distinctive elements of culture which characterize the North Alaskan Eskimo, or to show their general distribution. This task ought to be undertaken, and, indeed, is contemplated for publication elsewhere. It depends, however, on a somewhat fuller analysis of the material aspects of the area than has been given in this study and might better await the results of the intensive archeological work carried on for several seasons at Point Barrow by Harvard University. Restricting the problem to ecological adjustment, omitting for purposes of the present discussion the material culture, and to social and ceremonial organization, it is still possible to offer a comment or two on the cultural position of the North Alaskan Eskimo. North Alaska suggests a basic Eskimo configuration in which the rather elaborated cultural development of the Alaskan Eskimo generally plays a significant part. But it contains traits which are evidently more generalized and which may be regarded as more characteristic of the Central and Greenland regions. The conclusion is a simple one: North Alaska, despite its economic specializations, is a regional phrasing of Arctic culture, reflecting a particularization of the culture which has been associated with the Eskimo as well as the distinctive patterns of the circumpolar zone. Needless to say, this is borne out by the presence in North Alaska of a great many elements associated with the general Eskimo picture, such as tailored skin clothing, the fanwise dog-trace, the tambourine, the stone (or pottery) lamp, the distinctive harpoon types, semisubterranean houses, shamanism with its associated array of artifacts and world view, and a host of other traits. Further, given an Eskimo base of sea-mammal and caribou hunting, with its many associated material and social aspects, it is possible to determine the elements shared between the North Alaskans and all other Eskimo. Breaking it down still further, there are those elements in North Alaskan culture which point to affinities with the Eskimo of the central and eastern regions of the American Arctic, and those which suggest an overlay of influences from the south in Alaska itself, not omitting in this regard traits suggestive of the strong culture of the Northwest Coast area of western North America. Similarly, and despite these clearly defined historical relationships, it is possible to determine the uniqueness of North Alaskan culture, not so much by virtue of its possession of particular or distinctive culture traits, but rather because of the special phrasing of elements which seem to characterize the Eskimo at large. This is again apparent in the land-sea dichotomy of livelihood. Parallels exist among other Eskimo groups, to be sure, but nowhere is an integrated pattern of sea-mammal hunting so sharply set off from one of caribou dependence. This, as has been shown, is the characteristic of the area, one so distinctive as to permit its definition as an area of subcultural development. It is worth stressing again that against dissimilarity of ecological adjustment, nuunamiut compared with tareumiut, is set the community of culture and its essential similarity. This being so, it seems fitting to inquire as to the place of the total area, considering especially social and ceremonial organization, in the Eskimo picture at large. It is here that a problem arises. What, indeed, is Eskimo culture? As De Laguna has pointed out (1947, p. 284), one is tempted to stress the notion of a kind of substratum Eskimo culture from which the historical as well as the contemporary Eskimo patterns have been derived. This would be a kind of Eskimo base, which, if it could be defined, would permit a ready resolution of the problem. But as the data are considered, it is clear that the prehistoric Eskimo cultures are infinitely more diverse than is true of those in the ethnographic present. In other words, it seems indicated that modern Eskimo cultures are less to be explained in terms of a cultural substratum on which, here and there, various extraneous elements are imposed and operate, and rather more in terms of original diversity worked upon by essentially uniform environmental conditions which evoke a convergence toward cultural uniformity. This solution admittedly omits the question of the remarkable similarity which characterizes the Eskimo area as a whole, since, if carried to its logical conclusion, it posits diverse ethnic origins. And by the same token, the uniformity of physical type is suggestive, such being characteristic of the coasts, but not necessarily of the interiors. The point has been made, and the evidence is clearly discernible, that there is a difference in physical type as between the nunamiut and the tareumiut (Collins, 1951, p. 442). The alternative, considering other possible explanations than an ultimate and original uniformity of culture, language, and physical type, is to lay emphasis on the presence of the Thule culture, conceived as originating in the western regions of Arctic America, spreading eastward and then back again. This, as a whaling culture, with its roots in the Birnirk (piyinig) culture of Point Barrow, points in turn to the antiquity of the whaling complex in North Alaska (Collins, 1951, pp. 428-429). Language and somatology, as well as general culture, can be explained in their striking similarities only by a recognition that if, indeed, there was any Eskimo substratum, it appears to be late and coincident with the Thule culture (cf. De Laguna, 1947, p. 10). This implies, therefore, that North Alaska, in its cultural position, is to be identified with a Thule-like configuration. Analysis of the material features offers confirmation of this. Without going further into detail on the problems of the antiquity of the North Alaskan whaling culture, however, it is perhaps sufficient to note that one can relate the patterns of the ethnographic present, at least in their material contexts, to prehistoric horizons in the area. It may be further supposed that the patterns of societal organization as they appear in the area, and considering the distribution of their types, likewise have their roots in the considerable past. It is somewhat less easy to compare social organization among the Eskimo than it is the patterns of ceremonial life. This is simply because of the absence of full data. In a general way, however, Eskimo society appears to depend on the relatively simple organization of the bilateral family. Variations on this structure arise in different Eskimo groups, emphasis on one form or another being hit upon as a matter of expediency. Given the bilateral family, some differences arise in the matter of its extensions, differences which reflect local phrasings. The hunting group or band, the village, and the concept of community are, among most Eskimo, secondary to the elementary kinship tie. As the North Alaskan data are reviewed, therefore, it seems evident that here is a basic social organization paralleling that of other Eskimo groups to the east. It is borne out further by the kinship terminologies. Here is a variation of the "Eskimo" type of system, even though there has been an evident loss of some categories and the development of one or two specialized terms relating to local social circumstances. The classificatory qatanun, and what it implies, seems to be a localized example characteristic of North Alaska. It is not until one comes into the Bering Sea area of Alaska and points south that there are the beginnings of a more formalized unilineal social organization, even though, as nearly as can be judged, terminological systems have been less subject to modification. Even in this part of Alaska, until the strong influences of the unilineal organizations from the Northwest Coast of America make themselves felt, one does not capture the sense of clan or moiety; it is rather that of a unilineal structure in its incipient forms, those of lineages (cf. Lantis, 1946, et al.). Among the North Alaskans, whether, under the influence of the adjacent peoples to the south, this might ultimately have become the case, is of little import. The social patterns which were followed reflect the institutions of peoples to the east rather than those of Alaska itself. The admissible conclusions seem to be that the existing social structure of North Alaska has its roots in antiquity and that it can be identified with an organizational type widely distributed among the Eskimo. Breaking this structure down into some of its component elements, one is struck first by the essential simplicity and the lack of formalism in the familial organization, but at the same time by its intensity and strength. Formality lay only in the definition accorded by the person to his kinship affiliations. Personal interdependence arose in the family not only to the extent of community of labor, sharing, and joint enterprise, but also in the demands of collective responsibility. Like other central and eastern Eskimo, the North Alaskans subordinated all other associations to the family tie. And indeed, it is on the level of extrafamilial association that the patterns which emerge are less suggestive of the basic, generalized Eskimo organization of the central and eastern Arctic, but more reflective of Alaskan arrangements. The formalized association of the hunt group under the ceremonial leader, the umeraliq, with all the array of the karigi participation, has its parallels to the south rather than to the east. The karigi itself (kashim, kazhigi, etc.) has been described in the greatest detail for the Alaskan Eskimo, but it is not a phenomenon which proceeds farther east than Point Barrow (cf. Lantis, 1947, pp. 104-107). With the karigi is to be found the socioceremonial arrangement of the Messenger Feast. It is in respect to this festival that some fairly obvious connections with the Northwest Coast are seen, proceeding, as these do, throughout the Alaskan Eskimo cultures. Wealth, it will have been noted, is a complex in the North Alaskan area which is fairly well developed. In a sense it ties into the mutual aid worked out between family members. But it comes to be most effective in a festival complex which is not an integral part of the functioning culture. The Messenger Feast is obviously a secondary configuration, one not vital to the culture and one which may even have arisen within the last 150 years with the introduction of luxury goods, particularly those which had their origins in the south, such as tobacco and iron products. There is the distinct impression that wealth, at the time of contact, was becoming more of a force in the society. The concept of partnership was fairly well established among most Eskimo. To the east, however, partnership in the formal sense is less well elaborated than in the Alaskan setting generally. It is to be remembered that in North Alaska the partnership idea and institution were primarily means of extending the cooperative bonds of kinship to nonkin. It was frequently, although not always, cemented with wife exchange. The North Alaskans made capital of the concept of partnership as a means of stabilizing the relations between two economic systems. Some reflection of a formal partnership organization, operating somewhat in the same way, is seen in the Alaskan cultures farther to the south. North Alaska, however, does something with the basic Eskimo idea of partnership which no other Eskimo culture does. It can be said that these relationships, next to those inherent in the family, were a primary focus of societal stability. This is not true of the joking partnerships, forms which seem better developed and integrated among other Alaskan Eskimos. These are, it is true, important in establishing certain kinds of social relations, those between men of the same crew or karigi, men who were intimate because they represented the same age grade or the same locality. But there were not the full associations of joking partnership which are described, for example, from Nunivak Island, where these relationships apparently assume a far greater importance (cf. Lantis, 1946, pp. 243–244). To put it in other terms, it is the formalized trading partnership which, although patterned in an Alaskan way and yet characteristic to some degree of all Eskimo, assumes more elaborated proportions in the phrasing of the North Alaskan cultures. In conclusion, the North Alaskans can be said to represent a basic Eskimo type or pattern (in so far as this is a definable concept), a pattern with its roots in some antiquity. Over this is laid a series of Alaskan Eskimo traits. There is then a particular local phrasing of both aspects. It can be said of the North Alaskan Eskimo that theirs was a marginal culture when viewed in the light of Alaskan Eskimo developments at large. Nowhere is this so well borne out as in the case of the partnerships, and also in the case of ceremonialism and religion. Mythology of course is generally Eskimo, or, indeed, boreal or subpolar with some local phrasing. Similarly, the world view differs nowise from that of other North American and Asiatic hunters. Shamanism, too, with all its array, its associated behavior and artifacts, is not out of keeping with the patterns found among other Eskimo. But the ceremonialism of North Alaska is basically that of Alaska. The Sedna myth, for example, is not present, nor the ceremonials associated in the central regions with the kinds of attentions devoted to Sedna. Instead, there is the presence of the two cults, that of the whale and of the caribou, with the ritualistic behavior of the kind characteristic of Alaska. The idea of greeting, of distribution of the meat, the treatment of boats and hunting weapons suggest a syncretism, a combining of elements which mark several feasts and ceremonials farther to the south. Two major festivals stand out in North Alaska, the one being the hunting celebrations, the other the Messenger Feast. The latter, as has been suggested, appears to be late. In both, however, appear traces of the festivals which are to be found on a much more elaborated scale in the south—the Bladder Feast, the "Asking" Feast, and many more. These do not appear as such, although their elements fuse in the two major festivals of the north. As Lantis (1947, pp. 114–115.) notes "The absence of public life-crisis ceremonies—birth, boys' lip-piercing, girls' puberty, memorial feasts—and the ritual simplicity of the festivals they did have, particularly in the fewer and more simply carved masks, made Point Barrow life look not different but distinctly less than the life of the Bering Sea people." This seems a fair statement. Indeed, as one considers the ritual paraphernalia, from Point Hope to Point Barrow, and again in the adjacent interior, it seems clear that a point of greater elaboration in the area, especially in this regard, lay in tikeraaq (Point Hope.). Here, according to informants and corroborated further by Rainey (1947), the kariyit were more elaborate, masks were more complex, and a kind of extreme, for the area, at least, appears to have been reached in the development of hunting fetishes. Point Hope had permanent kariyit, as indeed, did utkeaayvik and nuwuk, but those at Point Barrow were said to be smaller and less well furnished. When it became necessary, in fact, the Point Barrow kariyit were implemented with buildings of ice blocks, something seemingly never necessary in the larger and more splendid ceremonial structures of Point Hope. In other words, the temporary karigi of the interior peoples was at times duplicated at Point Barrow. The suggestion may be made, therefore, on the basis of this development, that many of the southern ritual elements were moving into the area at the time of contact and that Point Barrow, being farthest away, had not yet made as full capital or succeeded in effecting such complete integration of them as had the people of Point Hope. This brief summary touches only a few of the points which could be considered at length in defining the cultural position of North Alaska. The area, marginal to Alaska itself, thus suggests a meeting place of two strains, an eastern and a western. It is its own specialized area. Its economic development arises in far greater dependence than was true of any other Eskimo group on the great baleen whales. This made for a group of specialists, hunters who, in obtaining vast amounts of surplus food, made possible in turn the inland economy of caribou hunting. Maritime life and whaling, with the associated hunting of other sea mammals, seems crucial, for without the stability afforded by the trading of the products of the sea to the inland, the quasi-nomadic inland bands with their exclusive caribou hunting could not have flourished. Theirs would have had to be a variable existence, one of pushing to the sea at times and inland at other times. In North Alaska this was clearly not the case, although when the support of the maritime whalers is lost, as at Hotham Inlet and along the rivers which drain into it, the line between nuunamiut and tareumiut becomes less clear. It is in these areas of the Kobuk and Selawik Rivers, just as at the mouth of the McKenzie to the east, that the culture area of North Alaska begins to shade off. NORTH ALASKA AND ESKIMO CULTURE HISTORY The problem of Eskimo origins need not intrude into an ethnological study, one concerned, as this has been, with a people as they were essentially at the time of contact with Europeans—in the present case, roughly between 1800 and 1850. But the data submitted here do possess certain significant implications for the general question of Eskimo culture history, even if no attempt is made to present a conclusive resolution of its problems. Nowhere else among the Eskimo is the nuunamiut-tareumiut distinction so clearly pointed as here in North Alaska. Since this is so, it remains to examine the data further to see whether there are any suggestions which can be made as to the temporal sequence leading to the ethnographic present, if it is possible to determine a priority of one ecological mode over the other. A rapid review of some of the major theoretical points which have been advanced is in order. By Birket-Smith's theory, the nuunamiut, like the Caribou Eskimo of the Barren Grounds, would represent an earlier stage of Eskimo development. They would, in fact, be survivors from antiquity of the inland groups who, in pushing to the sea from the interior of North America, were to become the Eskimo (cf. Birket-Smith, 1929; 1952). This places them, because of fishing in the ice, in the Paleo-Eskimo stage of development. By this reasoning, the whale hunting and general settled maritime developments, suggestive of the so-called Neo-Eskimo stage, are later in time, representing specializations of the archaic base. This point of view, it will be remembered, can be traced back to early theorists—Rink, Steensby, and also to Franz Boas (Collins, 1951, pp. 423–424). Indeed, the notion of inland American origins for the Eskimo was once fairly widely accepted. The Ipiutak culture, pertinent to this study because of its location at Point Hope, described by Larsen and Rainey (1948), has suggested to these investigators a rephrasing of Birket-Smith’s theory at least in terms of later sequences. This prehistoric culture, with Asiatic affinities and distinguished by several striking features but negatively, by its absence of whaling, is identified with Birket-Smith’s Paleo-Eskimo stage of development, one in which the seasonal alternation of activity, between caribou hunting and sealing, comes to the fore. The nunamuit, by this reasoning, would be identified with the Ipiutak complex. Further, Rainey and Larsen’s “Arctic Whale Hunting” culture, developed as it is at Birnirk (at Point Barrow) and in the so-called Thule culture generally, bears out Birket-Smith’s Neo-Eskimo stage. Hence, the tareumut of this study, by the reasoning of both Birket-Smith and of the Ipiutak investigators, represent a later Eskimo level of development. But conversely, as De Laguna and Collins have demonstrated, even though Eskimo culture permits some distinction of definition, and although its affinities to a Siberian Neolithic are fairly clear, the strains which form it are too diverse, too scattered, and too difficult of definition to permit the kind of conclusive pinpointing which either Birket-Smith or Larsen and Rainey give. This does not invalidate Birket-Smith’s hypothesis, but it does in some measure contravene portions of it, since, on the basis of a host of assembled archeological evidence, the Eskimo cultures and Eskimo prehistory suggest an Asiatic source. Or, to put the matter more accurately, and following Collins, it appears that in Alaska, with the recent discoveries of the typologically Mesolithic Denbigh Flint Complex (Collins, 1951, p. 459; Giddings, 1952; Solecki, 1950; et al.) may be seen the type forms from which both the Siberian Neolithic and the ultimate Eskimo development arise. There is a negative distinctness to Eskimo culture in that in its particularistic adaptations, it is what adjacent non-Eskimo cultures are not; it is a boreal culture adjusted to special conditions, suggesting in its affinities and its impetus Asia rather than native America. But omitting the question of Asiatic origins, and being in agreement with the general hypothesis that there is too much diversity in Eskimo cultures to permit any one explanation of its beginnings and being, the present study suggests, on the basis of the data at hand, that the nuunamiut-tareumiut are not to be resolved in terms of the priority of one system over the other. It would have taken time for the earlier cultures of the region, for example, Ipiutak, to have developed the specialization of whaling. And at this stage of Eskimo development whaling was not practiced. That aspect of Eskimo life which led peoples to push away from the coasts to the land in search of game, and again to the sea after sea mammals seems a not unreasonable solution, one practiced still by some living groups of Eskimo. The suggestion must thus be made that the inland-maritime dichotomy represents not one system which evolves into another, but rather two specialized kinds of developments in the domain of a common culture. When compared, it has been established that the two groups did not differ from each other except in the ways of making a living. 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(E. Sabine, ed.) London. APPENDIX I: TOBACCO Tobacco reached the North Alaskan area in the precontact period. While the advent of tobacco cannot be dated, it seems apparent that it had reached Barrow by diffusion and trade before 1826. Murdoch mentions its description by Beechey's account (Beechey, 1832, p. 308). Elson, of the Blossom, describes both the marketable value of tobacco and its universality among the Barrow Eskimo (ibid.). The older pipes, some of which are still seen in use today, appear to be of a Siberian or Russian type. Unquestionably, the presence of tobacco at this early date reflects a widespread and lively aboriginal trade. Murdoch mentions preferences for certain kinds of tobacco at Barrow and points out that both pipe smoking and chewing, by no means limited to adults, were the rule (Murdoch, 1892, p. 66). He further indicates that the pipes were cleaned and that before smoking, a bit of caribou hair was placed in the bottom of the bowl to keep the smaller tobacco flakes from entering the pipe (ibid., p. 70). Living informants still recall the importance of tobacco to the aboriginal precontact culture. As part of the process of economic and trade specialization, certain families took over the task of obtaining tobacco. These left as soon as the sea was passable and might be gone all summer. Tobacco was obtained from the Cape Prince of Wales and Diomede Island area. The trades brought pelts of various kinds and had evidently established partnerships in the areas where tobacco was obtainable in quantity. Leaves were sacked in caribou skins, carefully, so as to prevent mold. Such sacks were extremely valuable. They were fairly small, containing 40 leaves. For half a sack, one man paid 5 caribou skins as well as 5 tanned skins of caribou fawn and several lengths of cured sinew. In another case, two men were out hunting at sea; one had tobacco and the other, desiring some, paid one of his labrets for a smoke. While not a beaded labret of higher worth, this ornament was nevertheless considered quite valuable. Tobacco was thus extremely costly. Certain individuals acted as middlemen in the tobacco trade. This was true not only of the families who went directly to the source of supply, but along the coast there were people who specialized in tobacco trading. For the Barrow groups, contacts with such middlemen, such as those at Icy Cape and even Kotzebue, involved long trading journeys. The trading of skins and pelts for tobacco was the usual procedure. Tobacco was either sacked in the manner described or placed in pouches of walrus gut. Other types of pouches are described by Murdoch but not recalled today. People made their own pipes after the models which they saw elsewhere. Men smoked a short pipe, easily carried, and cleaned it before each use. Women smoked a longer pipe. Both were carried under the parka. Bowls were often made of ivory, but not infrequently of metal, the latter being imported. Clay pipes were also imported at a later postcontact period. The tobacco was obtained in leaf form. The leaves were crushed and rolled for smoking, while the stems were reserved for chewing. The smoking tobacco was often adulterated with willow bark mainly to stretch the quantity. Unadulterated tobacco was preferred and often requested of one partner by another in the Messenger Feast. Pipe bowls were quite small. When filled, they afforded two or three drags. The method of smoking, however, was significant. The smoker inhaled directly from the pipe, often holding his breath as long as possible before expelling the smoke. Amusing incidents are still recounted of how such and such a man, after bargaining for a drag on a pipe from a pipe owner, would seek to hold the smoke in his lungs as long as he could, often falling insensible before expelling it. This point is borne out by Murdoch who describes the tears, coughing, and sputtering associated with smoking. Along the coast, nearly everyone owned a pipe and smoked. There was no feeling against smoking by women or children, although the latter were usually not sufficiently economically productive to get their own tobacco. People coming to Barrow from inland would tend to bargain for a drag on a pipe and would pay high prices for the privilege. Murdoch mentions that chewing was also universal and notes that 2- and 3-year-old nursing children might be pacified with a quid of tobacco. The juice was swallowed, apparently, as Murdoch notes, without ill effects (Murdoch, 1892, p. 70). The European whalers seem to have introduced snuff which is still used by some older people. With the advent of money into the community, cigarettes are the usual fare today, although some men smoke modern pipes. A few old women may still be seen smoking the pipe of the precontact period. Many of the older men prefer to chew. In the latter case, tobacco is pared from the cake in small shavings. These are apparently swallowed, since no one has been observed spitting tobacco. The writer has sat with old men for several hours as they put flake after flake of tobacco into their mouths. This was never expelled. Most men smoke today. Many women smoke as well but this is much less frequent, apparently as the result of influence from the church. Cigarettes are the usual fare for women. While it is known that tobacco reached the various Eskimo groups from abroad and that no Eskimo tribe, so far as can be judged, and unlike the natives of British Columbia, raised its own tobacco, a tale relating to the origin of tobacco was recorded. This is of interest since it not only points up the adoption of a complex and its elevation to an important level in the culture, but as an example of myth making. As a folkloristic study, it might be of significance to trace the tale among other peoples. The tale follows: There was an old lady that started tobacco. She had a grandson. When the time came for her to die, she expressed the wish to have her body placed several days' journey away, near the mountains where the streams do not run fast. She made her grandson take her on his back and carry her there. He started out walking with her. At last they came to a place where the streams were moving slowly down from the mountains. He laid her down on some flat rocks there and she said, "This is where I want to be." She told him that when she died, he should leave her body there and come back next spring to see what was growing in that place. He should wait and when the plants got bigger, he should taste them. If he liked the taste, he should make a little pipe and smoke some of that plant in it. And then he should sell it to others. Every summer he came back to the place and each time the plants had got bigger and each time they tasted better. He had meanwhile married a woman and had two small boys. He took his sons up there with him. Once, on the way, they met a woman whom he invited to taste the plant. She expressed a wish to have some more. "Take it to the other people," he told her, "and see if they want some too." The other people were happy to get this tobacco and bought it from the man. He became very rich. The woman who helped him continued to do so and he made her husband his agent, saying that all who wanted tobacco should buy it through that man. After he had started doing this, he went up there near the mountains and lived. His sons and he cut the leaves and made them into bundles of 40. After that, the woman's husband came back again and got the bundles for sale. In the summertime, the plants grew again where they had put the old lady's body. This was the best tobacco in the world. It tasted better than the tobacco which the ships brought. The introduction of a magical origin, that is, from the old woman's body, suggests, as noted, the value with which tobacco was regarded. It is evident that the myth is recent. It lacks the drama and continuity of the older Eskimo tales. The story may be regarded very likely as a rationalization on the part of the Eskimo of the Arctic slope to discover an origin of so important a narcotic as tobacco. As nearly as can be ascertained, prior to the 19th century no narcotic or stimulant of any kind was known. As noted elsewhere, the complete absence of plant utilization would preclude any experimentation in respect to the native flora. APPENDIX 2: DOGS Dogs, qimmiq (pl., qimmit), were vital to transportation on land, and they still remain the sole means of winter travel and transport. People without dogs were "poor" and were obliged to depend on others for travel and often for meat. Unquestionably, dog hitching and dog transport are very ancient in the area, as indeed, they seem to be in the entire Eskimo zone, but it is surprising that only in recent years have innovations been applied which make use of dogs as burden carriers more practical. In the aboriginal culture there was no concept of training a lead dog. Instead, dogs were strung out on a single trace, the owner grasping the harness of the first dog and running with the team. Tandem hitching was introduced in 1906-7 by the Native Service school and may depend in part on the influence of reindeer which were also hitched in pairs. One informant was interviewed who carried the mail between Barrow and Kotzebue between 1904 and 1910. He used the single trace until 1906 and was much surprised when in Kotzebue, in 1905, he saw tandem hitching for the first time. He began to use this method in 1906, but it was several years before it came into common use and then, as noted, largely through the school. It is evident that some further research should be done on this subject, since tandem hitching may be aboriginal in the Greenland area. There were two types of traces in the aboriginal culture. One was the single trace and the other the fanwise trace. The latter was preferred for hunting, since the dogs could be easily released when a polar bear or wolves were in sight. The fanwise trace was fastened to the sled with a pin. The lines in either case were of walrus hide. Murdoch (1892, p. 358) states that the dogs he saw were strung in a single line from the sled, and were hitched alternately on each side of the line. He mentions, too, that there were no lead dogs, although that a bitch in heat might be put at the head of the procession so that the other dogs would follow more readily. He says that a woman or child might run ahead with the lead dog, although anyone might do this, including the owner of the team. Murdoch (1892, p. 360) is also of the opinion that the single trace is superior to the tandem hitch, since it places the burden directly on each dog. Each dog was named, and learned his name quickly. While dogs "have no souls," their names could be important and there is a suggestion that by naming a dog one could allow a soul to enter it. Thus, if a family had no children, the dog might be given the name of one of the deceased relatives. This was not done too frequently but was well known. When a dog received the name of a human, it was taken into the house and better fed than the other dogs. Names were not descriptive, and there were no dog nicknames. There was a whole range of names which were reserved for dogs and never used for humans unless magically. If several children died in succession, the one surviving might be given a dog's name to break the sequence. This, it was said, always worked and saved the life of a surviving child. Dogs were trained by women. Puppies were kept in the hallway of the house and prevented from tearing things by being struck with a stick. The dog also learned not to eat in the house. When broken to the team, the puppy was first harnessed and allowed to pull against its mistress. After a time, the dog was put on the sled and the woman stood before him and called him, rewarding him when he came dragging the sled. It was not, however, necessary to reward the dog with food. Dogs were also petted as a reward. A newly broken dog was harnessed behind experienced dogs, and the team called. The best dogs for sleds were those who were "more scared," a fact which remains true today. At present, with tandem hitching, a lead dog is trained. Both men and women train the leader, selecting a puppy which seems best suited to the task. The leader is a pet, often kept in the house in winter and not staked out in the snow as are the other members of the team. A good leader is trained to respond to the directions of the driver. The dog stops on command and has learned to change direction, either at verbal command or when the driver exclaims, "mawn, mawn!" (turn!) and indicates the direction with his arm. The dog in the latter case will stop and look behind to note the direction indicated by the driver. When the lead dog is lost, the older method is still used, the woman often going ahead and directing the team. A team is started by the command "ku, ku!" and there are like commands to halt a team. To summon a team, one calls, "hay!" In verbal commands, a right turn is indicated by "gi," a left by "ha," stopping by "ou." These cries vary somewhat from town to town and as between inland and maritime people. Dogs may also respond to an arm sign to slow or halt. It is the lead dog which is trained specifically to heed the commands given. It is said that until a dog is actually on the team, one is not sure how it will work out, how it will get on with the other members of the team. A dog was called by saying, "sal!" A "good" dog is valued by the owner. If it dies, however, it is not customary to show any grief. A child is free to do so. An old dog may be killed. It is not eaten, however, although it may be skinned. Some groups raised puppies for food and clothing. In traveling, a sick dog might be carried on the sled. If, in traveling, the team tires, a day or two halt may be called to rest the dogs. When not working, the team members are tied. Useless in summer, the teams are underfed and watered infrequently. In winter, however, when the team is again necessary to transport, greater care is given. A team is staked down when not in use in summer or winter. The dogs burrow in the snow in winter and are given shelter only in extremes of wind or weather. Dogs were given meat in winter once a day. Water, blood, and blubber (excluding whale meat or any parts of the whale, this being hateful to the whale) were a usual fare for dogs. If meat was lacking, fish might be given twice a day in winter. Walrus was the usual dog feed, this meat being unpopular with humans. Walrus is still the principal dog food. Fish are also given dogs, as well as caribou droppings mixed with oil, and, not infrequently, human feces. Pet dogs are more frequent at present than was true in the past. A favorite dog is allowed in the house and may not be broken to a team. English names, the dog names of western culture, are given today, and the custom of giving the dog a name of a deceased person, or indeed, of a dead dog, is pretty much gone. Modern names include: kummiq (chocolate), Stranger, Whitey, Right, Snap, Daisy, Blackie, Nigger, Bruno, John. Some of the older dog names, such as agiilak, are still used. Small children play with puppies. Little girls treat the puppies as babies and carry them in their parka hoods. In the aboriginal culture, there were several attitudes toward dogs which play a prominent part in what might be called law or law ways. If a person were bitten by a dog, or if the dog barked too much, annoyed children, or the like, one went to the owner and requested that the dog be tied. If the offense were repeated, one was free to kill the dog. This might have serious repercussions, as one of the foregoing legal cases attests. If, however, the dog owner were warned, and failed to heed the warning, the dog could presumably be killed with impunity. There were also several supernatural ideas relating to dogs. If a person or a child were bitten by a dog, the dog could under no circumstances be killed. If this were done, the person bitten would die. In the modern scene, a dilemma is thus created for the dog owner, since the advice of older people is always against killing the dogs, while white man's culture might demand the killing of a vicious dog. Dogs might talk to their masters, pulling the skin of the head back and speaking. There were no dog-spirit helpers, however. Dogs were inherited. If they descended by inheritance to an unskilled person or to an orphan, others might take the dogs and divide them. Relatives might keep dogs for a young person until he had acquired sufficient skill in handling them. Children, boys especially, were trained at the age of about 5 or 6 in the care and handling of dogs. It was considered that a long term of experience was necessary before taking dogs out into the Arctic winter and staking one's life on them. More dogs were owned by the maritime people than by the inland. Shortages and the nomadic round apparently reduced the inland number. No one inland had more than six dogs. Actually, this number was sufficient for winter travel, since the sled with iced runners was extremely mobile and a few dogs could carry a great load. On the coasts, 14 to 16 dogs in a team was not unusual. Here they were used with the heavier box sled, and for coastal travel the runners were not iced. Today, at Barrow, 14 dogs constitute a large team. Anywhere from 8 to 16 dogs might be used. From personal observation, it may be said that the inland dog type is much larger. A team is regarded as valuable property. The trained lead dog would never be sold. Indeed, there appears a feeling against selling or trading dogs, except puppies. Once one has trained a dog to one's own liking, it is kept. One cannot emphasize sufficiently the value of the dog as a means of transport to the cultures of the area, both in the past and at present. The reindeer has failed to supplant the dog as a means of transportation, and as a result the dog team remains paramount, despite the efforts of the Alaska Native Service in favor of reindeer. There is little doubt that the reindeer would be more practical and considerably less expensive to keep, but the feeling against the loneliness of the herdsman required by reindeer herding is still too strong. A dog is said to eat as much as a man, which may mean from 6 to 7 pounds of meat a day when working. This means that the energies of the hunter must be extended toward getting meat for his dogs as well as for his family. While the dog is not the subject of identification, except perhaps for the pet dogs and lead dogs of today, and is not felt to be imbued with feelings and motives like those of humans, it is vital that good care be given. Boots, for example, are made for dogs as protection against ice, and the dogs may be rubbed down with oil or mixed oil and marrow as mosquito protection. It not infrequently occurs that a team is lost. When out on the ice, for example, a rift may occur which necessitates the abandoning of a team. Two teams were lost in this way early in 1952, one consisting of a sled and 14 dogs. This was a hard blow to the owner, who had then to begin working up a new team and buying puppies from others at about $5 an animal. He had before him the whole process of training and estimated that it would be at least 3 years before he could take his new team out. It is generally felt that a dog must be 2 years old before it is strong enough to work with a team. The dogs of the area are wholly nondescript. There has evidently been much admixture with outside breeds. The classic Eskimo dog which is described by Murdoch is a rarity. Dogs appear in all shades and sizes. Apparently no attempts are made to effect selective breeding. Nor could any data be had on attempts to interbreed dogs and wolves. The winter of 1951–52 was a serious one for the Barrow community. Distemper was introduced at this time and decimated the dog population. It is said that over 250 of a dog population of about 750 perished. Inoculations were begun through the local hospital and the local National Guard, and the problem was further studied and inoculations given by the United States Public Health Service in the summer of 1952. Many families were hard hit by the epidemic. As noted, there was some tendency to anthropomorphize in respect to dogs. In general, however, the feeling is that dogs are primarily a means of transportation. Except for the lead dogs, an innovation, the team, when working, is treated well and pretty much impersonally. APPENDIX 3: POTTERY While the present investigation did not devote much time to aboriginal material culture, the presence of pottery, so unusual in so markedly nonagricultural a people as those of the Alaskan Arctic slope, deserved some attention. The detailed studies of pottery styles made by such investigators as De Laguna (cf. 1947) and others, need not be elaborated on here. However, it may be of interest to consider pottery from an ethnological, rather than an archeological point of view. The presence of potsherds in fair amounts in archeological sites of the region attests a fairly extensive use of pottery in the aboriginal period. A brief description of potsherds found in the Barrow area is given by Murdoch, although the latter denies ever seeing a pot either in use or in process of construction (Murdoch, 1882, p. 91). Metal vessels were already being used in the area at the time of the Beechey voyage and point again to the lively precontact trade described by Elson (Beechey, 1832, p. 572). It is true, however, that pottery was being made both during and after Murdoch's visit and the art was still known in 1916, when an old woman made such a vessel for Stefansson at his request. By the late 19th century the need for pottery had begun to disappear with the intensive introduction of metal vessels from abroad. Murdoch's failure to find any pottery in use is hardly surprising in view of the fact that such pottery vessels were made for the inland trade, the coastal people preferring to keep the imported metal vessels for their own use. As will be seen, moreover, there was a special need for such pottery among the nuunamiut. Pottery generally is known as utkusik. A clay pot is called individually kiku. Both words refer to pottery of clay as distinguished from vessels of other types, such as the wooden tubs which were used much more extensively than pots of clay. The term kiku is apparently a localism at Barrow and Wainwright. It refers to a specific place which bore the name kiku from which the clay used in making the pottery was obtained. utkusik was the common generic term. A word also in common use was naaparuq, "without handles," which referred to the large pointed-bottom, lugless pot. Locally, at Barrow and Wainwright, this was also kiku. Several types of pottery were known. The principal type was the naaparuq, a simple, largely undecorated, black, pointed-bottom vessel, often with perforations at the lip for suspension with cords. In size, these ranged from 15 to as much as 24 inches long, with a diameter at the lips of 19 to 12 inches. A second type was the smaller cup, a round bomblike vessel 6 to 8 inches in height. This was a ceremonial vessel and used only for giving fresh water to the bodies and bones of slain sea mammals. In the whale expeditions, for example, when a whaling crew had been successful, the snout of the animal was brought up on the offshore ice. The wife of the umaliq came forward with fresh water in the cup and made the formal ritual offering of water, pouring it into the snout of the whale. This cup was kept in a special place in the karigi and could be taken from there by any woman whose husband had taken a sea mammal. Similarly, when a house was moved and the bones of seals, whales, walrus, etc. were collected together and burned, water was again offered them in this cup. This vessel might also be made of wood. A third type of pottery recalled by living informants was a flat-bottomed, panlike vessel, one which might also resemble the stone lamp of the household. The lamp, however, as well as another type of vessel resembling the flat-bottomed pan, was most often made of soapstone and was not regarded as utkusik. The naaparuq type appears to have been the most common. Pottery making was regarded as women's work and the finished pot as women's property. This held true among the maritime groups. Inland people, however, had special uses for the pottery associated with caribou hunting. This was obtained by trade from the maritime people and became the property of men. Any woman who had the skill was free to make pottery. A necessary element was a special clay obtainable at the site of kiku, a location some miles down the coast from modern Barrow at the location of Skull Cliff. Women might take a day or two in summer to go down to the site and gather enough clay. At times, the pottery was made at the place where the clay was obtained and the pots left until they could be called for by boat. Some women made a practice of bringing back bags of clay from kiku and trading some of it to other women. Only this reddish clay was adequate for pottery. A living informant recalls that one woman tried to make a pot using the local gray clay but that she was unable to get it to congeal. As nearly as can be recalled by living residents who have seen pottery made, the steps in making a vessel were as follows: 1. The clay was made into a "loaf," kneaded and watered frequently again and again. From time to time, sand was mixed into it. 2. When sufficiently moist, and of the right texture, the maker rubbed the clay between the hands, gradually adding the down from duck wings as well as a quantity of blood. Murdoch specifically lists bear's blood as the ingredient at this point. Modern informants state that any blood was acceptable. Feathers and blood, together with clay and sand, and, occasionally, crushed shells, provided a fairly cohesive mass with which to work. This was worked by a kneading process. 3. The pot now being ready to construct, a base was used. This was either a flat stone with one convex side or a few pieces of sinew, tied and braided together. If the former base was used, the stone was removed when the pot was put together; if the latter, it was simply sunk into the clay. 4. Using the base of her choice, the maker, now rolling the clay into a strand between her palms, started the coiling process. The initial coils were drawn around the selected base and from this, the pot was coiled into shape. 5. A flat stone was now held inside the pot and the outside was worked around with a wooden or bone paddle. 6. When the pot was completed as to shaping, it was set in the sun and allowed to dry (pottery could only be made in summer). 7. During the drying process, a series of sinew cords might be tied about the neck and shoulders of the pot. These were sometimes knotted, lending additional strength to the vessel. While the vessel was drying, or in the course of being finished with the paddle, such decoration as might be put on were added. Decoration was often no more than a stamped indentation around the neck. No recollection is had today of any spiral designs. The cord marking was often the only design element and this was more often inadvertent. More frequently than not, pots were undecorated. They were never colored in any way. 8. After drying, the pot was fired. This was a simple process, involving the building of a fire, often with oil, in a depression in the sand. Firing was imperfect, since the pot was simply laid on the fire and turned from time to time. One informant recalls the dried pot being suspended by cords through perforations over a fire. The blackness of the pottery probably relates to the use of oil in the fire to increase heat. While these general steps appear to have been universally followed, a woman was free to utilize the materials at hand for the making of pottery. Mention is made of various kinds of feathers, of ashes, and of blood in various quantities as congealing agents. All informants are agreed that the blood which was used in the manufacture should be free of oil, since the oil prevented congealing. When a pot broke, it was repaired by means of additional clay, feathers, and blood, and it was refired. Pottery among the tareumiut was fairly common. Not every household had it, however. Pottery was stored in the hallway of the house in the cooking area. It was used only for cooking, rarely for storage of food. A woman felt free to borrow a pot from her relative or neighbor should she not own one. Pottery was used for boiling meat and was fairly satisfactory for the purpose. The pottery was never set over the flame but was used with the stone boiling method. The thick-walled, imperfectly fired pots were not always waterproof. Hence, in cooking, they were often lined with a caribou paunch, walrus gut, or some other watertight substance. The pointed-bottom vessels were stood up against stones in cooking. It is in the various aspects relating to trade that the pottery made along the Alaskan Arctic coast assumes interest. Actually, the maritime Eskimo had not too much need for vessels of this type and preferred wooden tubs to the pottery. The latter were much more easily transported and infinitely less fragile. But there was a demand for pottery among the caribou Eskimo of the interior, for it formed an important part of the ceremonies relating to the principal caribou round-up and slaughter. This activity, corresponding to the whale hunting of the coastal peoples, was fraught with ritual and religious circumspection. Held in spring, the caribou roundup involved a series of ceremonies held both before and after the hunting activity. For example, at this time caribou could not be butchered with a metal knife and the first flesh eaten from the animals in this period had to be cooked in a clay pot. This fact accounts for the demand for pottery. The fact that the nuunamiut were not in a position, by virtue of their nomadic existence, to make pottery and to transport it at any length, necessitated their obtaining it from the settled peoples along the sea. It therefore became most important as an item of trade and was valued accordingly. Thus a maritime woman who made pottery might make it simply for purposes of trade and not for her own use in the home. For a large naaparuq she could get as many as five caribou skins. Hence, among the items brought by the maritime groups to the great trading point at neyliq were pots in fairly large numbers. There was rough equating of values, in which pottery had a definite place. Thus five caribou skins were generally equivalent to a poke of seal oil. A large pot was equated on about the same level. Another such trading point was at nooataq, located inland along the mountains. Here, too, pottery was extensively traded. As part of the trading process of pottery, agreements were made between trading partners to the effect that on the next contact a certain number of pots, so many pokes of oil, etc., were to be brought and traded for such and such an amount of inland products. The development of pottery among the Eskimo of northern Alaska is clearly of interest as a cultural oddity. While there is the suggestion that the pottery of the region owes its origins to a diffusion from the peoples of the interior of Alaska, there is also the point that Siberian connections are not to be ignored. Apart from the historical connections, however, a feature deserving of further study, there is the interesting problem of the function of pottery in the cultures of the area. As noted, pottery had little place in the maritime cultures. The little cup in which water was offered to hunted sea mammals was of pottery but was crew property, kept in the karigi, and obtained as needed by the hunter's wife. Such pots would therefore be rare. Murdoch does not even mention them. On the other hand, the large cooking pots, while certainly common among the maritime Eskimo, lacked all the ceremonial implications which they had for the caribou Eskimo of the inland. The difference is an interesting one. It appears that it was through such differences in economic specialization and ceremonial interest that trade and contact were kept alive. It is not to be implied, of course, that there were differences in point of view as between the two groups. Certainly, an inland man in engaging in whaling, if at the sea during the season, followed the same ceremonial restrictions and patterns as did his maritime hosts. And the reverse was true of the seaman hunting caribou with people of the inland regions. Because of the ceremonial use of pottery by the caribou Eskimo, the maritime groups found a market. There was, as stated, little use for pottery on the coast. The preference was for igaavaktuat, the wooden tubs. These, made with a sewed frame in the shape of a hoop, thus circular, and fitted with a bottom of thin boards, made for infinitely superior water containers. At Barrow and Wainwright, wood was hardly obtainable in sufficient quantities to make these vessels, which, although fairly shallow, were about 30 inches in circumference. It is true that the vessel was copied in the Barrow area in baleen, but the wooden tub was preferred. Such vessels were used for storing water, and ice was placed in them in the house to melt. They were also used to collect the urine which formed so important a part of the tanning process and was also used for washing. The nomadic groups, trading for wood farther inland made these and traded them to the sea. There was also a coastwise trade in them with the kuvuqmiut, people of kuvuk, south of Kotzbue, who manufactured these items. But while wooden vessels were useful and necessary to the maritime existence, they did not fetch so high a price as the pottery and were not nearly so prized. APPENDIX 4: TIME RECKONING, ENUMERATION DAYS OF THE WEEK tawsinutuat .................................................. Monday aypiksuat .................................................... Tuesday pigacuksut ................................................... Wednesday sisaameksut ................................................ Thursday tallimeksut ................................................ Friday ieexireksut ................................................ Saturday savaycut ..................................................... Sunday There is no question that the above are loan-translations arising in the postcontact period. Other designations were not known. In view of the variations in respect to names for the months, one should expect similar disagreement for days of the week. The fact that there is none points to a recent development. MONTH NAMES The reckoning of months was on a lunar basis. Twelve and thirteen months were named although there was no careful count. The emphasis lay on seasons rather than on the months themselves. However, there were month names which varied with each group. Some reflect the major activities, others are descriptive of some event which occurs seasonally at the time. Month names were collected by the present writer for both nuunamiut and the coastal groups, by Stoney (1900, p. 101), by John Simpson (1855, pp. 260–261), and by Rainey (1947). Some such names are translatable, others are not. Names of the months may be listed as follows: January -------------- awaktuavik sakinveleersaq, “Sun returning” sakin’aceuq (Stoney), “Sun returning” iraasiugarun (Simpson), “Great cold” sakir’aaatsiya, “New sun” February -------------- panaksivik, “Drying skins” sekonaasuguruq (Stoney), “Snow is melting” sakin’aceuq (v. above) seksilawik (Simpson) March --------------- sakin’zasuguruq, “Sun gets high” kusewiktaguwik (Stoney), “Snow is melting” kaatitaqyvik (Simpson), “Whales return” April --------------- kiliriqtatqeaq, “Little birds come” katitteraavik kelleriktutkeraat (Stoney), “Owls come” kawaytpiviuna (Simpson), “Birds come” May suvluuwevik, “Rivers start running” umckaavik, “Umiak is ready” tonmeretutkeraat (Stoney), “Geese come” kawayaniivuna (Simpson), “Birds hatched” June sikururguwik (Stoney), “Ice breaks” kawaylaanruivuna (Simpson), “Birds fledged” July mitkoyaxsiivik irgenuiwik (Stoney), “Birds lay eggs” ecerwik (Stoney), “Moulting” amiraaksiuuna (Simpson) August eecerwik, “Moulting” (v. July) itkowaaktuvik (Simpson) negaralaaligit (Stoney), “Geese cannot fly” ecerreat (Stoney), “Geese lack feathers” September sikusaavik, “Ice begins” sokaaktitaktuat, “New antlers” aarmakeusevik (Stoney), “New velvet” October sulirevik aruptutkeraat (Stoney), “Water freezes” sudlewik (Simpson), “Sewing” November kiyevilwik, (“Shamans) get busy” nucleaaayuwik (Stoney), “Caribou cohabit” sudlewik aytpa (Simpson), “Sewing” December aageluuleraavik, “They shine” (Morning and evening star) awlaktuavik, “Time of departure” (i.e., seals and caribou) nugeruvaaksiivik (Stoney), “Horns drop” The above offers a rough equation of month names with those applied by the peoples in question. There was overlapping and no exactness was required. Living informants, although they may know no English, make use of English month names. The native designations reflect activities, preoccupations, and descriptions of conditions. More exact and much more specific were the designations for the seasons. SEASONS Winter uqiiyuq Spring upinaakeraax Summer upinneraak Fall uqaq These nouns are a reflection of the basic division of the year into cold and warm periods. It is of interest that any situational description, as in recounting events, in a folktale, requires that the associated season be designated. THE CARDINAL DIRECTIONS North nigit West kananuak South unalak East kiloowaganak (palusakkanak) The peoples of the area recognize only the four cardinal directions. The zenith and nadir, expressed as kummun and anmun respectively, are not regarded as primary. Exactness, as in sea travel, for example, can be rendered by combinations of the cardinal points, often with saninmun, sideways. ENUMERATION Several systems of enumeration have been in use among the North Alaskan peoples. These aboriginal methods of counting have for the most part been dropped in favor of English numbers. Informants are agreed that the counting systems were complex and unwieldy in the past, in view of the presence of several parallel numbers derived ostensibly from different sources. The individual was free to count by the system he chose. Basically, the system is decimal, with the first five numbers reappearing as compounds in enumeration above five. The system is variable not only as the result of coexistent terms, but also because of the presence of grammatical numerical classifiers in language. Attention is given here only to one set of numerals: 1. atawsi 2. aypak 3. pinayoak 4. sisamak 5. tallimak 6. icexerat (also arviliyirilie, i.e., six skins to cover an umiak) 7. tallimatmalo (five and two; malo, a variant) 8. tallimatpinasut (five and three) 9. xulipnoγotayle 10. xulit 11. atawmeak 15. akimmeak; tallineak 20. inpuinvak 30. inpuinvak xulit 40. malirokipeak (fingers and toes of two persons) 50. malirokipeak xulit 60. pipusipeak (fingers and toes of three persons) 70. pipusipeak xulit 80. sisamakipeak (fingers and toes of four persons) 90. sisamakipeak xulit 100. tallimakipeak (fingers and toes of five persons) The numeral 20, which seems irregular, refers to the digits of one person (in'uk). Counting games were popular and were played between children. The following is a list of the books and pamphlets on the subject of the history of the United States which have been published in the last year: 1. "The History of the United States" by John Fiske. 2. "The Story of the United States" by Henry Adams. 3. "The Making of the United States" by Charles Francis Adams. 4. "The United States and the World" by John Hay. 5. "The United States and the War" by William Howard Taft. These books and pamphlets provide a comprehensive overview of the history of the United States, covering various aspects such as politics, economics, and culture. They are valuable resources for anyone interested in learning more about the country's past. Informants at Point Barrow. Barrow village today. a, A sod house in use at Point Lay. b, The iccellik, tent of the nuunamiut. c, Storage racks, meat cache, and umiak frame, Point Lay. a, The 1953 summer settlement of nuunamiut at Anatuvuk Pass. b, A house ruin at Tikeraaq (Point Hope). c, Summer house of the Barrow village people at piryiniq (Birnirk), the duck shooting station. a, The spring whaling camp at an ice lead near Barrow village. (Courtesy W. Wartes.) b, An umiak in tow, stern foremost. c, Barrow village men shooting walrus from an ice floe. a, Barrow village women engaged in skinning a polar bear. b, nalukataq. The "blanket toss" celebration held at the close of a successful spring whaling season. (Courtesy W. Wartes.) c, Informant and interpreter Alfred Hopson, shown with his daughter. a, Chorus of men singing at a social dance at Barrow village. b, The traditional Eskimo tambourine. c, Women join the men in singing, seated near or behind them. a, Informants at Anaktuvuk Pass, Nuunamiut man and wife. b, Sikvayungaq shown with the box drum used in the Messenger Feast. Ayaraq (string figure). $a$, Sawiaxlukak carrying his kayak. $b$, Aakluq, the two brown bears. $c$, Amawk, the wolf. INDEX Abandonment, of aged, babies, or infirm, 92–95, 233 Abduction, in marriage, 79, 80–81 Aberle, David F., 301, 455 Abortion, 229 Acculturation, 353–382 Activities, yearly cycle of, 140–143, 331, 366–370 Adopted child, responsibilities of, 90–91 Adoption, 91, 87–92, 95, 144, 166 attitudes toward, 91 frequency of, 91–92 of newborn child, 233 See also Quasi-kinship. Adoptive kinship relationships, 69 Adultery, 99 Affection, toward infants, 234 Affinal kinship terms, 68–69 Age classes, absence of, 243 Aged, treatment of, 145 Aggression, patterns of, 161 Alaska, see North Alaska. Alaskan Arctic slope, 9–13, 126 Alaska Native Service (A.N.S.), 5, 353, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363, 382, 465 Alaskan Eskimo cultures, 446–452 Alcohol, 107–108, 114 Amulets, 282–286, 312, 445 classes of, 282 curing functions of, 283, 255–256 food prohibitions with, 283 given by shamans, 284 household, 56, 255–256 inheritance of, 255 of the dead, 284 song associations of, 279 whaling, 332, 337, 338–342, 343 Anaktuvuk Pass, 4, 10, 19, 20, 22, 24, 44, 379 Christianity, 379 See also killiyamiut. Anaktuvuk River, 28 Anglican denomination, 379 Animal and human interrelations, in religion, 261–277 Animal power, in shamanism, 300–301 Animal souls, 264–277 Animal tales, told as moral lessons, 266–267 Animals, supernatural aspects of, 261–277 Anxiety, occasioned by hunting, 262–264 occasioned by shamans, 299–300 aqutawken (men who had sexual relations with the same woman), 80, 120 aqatkoak, see Shamanism. aqatquq (shaman), see Shamanism. Arctic Contractors, Ltd., 2, 363, 376 Arctic hysteria, 301, 319–320, 455 Arctic Institute of North America, 1 Arctic Research Laboratory, Point Barrow, 1, 26 Artisans, 196 "Askings" feasts, 193, 451 Assemblies of God, denomination, 379 Associations, aboriginal, 166–192, 443–444 See also Crew (hunting group) association; karigi; Partnerships. Aurora borealis, 253 Baleen, market for, 361 Baleen basketry, as modern craft, 360–361 Ball games, 190, 207, 251 See also Football; Messenger Feast. Band, economic, of nunamiauti, 127–139 Barrow village (modern), 1, 4, 14, 16, 19, 358–382 Christian church at, 331–332 reindeer herding at, 364–366 Barter, 193–209 See also Partnerships; Trade. Barter Island, 17 Beads (trade), 156–157, 203, 360 Bear (grizzly), hunting of, 32 relations to supernatural, 266, 270–271 See also Polar bear. Beauty, ideals of, 246 Beechey, Capt. F. W., 359, 455, 462, 470 Behavioral ideals, 161 See also Individual; Personality. Behavioral prohibitions, religious, see Prohibitions. Beluga, hunting of, 33–34, 276, 374 relations to supernatural, 276 Bering Strait Eskimo, 24, 172 Berries, 24, 375 Bible, in Eskimo, 379 Bidding, in trade, 195–196 Bilateral descent, 62–63 Birds, see Ducks; Fowl. Birket-Smith, Kaj, 126, 127, 257, 349, 452–453, 455 Birnirk culture (prehistoric), 14, 448, 453 Birth, 231–234 hut, 231–232 magic, 231, 232–234 prohibitions at, 57, 231–234 See also Childbirth. Bladder Feast, 451 Blanket-toss, 351–352 See also nalukataq. Blood, as food, 376 Blood feuds, revenge, see Feuds. Bloodletting, in curing, 329 Boas, Franz, 264, 310, 453, 455 Boat-launching, in whaling, 342, 353 See also umiak. Bogoras, W., 455 Bola, use of, 35 Bone fractures, 329 Boys’ puberty, 241–243 social status, 336 Bride service, 78, 245 Brooks Mountains, 9 Brower, Capt. Charles D., 92, 107, 114, 195, 218, 253, 263, 318, 360, 372, 378, 455 Bullying, as a social mechanism, 238–239 Camps, inland Eskimo, 48 Cannibalism, 95 Cantwell, John C., 456 Cape Denbigh, 13 Cape Prince of Wales, 49 Cape Smythe, 16 whaling company, 51 Cardinal directions, 476 Caribou (Rangifer arcticus stonei), 22, 27–32, 132, 135–136, 152, 163, 178, 269–270, 331, 353–357 as food, 374 butchering, 356 ceremonialism associated with, 31, 182, 353–357, 446 See also Cult habits, 27–28 hides as trade items, 203–204 hunting, 22, 27–32, 132, 135–136, 152, 163, 178, 269–270, 331, 353–357 compared with whaling, 354, 357 modern, 366–370 ritual, 182, 353–357 social occasions following, 357 umealiq (leader), functions of, 181–182 in folktales, 413–414 movements of, 27–28 relations to supernatural, 263–264, 269–270, 353–357 Caribou Eskimo, 452 Carter, W. K., 383, 396, 460 Case materials, 97–123 Cat’s cradle, 188 Census, see Population. Central Eskimo, 442 Ceremonial house, see Karigi. Ceremonialism, s.v. Cult; Whaling. Chandler Lake, 19, 44 Charms, see Amulets. Chastity, absence of demand for, 78–79, 244 Chiefs, absence of, 65 See unealiq. Childbirth, 231–235 delivery, 232, 233 magic in, 232, 233 relations of shaman to, 232 See also Birth. Childhood, 237–240 recreation and games, 239–240, 438–439 social controls in, 237–238 temper tantrums, 239 Chipp River, 48 Christianity, 164, 256, 257, 280, 297, 298, 299, 314, 360, 362, 378–382, 384 history of, 379–381 impact on native cultures, 380–381 marriage patterns changed by, 382 social prestige in, 381–382 Church, see Christianity. Climate, 11–12 Clothing, 56–57 modern, 377 Collateral kinship, 67–68, 166 kinship terms, 67–68 Collective responsibility, 65, 71–75, 166 See also Feuds. Collins, Henry B., Jr., 13, 126, 448, 453, 456 Colville River system, 12, 19, 136 delta trade center, 198–199 Community, solidarity in, 159–165, 227–228 Community council, modern, 378 Compelling, in ritual, 277–281 Competition, 159–165 behavior patterns in, 160–161 social resistances to, 161–162 Conception, native theories about, 230–231 Confession, of ritual violations, 112, 309–310, 323 Consanguineal kinship terminologies, 66–68 Constipation, 329 Construction, of houses, 43–61 Containers, 470–474 Contraception, magical, 229–230 Controls, magical, 277–291 Cooking arrangements, 53–54 Cooperation, 159–165, 362 arising from sexual relations, 84 See also qatanun. between norkin, 86, 166–192 characteristic of native cultures, 442 derived from wife exchange, 84 Copper Eskimo, 265 Coreidence, as a factor in kinship organization, 70–71 Corrala, in caribou hunting, 29–30 Cosmology, 255–259 Counting, 477 Cousin marriage, held improper, 75 Crew (hunting group) association, 64, 163–165, 177–192, 443 membership in, 159 relations to leader, 153, 179–180 See also umeaq. whaling, ceremonial activities, 332–352 Cross cousin kinship terms, 68 Cult, organization, 331–357 caribou, 269–270, 303, 331, 353–357 whaling, 294, 303, 331, 352–353 Culture, relations of North Alaskan Eskimo, 446–452 Culture change, 358–382 Culture hero (Raven), 257 See also Raven. Curing, 299, 305, 327–330 power, 266 songs, 280 Customary law, see Law. Cycle, of economic activities, 140–143, 366–370 Dall, William Healy, 228, 456 Dances, social, 191 Death, 252–253 life hereafter, 291–293 Death cult, revivalism, 296–298 Delivery, of child, 232 Demography, see North Alaskan Eskimo, population. Denbigh flint complex, 453 Diapering, of infants, 233, 235–236 Diet, see Food. Dionede Islands, 462 Direction finding, 258 Disease, see Illness. Disposal of the dead, 252–253, 292–293 Disputes, 97–123 Divination, 294, 295, 307–308 Division, of game, 163 See also umeknitwat. Division of labor, 65 Divorce, 77, 73, §2–83 custody of children, 83 remarriage, 83 Doctrining, see Shamanism Dogs, 57, 360, 372, 465–469 absence of souls, 289 breeds, 469 eaten, 374–375 hitching in teams, 465–466 names, 289, 465–466, 467 ownership, 467–468 population, 468–469 supernatural ideas about, 333–337, 346–347, 467 taboo to whales, 336–337, 346–347 Dorset culture (prehistoric), 126 Dreams, 293, 305 Drum, in shamanism, 303 See also Messenger Feast; Shamanism. Duck hunting, 35–36 Ducks, as food, 375 Dwarfs, 259–261 Earth diver, motif in folklore, 335 Eclipses, 258 Ecological areas, see nuunamiut, tareumiut. interrelationships between, see Partnerships; Trade; Voluntary associations. Ecology, inland vs. maritime, 124–146, 440–446 and kinship, 124–125 and religion, 445 Economic organization, 124–146 basis of cults, 331 cooperation, 85, 159–165, 166–192, 362 See also Cooperation. family involvements in, 84–85, 132–146 specialized skills, 124, 196 Economy and society, problem orientations, 6, 440–446 Eider ducks, 35 Employment, of Eskimos by non-native organizations, 362–364 Endogamy, within settlements, 75 Enumeration, 475, 477 Environment, influences on social organization, 6–8, 124, 440–446 Environmental determinism, fallacy of, 6, 124, 440 Eschato-Eskimo cultures, 127 Eskimo-Aleut linguistic grouping, 39 Eskimo culture, history, 452–454 Eskimo cultures, defined, 447–448 environmental relations, 6–8, 440–446 prehistory, 13–14, 452–454 “Eskimo” kinship system, 70, 449 Etiquette, 58–59 Europeanization, 358–382 Excavations, in house building, 47, 52 Exchange, in partnerships, 168–172 See also Trade. Exogamy, 75 Extended family, 65–66 Family, 62–96 composition, 145 disorganization, 62 factor in societal integration, 62–96, 358, 440–446 income, modern, 376–377 organization, 62–95, 249 retention of aboriginal, 358, 361–362, 364, 365 system, general Eskimo, 448–449 Famine, 142–143 Fauna, range of use by North Alaskan Eskimo, 25–38 Fear of the dead, 292–293 Federal Council of Churches, 379 Feeding, of infants, 234–235 Feuds, 64, 71, 72–75, 98, 99–107, 108–110, 115, 117–118, 122–123, 161, 281 terminating, 64, 86–87 Fieldwork, in North Alaska, 3–6 Firearms, introduction of, 360 Firemaking, 56 Fish, 36–38, 375 relations to supernatural, 276 species utilized in North Alaska, 37 Fishcamps, of Point Barrow area, 38 Fishing, modern, 367–368, 375 Folklore, 188, 315, 383–439 children's stories, 438–439 motifs, 384–439 animal wives, 391–395, 418–425 dwarfs, 426–427 earth diver, 385 kukuweaq, 425–426 magic flight, 384, 388–390 "old man," 386, 387, 388, 391, 402–413 shamanistic contests, 429–433 spider, 386 "trickster" mythology, 395–396 worms, 414–418 storytelling, 383–384 Folsom culture, 13 Food quest, aboriginal, 23–38 Food storage, 60–61 modern, 372–373 Food taboos, 232, 233, 244, 270, 283–285, 306, 307–308, 312, 322 at childbirth, 232–233 at first menstruation, 244 imposed at whaling, 334 imposed by shaman, 306, 307–308, 312, 322 seasonal, 265, 272 violations as a cause of illness, 306 warding off effects of violations, 284–285 with amulets, 283–284 with songs, 279 Football, 190, 207, 351 Footracing, 190, 207, 212, 217–218, 219–220 Foster kinship, 69–70, 81, 87–92 parenthood, 87–92 Fowl 35–36, 375 Fox, commercial trapping, 361 hunting of, 32 relations to supernatural, 267–268 varieties, 32 Franklin, Sir John, 456 Friendships, patterning of, 83 See also Crew (hunting group) association; Joking partnerships; Partnerships. Fuel, modern problem of, 376–377 Fur trapping, 360, 361 Gambling, 188–189 Game, as property, 147–151 division of, 163 See also umaekutwat. supernatural aspects of, 261–277, 331, 332–355 Games, 159–160 children's, 239–240 in karigi, 188–191 Generational kinship terminology, 66–67 Generosity, as behavioral ideal, 153, 164, 197 Geology, of North Alaska, 9–13 Ghosts, 287, 291–293 relations to illness, 291–292 Giants, 261 Giddings, J. L., Jr., 7, 10, 46, 127, 453, 456 Gift giving, see Messenger Feast. Girls' puberty 243–244 absence of ritual elaboration, 244 Goods traded, 201–205 Grandparental kinship terms, 66 Grandparents, role in socialization, 236, 252 Graying, 37 Greenland Eskimo, 39, 465 Greeting, of caribou, 356 of game, 451 of whale, 344–347 Guardian spirits, shamanistic associations, 300 Gubik sands (loess), 11 Hammerich, L. L., 39, 456 Harbor seal, 33 Harpooner, 178, 336, 337, 341, 342 amulets, 339 social role, 178 special songs, 343 Harvard University, archeological research at Point Barrow, 446 Hawkes, E. A., 456 Healy, Capt. M. A., 456 Herskovits, M. J., 457 Hoebel, E. A., 457 Homosexuality, absence of, 246 Hospitality, 83 Host-guest relationship, see Messenger Feast. Hostility, in interpersonal relations 310–311 Hotham Inlet, as trade center, 198 House, 43–61 abandoned, 59 amulets associated with, 285–286 building, 43–61 of nuunamiut, 44–49 of tareumiut, 49–61 ownership, 59 sharing, 58 types 43–61, 49 (fig. 1) Howard Pass, 10 Hrdlička, A., 457 Human ecology, 0–7, 440–446 Humor, 190 See also Joking partnerships. Hunting group association, 177–182 cooperative aspects of, 163 See also Crew (hunting group) association; Cult; umaliq. Hunting songs, 278 Husband-wife relations, 249–251 Hyperborean languages, 39 iccellik (house type), 44–46 Ice house, distribution, 43 Ice storage, 60 Icy Cape, 16 Ideals of behavior, 161 of personality, 155 See also Individual; Personality. illvaruq (joking partner), 172–177 iivulik (house type), 47, 48 ikpikpajmiut, 20, 94 Ikpikpuk River, 20 Illegitimacy, 76–79 Illness causes of, 305 curing by shamans, 299, 327–330 prevention, by amulets, 283 psychosomatic aspects of, 327–328 treatment of, 327–330 See also Shamanism. Incest, 76 native definitions of, 62–63 Individual, areas of economic choice for, 130 competition, 160 cycle of life, 229–254 integrity, 161 personal ideals, 131, 154–155, 161 personality traits, 247–248, 253–254 See also Personality. Industriousness, as behavioral ideal, 75, 89 Infancy, 233, 234–237 Infant, newborn, treatment of, 233 Infanticide, 87–88, 92–93, 121 Ingstad, Helge, 45, 47, 457 Inheritance, 149, 152, 253 Initiation rites, absence of, 241, 243 Inland and maritime Eskimo, 124–146 See also nuunamiut; tareumiut. Inland settlements, 18–23, 44–49 Insult songs, 173–176 Integrative factors, in social organization, 62–66, 124–125, 440–446 Interkin feuds, 71–75 Intrusion, as a cause of illness, 306, 316, 321 Ipiutak culture, Point Hope (prehistoric), 13, 14, 126, 453, 454 Irving, L., 457 Irving, William, 7, 127, 457 Jealousy, marital, 250 Jenniss, Diamond, 265, 457 Jochelson, W. I., 457 Joking partnerships, 85, 162, 168, 172–177, 178, 226, 248, 443 insult singing between, 173–176 kaymalliymiut, 21 kallimiumiut, 17, 18 kaggianermiut, 21 karigi (ceremonial house), 43, 48, 49–51, 83, 133, 144, 148, 153, 155, 159, 163, 165, 167, 176, 180, 182–192, 249, 265, 310, 311, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 347, 348, 349, 350, 353, 355, 356, 441, 449, 451, 473 as formal men's house, 187 at tikeraaq, 183–184 at utkeaaayvik, 183 charms of, 184 description of, 183 distribution of, 182–183 family association of, 185 food in, 187–188 individual association, 186–187 in Messenger Feast, 211–226 interkarigi contests, 190–191 joining, 186–187 names of, 185–186 opening of, ceremonial season, 185 recreational aspects, 188–191 kayaakserevimiut (Icy Cape), 16, 18 Killer whale (Orca), 34 relations to supernatural, 275–276 killiyimiut (anaktuvumniut), 4, 19, 28, 44, 45, 138, 181, 198 Kinship, 62–96, 124–125, 443 ecological relations of, 124–125 extensions, 162 obligations, extended to nonkin, 166–192 organization, 166 relations to unealiq, 179 system, 62–96 terminology, 66–71 terms, combined, 69 See also Quasi-kinship. kivalingmiut, 18 Kobuk-Noatak river system, 14 koluyuraymiut, 20 Kotzebue, 20 Kroeger, A. L., 6, 43, 440, 457 kuymiuq, 4, 16 Kuk River, 16 Labrets, 154, 156, 241, 242, 318, 462 Laguna, Frederica de, 447, 448, 453, 456, 470 Lamps, 47, 55–56, 447 in karigi, 184 supernatural aspects of, 286 Language, 39–42, 127 fads in, 39–40 morphology, 40–41 phonology, 40–42 stress patterns, 42 Lantis, Margaret, 65, 70, 150, 183, 211, 303, 330, 349, 353, 449, 450, 451, 457–458 Lapps, 365 Larsen, Helge, 7, 20, 21, 127, 142, 453, 458 Law, 71–75, 97–123, 161, 444 Leadership, 152–155, 163 of hunt group, 177–192 See also unealiq. Legerdemain, in shamanism, see Shamanism. Lemmings, 34 Lending, of property, 148, 150 of wives, see Wife exchange. Levirate, banned, 76 Life crises, 229–254 Life hereafter, 291–293 Lineal kinship relationships, terminologies, 66–67 Lip piercing, at boys' puberty, 241–242, 451 Local groups, of North Alaskan Eskimo, 13–23 Lost articles, found by shamans, 311–312 McLenegan, D. B., 20, 458 Magic, compulsive, in songs, 277–281 for whaling, 332–352 Magical controls, of nature, 277–291, 294–295 Magic flight, motif in folklore, 383, 388–390 Marginal cultural features of North Alaska, 451–452 Maritime and inland Eskimo, 124–146 See also nuumaniut; tareumiut. Maritime Eskimo houses, 49–61 settlements, 16–18, 26–27, 49–61 Marriage, 75–82, 444–445 abductions in, 79–80 and kinship, 74, 76 arrangements, 77–78, 79 behavior in, 249–251 between ecological groups, 129–130 Christian, 382 following puberty, 242, 243, 244 kinship responsibilities in, 122–123 Masks, 293–294 used at close of whaling, 348 Mathiasson, T., 458 Meade River, 20 Meals, contemporary culture, 375–376 Medicines, absence of, 328 Men's house, see kargi. Menstrual prohibitions, 57, 233 Menstruations, first, 243–244 Mermen, 261–262 Mertics, J. B., Jr., 9, 460 Mesolithic cultures, 13 Messenger Feast, 22, 49, 136, 147, 153, 157, 159, 160, 170, 171, 172, 174, 183, 185, 190, 191, 207, 210–228, 241, 256, 259, 260, 264, 303, 311, 327, 378, 449, 450, 451, 463 as element of social integration, 210 "asking", 226 ball game, 224–225 costumes, 214, 221 dances, 210, 223, 225 drum, 215, 218, 220, 223, 224, 225 foot races in, 212, 217–218, 219–220 gift assemblage, 215–216, 218, 223 host-guest relationship, 211–227 Messenger Feast—Continued insignia of messengers, 212 intercommunity contacts, 210, 216 invitations, 212–213 joking patterns, 217, 226 kargi, 214–215, 220, 221, 222, 223, 225 names, 219 potlatch parallels, 227 relations to social status, 218 social functions of, 210, 227–228 song exchange, 226 wealth display, 215, 223 Messianism, 296–298 Missing persons, 324–327 Modesty, 214 Money, introduction of, 208 sources of, contemporary, 360–366 uses of, 376–377 Monsters, supernatural, 262–264 Month names, 475–476 Moose, as food, 375 Motifs, folklore, see Folklore. Motion pictures, in contemporary Barrow, 377 Mountain sheep, 34 Mourning, 253, 293 rites absent, 149 Murder, 72, 97 treatment of corpse in, 117 Murdoch, John, 3, 7, 16, 26, 28, 31, 228, 294, 339, 341, 342, 360, 367, 378, 458–459, 462, 463, 465, 469, 470, 474 Murie, A., 459 Musk ox, 34–35 Myths and cosmology, 257–259, see Folklore. nalukataq (whale festival), 350–352 Names, 286–291 changing of, 290 dogs, 467 for deceased, 287–288 importance of, 290 of newborn child, 233 repetitive, amulets and songs, 291 to prevent illness, 289 transferred from kinship terms, 291 Naming, of children, 233, 287 Narwhal, 34 Native employment, in North Alaska, 19, 360–366, 376–377 Nativism, 257–258, 296–298 Naval Petroleum Base IV, 1, 362, 363 neʔiq (trade center at Colville Delta), 199–205 Nelson, Edward William, 183, 349, 459 Neo-Eskimo, stage of cultural development, 453 Neolithic, 453 Noatak River, 21 noataymiut, 21, 28 Nomadism, 127–139 Nonkinship social relations, see Crew (hunting group) association; Joking partnerships; Partnerships; qatanun; Voluntary associations North Alaska, as culture area, 440–441, 452 drainage systems, 10–11 geographic limits, 9–13 physiography, 9–13 prehistory, 13–14, 452–454 rainfall, 11 temperatures, 11 North Alaskan Eskimo: Christianity, see Christianity. communities, 13–23 cooperation, 2, 159–165, 167–172, 177–182 cultural locus, 7, 441, 446–452 culture change, 353–382 dreams, 293 ecology and society, 440–446 See also nuunamiut; tareumiut. family, 2, 62–96 fauna used by, 25–38 food, 23–38, 371–375 health, 22 houses and settlements, 43–61 hunting cults, 331–357 karigi, 182–192, see karigi. kinship, 22, 62–96 language, 30–42 marginal culture of, 450–451 mobility of population, 21–22 money economy, contemporary, 1–2, 360–366, 376–377 nuunamiut-tareumiut distinctions, 7, 18–23, 43–61, 124–148, 167–172, 193–209, 331, 357 partnerships, 167–177 plan, utilization, 23–25 population, see Population. relations to general Eskimo culture, 440–452 relations to geographic environment, 23–38 religion, 255–357 See also Amulets; Cosmology; Names; Shamans; Songs. settlements and villages, 13–23 shamanism, 299–330 socioeconomic interdependence, see nuunamiut, tareumiut. trade, 193–209 travel, 12, 126–132, 193–209 "tribes," 22 North Pacific Coast (culture area), 147, 153, 211, 227, 449 North Star, ss, 5 Nosebled, 328 Nuclear family, 43, 63–65 Nuclear kinship relationships, terminologies, 66–67 Numerals, 477 Nunivak Island, 450 Nursing, of infants, 234 nuunamiut (inland Eskimo of North Alaska), 3, 14, 15, 18–23, 24, 25, 27–32, 35, 36, 44–49, 51, 56, 60, 61, 75, 76, 78, 80, 127–130, 143, 152, 155, 165, 166, 168, 172, 177, 178, 181, 182, 193, 194, 200–202, 207, 331, 353–357, 359, 441, 442–443, 445, 446, 447, 448, 452, 454 family composition, 134–138 integration of bands, 133 problem of the, 3 reduction in population, 19, 28, 130 See also Population. relations with tareumiut, 440–446, 452 nuuwuk, 15 nuuujmiut, 3, 11 Offenses, 97–123 Office of Naval Research, 1 Oil, sea mammal, as trade item, 203–204 Old age, 87, 251–252 Old Bering Sea culture (prehistoric), 14 Old women, role in child rearing, 252 shaman power of, see Shamanism. Oliktuk Point, as trade center, 193, 208 Omens, 293 Orca, see Killer whale. "Orphans," as kinless status, 90, 153 motif in folklore, 386, 387, 388, 391, 402–413 Ownership, 44, 147–151 paanerak (house type), 47 Paleo-Eskimo cultures, 126, 452–453 Parallel cousin kinship terminologies, 67 Parental kinship terminologies, 67 Partnerships, 58, 83, 84, 85, 95, 128, 162, 167–172, 193, 248, 442, 450 "asking" complex, 172 examples of, 170–171 formation of, 168 joking, 172–177 nonspecific, see Joking partnerships obligations of, 160, 170 relation to social status, 169, 170 wife exchange in, 172 women's, 177 Partition house, 45, 231–234 Paternal descent, preference for, 74 Paternity, 79, 81 Patrilocal residence, 64, 74 Payment, for labor, services, 196–197 Peard Bay, 16 Permafrost, 10–11 Personal behavior, 97–123, 229–254 See also Individual; Personality. Personal property, 148–151 disposal of, at death, 253 Personality, 229–254 development of, 237–240 ideals, 71, 73, 81, 89, 98, 178–179, 238, 383 Personality—Continued status seeking, 98 traits, 247–248 types, 253–254 Phonemes, North Alaskan Eskimo, 41 Physical types, 448 Physiography, of North Alaska, 9–13 Pipes, 462–464 See also Tobacco. Placenta, treatment of, 232 Plants, used by North Alaskan Eskimo, 23–25 Point Barrow, see Barrow village. Point Barrow Expedition (1881–1882), 3, 18 Point Barrow villages, 15–16 trade relations of, 199–200 Point Pelcher, 16 Point Hope (modern village), 17, 19 See also tikeraaq. Point Lay (modern village), 4, 17, 19, 363 Poisons, absence of, 328 Polar bear, 32 division of meat, 273 relations to supernatural, 272–274 Political organization, absence of, 65 Polyandry, 81, 82, 251 Polygonal ground, 12 Polygyny, 67, 76, 82, 250 Population, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21–22 decline of inland Eskimo, 19, 28, 130, 172, 359 See also nunamiut. fluctuations, 140 modern Barrow village, 363 number involved in trading, 200 Portents, 293 Potlatch, paralleled in Messenger Feast, 227 Pottery, 470–474 functions of, 473–474 manufacture, 471–472 traded, 473 types, 470–471 Poverty, 153, 155 native definitions of, 162, 166 Predictions, by shamans, 307–309 Pregnancy, 229–231 Preparation for whaling, ceremonial, 332–337 Presbyterian denomination, 379 Prestige and wealth, 151–158 See also Messenger Feast. Problems of Eskimo ethnology, 6, 44, 46–494 Prohibitions in pregnancy, 230 land vs. sea animals, 272 menstrual, 243–244 relating to food, 265–266 See also Cults; Religion; Shamanism. Property, 147–158 communal, 147–148 in sex, 99 marks, 150–151 Property—Continued of the deceased, 149 personal, 66 rights, as sexual rights, 149–150 vested in residence group, 147–148 Proto-Eskimo cultures, 126 Psychological aspects of shamanism, 301–302 Ptarmigan, 35 Puberty, 241–244 Public opinion, as a social force, 88, 97, 98, 194 Purchase, of goods, 193–198 Purification, in caribou hunt, 356 in whaling, 337 qatanun (qatanuutigiiit, pl. qatanuutigiiic), 58, 76, 84–87, 95, 166, 237 See also Quasi-kinship. Quasi-kinship, 63, 74, 84–92, 162, 443 See also qatanun. Racing, see Footracing. Racks (storage), 60–61 Rainey, Froelich G., 7, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 119, 182, 184, 349, 451, 453, 459, 475–476 Rape, 70–80, 84, 247 Rasmussen, Knud, 21, 39, 51, 459 Rausch, Robert, 7, 27, 31, 32, 44, 204, 459 Raven, culture hero, 257, 296 mythology, 384, 385 Ray, P. H., 3, 7, 15, 16, 18, 228, 378, 459 Reciprocity, in kinship obligations, 65 Recreation, 188–192 children's, 239–240 Reincarnation, vague belief in, 287–291 Reindeer, domesticated, in North Alaska, 360, 364–366 Religion, 255–357, 445 See also Amulets; Christianity; Cosmology; Cults; Names; Shamanism; Songs. Religious orientations, 255–257 Residence patterns, 43–61, 78 at marriage, 143–144 factor in cooperative activity, 167 relations to kinship, 63–65, 70 Revivalism, 257–258, 296–298 Ribbon seal, 33 Ringed seal, 33 Ritual, of caribou hunting, 353–357 of whaling, 182, 331–353 prohibitions, 264–266 Rivalry, in karigi games, 189 in sex, 121 singing, 173–176 Roberts, Comdr. Palmer W., 363, 459 Roles, sexual, 240 social, 223–254 Romantic attachments, 79, 245–246 Russia, historic influences in North Alaska, 359 Schrader, F. C., 459 Sea mammals, supernatural aspects of, 272–277 Seals, 32, 33, 141–142, 261–262, 274, 366–370, 373–374 as food, 373–374 bearded, see ugruk. hunting, 32, 33, 141–142 contemporary, 366–370 nets, location of, 274 netting, 32, 33 species taken by North Alaskan Eskimo, 32, 33 supernatural manifestations of, 261–262, 274 utilization of, 33 Seasonal activities, aboriginal, 132–133, 140–142 modern, 366–370 prohibitions relating to, 265–266 Seasons, designated, 476 Secret society, suggestions of, 348–349 Security systems, individual, 237, 239 See also Individual; Personality. Sedna myth, absence of, 265, 310 Selawik River, 20 Selling, of goods, 193–198 Settlement patterns, 43–61 Settlements and villages, North Alaskan Eskimo, 13–23 Sexual behavior, 244–248 in childhood, 245 Sexual competition, among men, 161 Sexual division of labor, 63, 149 in childhood, 237 Sexual division of property, 148–149 Sexual freedom, 79 Sexual intercourse, 246, 247 Sexual relations, 80, 120–121, 129, 130, 244–248, 444–445 avoidance before hunting, 333, 335 during pregnancy, 230 in partnerships, 172 social effects of, 77, 83–87, 162 Sexual rights, 149–150 Shamanism (anatkoak) and shamans (anatquq), 57–58, 256, 277, 279, 294, 295, 296, 299–330, 445, 451 amulets given by, 282–283 behavioral examples, 315–330 clairvoyance, 319 compulsive behavior associated with, 302–303 confessions, 300–310, 323 credence in, 300, 313 curing, 123, 305, 322–323 divination, 307–308 dramatic aspects, 307 dress, 305 drum, 303, 304 “envy” patterns associated with, 161–162 female practitioners, 251–252, 303, 324 finding lost articles, 312, 323 food taboos imposed by, 322 Shamanism—Continued formalized institution, 299–300, 315, functions of, 299–300 helping spirits, 291, 307 hostile acts associated with, 309–311 in caribou cult, 355 instructions in, 302–303 intrusion as illness cause, 306, 321 legerdemain, 302–303, 304, 305, 313, 316, 317, 318–319 lost articles recovered by, 312, 323 lycanthropy, 324 malevolence, 306, 309–311 missing persons located by, 324–327 native definitions of, 300–301 numbers of practitioners, 314–315 opposed by Christianity, 381 pay for services, 308 possessional aspects of, 313–314 power sources, 270, 271, 324 psychological aspects of, 302–303 relation to children, 315, 317 relation to the dead, 312 removal of intruded object, 302, 303, 321 sciences, 304, 306–307 skills in, 313 social controls related to, 161–162, 308–309 social status in, 303 songs, 280, 318, 322 sorcery, 322 soul loss, as illness cause, 305–306 sources of power, 270, 271, 300–301, 324 vengeance patterns associated with, 321 ventriloquism, 305 wealth, 308 weather prophecy, 319 whaling associations, 334, 338 wound curing, 322 Shamans, see Religion; Shamanism. Shares of game, 163–164 See also umektuwat. Sharing, informal, 59 Siberian Neolithic, 453 Sibling rivalry, minimized, 236 Simpson, Dr. John, R.N., 3, 7, 15, 156, 183, 205, 228, 359, 360, 378, 460 475–476 Simpson, Thomas, 156, 359, 378, 460 Singing partnerships, 173–177 Skills and manufactures, 196 specialized, 155 Sleeping arrangements, 45–68 of infants, 236 Smith, Middleton, 142, 460 Smith, P. S., 9, 460 Snow goggles, 294 Social classes, absence of, 151–152 Social conformity, 310–311 Social controls, 161–162 in childhood, 237–239 songs in, 176 See also Law. Social integration, factors in, 362, 364 Social relations, in marriage, 249–250 in trade, 193–198, 206 Social status, 147–158 hunt group relations to, 152 Society, 62–96, 97–123, 124–146, 166–192, 410–446 and economy, problem orientations, 6–7, 124–146, 166–192 relations to ecology, 124–146, 440–446 Solecki, Ralph, 7, 9, 10, 11, 13, 127, 453, 460 Songs, 40, 189, 277–281, 294, 445 amulet associations, 279 caribou ritual, 355 children’s, 240, 439 Christian, 350–381 curing, 322 entertainment features of, 174, 191 examples, 173, 316–317 insult, 173–176 magical, 277–281 popular, 174, 191 property, 275–278 purchase, 278, 280 shaman’s, 316–317, 318 whaling ritual, 341–343 Sorcery, see Shamanism. Sororate, banned, 76 Soul, 264–277, 287, 291–293, 305, 311 animal, 264–277 human, 291–293 loss, as illness cause, 305, 311 Spencer, M., 6, 460 Spencer, R. F., 383, 396, 460 Spier, Leslie, 67, 460 Spiritual power, 300 See also Shamanism. Sportmanship, 191 Squirrels, 34 Starvation, 94, 138, 140, 164 Status, based on wealth, 147–158 of unequal, 151–158, 178–182 relations in Messenger Feast, 218 See also Messenger Feast. rivalry, 98, 99 sexual aspects of, 161 Steenby, P. H., 453, 460 Stefansson, Vilhjalmur, 7, 20, 21, 31, 51, 193, 198, 220, 460, 470 “Step” relationships, 69 Stoney, Lieut. George M., 7, 23, 24, 46, 47, 48, 50, 184, 203, 355, 460, 475–476 Storage arrangements, 53, 51, 60 Stranger, as social status, 58, 72, 73, 166, 168, 273–274 “Strangers in the Sky,” as revivalistic example, 257–258, 296–298, 379 Structured trade, 198–209 Structure of ecological divisions, 124–146 Suicide, 106, 251, 321 Supernatural, 255–357 aspects of amulets, 282–286 aspects of names, 286–291 aspects of songs, 277–281 being, 250–277 cult organization, 331–357 distinctions between game, 264–265 relation to animals, 255, 261–277 See also Cults; Religion; Shamanism. Surplus goods, as wealth, 152–153 Survey Pass, 10 Swadesh, Morris, 40, 461 Sweating, absence of institutionalized, 329 Tales, 383–439 See also Folklore. Tambourine, see Drum; Shamanism. tareumut (maritime North Alaskan Eskimo), 14, 15, 16–18, 23, 26– 27, 31, 34, 35, 36, 49–61, 76, 125, 127–131, 139–145, 155, 165, 166, 168, 172, 177, 193, 194, 198, 200, 201, 207, 252, 331, 332–353, 441, 442–443, 445, 447, 448, 452, 454, 472 nuunaumiut interrelations, 198–228, 440–446, 452 seasonal movements, 140 settlements and villages, 139–140 villages, bases of integration, 15–18, 144 Tattooing, of girls, 243 Taxation, of Eskimos, 377 Teams, see Dogs. Tents, 44–49, 60, 137 Territorial divisions, among nuuna- umiut, 132–133 Texts, in Eskimo, 428–438 Thalbitzer, William, 42, 461 Theft, 121–122 Thule culture (prehistoric), 14, 18, 448 tikeraqmiut, 17, 18 See also Point Hope language, 39. Time reckoning, 475–477 Tobacco, 24–25, 156, 252, 289, 359, 360, 462–464 Toilet training, of child, 235–236 Tomod, 36, 37 Toothache, 329 Townsend, C. H., 461 Trade, 76, 127–128, 141, 168–169, 193– 209, 473 as area specialization, 441–442 centers, geographic, 198–200 description of trade center, 199–200 goods, 203–204 internalized, 193–198 intercommunity, 198–200 intracommunity, 193–198 items of, 201–205 items of foreign origin, 378 routes, 198–199, 200 (map 3) social effects of, 208–209 Trading partnerships, 167–172 See also Partnerships. Transportation, see Dogs; Travel; umiak. Transvestitism, absence of, 246 Travel, 46, 136–137, 165–167 methods of, 136–137 routes, 198–209, 198 (map 2), 200 (map 3), 202 (map 4) Treatment of illness, 327–330 Trial marriage, 245 Tribes of North Alaskan Eskimo, see North Alaskan Eskimo, settlements. "Trickster" mythology, 257, 395–396 Tuberculosis problem, 362, 371 tulugaymiut, 19 tunarak (shaman power), see Shamanism. Tundra, 9–13 ugruk (bearded seal), 33, 163, 202 supernatural aspects of, 262, 274 umeaktuwt (communal division of game), 163, 178, 180, 346, 366 See also Caribou hunting; Whaling. umealiq (hunt group leader, chief, rich man), 65, 84, 120, 153, 160, 153, 164, 167, 173, 177–182, 194, 332, 333, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 340, 341, 343, 344, 345, 347, 348, 349, 351, 352, 353, 355, 356, 357, 373, 441, 445–446, 471 achievement of status, 179 as host and guest, in Messenger Feast, 210, 211 duties of wife, at whaling, 334, 335, 336, 337, 338, 339, 343, 344–347, 351 in folklore, 402–403, 426–427, 429–438 relations to crew, 177–192 See also Whaling. relations to kin group, 179 restrictions at whaling, 335–337 rivalry with others, 180 share of whale, 344, 345–346 umiak, 136, 200–201 in trading expeditions, 201, 203 in whaling, 332–332 See also Travel. Unilineal social organization, 449 Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, 361 United States Navy, petroleum installations in North Alaska, 1–2, 358 United States, Office of Indian Affairs, 358 Public Health Service, 469 Urine, human, uses of, 57, 328–329 utkaaaryvik, 3, 16, 18, 66 language, 39 map showing, 50 See also Barrow. Utokak River, 17 utokaymiut (inland Eskimo), 17, 20, 28 uxorilocal residence, 64, 90 Vengeance patterns, 71–75 Villages, in North Alaska, 13–23 tareumiut, 139–145 Virilocal residence, 64 Virtues, personal, 247 See also Individual; Personality. Voluntary associations, 166–192 See also Crew (hunting group) associations; Partnerships; umealiq. Wainwright (modern village), 16, 19, 363, 365–366 Walrus (Pacific walrus), 33 as food, 374 hunting, modern, 366–370 movement of, 140–141 relations to supernatural, 274–275 Warfare, absence of formalized, 71 Wartes, Rev. W., 379 Water, as ceremonial offering, 272–276, 338 shortage of, 11 supply, modern, 369 Wealth, 147, 151–158, 174, 178, 193, 443–450 as a basis of social status, 152 display, 174 increase in importance, aboriginal, 157–158 See also Messenger Feast. Weaning, of infants, 235–236 Weasel, 34 Weather control, 308 songs, 278 See also Songs. Weyer, E. M., 264, 314, 461 Whale (Balaena mysticetus Linn.), 17, 26–27, 332–353 as food, 372, 373 ceremonial treatment of, 332–352 disposition of meat, 27 feast, see Cult, whaling. relations to supernatural, 332–352 Whaling, 22, 26–27, 140, 152, 163, 178, 180, 331–353 amulets, 338–342, 343 archeological aspects of, 127 bombs, 360 butchering, 345–347 camp, 336, 337 close of season, 347–350 compared with caribou hunt, 354, 357 cult, 332–332, 446 division of game, 343, 346 dress of umealiq, 340 duties of umealiq, 332–352 festivals, 347–352 greeting the whale, 344–347 in fall, at Point Barrow, 143, 349–350, 368–369 magician for, 334, 341 methods of, 342 modern, 366–370, 372 Whaling—Continued relations to crew organization, 177–182 ritual, 182, 332–352 Whitefish, 37 Widows, status of, 77 Wife abduction, capture, 77, 79, 80, 81, 115–116, 119–120 Wife exchange, 85, 168, 170, 172 social functions of, 83–84 Wife-husband relations, 249–251 Wife lending, see Wife exchange. Wife of uncle, ritual functions, 471 Wiggins, Ira L., 1, 10, 461 wivaksat, as example of revivalism, 257–258, 296–298 See also Culture change, “Strangers in the Sky.” Wilmsovsky, Norman, 37 Wissler, Clark, 461 Wolf, hunting of, 32 native utilization of, 32 supernatural associations, 268–269, 318 traps, 268 Wolverine, hunting and utilization, 82 supernatural associations, 269 Women, and old age, 245, 251–252, 309 kinship obligations, 93 shamans, 251–252, 303, 309, 324 Womens’ dances, 191 partnerships, 177 status, 158 Wood, use of, by Eskimos, 25 Worm mythology, 295–296 Wounds, 329 Yearly cycle, aboriginal, 140–143, 331, modern, 366–370 Yukon River, 9 3 9088 01421 9216	269d69d4-9f8d-4c1e-b0ed-c7332d7cdd3e	CC-MAIN-2021-25	https://repository.si.edu/bitstream/handle/10088/15465/bulletin1711959smit2.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y	2021-06-23T18:21:43+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623488539764.83/warc/CC-MAIN-20210623165014-20210623195014-00321.warc.gz	440,186,327	322,914	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.972101	eng_Latn	0.998014	[ "eng_Latn", "slk_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", ...	true	rolmOCR	[ 1931, 2077, 4663, 4989, 5457, 7956, 10928, 12115, 13877, 16154, 19089, 22010, 24943, 27921, 30639, 33551, 33597, 35969, 38868, 41812, 44676, 47474, 50378, 53173, 55976, 58763, 61659, 64442, 67316, 70255, 73185, 75890, 78769, 81396, 84625, 87522, ...	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Please find today’s learning tasks below. The table below explains the tasks and you will find the resources underneath. Your child will know which challenge they usually access in each subject and which task will be appropriate for them. Unless otherwise specified, please complete the tasks in either your homework book or on a word document. \| Year group: 3 \| Date: 30th June \| \|---------------\|-----------------\| \| English \| \| \| Bronze \| \| \| Tenses- Today we would like you to watch this video - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DPOm4Z-HpGY&safe=active It explains the different tenses; past, present and future. Then complete the activity sheet below. \| \| Silver \| \| \| Past, present and future tense- Please watch this video https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DPOm4Z-HpGY&safe=active It explains the 3 tenses; past, present and future. Then complete the activities below. \| \| Gold \| \| \| Maths \| \| \| Follow the recipe by measuring to make some biscuits. Then answer the questions on the questions card about the scales. \| \| Reading/Spelling \| \| \| Please follow the link below to access online reading books. Please see the list of books for your child’s reading band in their red book. https://www.oxfordowl.co.uk/ Please read at least 2 pages of a book and record it in the red school links book. Can you write the common exception word 3 times? Please see the tables on the next pages. These are the words for this week. You could even test yourself on Friday. (new words will be given next Monday) Please try the SPAG activities attached. \| \| Spelling \| Write \| Write \| Write \| \|----------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| climb \| \| \| \| \| most \| \| \| \| \| only \| \| \| \| \| both \| \| \| \| \| pretty \| \| \| \| \| Spelling \| Write \| Write \| Write \| \|----------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| guide \| \| \| \| \| heard \| \| \| \| \| heart \| \| \| \| \| height \| \| \| \| \| history \| \| \| \| \| increase \| \| \| \| \| knowledge\| \| \| \| Circle the conjunction in each of these sentences. The chocolate eggs melted when she left them out in the sun. We were wondering if we would have a surprise. I shared my eggs with my friends because they didn’t have any. Underline the expanded noun phrases. The wild, striped tigers were running free. They were selling some cute, fluffy kittens and a few of the bouncy, sweet puppies as well. Find the hidden words. metal w a a p l i n g pedal p n n e a e e s capital w i e n d w t a hospital r m t c e y o s animal l a t i p s o h pencil n l a l a t e m c a p i t a l d x l w w r i t e Which year 2 common exception word has Mr Whoops been juggling with? _____________________ Write these verbs in the past tense: run hop skip eat _____________________ _____________________ Use the picture clues to write the compound words. _____________________ _____________________ _____________________ Section 1 Choose the best conjunction to fill the gap in each sentence: a. You will not be allowed into the cinema ________ you have a ticket. b. He took the penalty ________ he had hurt his leg. c. They lit the camp fire ________ it was getting cold. Section 2 Mr Whoops has accidentally jumbled up TWO preposition words. Can you help him to unjumble them? duren webenet Section 3 Can you write TWO pairs of homophones to match the clues? The brightest star in the sky: __________ Someone’s child that is a boy: __________ A large mammal: __________ Completely naked: __________ Section 4 Look at the picture. Can you add appropriate adverbs to this sentence? During the hurricane, the wind blew __________, which caused the trees to sway __________. Section 5 Can you write the plural forms of these singular nouns? fox - __________ fly - __________ puppy - __________ Section 6 Can you improve this sentence by adding an expanded noun phrase, a conjunction and extra detail? The house stood on the hill. ____________________________________ ____________________________________ ____________________________________ Complete the sentences by circling the correct tense of the verb. 1. The boys ___________ in the river next week. - swam / will swim 2. Last month Klara ___________ with water animals. - plays / played 3. "Brr! The river ___________ cold now!" Manu yelled. - feels / felt 4. "Be careful" called Manu. "Crocodiles ___________!" - bite / bit 5. If you bring the towels, I ___________ swimming. - go / will go 6. "Put on your sunglasses." called Klara, "The sun ___________ bright." - is / was 7. Last year, Stig ___________ in the river. - fell / falls Complete each sentence by using the correct verb tense. - ran / will run / running a. Are you ___________ in the race? b. Yesterday, I ___________ in the race. c. Tomorrow I ___________ in the race. Please watch the video about the three tenses. Then complete the following activities. Change the Tense To use past and present tenses correctly in my writing. 1. Complete the table with the missing verbs. \| Simple Past Tense \| Simple Present Tense (for I, you, we or they) \| \|-------------------\|---------------------------------------------\| \| played \| play \| \| talked \| \| \| \| swim \| \| saw \| \| \| drank \| \| \| \| try \| \| chased \| \| \| knew \| \| \| \| study \| \| cancelled \| \| \| \| hear \| 2. Change these sentences so that they are written in the simple past tense. The first one has been done for you. a. John watches the football on TV. John watched football on TV. b. He sits quietly on the chair. He ____________ quietly on the chair. c. She smiles warmly at her classmates. She _______________ warmly at her classmates. d. Sofia throws the javelin with great skill. Sofia _______________ the javelin with great skill. 3. Change these sentences so that they are written in the simple present tense. The first one has been done for you. a. Anna finished her dinner slowly. Anna finishes her dinner slowly. b. Oliver carried the heaviest bags. Oliver _______________ the heaviest bags. c. She swapped her stickers for conkers. She _______________ her stickers for conkers. d. The family travelled to Scotland for winter. The family _______________ to Scotland for winter. Challenge: Write 2 of your own sentences in the past tense. Write 2 of your sentences in the present tense. Biscuits (makes 24 biscuits) Ingredients - 200g butter or margarine - 100g caster sugar - 300g plain flour Method 1. Preheat the oven to 160°C/320°F/Gas Mark 3. 2. Line a baking tray with greaseproof paper. 3. Put the butter and sugar in a bowl and beat it until it is pale and creamy. 4. Stir in the flour and mix thoroughly until a ball of dough is formed. 5. Roll out the dough on a floured work surface until it is 1cm thick. 6. Cut biscuits out of the dough using biscuit cutters and carefully put them onto the baking tray with plenty of space between them. 7. Bake them for 12-15 minutes, or until they are pale golden-brown. Set aside to harden for 5 minutes, then place them on a wire rack to cool. Remember to decide on your ‘twist’ before starting to make the biscuits. You will need the Biscuits Recipe Card. 1) What is each interval worth on each set of scales? 2) Which biscuit ingredient is in each bowl?	<urn:uuid:05b932e7-9e89-4ed3-af6e-ad90c0e99f89>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.knypersley.staffs.sch.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/30_06_20.pdf	2022-08-14T01:10:46+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00667.warc.gz	748,813,150	1,852	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997984	eng_Latn	0.999128	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1679, 1939, 2273, 3199, 4340, 5127, 5215, 6483, 7248, 8036, 8178 ]	[ 3.96875 ]	1	0
Element 1 PC 1.1 Equilibrium constant expressions, $K$ (or $K_c$) are written for given chemical equations. Reactions don't stop when they come to equilibrium. There is no net change in the concentrations of the reactants or products, as the forward and reverse reactions are in balance at equilibrium. The reaction appears to stop on the macroscopic scale. Chemical equilibrium is a dynamic balance between opposing forces, the forward and reverse reactions. Writing Equilibrium Constant Expressions Even though chemical reactions at equilibrium occur in both directions, the reagents on the right side of the equation are assumed to be the "products" of the reaction and the reagents on the left side of the equation are assumed to be the "reactants." \[ aA + bB \rightleftharpoons cC + dD \] The ratio described is a constant, called the equilibrium constant ($K$). \[ K_c = \frac{[C]^c[D]^d}{[A]^a[B]^b} \] - "C" shows it is written in terms of concentration. - The square brackets represent the concentration of the substance within the brackets. - The products of the reaction are always written above the line (the numerator). - The reactants are always written below the line (the denominator). - The indices, e.g. b, the powers that you have to raise the concentrations to, are the numbers in front of each of the substances in the balanced chemical equation. For homogeneous* systems (the only type that you will meet at Level 2 NCEA), the equilibrium constant expression contains a term for every reactant and every product of the reaction (A homogeneous equilibrium has everything present in the same state or phase. E.g. reactions where everything is a gas or reactions where everything is present in the same aqueous solution). Examples: \| Reaction \| $ K_C $ \| \|----------\|-----------\| \| $ 2\text{NO}_2(g) \rightleftharpoons \text{N}_2\text{O}_4(g) $ \| $ K_C = \frac{[\text{N}_2\text{O}_4(g)]}{[\text{NO}_2(g)]^2} $ \| \| $ \text{N}_2(g) + 3\text{H}_2(g) \rightleftharpoons 2\text{NH}_3(g) $ \| $ K_C = \frac{[\text{NH}_3(g)]^2}{[\text{N}_2(g)][\text{H}_2(g)]^3} $ \| \| $ 2\text{NH}_3(g) \rightleftharpoons \text{N}_2(g) + 3\text{H}_2(g) $ \| $ K_C = \frac{[\text{N}_2(g)][\text{H}_2(g)]^3}{[\text{NH}_3(g)]^2} $ \| \| $ \text{Fe}^{3+}(aq) + \text{SCN}^{-}(aq) \rightleftharpoons [\text{FeSCN}]^{2+}(aq) $ \| $ K_C = \frac{[\text{FeSCN}]^{2+}(aq)}{[\text{Fe}^{3+}(aq)][\text{SCN}^{-}(aq)]} $ \| Common mistakes! - Writing the expression upside down eg $ \frac{[\text{reactants}]}{[\text{products}]} $ - Leaving in the + eg for $ \text{N}_2(g) + 3\text{H}_2(g) \rightleftharpoons 2\text{NH}_3(g) $ $ K_C = \frac{[\text{NH}_3(g)]^2}{[\text{N}_2(g)] + [\text{H}_2(g)]^3} $ FAQ - K or $ K_C $? Either is fine for Level 2 NCEA for all the examples you will meet. If you are asked to write K expressions use K, if $ K_C $ then write $ K_C $! - Do I need the state symbols? Not for this Unit Standard but if you are putting them in, put them ALL in, and put them in the right place, inside the J bracket eg $ [\text{H}_2(g)]^3 \checkmark \ [H_2](g)^3 \times $, $ [\text{FeSCN}]^{2+}(aq) $ PC 1.2 Changes in equilibrium position are predicted as a result of a change in conditions. You will be applying Le Chatelier’s Principle to help you work out what happens when you change the conditions in a reaction in dynamic equilibrium. If a dynamic equilibrium is disturbed by changing the conditions, the position of equilibrium moves to counteract the change. Questions will either ask: Effect on amount* of named reactant / product - This will be “increase”, “decrease” or “is unchanged” OR Effect on the equilibrium position - This will be “shift to left”, “shift to right” or “no change on equilibrium position”. Which one you use will depend upon the question that is asked. \| Change \| Effect \| \|------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Change of temperature \| - Increase in temperature favours the endothermic reaction \| \| \| - Decrease in temperature favours the exothermic reaction \| \| Change of concentration\| - Increase in conc. of a reactant (or decrease in concentration of a product) favours the formation of product / shifts equilibrium position to the right \| \| \| - Decrease in conc. of a reactant (or increase in concentration of a product) favours the formation of reactants / shifts equilibrium position to the left \| \| Change of pressure \| - An increase in pressure (volume is reduced) favours the reaction producing the smaller number of moles of gas \| \| \| - A decrease in pressure (volume is increased) favours the reaction producing the larger number of moles of gas \| \| \| - If the number of moles of gas are the same on each side then the amount / equilibrium position will be unchanged \| \| Addition / removal of catalyst \| - Amount of reactant / product / equilibrium position is unchanged. (But equilibrium is reached much faster) \| Example 1 \[2\text{SO}_3(g) \rightleftharpoons 2\text{SO}_2(g) + \text{O}_2(g) \quad \Delta H = +192 \text{ kJ}\] How would the amount of $\text{SO}_2(g)$ alter if: - The temperature was increased – the amount of $\text{SO}_2(g)$ would increase - The pressure was increased - the amount of $\text{SO}_2(g)$ would decrease - A catalyst was added – the amount of $\text{SO}_2(g)$ would be unchanged - Some $\text{O}_2$ was removed – the amount of $\text{SO}_2(g)$ would increase How would the equilibrium position alter if: - The temperature was increased – it would shift to the right - The pressure was increased - it would shift to the left - A catalyst was added – it would be unchanged - Some $\text{O}_2$ was removed – it would shift to the right Example 2 \[\text{CO}(g) + \text{H}_2\text{O}(g) \rightleftharpoons \text{CO}_2(g) + \text{H}_2(g) : -\Delta H\] How will the amount of $\text{H}_2$ be affected by each of the following? - Some $\text{CO}(g)$ is added – the amount of $\text{H}_2(g)$ would increase - The volume of the system is increased - the amount of $\text{H}_2(g)$ would be unchanged (2 moles gas on each side) How will the equilibrium position alter if: - The temperature is decreased - it would shift to the right - Some $\text{H}_2\text{O}(g)$ is removed - it would shift to the left - Addition of more catalyst - it would be unchanged	<urn:uuid:f6b6e18f-7ea6-4655-ae2d-dc45d9929914>	CC-MAIN-2021-25	https://www.nobraintoosmall.co.nz/students/chemistry/NCEA_Level2/pdfs/che_8942_revise.pdf	2021-06-14T05:45:57+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623487611445.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20210614043833-20210614073833-00406.warc.gz	839,473,845	1,821	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.984485	eng_Latn	0.990907	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1758, 3845, 6632 ]	[ 2.046875 ]	1	0
Spring is Here! Flower Viewing: "Let me die in spring under the blossoming trees, let it be around that full moon of Kisaragi month" (Saigyou Houshi) When it comes to flowers, perhaps one of the most loved by Japanese is the sakura, or cherry blossoms. The tradition of hanami, or flower viewing, takes place during the end of March and beginning of April. Friends and family, and coworkers from the office, all gather with bento box-lunches and drinks (plenty of drinks!) on blankets spread beneath the flowering trees. At night, parks and other famous hanami locations are lit up, and one can enjoy yozakura, cherry blossoms at night. Be careful, though! It's still pretty cold this time of year, and there's a word for that, too: hana-bie; one should dress warmly for the flower viewing. Some more sakura-specific words include hana-gumori, when the skies are cloudy during the flowering, hana-arashi for the wind that scatters the cherry blossoms, and sakura-fubuki for the "storm" of petals that wind blows around. News of the "Cherry Blossom Front" and Pollen Reports News reports during cherry blossom season usually include a report about where in Japan the trees (usually the Somei-Yoshino cherry tree) are blooming. Progressing from south to north, the Cherry Blossom Front marches its way up the Japanese archipelago. In addition, pollen allergy notifications are also broadcast with the news, sugi (cedar) pollen being especially prevalent in spring; the number of cedar pollen allergy sufferers is growing. Symptoms of pollen allergies (called kafun-shou) include a runny nose, itchy eyes, and sneezing. Methods of prevention can include wearing a mask to block pollen from entering the body, and taking 春の訪れ ★花見：「願わくば花の下にて春死なんその如月の望月の頃」（西行）花と言えば、桜をさすほど日本人は桜が好きです。3月の末から4月の初めにかけて、満開の桜の木の下に敷物を敷いて座り、家族や仲間、会社の同僚とお弁当を食べたり、お酒を飲んだりしながら楽しいひとときを過ごす習慣を「花見」と言います。公園など桜の名所では夜になるとライトアップするところもあり、「夜桜」を楽しむことができます。ただし、この時期は「花冷え」と呼ばれるようにまだ寒さが残っているので、暖かい服装で出かけることをおすすめします。また、桜が咲く頃の雲った天気のことを「花曇り」、桜を散らせる風を「花嵐」、はらはらと散る花びらを「桜吹雪」と呼びます。 ★桜前線と花粉情報：天気予報では、日本各地の桜、主にソメイヨシノの開花予想日を結んだ「桜前線」が紹介されます。南北に細長い日本列島では桜前線は南からだんだんと北上していきます。その他に、「花粉情報」も毎日の天気予報に登場します。最近、春になると、杉花粉などによるアレルギーの出る人が増えています。鼻水、クシャミ、目がかゆいなどの症状で、「花粉症」と呼ばれます。花粉が多く飛んでいる日にはマスクをしたり、薬で症状を抑えたりしなければなりません。 ◇県内のお花見スポット◇ （わがかがわ観光推進協議会「香川イベントガイドブック」より抜粋） medicine to reduce symptoms. Flower Viewing Spots in Kagawa (from the Our Kagawa Tourism Promotion Society “Kagawa Event Guidebook”): - Ritsurin Park (Takamatsu, 3 min. walk from JR Ritsurin Kouen Kitaguchi) - Megijima Washi-ga-mine Dai Doukutsu (Takamatsu, 20 min. ferry from Sunport, 10 min. on Doukutsu-yuki bus) - Kinbuchi Shinrin Kouen (Takamatsu, 40 min. by car from JR Takamatsu) - Marugame Castle, Kameyama Kouen (Marugame, 15 min. walk from JR Marugame) - Shoutsuu-ji Yama Tokiwa Kouen (Sakaide, Utazu-chou, 10 min. by car from JR Sakaide or JR Utazu) - Kotobiki Kouen (Kanonji, 15 min. walk from JR Kanonji) - Himori Yama (Sanuki, 10 min. by car from Kotoden Shido) - Kikaku Kouen (Sanuki, 5 min. by car from Kotoden Nagao) - Shidueyama-sanchou-enchi (Mitoyo, 30 min. by car from JR Takuma) - Takinomiya Kouen (Ayagawa-chou, 7 min. walk from Kotoden Takinomiya) - Touryou Kouen (Tadotsu-chou, 15 min. walk from JR Tadotsu) A New Year and Golden Week: March and April see two major changes in the lives of young people. Some graduate from school and take jobs, becoming proper members of society—shakaijin. Others leave home to continue their education. Entrance examinations for school are held in this period, and both school and work begin anew. University students hold shinkan-konpa, a sort of enkai party for newly-enrolled students; the equivalent for shakaijin is the kansou-geikai. Just as people are beginning to get used to their new environments, Golden Week begins. “Golden Week” is the period spanning the end of April and the beginning of May, during which a number of national holidays are lined up in a row. Various popular sightseeing locations fill up with guests, and both bamboo shoot-gathering and digging for clams are popular activities. The fifth of May is Child’s Day, also known as Tango no Sekku. People celebrate by eating chimaki, rice cake wrapped in bamboo leaves, and kashiwa-mochi, rice cake wrapped in an oak (kashiwa) leaf. Houses with boy children fly distinctive carp streamers, and display their satsuki-ningyo, or “May dolls”. ★新年度とGW：3月に学校を卒業した若者達が就職して「社会人」となったり、故郷を離れて進学したりするのが4月です。入学式や入社式などがあり、新しい出会いが広がると同時に、学校や仕事が新たに始まります。学生ならば「新歓コンパ（新入生歓迎宴会）」、社会人なら「歓送迎会」が開かれます。新しい環境にいくらか慣れただ頃、「ゴールデンウィーク」（GW、黄金週間）が始まります。4月下旬から5月上旬の祝日が多い期間のことを指し、行楽客で各地がにぎわいます。「たけのこ狩り」や「潮干狩り」が楽しめるのもこの時期です。5月5日の「こどもの日」は「端午の節句」とも呼ばれ、「ちまき」や「柏餅」を食べたり、男の子のいる家では「こいのぼり」や「五月人形」を飾ります。 Finding Housing (leasing with a real estate agent): People looking for a residence to rent in Japan usually think about their budget and the size of the rooms, location with regards to public transport, and parking availability, then take these concerns up with a real estate agent to help them find a place. Some people also utilize specialty publications devoted to housing information, or have their office or place of work recommend something for them. Rental rates are determined by the number of rooms and their size, age of the dwelling, location, convenience, and the like. Appliances and furniture usually are not provided with leased residences. Rooms are generally listed as follows: 2 LDK means 2 (rooms), L (living room), D (dining room), K (kitchen) The units of measurement to express size are tsubo and jyou. 1 tsubo equals 2 jyou, which is approximately 3.3 square meters. Jyou is also a measure of how many tatami mats a room has; 6 and 4 mat rooms are common. 1) Leasing with a real estate agent: (1) Deposit: a deposit is made before the lease contract is signed with the real estate agent. This ensures that the contract will be carried out as specified, and that no one else will contract at the same time. The deposit is later credited as part of rent unless the person contracting backs out of the deal, in which case it is not refunded. The amount of the deposit is usually equivalent to about one month's rent. (2) The contract: the following things are necessary for a proper contract. Be sure to check for them when leasing a residence! - contents of the contract and the leaser's seal or signature - guarantor: generally, someone who can guarantee that the leaseholder can pay. Also a person who can pay rent in the case that the leaseholder misses payment. (Please refer to section P8 of the Kagawa Prefecture Overseas Student Residence Guarantee Support System - deposit: this deposit, consisting of approximately two months of rent, is held at the landlord's office and used to cover damage to the residence when the leaseholder leaves. Any leftover money will be returned. - "key-money": an amount of money equivalent to approximately two months of rent, paid to the owner. This money is never returned. - mediation fee: usually around one month's rent, paid to the real estate agency. (3) Rent: the following month's rent is paid at the end of each month. If a contract was signed in the middle of the month, that month's rental will be broken down and calculated as a daily amount. In addition to the rental fee, a "common-area charge" is often assessed in apartments or mansion for the hallways, elevators, etc. which everyone uses. (4) Contract renewal: contracts are usually renewed once every two years. Rental rates may be raised when renewing. (5) Ending a contract: when moving or otherwise ending a contract, one usually must inform the landlord a month in advance. If advance notice is not given, the deposit may not be returned. There was an error in the last issue of Kagawa Journal in the "renewing your visa" section. The immigration office's hours were incorrectly reported, and should read as follows: Takamatsu City Immigration Office, Examination Division Tel: 087-822-5851 Hours: 9:00~16:00 (closed on weekends and holidays) ☆ Topics ☆ The Islands of the Beautiful Seto Inland Sea The Seto Inland Sea, blessed with a warm climate and nature in abundance, contains many islands. In total, there are 24 inhabited islands and 92 desert islands within Kagawa Prefecture. Why don't you try fishing, camping, swimming in the sea, cycling, sea kayaking or visiting sites of historical interest on these uniquely charming islands? ○ Shodoshima: The "Olive Island" has many places to see including the village used as a set for filming the adaptation of the famous novel "Twenty-four Eyes" by local author Sakae Tsuboi, a famous autumn leaf viewing spot, the Kankakei Gorge and rural Kabuki stages. There is also a miniature version of the 88-temple Shikoku Pilgrimage. The "Turtle Marathon" is held here every year in November. If you want to fully explore the island, renting a car at Tonosho-port is recommended. There is also a youth hostel on the island. Ferries and express boats run to Shodoshima from Takamatsu. ○ Teshima: While the unlawful dumping of toxic wastes has been a problem, in 2000 a settlement for damages between the Prefecture and citizens of the island was reached. Nowadays, along with Naoshima, where industrial wastes are processed, Teshima has become a place for learning about the environment. The island has always concentrated its efforts on welfare, an example of this is the care home for babies whose parents cannot look after them themselves. The beginning of summer is a good time to visit to see orange trees blooming on the terraced fields. There is a high-speed boat to Tejima from Takamatsu and a ferry from Tonosho Port, Shodoshima. ○ Naoshima: On Naoshima, you can enjoy modern art at (3) 家賃 1か月分の賃借料のことです。毎月月末に翌月分を支払います。月の途中で契約した場合は、契約した日からその月の月末までの分は日割りで支払うことになります。家賃とは別に共益費（アパートやマンションの階段、廊下など共用スペースの維持管理のため、居住者が分担する費用）も必要です。 (4) 契約更新 2年に一度の更新が一般的です。その際に家賃の値上げがある場合もあります。 (5) 解約引越ししなどで契約を解約したい場合は、ふつう1カ月前には家主に知らせなければなりません。通知しないで退去したり、退去の直前に申し出たりすると、敷金が戻らないことがあります。 ※ 1月号に掲載した「ビザの更新」に関する記事の中で高松入国管理局の受付時間（ビザ関係）に誤りがありました。お詫びして訂正いたします。高松入国管理局審査部門 ☎: 087-822-5851 受付時間：9時～16時（土・日曜日、休日を除く） ☆ トピックス ☆ ◆ 美しい瀬戸内海の島々豊かな自然と温暖な気候に恵まれた瀬戸内海にはたくさんの島があります。そのうち香川県には人が住んでいる島が24、無人島が92あります。ユニークな魅力のある島々で釣りやキャンプ、海水浴、サイクリングにシーカヤックや歴史散策を楽しめませんか？・小豆島……“二十四の瞳映画村”、紅葉の名所“寒霞渓”、“農村歌舞伎”など見どころの多いオリーブの島。“島四国88ヶ所”と呼ばれる遍路コースもある。毎年11月にタートルフルマラソンを開催。島を一周するならレンタカー（土庄港）がオススメ。ユースホステルもある。高松港からフェリーと高速艇運航。・豊島……産業廃棄物の不法投棄が問題となるが、2000年に県と住民の間に公害調停が成立。現在は産廃処理を行っている直島と共に、環境学習の場にもなっている。乳児院など早くから福祉に力を注いでいる島。初夏には段々畑にみかんの花が見頃となる。高松港から高速艇、 Bennesse House, the House Project (where the interiors of several old wooden houses in Naoshima Town have been made into artwork and opened to the public), and the Chichu Art Gallery. There is also an international camping ground. Ferries to Naoshima run from Takamatsu and Uno Port in Okayama. - Ooshima: The "Ooshima seishouen (Green Pine Garden)" National Leprosy Treatment Centre is located here. Until the repeal of the Precautionary Measures Act in 1996, sufferers of leprosy were forced to live in segregation. Government vessels sail from Takamatsu and Aji port to Ooshima. - Ogijima: The lighthouse on Ogijima was used in a film. Ogijima is aiming to create the number-one daffodil town in Japan. You can reach Ogijima by ferry from Takamatsu via Megijima. - Megijima (Onigashima): Pirates used to use the caves on this island as a base. In spring the island blooms with cherry blossoms, and in summer it is a good place to go for swimming in the sea. You can reach Megijima by ferry from Takamatsu. - Yoshima: Since the opening of the Seto Ohashi Bridge in 1998, Yoshima Parking Area has become a popular rest spot halfway across the bridge. Buses depart for Yoshima from Sakaide Station and Kojima Station (Okayama). - Iwakurojima: There are many choice fishing spots on this island. Buses depart for Iwakurojima from Sakaide Station and Kojima Station (Okayama). - Hitsuishijima: Proximate to Okayama, Hitsuishijima has a traditional Shinto archery ritual which is several hundred years old. Buses depart for Hitsuishijima from Sakaide Station and Kojima Station (Okayama). - Honjima: The centre of the Shiwakushoto Islands. Once the stronghold of the Shiwaku Navy (famous for the ship-handling of its exceptionally skillful sailors), it was granted autonomy in the age of the civil war. A treasure trove of historical and cultural assets, the ancient streets of Kasajima-chiku are lined with minshuku* (guest houses) made from converted traditional family dwellings. There is a swimming beach selected by the Ministry of the Environment to receive a special award. Hiking and cycling are also popular. Ferries and passenger ships depart Marugame Port for Honjima. - Hiroshima: The largest of the Shiwakushoto Islands, it boasts a palm-lined swimming beach and is a good place to find quality stones. Ferries and passenger ships depart Marugame Port for Hiroshima. - Teshima: With its abundant fishing grounds, it is a popular place among anglers. It can be reached from Marugame Port via Hiroshima and Oteshima. - Sanagijima: Located halfway up a mountain, the Daitengu Shrine contains a stone statue of Daitengu (a long-nosed genie). There is a ferry to Sanagijima from Tadotsu Port. - Takamijima: This island boasts an old village made of stone-walled buildings which has been used many times as a filming location. There is a ferry to Takamijima from Tadotsu Port. - Awashima: Site of Japan’s oldest sailing school, Awashima is popular for marine sports to this day. Passenger ships run from Suda Port or Miyanoshita Port in Takuma. - Shishijima: With flowers blossoming in the fields from autumn through to winter, you can see some beautiful views. Shishijima has also been used as a filming location. It can be reached by passenger ship from Miyanoshita Port or Suda Port (via Awashima). - Ibukijima: Famous for the production of dried niboshi (sardines), it’s a great fishing spot. Passenger ships sail from Kanonji Port. Information - Shodoshima Tourism Association - Tel: 0879-62-5300 (Shodoshima, Teshima) - Naoshima Tourism Association - Tel: 087-892-2299 (Naoshima) - Takamatsu City Office Tourism Department - Tel: 087-839-2416 (Ooshima, Ogijima, Megijima) - Onigashima Tourism Association - Tel: 087-873-0211 (Megijima) - Sakaide City Tourism Association - Tel: 0877-44-5015 (Hitsuishijima, Iwakurojima, Yoshima) - Marugame City Tourism Association - Tel: 0877-24-8816 (Honjima, Hiroshima, Teshima) - Tadotsu Town Tourism Association - Tel: 0877-33-1113 (Sanagijima, Takamijima) - Mitoyo City Commerce, Industry and Tourism Department - Tel: 0875-62-1129 (Awashima, Shishijima) - Kanonji City Tourism Association - Tel: 0875-23-3933 (Ibukijima) 利用した民宿がある。環境省から「特選」に選ばれた海水浴場がある。ハイキング、サイクリングも盛ん。丸亀港からフェリー、旅客船が運航。 - 広島……塩飽諸島で最大の島。椰子の木の茂る海水浴場がある。良質の石が採れる。丸亀港からフェリー、旅客船が運航。 - 手島……豊かな漁場があり、釣り客が訪れる。丸亀港から広島、小手島経由でフェリー運航。 - 佐柳島・山の中腹にある大天狗神社に大天狗の石像がある。多度津港からフェリーが運航。 - 高見島……石垣を築いて建てられた江戸時代の集落が残り、何度か映画のロケ地になった。多度津港からフェリーが運航。 - 粟島……日本最古の海員養成学校があった島。マリンスポーツの穴場として人気がある。詫間の須田港、宮の下港から旅客船運航。 - 志々島……秋から冬にかけて段々畑に花が咲き乱れる、美しい風景の島。映画の舞台になった。宮の下港、須田港（粟島経由）から旅客船運航。 - 伊吹島……煮干イワシの生産で有名。釣りのスポット。観音寺港から旅客船運航。問い合わせ** - 小豆島観光協会 ☎: 0879-62-5300（小豆島、豊島） - 直島町観光協会 ☎: 087-892-2299（直島） - 高松市観光課 ☎: 087-839-2416 （大島、男木島、女木島） - 鬼ヶ島観光協会 ☎: 087-873-0211（女木島） - 坂出市観光協会 ☎: 0877-44-5015 （櫃石島、岩黒島、与島） - 丸亀市観光協会 ☎: 0877-24-8816 （本島、広島、手島） - 多度津町観光協会 ☎: 0877-33-1113 （佐柳島、高見島） - 三豊市商工観光課 ☎: 0875-62-1129（粟島、志々島） - 観音寺市観光協会 ☎: 0875-23-3933（伊吹島） Legal and Human Rights Consultation for Foreigners Do you have a problem that you can't handle completely on your own? Lawyers, human rights specialists and others are available for consultation. A reservation is necessary. Date and time: Friday April 20th, May 18th, and June 15th from 13:00～15:00 Location: I-Pal Meeting Room Reservation: Kagawa International Exchange Association (Tel: 087-837-5908 Closed Mondays) I-Pal Kagawa Japanese Lessons (2007 Spring-Summer Semester) I-Pal offers Japanese lessons throughout the year, which are taught by experienced lecturers and suited for foreigners. Would you and your friends like to study Japanese? Class Types: Entry Level 1: Wednesdays 10:00～12:00, Saturdays 15:00～17:00 Entry Level 2: Wednesdays 10:00～12:00, Saturdays 10:00～12:00 Japanese 1: Wednesdays 10:00～12:00, Saturdays 12:30～14:30 Japanese 2: Saturdays 15:00～17:00 Japanese 3: Saturdays 12:30～14:30 Term Dates: April 18th～September 26th (Wednesdays) April 21st～September 29th (Saturdays) Location: I-Pal Kagawa Meeting Rooms (3F) Space: 5～15 people Fee: 3500¥ (Note: Entry Level 1 and 2 use textbooks which cost an extra 350¥). Application: Please fill in an application form and hand it in along with the cost of the classes. All applicants (except for Entry Level 1) will be required to take placement tests. Japanese Salon For foreign people who want to practise their Japanese and for Japanese people who would like to talk with foreigners who are learning Japanese. Reservations are not required so please come along and enjoy yourselves. Session 1: Tuesdays 10:00～12:00, I-Pal International Exchange Floor Session 2: Thursdays 18:00～20:00, I-Pal Library Participation is free. On days when I-Pal is closed, the Salon will not be open. The Takamatsu City International Exchange Association also runs a Japanese Salon on Sundays from 13:00～17:00 in an I-Pal Meeting Room (3F). Overseas Student Residence Guarantee Support System (Guarantor Provision System): This is a system whereby if an overseas student rents a private apartment or becomes a lodger in a boarding house, the Kagawa International Exchange Association can become the guarantors of the lease. Eligible Applicants: Students or applicants who have received a place at universities, junior colleges and technical colleges within the prefecture who hold a 'study abroad' residence permit. Application Procedure: Before applying, please ensure you 1) have a letter of recommendation from your place of education, and 2) have entered the Japan Educational Exchanges and Services' "Comprehensive Renters Insurance for Foreign Students Studying in Japan". Contact: Kagawa International Exchange Association (Tel: 087-837-5908 Closed Mondays) *Everyday Life: Consultation Desk for Foreigners Living in Kagawa (from June) Are you having troubles living by yourself in Kagawa? Our staff would be happy to help you out and answer questions about living here, in person or over the phone. We speak English, Chinese, Korean, Portuguese, and Spanish. A reservation is required. Hours: 2nd Wednesday of every month, from 13:00～15:00 (English, Portuguese, Spanish) 4th Wednesday of every month, from 13:00～15:00 (Chinese, Korean) Location: I-Pal Kagawa, meeting room Information: Kagawa International Exchange Association (I-Pal) Tel: 087-837-5908 (Closed Mondays) ※ 参加無料、アイパル香川の休館日等は休みです。 ※ この他、毎週日曜日13:00～17:00（財）高松市国際交流協会がアイパル香川3階会議室で日本語サロンを行っています。 ★ 香川県留学生住宅確保支援制度（連帯保証引受け制度）留学生が民間アパート、下宿等を借りる場合に香川県国際交流協会が連帯保証人となる制度です。 ◇ 対象者：県内の大学、短期大学、高等専門学校に在学または入学を許可された学生で、「留学」の在留資格を持っている方。 ◇ 申請するには：申請に先立って①所属する大学等の推薦を受けること②（財）日本国際教育支援協会による留学生住宅総合補償に加入のこと ◇ 問合せ：（財）香川県国際交流協会 ☎ 087-837-5908（月曜休館） ★ 外国人のための生活相談窓口香川県での慣れない暮らしにひとりで悩んでいませんか？相談員が面談・電話等で生活の相談にのります（英語、中国語、ハンガリー語、ポルトガル語、スペイン語）。ただし、事前に予約が必要です。 ◇ 日時：①毎月第2水曜日 13:00～15:00（英語、ポルトガル語、スペイン語） ②毎月第4水曜日 13:00～15:00（中国語、ハンガリー語） ◇ 場所：アイパル香川会議室 ◇ 申込：（財）香川県国際交流協会 ☎ 087-837-5908（月曜休館）	<urn:uuid:511fcc22-470c-42f2-b3b9-3eedfbbf91b2>	CC-MAIN-2018-47	http://www.i-pal.or.jp/kikashi/0704-english.pdf	2018-11-18T06:27:29Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039743968.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20181118052443-20181118074443-00542.warc.gz	425,883,029	6,488	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.938693	eng_Latn	0.974606	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2309, 4724, 7226, 10564, 12237, 15625, 17399, 19560 ]	[ 2.8125 ]	2	0
Fulling consists of cleaning and thickening the cloth, and it was, and is still, a pretty smelly business. To clean the cloth in Roman times, slaves called "Walker's" would stand ankle deep in tubs of urine and cloth, stamping their feet, walking round and round. The urine contained ammonium salts which cleaned the cloth, and was so valuable it was taxed. It's astonishing that our grasping politicians have not cottoned on to this lucrative source of income, but it must only be a matter of time. In the Middle Ages fuller's earth was used in conjunction with urine and nowadays soap is used. Once the cleaning was done, cloth made from short staple wool had to be strengthened by matting the fibres together; this was unnecessary for material made from long staple wool. Water was used for this, and also to rinse out the foul liquids used earlier in the process. As water mills came into common use, some of them were modified to mechanise the cleaning and thickening by the operation of hammers battering the cloth as it passed slowly through tubs of wash, and then over rollers and a stream of water. Once this was complete, the cloth was stretched out to dry by being fastened on hooks to a device known as a tenter, hence the expression (to be on tenterhooks) meaning to be in a state of suspense. If you are careless with woollen jumpers etc, when washing them by using water too hot, or setting the machine on the wrong cycle, you will achieve much the same result, a lump of thick, heavy, and shrunken cloth. According to the Doomsday Book, there has been a mill on the site at Walk Mill Ever since those far off days, and in 1219, the lease for the mill was one pair of gloves. In the media, the homes and the rich and (in) famous and solicitors up and down the land, there is currently such talk of pre-nuptial settlements, but this is nothing new. On 21st April 1692 there was a pre-nuptial agreement between John Bruen and Honor Winnington which included Walk Mill and its land. There are two mills at Stapleford, Walk Mill and Stapleford Mill halve a mile or so further down the river., and in 1792 they were both sold, along with other land to pay debts to the tune of £6,460 of Richard Ashton, a monumental sum for those times. History does not record how those debts were incurred - slow horses and fast women perhaps? However dedicated he was to these pursuits, it's difficult to believe these debts were solely to blame responsible his downfall. Walk Mill ceased to be occupied in 1959 and soon became the victim of the lack of use and was demolished in the mid 1960's. The present mill is now a brand new building with a café where confectionary and flour ground on the premises to make bread is sold.	<urn:uuid:18c30013-ec1b-4479-b006-179f66db7967>	CC-MAIN-2019-39	https://walkmillflour.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2010/03/Walk-Mill-history-article.pdf	2019-09-23T11:34:42Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-39/segments/1568514576355.92/warc/CC-MAIN-20190923105314-20190923131314-00103.warc.gz	724,220,234	610	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.999357	eng_Latn	0.999357	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2730 ]	[ 2.078125 ]	1	2
Phonics is ... a method of teaching children to read and write by linking letters in the alphabet with sounds. Phonics teaches children to be able to identify the units of sound (phonemes) that make up each word to support reading and writing. It is the first strategy we use, but it does run alongside other methods. Sight word recognition, guided reading... Every child in Reception and Year 1 has a daily phonics lesson targeted at their level. - Fast paced approach. - 20/25 minute sessions. - Lessons encompass a range of games, songs and rhymes. We use the Letters and Sounds planning document to support the teaching of phonics and incorporate the Jolly Phonics actions. There are 6 phonics phases which the children work through at their own pace. These gradually progress from concentrating on developing children’s speaking and listening skills and getting them attuned to the sounds around them to learning complex spellings – rules etc. \| Phase \| Activities \| \|-------\|------------\| \| 1 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| \| 2 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| \| 3 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| \| 4 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| \| 5 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| \| 6 \| - Read and write words \| \| \| - Practise previously learnt letters and words \| Phase 1: Getting ready for phonics 1. Tuning into sounds 2. Listening and remembering sounds 3. Talking about sounds Music and movement Rhythm and rhyme Sound effects Speaking and listening skills Phase 2: Learning phonemes (units of sound) to read and write simple words - Children will learn the first 19 phonemes: Set 1: s a t p Set 2: i n m d Set 3: g o c k Set 4: ck (as in duck) e u r Set 5: h b l f ff (as in puff) ll (as in hill) ss (as in hiss) - They will use these phonemes to read and spell simple "consonant-vowel-consonant" (CVC) words: tap, dig, duck, rug, puff, hill, hiss All these words contain 3 phonemes. Saying the sounds - Sounds should be articulated clearly and precisely. - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BqHXUW-V-Is Tricky Words There are many words that cannot be blended or segmented because they are irregular. the was said you some Phase 4: Introducing consonant clusters: reading and spelling words with four or more phonemes. - Children move into phase 4 when they know all the phonemes from phases 2 and 3 and can use them to read and spell simple words (bending to read and segmenting to spell). - Phase 4 doesn’t introduce any new phonemes. - It focuses on reading and spelling longer words with the phonemes they already know. - These words have consonant clusters at the beginning: spot, trip, clip, green, clown …or at the end: tent, meand, damp, burnt …or at the beginning and end: trust, spend, twist Phase 3: Learning the long vowel phonemes - Children will enter phase 3 once they know the first 19 phonemes and can blend and segment to read and spell CVC words. - They will learn another 26 phonemes: - j, v, w, x, Y, z, zz, qu - ch, sh, th, ng, ai, ee, igh, oa, oo, ar, or, ur, ow, oi, ear, air, ure, er - They will use these phonemes (and the ones from Phase 2) to read and spell words: chip, shop, thin, ring, pain, feet, night, boot, boat, look, farm, fork, burn, town, coin, clear, fair, sure. Learning all the variations! Learning that the same grapheme can be represented in more than one way: burn first term heard work Phase 6 - Phase 6 focuses on spellings and learning rules for spelling alternatives. Children look, for example, at syllables (unit of uninterrupted sound - here), and analogy (use parts of words that they know to learn others). - Children learn about past tense, rules for adding 'ing' and irregular verbs, 'ion' and 'sion' words. Phonics screening - Phonics screening check is a quick way for the teachers to track the progress your children have made. - It will take place in June, when your child is in Year 1. - The check is made up of real words that the children will have seen before and names for types of imaginary creatures, nonsense words. We introduce the imaginary words early on in Year 1 so that your children are well prepared for the check. They do not find it stressful. They actually quite enjoy it. Pass or fail situation. Teachers do not know the pass mark until after but it is usually about 32. We will let you know the results when we get them. Those who do not meet the standard of the check in Year 1 will continue to receive support in phonics and take the screening again in Year 2. How can I help at home? Help the children to learn the new phonemes once introduced in school – sound books. Play games; lots of free games on the internet. Or make up silly games: the robot. For example, you say ‘b-u-s’, and your child says ‘bus’.	<urn:uuid:c3beb903-060c-47da-b598-195fba88e1cd>	CC-MAIN-2019-39	https://www.kestonprimary.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2017/09/Image270917124602.pdf	2019-09-23T10:59:57Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-39/segments/1568514576355.92/warc/CC-MAIN-20190923105314-20190923131314-00104.warc.gz	915,538,571	1,263	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.99144	eng_Latn	0.997638	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1568, 2348, 3584, 4048, 5088 ]	[ 4.4375 ]	1	1
Road Signs & Guardrails New Year's resolutions are starting to fall into disfavor in our culture a little bit. We're becoming jaded about most of our ideals because we find them difficult to live up to. I mean, when was the last time you actually followed through on a New Year's resolution? But despite our lack of follow-through with them, New Year's resolutions play a good and important role in our lives. New Year's resolutions are recognition that there is a right path for us to follow. There are things that are physically healthy for us that we sometimes neglect. New Year's Day is a good reminder for us to do what's right for our bodies. The same is true for our spirits, and for our relationships. There is a right path for our lives to take. New Year's resolutions recognize that and move us to get back on track. New Year's resolutions fit human nature because we like to set up structures and guidelines to move us toward our goals. Think about how we create our resolutions. If we're smart, we don't just say, "I'm going to exercise more." We buy a membership to a gym, or we purchase a specific exercise program, and we commit ourselves to a specific structure. It feels good to make concrete progress toward our goals. New Year's resolutions remind us that we always have a chance to start over. For Catholics that "do-over" can happen every time we go to the sacrament of Confession. But new beginnings that are built into our lives - like New Year's Day - are also good reminders to us that we can always pick ourselves up and get ourselves back on the right track. Even when resolutions are short-lived, they remind us of what is good for us to do. If we don't continue going to the gym every day, we at least become more aware that we need to remain active and to eat healthier. Parents can do the same thing for their children that New Year's resolutions do for us. By setting up pro-active expectations for our children, we give them much-needed guidance toward those good things in life that helps us find health and happiness. Because humanity passes by way of the family... We can (and should) build positive expectations for our children in each area of human development. - Physical expectations might include healthy eating and physical activity. - Personal expectations might include ways your children talk about themselves or how they handle challenges. - Social expectations might include the way your children treat each other, how they respect you, how they treat their friends, or how they act around guests in the house. - Emotional expectations might include ways that your children handle and express anger or encouraging your children to share their emotions about their daily experiences. - Intellectual expectations might include discussing decisions in a family meeting or talking about good media choices. - Spiritual expectations might include going to Mass, saying daily prayers, and participating in the sacraments. By setting these positive expectations for our children, we set them on the right path for their life. This is the path of happiness, health and most importantly, holiness. Think of your positive expectations as helpful road signs that show our children where to journey. Once we get them on the right path, we also need to help them stay on that path. So we set up boundaries and rules. These are the guardrails that are erected especially around the most dangerous parts of the road - sharp curves, steep cliffs, and deep ditches. Both road signs (positive expectations) and guardrails (rules that set limits and boundaries) are necessary parts of guiding our children toward the good that God has planned for them. Here is your January Challenge Your challenge for January is to make some "New Year's resolutions" for your children by deciding which road signs and guardrails you will put in place in 2015. [Download the challenge here: http://goo.gl/mkSrPH](http://goo.gl/mkSrPH). Under the road sign for each area of human development, choose at least one pro-active positive expectation that you can promote for your children. Under the guard rails on the third page, choose three boundaries or limits you’ll put on their behavior in order to keep them physically and spiritually safe. Then have a discussion with your children about your new expectations. Are you ready to meet this month’s challenge? Give it a try! Hopefully you’ll come away with a different view of having high expectations for your children. This challenge is just a small part of good Catholic parenting. Visit.twl4parents.com for more strategies that will help you become the best parent you can be. And for the best systematic approach to parenting, consider purchasing the Teaching the Way of Love program, which can be found at the same website. This article series is brought to you by Alice Heinzen and Jeff Arrowood, authors of the Teaching the Way of Love home study series for parents. Find out more at [www.twl4parents.com/teaching-the-way-of-love](http://www.twl4parents.com/teaching-the-way-of-love).	<urn:uuid:4566b91b-e481-41b2-988f-31f8ed35a69a>	CC-MAIN-2017-34	http://www.twl4parents.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/01/TWL-Challenge-January.pdf	2017-08-24T08:51:03Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886133447.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20170824082227-20170824102227-00542.warc.gz	680,991,228	1,041	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.99876	eng_Latn	0.998802	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2108, 5100 ]	[ 2.53125 ]	1	0
Tree Sponsorship Last year Southmont Borough initiated a program to enable residents to enhance the beauty and environmental quality of our community through new tree sponsorships. In the first year, five sponsors donated enough money to purchase 12 trees which were planted on the triangle along Menoher Blvd., adjacent to the Beth Sholom Synagog. Mr. and Mrs. Russel R. Alkire, Jr. and family sponsored the trees in memory of Ross R. Alkire. Other trees were donated by: Helen G. Colosimo, dedicated to Leonard D. Colosimo; Mr. and Mrs. Bernard Ghezzi, dedicated to Gloria Ghezzi Davis; Judith A. Wolfe, dedicated to Mr. and Mrs. A. Morris Wolfe; Mrs. Katharine K. Peterson, dedicated to Mr. and Mrs. C.K. Korns. If you are interested in helping to improve Southmont Borough's urban forest in this way, please complete the form on the back of this newsletter and mail it to the borough office with your check for $100. Choosing the Right Tree According to professional foresters, the following criteria are important when choosing new or replacement trees: appearance, disease resistance, suitability for the climate, type of root system (to avoid damaging sidewalks) and height and shape (to avoid interfering with utility lines). The Commission has prepared a list of trees especially suited for planting under utility wires and along streets. Before planting a tree along the borough right-of-way, please contact the Shade Tree Commission for advice and approval. This list and other pamphlets on tree planting and care are available at the Borough Office, 148 Wonder Street. Arbor Day 1992 Southmont Borough's third annual ARBOR DAY celebration will be held on April 25 at the Municipile Building on Wonder Street at 10:00 a.m. The Bureau of Forestry Forester, Mark Maser, will present the TREE CITY USA award (it is the second year Southmont has received this national recognition) and the TREE CITY USA GROWTH award. Southmont is the recipient of a Tree City USA Growth Award for demonstrating progress in its community forestry program in the following activity areas: - in Education and Public Relations for publications and publicity, and - in Partnerships for external funding. The Growth Award was created to recognize environmental improvement and higher levels of tree care in Tree City USA communities. To become a Tree City USA, a community must meet four standards: A tree board or department, a city tree ordinance, a comprehensive community forestry program, and an Arbor Day observance. "An effective community forestry program is an ongoing process of renewal and improvement—a program of tree planting and care that continues through the years," John Rosenow, The National Arbor Day Foundation's executive director, said. On ARBOR DAY 1992 we will plant a tree in an open space in the treelawn area in front of the Municipal Building. Please join us! America the Beautiful Grant Awarded to Southmont Borough The Urban and Community Forestry Council has approved Southmont's grant application for $1,000.00 to replace the diseased and dying trees on Leila Street. The Challenge Grant requires a 50% match of funds which is being provided by Penelec in the removal of the declining trees. The trees on the north side of Leila street from Thoburn Street to Olive Street will be removed in the fall and will be replaced with Queen Elizabeth Hedge Maple trees. The Southmont Borough Shade Tree Commission is constantly seeking grant funds to assist in the renewal of our urban forest. You too may acquire grant money through the Penn Relief Program. The program is a statewide public/private partnership of conservation organizations which recognize the important role trees can play in alleviating some of the environmental problems we face today. Matching grants of up to $50 each for 3 trees are currently available to any citizen group wishing to purchase trees to be planted on public property. The tree lawn area in front of your house is public property and, therefore, qualifies for this grant. A citizen group could be your family or a group of neighbors who join together as a group to enhance the environment. Grant applications are available in the Borough Municipal Building. Your Shade Tree Commissioners will be happy to help you to complete the application. Published by your Shade Tree Commission Southmont Municipal Trees Inventory An inventory of Southmont Borough's municipal trees was conducted during the summer of 1991. Municipal trees are those growing between the street and sidewalk, or in the right-of-way of a public road. The inventory, a project of the Municipal Tree Restoration Program of Penn State, was funded by the Pennsylvania Electric Company. Its purpose was to determine the quantity, species and condition of all municipal trees in the borough. The results of the inventory will be used by the Shade Tree Commission to develop a reforestation plan for Southmont. Generally, the survey indicated that there are 829 municipal trees in the borough, planting spaces available for 439 more, and the total value of our street tree forest is estimated to be $1,863,083.00 \| Species of Trees (33): \| Number \| % of Total \| \|------------------------\|--------\|------------\| \| Norway Maple \| 378 \| 45 \| \| Red, Silver and Sugar Maple \| 167 \| 20 \| \| Other species (29) \| 284 \| 35 \| \| Condition of Trees: \| \| \| \|------------------------\|--------\|------------\| \| Good \| 352 \| 42 \| \| Fair \| 264 \| 32 \| \| Poor \| 197 \| 24 \| \| Dead or Dying \| 16 \| 2 \| The Right Way to Plant a Tree 1. Choose a spot where the tree's roots and branches will have enough room to grow to a mature size. 2. Dig the hole the same depth as the tree's root ball and 5 times as wide as the root ball. 3. Remove the root ball from its container, or if wrapped in burlap, remove all wires and ropes. Peel back and cut away the burlap after placing the tree in the hole. 4. Backfill with soil and add water to help it settle. 5. Remove protective tree wrap from the trunk. 6. Add 3 inches of hardwood bark mulch to the planting area. 7. Do not add fertilizer to the soil until after the first year of growth. 8. Do not use stakes and support wires unless the tree is very large or in an extremely windy location. 9. Do not build a water-holding berm of soil around the tree. 10. Make sure the tree receives at least one inch of water each week during the growing season. BACKYARD COMPOSTING As we plant trees in Southmont Borough, we must face the reality that there will be an increased number of twigs, branches and leaves to dispose of at times. Composting is the most practical and convenient way to handle your yard wastes. It can be easier and cheaper than bagging these wastes. Compost also improves your soil and the plants growing in it. If you have a garden, a lawn, trees, shrubs, or even planter boxes, you have a use for compost. By using compost you return organic matter to the soil in a usable form. Organic matter in the soil improves plant growth by helping to break up heavy clay soils and by adding essential nutrients to any soil. Improving your soil is the first step toward improving the health of your plants, and healthy plants clean our air and conserve our soil, making our community a healthier place in which to live. Simple containers for yard wastes can be made out of a circle of wire mesh, a square of wood and wire, circles of hardware cloth, or old wooden pallets. Place the holding unit where it is most convenient. As weeds, grass clippings, leaves and harvest remains from garden plants are collected, they can be dropped into the unit. Chopping or shredding wastes, alternating high-carbon and high-nitrogen materials, and keeping up good moisture and aeration will all speed the process. This is the simplest method for yard wastes. The unit can be portable, moving to wherever needed in the garden or yard. This method can take from 6 months to 2 years to compost organic materials. For more information about composting, stop in the Municipal Building and pick up a brochure from the Shade Tree Information Center.	<urn:uuid:a67f9018-dfc3-40d8-8069-5cd72345a5a2>	CC-MAIN-2018-05	http://johnstowncafe.com/johnstownarchivenewslettersouthmontnewsletter002_1992apr15.pdf	2018-01-16T17:41:42Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-05/segments/1516084886476.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20180116164812-20180116184812-00198.warc.gz	197,841,073	1,745	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997832	eng_Latn	0.99802	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 4350, 8285 ]	[ 2.28125 ]	2	0
The Voisin Rational grazing system is a methodology that enables the livestock production on pasture, aiding in increasing the productivity and quality of pastures. Within the Voisin system pasture is divided with electric fences in small batches (paddocks), which are temporarily occupied by livestock. The standing time of each paddock is proportional to the pasture recovery time after occupation, which depends on conditions such as soil quality, precipitation and temperature, in other words respects the physiology of plant growth. For example, if the resting time is 30 days and the farmer occupy two paddocks per day, he will need a total of 60 pickets on the property. Therefore, the system allows a great development of forage in different paddocks, increasing production. The water is pumped from the rivers and streams to a reservoir and subsequently distributed to each paddock. In properties where this system is implemented, there is the aim of recovering the riparian areas, in this way preserving the water quality, reducing the problem with erosion and re-establish the local biodiversity, ensuring a more sustainable production. In General, the deployment of Voisin is related to social, economic and environmental improvements, such as: a) Earth higher productivity, increasing profits for farmers; b) increased capacity of the pasture lands, increase in the herd and the quality of fodder; c) reducing emissions of greenhouse gases by the animals; d) improvement of the structure and fertility of the soil by favouring the biocoenosis, improving infiltration and water retention, and water quality improvement) due to the reduction in the use of fertilizers and pesticides; f) improvement in animal health. With all these advantages, there is one aspect that is not supplied, which is one of the bigger challenges of Voisin Rational Grazing, the lack of shade for the cows, an effect that inflicts damage to animal welfare by reducing production and milk quality. To meet this need, it was created the idea of planting trees in pasture, in order to provide shade for animals and to improve soil conditions. That is, the introduction of a Silvipastoril system. Silvipastoris systems are very interesting in livestock production, because with the increased complexity of the system, it is expected an increase of productivity and improvement of animal welfare, due to the condition of the shade provided by trees that generates an environment more pleasant and healthy for the animals. The use of native species to compose this system is important because it promotes a restoration of the original landscape, conserving the biodiversity of the biome. In addition to the shade and the maintenance of biodiversity, the use of these species of native trees offers other benefits such as: encouraging the production of honey and fruit (for example, the acai), in addition to the use of wood in species with the characteristic of regrowth. The laminar erosion control and recovery of degraded pastures are also expected features in a Silvipastoril system. In this way, with fusion of these two productive techniques, we obtain a more sustainable production, providing a better quality of life of the peasants, with the increase of income and the preservation of natural resources; the production of healthier products with higher added value, because it is a more ecological management; and the incentive for farmers to regain the local biodiversity. This new methodology is illustrated in Figure illustrative of a scale model, which follows below. You can see in this the pickets formed, the recovery of riparian forest, with the restoration of native fauna and forestation. IMAGE 01. Aerial view of model. FONT: Luiz, 2012. IMAGE 02. Diagonal view of the model. FONT: Luiz, 2012.	<urn:uuid:9218ab92-adf1-4313-b02b-30e6f49b2f7d>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.fsd.nl/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/civinet_SC.pdf	2022-08-13T23:44:12+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00646.warc.gz	707,214,601	741	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996889	eng_Latn	0.996693	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1959, 3697, 3748, 3805 ]	[ 2.078125 ]	2	0
This report outlines issues around reading competence and teacher training compiled from the individual partner reports provided. It starts by exploring the concept of literacy in each country and keys to the promotion of literacy in educational centres, before describing issues around teacher training - both pre-service and in continuing professional development contexts. 1. THE CONCEPT OF LITERACY There are some differences, but also many similarities in the concept of literacy as understood in each of the partner countries. The following section outlines the approaches to literacy taken in each country, followed by a summary of key messages in relation to this project. England Understanding the concept of literacy in England is to understand the potential tensions of the skills-based curriculum and the home-school divide. The Skills Based Curriculum Brian Street (1984) described an ‘autonomous model’ of literacy, that is, one which privileges particular literacy practices familiar to dominant western cultures (Street and Lefstein, 2007). It is a model in which literacy has autonomy from the particular social contexts in which it is employed (Lankshear, 1987), and is therefore viewed as a set of decontextualized skills to be learnt, for example phoneme-grapheme correspondence when learning to read. As such skills are highly valued, individuals’ performance can be assessed and monitored. These skills, once learnt, can be transferred to any situation that requires an individual to read and write. The trend of conceptualising literacy as a set of skills, the acquisition of which will go on to boost cognitive practices and improve the individuals’ employment prospects, is questionable yet remains firmly in place (Street, 2012). It could be argued that the autonomous model of literacy has been, and continues to be evident in England’s national testing policy and various Primary National Curricula for English (DfES/WO, 1988; DfE/QCA, 1999; DfE, 2013) over the past twenty-five years with the most recent version of the National Curriculum (DfE, 2013) emphasising word recognition skills over language comprehension skills for children in Key Stage 1. The alternative to the autonomous model is the ‘ideological model,’ which suggests that literacy varies from one context to another and from one culture to another and is, therefore, culturally sensitive. It considers how individuals use literacy and adapt their practice in relation to their needs and the power structures within society and can, therefore, capture the negotiations of power involved in reading and writing (Bartlett and Holland, 2002). The ideological model of literacy addresses the fact that literacy learning does not just take place in the formal context of schools; instead it is a key aspect of everyday life and concentrates on the ‘overlap and interaction of oral and literate modes, rather than stressing a great divide’ (Street, 1984: 3). In doing this, it also recognises that there are multiple literacies, literacies that do not conform to the dominant written print text of highly valued ‘schooled literacy’ practices. It is important to state that the Primary National Curriculum (2013), whilst emphasising the Simple View of Reading and a systematic synthetic phonics approach to teaching and developing early reading skills, also stresses the importance of children reading for pleasure. The Home School Divide A number of studies have focused on comparing literacy practices in the domains of school and home. Such studies have tended to focus on three main groups; young children who are in nursery or starting school (Dyson, 2013; Levy, 2008, 2009; Marsh, 2003), bi-lingual children and their families (Gregory and Williams, 2000; Kenner, 2004; Pahl, 2002) and adolescents and the use of technology (Carrington, 2009; Dowdall, 2006). Cairney and Ruge (1998: 30) found that school literacies dominated the home setting and that literacy practices associated with school were the practices most valued by parents who were often ‘goal directed’. According to Moje et al (2009: 415), there has been a ‘recent identity turn in literacy studies’ which they recognise as being motivated by two key factors. Firstly, the shift from an autonomous view of literacy to recognising literacy practices as being socially situated. This shift has led theorists to recognise that people’s identities mediate, and are mediated by, the texts they read, write and talk about (Lewis and del Valle, 2009; McCarthey, 2001; McCarthey and Moje, 2002). However, it would appear that teachers and schools still do not always take into account the literacy practices of children outside school (Heath 1981; Cairney and Ruge, 1998; Bradford and Wyse, 2013). Greece "Γραμματισμός" is a relatively new term in the Greek vocabulary and, while it includes the meaning of literacy, it is broader than that. It is a translation of the English term literacy, which has also been translated into Greek as "εγγραμματισμός" (see Ong 1997), which does not simply refer to the ability to read and write. The role of the teacher in developing a love of reading is different from the traditional role of a knowledge transmitter as the teacher is called to act as a mediator and co-reader (Givalou, 2008), as an assistant and collaborator, trying to create ‘reading motivation’ in students (Malafantis, 2008). The new Curricula for the Teaching of Modern Greek Language and Literature in the Primary School (Curriculum, 2011) encourage the development of practices and activities related to books and especially literature. They highlight the potential, guiding, animating role of the teacher. Major steps to enhance the reading environment have recently been made in Greece through various programmes e.g. innovative actions to strengthen students’ Reading for Pleasure and ongoing initiatives of the National Book Centre. In addition, the interest of publishing houses or bookstores in children’s books helps to create a climate of Reading for Pleasure. The media - mainly newspapers and some magazines with book presentations, book reviews, etc., but also the state television with shows dedicated to books - actively participate in shaping such a climate. The family also plays a primary role, regardless of its educational and financial level, by providing children with opportunities to read, even if they do not consciously cultivate a positive attitude towards reading. Research has shown that children of privileged social strata become acquainted with reading practices earlier than children of lower strata, while the role of the mother is always important. Italy The etymology of the Italian word “leggere” (to read) suggests the multiple pedagogical implications connected to this action. “Leggere” derives from the Latin word “legere”, that means to pick up and collect something. So, first of all, reading is to gather something (information, study contents, stories, etc.) from the world all around us, and it underlines how this action goes far beyond the simple mechanical repetition of words and sounds. Also, the Latin root - leg- is based on the term lógos, that is intrinsically associated with the concepts of “word”, “speech”, “cause”, “reason”, “intellect”. Therefore, reading can be considered as a multidimensional action that involves the whole person (child), who “raccoglie” (picks up) and “coglie” (gathers) the profound meaning of what he or she reads. Therefore, reading is a process that aims not only to understand a written text or an image, but -more broadly- to become an instrument of knowledge and growth, both individual and collective. In accordance with this premise, “Reading Literacy is understanding, using and reflecting on written texts, in order to achieve one’s goals, to develop one’s knowledge and potential and to participate in society. This definition goes beyond the basic notion of reading literacy as decoding and literal comprehension: it implies understanding, using and reflecting on written information for a wide range of purposes. Thus, it takes into account the reader’s active and interactive role to gain meaning from written texts”. Reading impacts on all learning areas, and school success is connected with the ability to correctly decipher a verbal and/or written message (both from phonological and semantic), so as to acquire sense, knowledge and competencies. As well as teaching children how to read and write, a teacher should become an active agent for the reading education promotion. According to Gianni Rodari, “a good teacher should always keep in mind that neither books are prescribed nor imposed: books are suggested and proposed to help young readers also to discover their beauty”. In addition to this wide extended concept of reading education, there is the Literacy, which is more strictly linked to the process of concrete skills acquisition for reading and writing and their use for personal developmental, growth and studying purposes. In Italy, the national curriculum for Preschool and for the First Cycle of Education including Primary School (and First Grade Secondary School) is prescribed by the D.M. 254 of 16/11/2012 - and subsequent legislative integrations - and by the related National Indications by the Ministry of Education (MIUR). For Childhood Education, the National Indications set out specific “Fields of Experience” that offer a set of objects, situations, images and languages that refer to the symbolic systems of Italian culture able to evoke, stimulate and accompany children’s learning. These Indications also provide teachers with the main educational goals to be pursued. When children arrive at the Preschool, they already have significant linguistic expertise - but with differentiated skills - to be carefully observed and enhanced. In school, children develop further linguistic competences through different activities such as: learning to listen to stories; talking with adults and peers; playing with the language they use; experiencing the pleasure of communication; and starting to explore written language. Preschools are responsible for promoting mastery of the Italian language in all children, whilst also respecting the use of the language of origin in the case those born outside Italy. Indeed, children often live in multilingual environments and, if properly guided, they can familiarize themselves with a second language, becoming progressively aware of different sounds, tones and meanings. Teachers carry out appropriate educational activities aimed to extend the children’s lexicon and to the correct pronunciation of sounds, words and sentences, as well as to promote the practice of different verbal interaction modalities (listening, speaking, dialoguing, explaining), also contributing to the development of logical thought and creativity. Within Primary Education children acquire instruments and competencies for functional literacy: they increase their own oral expression expertise and learn how to read and write, gradually perfecting and enriching their lexicon and mastering related techniques. Functional literacy is placed in the wider frame of the social and cultural literacy acquisition promoted by School. Social and cultural literacy is linked with language and code acquisition related to the Italian culture and to new media, in a plurilingual and intercultural context which includes valuing mother tongue, school language, and European languages. Reading practice mastery, in particular within the first cycle of education (including Primary School), requires particular techniques and strategies taught by teachers, including: reading aloud, proper oral expression with adequate lexicon and written text comprehension. Reading capacity, indeed, is fundamental in order to search for and elaborate information and widen knowledge. Reading is promoted as a way to develop fantasy and creativity by introducing children to different tales and stories from diverse civilizations and time periods. Portugal Lopes (2005: 96) states that reading and writing skills are “essential cognitive instruments not only for school success but also for social success, as we live in a society in which literacy demands are greater and greater”. Since the 1960s, “the concept of literacy emerges to define the process of acquiring specific written language skills that occur before formal reading instruction” (Viana et al., 2014: 17). Benavente, et al. (1996) state that literacy: “…is not about knowing what people learn or do not learn, it is to know what, in life situations, people are able to use”. In recent times, the notion of citizenship has placed even more emphasis on literacy. Simple actions such as understanding a doctor’s prescription, knowing how to consult a bus timetable, correctly asking for information, handling taxes, knowing how to calculate interest, and so forth, are small, but important, tasks in everyday life (Benavente et al., 1995). They determine our independence and autonomy, which is valuable in everyone’s life, especially in children’s education. Therefore, reading and writing are part of daily life. “However, neither reading nor writing in the alphabetical system are discovered, they’re learnt.” (Beard et al., 2010: 5). It is important to remember that written text comprehension...depends on many external factors, such as the oral language domain, cognitive skills and world knowledge, among others” (Viana, et al., 2014: 9). According to Silveira (2013: 55), “Reading is a remembering and reconstructed process. Reading skills are the result of a learning process, of activities, and continuous repetitions of neurological hemispherical and inter-hemispherical connexions. The (skilled) reader is one who gradually acquires, by repetition, the ability to decode a message to understand it and interpret it”. From another point of view, the teaching of reading and writing is concerned with educational policies: curricula with objectives, contents and methods; the assessment of acquired skills; inspections of schools and, above all, to the need to define a strategy capable of rapidly raising the level of reading and writing to goals that place Portugal above the average of developed countries. This perspective stresses the importance of applying a reading method that facilitates learning and it is a good vehicle for acquiring this skill, that is, “methods science and experience have shown to be more suited for learning: phonic methods.” (Beard et al., 2010: 7). The Curricular Guidelines for Pre-school Education (OCEPE, 2016 - Orientações Curriculares para a Educação Pré-escolar), as established in the Framework Law (Law No. 5/97, 10th February), state that the education of children between the ages of 3 years old and entry into compulsory education is considered to be the first stage of basic education in the lifelong education process. In the Domain of Oral Language and Approach to Writing, a particular emphasis is placed on oral communication and linguistic awareness. The Curricular Programme and Goals of Portuguese for Primary School, 1st cycle (2015), is structured in four reference domains, namely, Orality, Reading and Writing, Literary Education and Grammar, which reinforce and develop the skills acquired during pre-school education, giving prominence to Literary Education, in which students learn to interpret gradually more complex literary and non-literary oral and written texts. In the 1st and 2nd grades of Primary School Education, children learn how to read short narrative, informative and descriptive texts, as well as poems and cartoon strips. In the 3rd grade, children work on news, letters and invitations, culminating in the 4th grade with the reading of descriptive texts, encyclopaedia and dictionary texts. Spain As Colomer points out (1993), reading is not the sum of a set of skills, but rather a holistic and global process of the interpretation of texts. In this process, skills act in relation to one another. The reader actively constructs their interpretation based on their knowledge and interrelation with the written text. The reader acts intentionally by directing their attention to the different aspects of the text and constantly monitoring their understanding to detect possible errors and correct them (Colomer, 2000). Reading is, therefore an interactive process between the reader and the text, a process by which the reader tries to satisfy (obtain pertinent information for) the objectives that guide their reading (Solé, 1987). Thus, for students, reading will only make sense to the extent that it meets their needs, responds to their interests and provides them with something of use. Writing and reading skills are tools for acquiring culture (reading in different formats, writing texts with different structures, or learning languages from an early age). Therefore, programmes endorsed by current regulations need to develop competence in linguistic communication, offering strategies and methodological resources that complement the school curriculum with support measures to improve reading, writing and oral language. For example, at national level, the Orden ECD / 65/2015 describes competence in linguistic communication as the result of communicative action within certain social practices, in which the individual acts with other interlocutors and through texts in multiple modalities, formats and supports. The regulations further state that educational centres will promote reading programmes in which families participate, in order to promote the acquisition of reading habits by students outside the school context (Instrucciones 24/7/2013 on reading treatment). Moreover, educational centres will favour the constitution of reading communities in which students, teachers, families, municipalities and entities and people from the school environment may participate, for which training and cultural extension activities may be organized, both in school hours and in those dedicated to complementary and extracurricular activities. Therefore, educational centres need to develop participatory reading programmes and support the creation of reading communities, in order to achieve a taste for reading, the habit of reading or strategies for searching for information beyond compulsory schooling. Primary data collected As part of this initial research, the majority of partners$^1$ collected primary data through two methods: 1) a questionnaire for Early Childhood and Primary Education students and 2) interviews academics and educators. Table 1 outlines the characteristics of the samples from which data were collected by each partner. These data are analysed in the remainder of this report. Table 1: Overview of data collected \| \| Portugal \| Spain (Granada) \| Spain (Malaga) \| Italy \| \|--------------------------------\|---------------------------\|---------------------------\|---------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| Early years students \| 28 students \| 63 students \| 317 students \| N/A \| \| Gender distribution \| 96% female; 4% male \| 87% female; 13% male \| 97% female; 3% male \| N/A \| \| Course level \| 68% BA; 32% Masters \| 48% Year 2; 37% Year 3; \| 41% Year 2; 25% Year 3; \| N/A \| \| \| \| 15% Year 4 \| 34% Year 4 \| \| \| Primary students \| 24 students \| 119 students \| 362 students \| 74 students \| \| Gender distribution \| 96% female; 4% male \| 71% female; 29% male \| 67% female; 33% male \| 84% female; 16% male \| \| Course level \| 50% BA; 50% Masters \| 27% Year 2; 26% Year 3; \| 29% Year 2; 35% Year 3; \| 27% Year 1; 14% Year 2; \| \| \| \| 47% Year 4 \| 36% Year 4 \| 35% Year 3; 19% Year 4; \| \| \| \| \| \| 5% Year 5 \| \| Total questionnaire sample \| 52 students of Escola \| 182 students of the \| 679 students of the \| 74 students from \| \| \| Superior de Educação \| University of Granada \| University of Malaga \| universities of Florence, \| \| \| João de Deus (ESEJD) \| (Melilla Campus) \| \| Bologna and Padova \| \| % of sample with other \| None \| Not given \| 2% \| None \| \| nationalities \| \| \| \| \| \| Other languages spoken \| 65% English 56% French \| Not given, although \| Not given \| 100% English 57% French \| \| \| 17% Spanish 12% German \| Berber/Tamazight, French \| \| 3% German 3% Spanish 3% \| \| \| \| and Arabic widely spoken \| \| Portuguese 3% Dutch \| $^1$ MMU, the UK partner was unable to collect primary data due to a) restrictions in place through the university’s ethical committee and b) Covid-related school and university closures which made the original plan to collect data from a case study school impossible. In the case of Greece, a survey was distributed to students of Primary Education and students of Early Childhood education, from the following universities: Democritus University of Thrace, University of Patras, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Metropolitan College and University of Crete, but no further information about responses is available, so this is not included in Table 1. 2. KEYS TO PROMOTE READING COMPETENCE IN EDUCATIONAL CENTRES Through interviews with key stakeholders and/or secondary research, partners collected data to identify the factors that help to promote reading across early years and primary education. There was a particular focus on practices that can help to involve families and communities in children’s reading development. Note: As indicated above, different types of stakeholders were involved in each country, so the factors identified may differ depending on the perspectives represented. Key factors that contribute to the promotion of reading in schools The following are the main factors felt to contribute to the promotion of reading in schools identified within the partner reports. - Modern, well-equipped, and appropriately-used, school libraries (Italy, UK, Malaga) - Making reading part of daily school life (Italy, UK) - Taking a holistic approach to the teaching of reading (Italy) - Providing adequate spaces/environments for reading within classrooms (e.g. reading corners) (Italy, Portugal, UK) - Encouraging teachers -and/or others- to act as reading promotors or champions (Italy, Malaga, UK) - Reading aloud (and paying attention to tone of voice, eye contact and providing opportunities for children to express themselves) (Italy, UK) • Ensure teachers have an up-to-date knowledge of children’s literature and of reading promotion strategies (Italy, Malaga) • More time for reading - within timetable and extra-curricular (Italy) • Links with public libraries (Italy, UK, Malaga) • Involving the whole education community in reading promotion (Portugal, Malaga, UK) • Promoting reading for pleasure (Portugal, Malaga) • Reading stories, tongue twisters and poetry (Portugal) • Participating in reading/literary competitions (Portugal, UK, Malaga, Italy) • Holding special events (e.g. World Book Day, book weeks, Word Poetry Day) (UK, Malaga) • Holding storytelling time/book groups (Portugal, UK, Malaga) • Provision for the development of reading in law (Malaga, UK) • Designing a coherent, functional and meaningful Reading Plan (or reading list) for students, with the age-appropriate use of texts that promote interest and critical skills in students (Malaga, UK) • Planning activities that support use of the school library and involve families (Malaga, UK) • Author/storyteller visits (UK, Malaga) • Reading displays (UK, Italy) • Bookstore visits (UK, Malaga) • Book reviews and recommendations (UK) Involving families to promote reading outside the school context The following are the main ways in which schools involve families to promote reading outside school, as identified within the partner reports. • Identifying a time of day when the family reads, either individually or in a shared way (Malaga) • Taking advantage of reading opportunities in everyday family life (e.g. trips, recipes, adverts, news (Malaga, Italy) • Tutoring or reading workshops for parents/carers to provide guidance, advice and ideas on how to promote reading habits from home (Malaga, Italy, UK) • Recommended reading lists to help parents select books for their child (Malaga) • Encouraging parents/carers to let their children see them reading (Malaga, UK) • Involve families in classroom storytimes (Portugal) • Highlight reading activities at parents’ evenings/open days (e.g. library open, performing stories in small groups) (Portugal, UK) • Sending home short texts to encourage shared reading experiences (e.g. read loudly, read slowly, read laughing, games and rhymes) (Portugal, UK) • Collaboration with public libraries, e.g. library visits to select a book to read at home with parents, or children visiting the library with their parents (Portugal, Italy, UK) • Competitions/sponsored read (Portugal, UK) • Creating stories involving interaction between students and their families (Portugal) • Newsletters for families (UK, Portugal) • Involving parents/carers as volunteer reading buddies or to help in the school library (UK) • Links with local bookshops (UK) • Involving parents/carers in displays/book reviews (UK) • A parents’ shelf in the school library (UK, Portugal) • Book exchanges - students can take a book home and bring another to replace it (Portugal). Ways in which schools can promote reading through partnerships with other organisations in their local community Additional ways in which schools can work with other bodies to promote reading within families and communities were described by some partners. These approaches included the following. • Co-ordination between public and school libraries (e.g. regarding book purchases or reading promotion activities) (Malaga, Italy) • Creation of reading groups (Malaga, Italy) • Reading marathons and sponsored reads (Malaga) • Author/storyteller/performer/publisher visits (Malaga, Portugal, Italy) • Jointly organised competitions, readings, performances etc (e.g. involving schools, public libraries, parents’ associations) (Malaga, Italy) • Participation in externally-funded projects or national projects (Malaga, Italy, Portugal) • Arranging public library access cards (Portugal) • Visiting the public library for storytelling (Portugal) • Book fairs (Portugal). Specific examples of good practice from each country to encourage reading are provided in Appendix A. Measures to reinforce and support competence in linguistic communication to respond to the specific needs of the students and ensure the coordination of all members of the teaching team that serves the student England In 1998, the UK government set up a National Strategies development programme, designed to provide training and targeted support to teachers through a three-tier delivery model, comprising the Department for Education (DfE) and its national field force, local authorities deploying their own advisers and consultants, and then schools and settings in England. The Primary National Literacy Strategy was the first of the strategies to be implemented and this implementation saw significant improvement in teacher subject and pedagogical knowledge related to the teaching of literacy, as well as pupil outcomes in reading and writing. According to the DfE (2011), 2250 reading recovery teachers were trained to provide expert coaching support in their own and other schools. Children who fell behind in reading in Year 1 were supported through the Every Child a Reader (ECaR) programme. The National Strategies left behind a legacy of high quality training materials, teaching and learning frameworks and well-trained teaching professionals (DfE, 2011). Since 2011, there has been a move away from central provision and initiatives in order to allow schools to determine their own needs and support. This has been evident in the teaching of systematic synthetic phonics, where schools have sourced commercial phonics reading schemes from an approved list providers (as recommended by the Department for Education), and the training to support the use of those schemes in the classroom. The current need is for both qualified teachers and teachers in training to fully understand the spaces and places children engage with beyond school in order to improve the teachers understanding of possible barriers to learning and to appreciate children’s different cultural and linguistic contexts and competencies. Universities/teacher education providers can play a significant role in educating and supporting the profession in relation to this issue. Italy Although the Italian National Indications of 2012 for the Preschool and Primary School national curriculum include strong recommendations on reading education, there are no systematized official training programmes to support this. In the main, professional updating is entrusted to the individual teacher. Whilst there has been a growing awareness in recent years around reading education, leading to a significant interest in training activities in this area, there remains a need for these activities to be improved and better organised to ensure greater coordination between the various educational agencies (schools, training centres, universities etc.) and to provide a more complete and comprehensive training plan corresponding to the real and concrete teachers' needs on these issues. Although schools are equipped with a ‘standard’ supply of resources to support reading, some interviewees would like additional tailored specific resources (this includes not only financial resources, but also human resources, e.g. librarians, experts in reading education). Furthermore, the majority of interviewees would like further resources to support possible linguistic communication difficulties faced by children (and families) from fragile socioeconomic contexts or with a migrant background. Portugal Institutions such as the Plano Nacional de Leitura and municipal libraries emphasise the importance of reading, but do not always succeed in integrating these projects in schools. Schools face challenges due to lack of staff to provide individual support. The curriculum is extensive and teachers lack the time to listen to all students and share ideas as well as to listen to different text interpretations. Curricular plans are complex and are not well connected to other subjects. It is, of course, difficult to change teachers’ mentalities, habits and working methods. In addition, there are insufficient programmes promoting reading, alongside a lack of professionals to stimulate libraries and promote reading activities. Spain The ‘Centre’s Linguistic Project’ is one of the measures put in place to involve the entire teaching team. This integrates linguistic and non-linguistic subjects, having implications for both the taught content and teachers. Other activities include: daily readings; debates; written compositions; radio workshops; oral exhibitions; dictation; tongue twister poems and riddles; active methodologies to promote the use of languages (discursive, artistic/creative, musical, bodily); or projects from different areas or subjects. Further measures could be: reducing school hours to increase teacher coordination hours; increasing human resources to reduce the pupil-teacher ratio; improvements teacher training, etc. There are also various support programmes that can be put in place if student difficulties are detected. Although the educational administration does what it considers possible with the available resources these are limited - and demand is increasing. Teachers are still excessively reliant on textbooks, so other issues for student development are not always prioritized. Time devoted to reading in schools on a daily basis England In terms of explicit reading activities, there is a significant difference between children in the Foundation Phase, Reception Class and Key Stage 1, and those children in Key Stage 2. In Reception and Year 1, children will have a daily phonics lesson (30 minutes to 1 hour depending on the school’s context). This may continue in Year 2. Children also engage in guided and shared reading activities. There is no specified time allocation. Children in Key Stage 2 will usually read daily for 20 minutes. During this time, the teacher will work with groups of children for guided reading. It is recognised that reading is a requirement to access the whole curriculum. Therefore, access to a variety of texts and incidental teaching takes place throughout the school day. Teachers would appreciate more time to read to children in order to build a love of reading. Italy Many interviews agreed that reading time should be increased within school hours, and perhaps also by taking advantage of extra-curricular activities, especially when reading practice is focused on recreational and creativity purposes, and aims to promote a love for reading. Portugal It is important to remember that reading is relevant to all subjects and is not restricted to literature. Perhaps for this reason, there are differing opinions about whether sufficient time is devoted to reading activities in schools. Spain Under current regulations, education providers must guarantee the inclusion of a reading time of one hour, or the equivalent of an hourly session, in all the courses of the stage of basic education. In addition, debate and oratory are encouraged in these sessions. It is recommended that this is complemented by reading at home. Coordination between the Early Childhood Education and Primary stages of education England The Government has set clear policy on how Early Years progress is reported to schools, which is as follows. An EYFS Profile document must be completed for each child moving from the Foundation Stage to Year 1. This must be completed no later than 30 June. The Profile provides parents and carers, practitioners and teachers with a well-rounded picture of a child’s knowledge, understanding and abilities, their progress against expected levels, and their readiness for Year 1. The Profile must reflect: ongoing observation; all relevant records held by the setting; discussions with parents and carers, and any other adults whom the teacher, parent or carer judges can offer a useful contribution. Each child’s level of development must be assessed against the early learning goals. Practitioners must indicate whether children are meeting expected levels of development, or if they are exceeding expected levels, or not yet reaching expected levels (‘emerging’). Year 1 teachers must be given a copy of the Profile report together with a short commentary on each child’s skills and abilities. Children also have an opportunity to visit their primary school as part of the transition from nursery/home. Italy Italian preschools and primary schools are already quite well-connected since they both report to the Ministry of Education. Therefore, there are already numerous pedagogical and structural connections between the two educational levels concerning reading and writing promotion. A ludic approach to the reading is considered important within preschool, and from the continuity perspective, this method could be later gradually included at primary school. Another suggestion is for pre-primary and primary schools in the same region to initiate an “educational dialogue” - facilitated and managed by their related pedagogical coordinators - choosing common themes to work on that support children in their transition to the next step in education. A further idea is the promotion of peer reading initiatives, creating continuity projects where older children (Primary) can read aloud to younger children. Portugal In Portugal, the OCEPE (2016) promotes students’ passage from preschool education to primary school education. In public kindergartens children visit their future primary school before the academic year ends to let children get to know their future school space, teachers and educational activities. However, in João de Deus educational centres, both kindergarten students and primary school students share a common space. This physical proximity promotes integration. Kindergarten teachers and primary school teachers plan and share knowledge about students before they move on to the next grade. Teachers have meetings to coordinate and to facilitate integration. In addition, there is a specific spelling book methodology (João de Deus Reading Method) which provides a common ground between kindergarten and primary school teachers as they both use the same approach. Trainees also play an important role promoting integration, organising drama performances and other kinds of activities across both stages. Spain In general, co-ordination is insufficient in teaching practice. However, in the academic year 2017/18 a programme was launched on an experimental basis, to coordinate actions and design of the programmes for key areas and subjects (Spanish Language and Literature, Mathematics and Foreign Language); coordinate the selection of textbooks; establish guidelines on the common use of material; exchange information on methodologies used, with special emphasis on correction, evaluation and qualification; and exchange of information on study techniques. ### 3. INITIAL TEACHER TRAINING #### BACKGROUND TO INITIAL TEACHER TRAINING IN EACH COUNTRY The following section outlines the approaches taken to initial teacher training in each partner country. England Over 30,000 individuals enter Initial Teacher Training (ITT) in England each year through several routes. Key distinctions between the different ITT routes are whether they are university-led or school-centred, and whether the trainee pays tuition fees or receives a salary. In the academic year 2019-20 there were 34,543 new entrants to ITT (DfE, 2019). The majority (29,580) were new entrants to postgraduate initial teacher training. Only 4,963 were new entrants to undergraduate ITT (DfE, 2019). The total number of Primary/EY applications for 2019/20 totalled 12,482. The policy of recent governments has been to move toward “an increasingly school-led ITT system.” In line with this, the general trend has been an increasing proportion of trainees entering school-led routes. In the academic year 2019-20, 55% of those entrants were on school-led routes, whilst 45% were enrolled on University PGCE courses (DFE, 2019; Foster 2019). Initial Teacher Training and School Placements There is a Government requirement for all ITT courses that lead to an award of Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) to include time spent teaching in at least two schools and in adjacent Key Stages. This means that trainees will experience teaching across the age phase for which they will qualify. University-led training requires all trainees to spend at least 120 days in placement schools (Foster, 2019). During their placement in a school setting, students will undertake a number of activities in relation to the teaching of early reading in order to ensure that they meet the relevant Teachers’ Standards. Before moving on to planning, delivering and assessing literacy lessons for a whole class, students will undertake tasks to develop their understanding of the concept of literacy. The requirement for Qualified Teacher Status Teachers in local authority maintained schools in England are required to have Qualified Teacher Status (QTS). The same general requirement to hold QTS is not in place for mainstream academies, free schools or for independent schools. Of the 453,000 full-time teachers employed in 2018, 5% (21,500) were unqualified, i.e. they did not hold QTS. A number of Primary ITT courses (undergraduate and postgraduate) offer Early Years Specialism routes. Such courses also lead to the award of QTS, allowing graduates to lead early years provision in maintained nursery and primary schools. Early Years Initial Teacher Training (EYITT) provides specialist training covering the education and care of children from birth to the age of five. Training is delivered by accredited ITT providers. Successful EYITT trainees are awarded early years’ teacher status (EYTS). They are not eligible for the award of QTS at the end of their course. As a result, individuals with EYTS are not able to lead classes in a maintained nursery or primary schools. Early years teachers (EYTS) can lead teaching in all other early years settings in the private, voluntary and independent sector (sectors). There are several routes leading to the award of EYTS. Trainees can undertake an undergraduate course, which allows them to earn a degree in an early childhood related subject and EYTS combined, normally over a three-year period. Postgraduate EYITT courses can be undertaken through the graduate entry route. These courses usually take one year. Trainees are assessed against the Teachers’ Standards (Early Years). These operate in parallel with the current Teachers’ Standards, and have been designed specifically for early years teachers. In 2019/20, 352 new entrants (99%) started on a postgraduate route to EYTS and 2 trainees (1%) started on an undergraduate route to EYTS. Content of ITT programmes The ITT Core Content Framework sets out “the minimum entitlement of all trainee teachers”. Providers are expected to “ensure that their curricula encompasses the full entitlement described in the…Framework, as well as integrating additional analysis, and critique of theory, research and expert practice as they deem appropriate.” The Framework is presented around the Teachers’ Standards (2012). In May 2019, the Government announced that an expert group had been appointed to review the content of teacher training and recommend ways to align this with the Early Career Framework. Initial Teacher Training providers are expected to ensure that the teaching of systematic synthetic phonics is firmly embedded into their courses. However, ITT providers recognise the importance of raising trainee teachers’ awareness of alternative strategies to encourage both the skills required and a love of reading. Non-Graduate Route to Early Years’ Teaching The Diploma for the Early Years Workforce (Early Years Educator) CACHE Level 3 is not a degree qualification and does not provide Qualified Teacher Status (QTS) or Early Years Teacher Status (EYTS). However, holders of the qualification are able to work as practitioners in nurseries and primary school reception classes. Applicants for this qualification must be at least 16 years of age and hold GCSE (or equivalent) in English language or literature and mathematics. Providers of these courses will focus on children’s health, wellbeing, and development. Courses focus on learning through play and supporting emergent numeracy and literacy skills. In addition to the academic element of the programme, students undertaking the course will spend time on placement in two settings, i) working with children aged 0-5 and ii) working with children aged 5-7 in order to develop an understanding of progression and transition. Greece Early Years training There are two types of early childhood professionals in Greece: (a) pre-primary teachers (kindergarten teachers) who deal with children at the age of 4 and 5 years old, and (b) infant-toddler pedagogues and care providers (vrefonipiokomoi) who deal with children under the age of 4. The training of early childhood professionals follows two distinct paths according to the age of children they are going to deal with. The kindergarten teachers are educated in universities following a 4 year Bachelor programme. They follow a model of initial teacher education which provides, concurrently, a general component and a professional component accompanied by a practicum. Kindergarten teachers with a Bachelor’s can work in public and private kindergartens. However, in order to work in public kindergarten they should have succeeded in national written exams. The infant-toddler professionals are educated in Higher Technological Educational Institutes following a 4 year higher education programme and they can work in infant-toddler centres and child centres for children under the age of 4. They follow a consecutive model of training which provides a professional component of one semester practicum with the form of paid placement in a centre-based day care institution. There are also a number of early childhood practitioners who are trained as infant-toddler care assistants and they work in centre-based day care. These practitioners are trained for two years either in post-secondary vocational training centres supplemented by an accreditation from the Organization for Vocational Education and Training (OEEK), or in vocational high schools (EPAL) with a specialty in early childhood care (the second choice of training assistants ended in 2013). The minimum required level to become a qualified teacher is Bachelor level (ISCED 5). Length of training is 4 years (European Commission/ EACEA/Eurydice/Eurostat 2014, p. 101). Continuing Professional Development is not obligatory (Eurostat 2014: 104-105). Primary training Greek primary education teachers are educated in universities, in various Departments of Pedagogy across Greece. Admission to the university departments is based on the final test score of candidates to the Panhellenic Exams (panelinies exetasis), held each year. Teacher recruitment is mainly based on written exams held by the Higher Council of Staff Selection (Anotato Simvoulio Epilogis Prosopikou - ASEP). For primary education teachers, the tests examine knowledge of Modern Greek Language and Literature, Maths, Science and pedagogic competency. A table of successful candidates, based on their exams score and other qualifications, sets those eligible for recruitment in public schools. Primary teachers are educated in Universities follow a 4 year Bachelor programme which focuses both on scientific knowledge and pedagogic competency. All primary teacher trainees are required to have a practicum in schools for a semester or more. Important teacher competences are a) the assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of each individual student they teach, b) selection of appropriate instructional methods and c) instruction in an effective and efficient manner. According to the latest ASEP exams for recruiting teachers (Presidential Decree in the National Gazette 515/08-10-2008), the important competencies examined focused mainly on scientific and theoretic knowledge of candidates and their pedagogic competency. Specifically, for primary teachers, literacy expertise regarding: knowledge of the literacy curriculum, basic linguistic concepts, phonological, morphological and grammatical knowledge, composition of written texts and genres, and the role of literature in the curriculum. All teachers are also examined on their pedagogic competence, which covers: 1) General Pedagogic Methodology: current teaching approaches, issues of everyday school life, school as an institution within society 2) Specific Pedagogy of literacy lessons: ability to solve teaching and pedagogic problems within a given classroom setting, ability to make teaching plans by using modern pedagogic approaches. Italy According to Law N.169 of 30 October 2008, the academic course “Scienze della Formazione Primaria (LM-85 bis)” is the only study pathway officially and legally recognized at national level to become teachers both in Early Childhood and Primary Education. The Degree Course is a unique training qualifying pathway, lasting 5 years, without subcourses expressly devoted to Childhood Education or to Primary Education. It promotes an advanced level of theoretical-practical training in the field of psychopedagogical, methodological-didactic, technological and research disciplines, covering all aspects that characterize the teacher’s professional profile of both educational levels (3-6; 6-11). In addition to academic courses, students are also required to attend specific workshops and internships in preschools and primary schools. These help to bridge academic teachings and their internship experience. Workshops are generally focused on practical-experiential topics, related both to subject teaching (for Primary School) and to the fields of experience (for Preschool), as required by the National Indications. Within their daily activities in schools, students are led, coordinated and monitored both by a specific University Tutor. and by school designated personnel, specifically appointed to this assignment. The available number of the open training positions within the Degree Course is defined by MIUR, so aspiring teachers have to pass a specific preliminary test for the access to University. The legal title acquired at the end of the University course is the only recognized licence to work as teacher in Childhood or Primary Education. Literacy acquisition and, more generally, reading education, are treated macro-topics within the academic course such as methodologies for the reading and writing learning process, lexicon enrichment, and the development of textual skills. Students acquire and strengthen their abilities to select and propose appropriate teaching materials (texts), according to children’s learning needs, and learn how to base their choices on criteria such as readability and comprehensibility. Portugal In 1911, laws were issued to establish the basis and goals of pre-school education, but also the training programmes and teachers’ qualifications. In 1920, the first kindergarten teacher training course in Portugal was established: Curso de Didáctica Pré-Primária pelo Método João de Deus. The private sector therefore took the initiative and, in 1943, a kindergarten teacher training course based João de Deus methodology was inaugurated by Associação João de Deus, in Lisbon. Other private institutions were later founded to train kindergarten teachers, but the majority were run by religious institutions. Once legislation for the educative system was finally issued (Lei n.º 46/86, de 14 de outubro), the basic qualifications to become a kindergarten teacher or a primary school teacher became a four-year training course (BA). This situation drastically changed after the Bologna process, which defines 30 ECTS and reduced one semester of tuition. In 1862 the Escola Normal Primária de Marvila, was opened in Lisbon. This training course for primary school teachers, was open only to men. Four years later, Escola Normal Primária, a similar training course just for women opened, also in Lisbon. In the 1980s Escolas Superiores de Educação (ESE) were created and a new training paradigm was designed. Teacher training was a three-year course and teachers would get a BA degree. In the 1990s, the kindergarten teachers’ course and the primary school teachers’ courses both became four-year courses. Escolas Superiores de Educação restructured their primary school teachers’ technical courses into a BA as well. The model for initial teacher training is structured into two different cycles: an initial phase (1st cycle) when the specialized scientific training is given and in a second phase (2nd cycle) the theoretical and practical pedagogic training is given. The general teacher training (kindergarten teachers and primary school teachers - 1st and 2nd cycles) leading to BSc with Honours is still the current model. The 1st cycle is a BA in Primary School Teaching. The 2nd cycle of studies is the Masters Professionalizing Degree, consisting of 90 ECTS (3 semesters) for kindergarten teachers training, and 120 ECTS for primary school teacher training – 1st cycle, with the curriculum divided into Teachers Training, General Vocational Training, Specific Didactics and Teaching Practice Supervision (Decreto-Lei n.º 74/2014, de 14 de maio). In Portugal, responsibility for course approval / accreditation is under the control of A3ES - Agência para a Avaliação e Acreditação do Ensino Superior that establishes the number of vacant places for new students, taking into consideration the needs of the education system, the rationalization of training offer and the national politics of human recourses training (Decreto-Lei n.º 74/2014, 14th May, art.º 10º, nºs 1 e 2). Spain The training objective of the Education Degree is to combine basic general knowledge and transversal knowledge related to teachers’ comprehensive training, together with the competencies and specific knowledge aimed at their incorporation into the workplace. It is the responsibility of the University to design Study Plans that revolve around the development of competencies which have been established as fundamental. The Curriculum for the Degree in Early Childhood and Primary Education is structured in four blocks of content: Basic training, Mandatory disciplinary didactic modules, Practicum (includes the Final Degree Project), and Optional training. Each block is organized into Modules, subjects and disciplines. ### 3.1. Early years education students’ skills Portugal, Malaga and Granada asked early years teaching students about the skills or competencies they had acquired during their training$^2$. Although the questions asked were similar, it is not possible to make direct comparisons between countries. --- $^2$ Greece also surveyed teaching students, but reported the results as ‘strengths’ and ‘weaknesses’ so these are not included in this table, but are noted where relevant in the conclusions below. because different scales were used\textsuperscript{3}. The table below therefore lists the skills identified as strengths and weaknesses overall in each country or region. \textsuperscript{3} In fact, there are a variety of ways in which a ‘top 5’ and ‘bottom 5’ might be identified. To make the reporting between countries as consistent as possible in the circumstances, the highest percentages of ‘yeses’ and ‘noes’ are used here. Table 2: Skills of early years students \| Top 5 skills (strengths) \| Portugal \| Spain (Malaga) \| Spain (Granada) \| \|--------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| = I understand that the daily dynamics in Early Childhood Education changes according to each student, group and situation, and I know how to be flexible as a teacher. \| I understand that the daily dynamics in Early Childhood Education changes according to each student, group and situation, and I know how to be flexible as a teacher. \| I understand that the daily dynamics in Early Childhood Education changes according to each student, group and situation, and I know how to be flexible as a teacher. \| \| 2 \| = I am able to acquire literacy training to learn about children’s literature and its teaching. \| I know the objectives, curricular contents and evaluation criteria of Early Childhood Education. \| I understand the difficulties that students can have learning our official language if they do not have it as their mother tongue. \| \| 3 \| = I know the objectives, curricular contents and evaluation criteria of Early Childhood Education. \| I am able to acquire literacy training to learn about children’s literature and its teaching \| I would like to encourage reading in students, and encourage them to express themselves through written language. \| \| 4 \| = I know how to use techniques and resources so that students can express themselves orally and in writing. = I know of, and would know how to use, resources for reading stimulation. = I have a critical and autonomous attitude about knowledge, values and public and private social institutions. =I am able to critically analyse and incorporate social issues that affect family and school education \| I have a critical and autonomous attitude about knowledge, values and public and private social institutions. \| I know the objectives, curricular contents and evaluation criteria of Early Childhood Education. \| \| 5 \| = I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers/professionals in the centre. = I am able to collaborate with the different sectors of the educational community and the social environment \| I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers/professionals in the centre. \| I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers/professionals in the centre. \| \| Bottom 5 skills (weaknesses) \| Portugal \| Spain (Malaga) \| Spain (Granada) \| \|------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| I understand the learning process of reading and writing, as well as its teaching. \| I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| I know and am able to apply information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the classroom to develop reading competence. \| \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\|---\| \| 2 \| I know and have mastered oral and written expression techniques. \| I understand the transition from oral to writing, and I know the different registers and uses of the language. \| I have mastered the language and literacy curriculum of this stage, as well as the theories about the acquisition and development of the corresponding learning. \| \| 3 \| I know the developmental phases of language learning in early childhood; I am able to identify when children are not making appropriate progress and recommend an intervention. \| I know and am able to apply information and communication technologies (ICTs) in the classroom to develop reading competence. \| I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| \| 4 \| I have mastered the language and literacy curriculum of this stage, as well as the theories about the acquisition and development of the corresponding learning. \| I have mastered the language and literacy curriculum of this stage, as well as the theories about the acquisition and development of the corresponding learning. \| I have a critical and autonomous attitude about knowledge, values and public and private social institutions. \| \| 5 \| I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| I know and have mastered oral and written expression techniques. \| I am able to critically analyse and incorporate social issues that affect family and school education \| In summary, skills or competencies identified as strengths by all groups of students surveyed were: - I understand that the daily dynamics in Early Childhood Education changes according to each student, group and situation, and I know how to be flexible as a teacher.$^{44}$ - I know the objectives, curricular contents and evaluation criteria of Early Childhood Education.* Skills or competencies identified as weaknesses by all groups of students surveyed were: - I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts.* - I have mastered the language and literacy curriculum of this stage, as well as the theories about the acquisition and development of the corresponding learning. $^{44}$ * indicates that this statement was also identified as a strength/weakness in the report from Greece. 3.2. Primary school education students’ skills Portugal, Malaga, Italy and Granada asked primary education students about the skills or competencies they had acquired during their training$^3$. The questions asked differed somewhat from country to country depending on the course students were studying for. Furthermore, it is not possible to make direct comparisons between countries because different scales were used. The table below therefore lists the skills identified as overall strengths and weaknesses in each country or region. Table 3: Skills of primary education students \| Top 5 skills (strengths) \| Italy \| Portugal \| Spain (Malaga) \| Spain (Granada) \| \|--------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| 1 \| I am aware of the importance of the school library as a resource centre for reading, information and lifelong learning. \| =I am able to acquire literary training and knowledge of children’s literature. =I am able to encourage reading and encourage students to express themselves through written language. \| I am aware of the importance of the school library as a resource centre for reading, information and lifelong learning. \| I am able to encourage reading and encourage students to express themselves through written language. \| \| 2 \| I would like to encourage reading in students, and encourage them to express themselves through written language \| =I am able to relate education to the environment, as well as cooperate with families and the community. \| I am able to encourage reading and encourage students to express themselves through written language \| I know the curricular areas of primary education, the interdisciplinarity relationship between them, the evaluation criteria and the body of didactic knowledge around the respective teaching and learning procedures. \| \| 3 \| I know the difficulties in learning the official languages of students of other languages. \| I know and I am able to apply information and communication technologies in the classroom. \| I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers and professionals of the centre. \| I am able to relate education to the environment, as well as cooperate with families and the community. \| \| 4 \| I know of, and would know how to use, resources for reading stimulation. \| =I know the curricular areas of primary education, the interdisciplinarity relationship between them, the evaluation criteria and the body of didactic knowledge around the \| I understand the process of learning written language and its teaching. \| \| 5 \| I understand the difficulties that students can have learning our official language if they do not have it as their mother tongue. \| \|---\|---\| \| \| =I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers and professionals of the centre. \| \| \| =I am aware of the importance of the school library as a resource centre for reading, information and lifelong learning. \| \| \| =I know and I am able to apply information and communication technologies in the classroom. \| \| \| =I know the process of learning written language and its teaching. \| \| \| =I am able to identify and plan the resolution of educational situations that affect students with different abilities and different learning rhythms. \| \| \| =I am able to critically analyse and incorporate social issues that affect family and \| \| \| I know the curricular areas of primary education, the interdisciplinary relationship between them, the evaluation criteria and the body of didactic knowledge around the respective teaching and learning procedures. \| \| \| =I understand the basic principles of language and communication sciences. \| \| \| =I am aware of the importance of the school library as a resource centre for reading, information and lifelong learning. \| \| Bottom 5 skills (weaknesses) \| 1 \| I know and am able to exercise the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 6-12. \| I am able to have my students express themselves orally and in writing in a foreign language. \| I am able to have my students express themselves orally and in writing in a foreign language. \| I am able to have my students express themselves orally and in writing in a foreign language. \| \|-----------------------------\|---\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2 \| =I am able to design, plan and evaluate teaching and learning processes, both individually and in collaboration with other teachers and professionals of the centre. \| =I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts. \| \| \| 3 \| = I know and am capable of exercising the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 0-6 years. \| =I know the organization of primary and primary schools and the diversity of actions that comprise their operation. \| I know the difficulties in learning the official languages of students of other languages. \| =I know the school curriculum of languages and literature. \| \| \| 4 \| = I am able to have my students express themselves orally and in writing in a foreign language. \| =I know and am able to exercise the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 6-12. \| I know and am able to exercise the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 6-12. \| =I know and am able to exercise the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 6-12. \| \| \| 5 \| = I am able to identify and plan the resolution of educational situations that affect students with different abilities and different learning rhythms. \| I know the school curriculum of languages and literature. \| I know the current proposals and developments based on learning skills. \| I know the current proposals and developments based on learning skills. \| Skills or competencies identified as strengths by the majority of groups of students surveyed were: - I am aware of the importance of the school library as a resource centre for reading for information and lifelong learning.* - I would like to encourage reading in students, and encourage them to express themselves through written language.* - I know the curricular areas of primary education, the interdisciplinary relationship between them, the evaluation criteria and the body of didactic knowledge around the respective teaching and learning procedures. Skills or competencies identified as weaknesses by the majority of groups of students surveyed were: - I know and am able to exercise the functions of tutor and counsellor in relation to family education in the period 6-12.* - I am able to have my students express themselves orally and in writing in a foreign language.* - I am able to deal effectively with language learning situations in multicultural and multilingual contexts.* 3.3. Activities done by early years trainees during training Portugal, Malaga, Italy and Granada asked early years education students about the activities they and their tutors had carried out during their training$^5$. The questions asked were similar in each country or region. The table below gives the average percentages across the four partners, as well as the percentage range of responses$^6$. --- $^5$ Again, the survey was also conducted in Greece, but the results were reported only as strengths and weaknesses. It is therefore not possible to include these in the table, but they are reflected in the general conclusions where relevant. $^6$ Some partners included a ‘both’ option. We have combined this with the tutor and student responses in the comparison table to enable us to include data from the four partners, but it should be noted that respondents in some countries may have responded differently as they were not given the same options to choose from. Table 4: Activities reported during early years training \| Statement \| Tutors \| Students \| Not done \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------\|----------------\|--------------\| \| Relationships are established between written language and oral language.\| 83.7% (70.3%-92.8%) \| 55.7% (29.7%-71.3%) \| 4.6% (0%-7.4%) \| \| An initial evaluation is carried out at the beginning of the school year.\| 78.8% (48.2%-97.3%) \| 29.6% (0%-92.6%) \| 9.0% (0%-17.7%) \| \| The classroom is organized according to the needs of students with different learning corners and workshops. \| 79.8% (92.8%-70.4%) \| 34.1% (16.2%-50.0%) \| 9.8% (2.7%-18.0%) \| \| Creative and playful approaches to reading are used \| 74.6% (67.6%-89.3%) \| 51.1% (27.0%-63.0%) \| 9.9% (0%-17.7%) \| \| There is a designated time in class for learning to read \| 82.4% (79.6%-85.8%) \| 36.4% (13.5%-55.6%) \| 9.9% (5.4%-12.3%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out in large groups. \| 74.9% (61.1%-89.3%) \| 48.5% (18.9%-61.1%) \| 11.6% (2.7%-18.5%) \| \| Particular moments in the classroom are analysed to evaluate the reading development of my students. \| 79.6% (74.0%-92.8%) \| 20.6% (10.7%-37.0%) \| 13.3% (2.7%-22.2%) \| \| There is co-ordination between teachers to schedule and / or carry out reading activities with our students. \| 78.6% (70.4%-83.8%) \| 18.8% (7.1%-31.5%) \| 15.0% (0%-25.9%) \| \| Reading activities start from a project, teaching unit and / or centre of interest. \| 75.4% (71.5%-78.4%) \| 27.7% (16.2%-40.7%) \| 16.6% (5.4%-21.4%) \| \| Various ICT resources are used in class to carry out interactive reading activities \| 77.4% (67.8%-84.2%) \| 38.7% (10.8%-54.2%) \| 16.7% (13.3%-25.0%) \| \| Families do suggested classroom literacy activities with their child at home. \| 67.0% (60.7%-73.0%) \| 17.3% (3.6%-24.1%) \| 18.9% (5.4%-39.3%) \| \| Information is provided to families to encourage learning to read at home \| 76.3% (60.7%-89.2%) \| 16.9% (7.1%-33.4%) \| 19.7% (2.7%-39.3%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out in small groups. \| 52.5% (37.8%-64.3%) \| 55.1% (48.9%-62.2%) \| 20.2% (0%-36.9%) \| \| At specific times during the school year my students are evaluated with a reading test. \| 73.2% (51.4%-89.3%) \| 21.9% (3.6%-31.5%) \| 21.4% (10.7%-457%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out individually. \| 52.0% (13.5%-71.4%) \| 53.6% (35.7%-81.1%) \| 21.8% (5.4%-29.6%) \| As the figures for range of responses demonstrate, in many cases there was considerable variation between partners in terms of activities carried out by students and their tutors. Overall, however, the most common activities were: - Relationships are established between written language and oral language.$^7$ - An initial evaluation is carried out at the beginning of the school year. - The classroom is organized according to the needs of students with different learning corners and workshops. - Creative and dynamic approaches to reading are established.* - There is a designated time in class for learning to read.* Less common activities included: - Classroom planning is modified according to the needs of the students throughout the school year. - In my classroom, other agents of the educational centre or other professionals participate in actions that support the reading development of my students.* - My students learn to read by following a published textbook. However, whilst these activities were most common overall, there were differences between the activities carried out by tutors and students. For tutors, the most common activities were generally those concerned with the overall management and organisation of the classroom: --- $^7$ * indicates also noted as strengths/weaknesses in the Greek report. • Relationships are established between written language and oral language (average 83.7%) • There is a designated time in class for learning to read (average 82.4%) • The classroom is organized according to the needs of students with different learning corners and workshops (average 79.8%). Whilst for students, the most common activities were more frequently concerned with supporting individuals and small groups of students: • Relationships are established between written language and oral language (average 55.7%) • Reading activities are carried out in small groups (average 55.1%) • Reading activities are carried out individually (average 53.6%). 3.4 Activities done by trainees during training in primary school teaching. Portugal, Malaga, Italy and Granada asked primary education students and tutors about the activities they had carried out during their training$^6$. The questions asked were similar in each country or region. The table below gives the average percentages across the four partners, as well as the percentage range of responses. Table 5: Activities reported during primary education training \| Statement \| Tutor \| Student \| Neither \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------\|---------------\|----------------\| \| My students are asked questions while reading texts to ensure their understanding. \| 69.6% (43.2%-82.2%) \| 50.0% (42.9%-73.3%) \| 3.4% (0%-6.9%) \| \| I ask my students questions before, during and / or after reading a text. \| 63.4% (29.7%-82.2%) \| 63.4% (39.3%-76.5%) \| 5.9% (0%-11.6%) \| \| My students use a language textbook. \| 74.5% (64.9%-86.6) \| 36.3% (14.3%-63.0%) \| 7.2% (2.7%-10.5%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out in large groups. \| 73.6% (68.2%-82.0%) \| 48.6% (27.0%-67.2%) \| 7.6% (0%-11.3%) \| \| Activities are planned for my students to summarize and synthesize knowledge after reading \| 69.5% (54.1%-80.9%) \| 61.4% (49.5%-70.6%) \| 8.6% (0%-8.8%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out individually. \| 56.1% (5.4%-83.8%) \| 64.2% (46.4%-83.8%) \| 8.7% (7.1%-10.8%) \| \| Classroom planning is modified according to the needs of my students throughout the school year. \| 76.3% (72.2%-83.8%) \| 30.4% (10.7%-47.9%) \| 9.6% (0%-15.8%) \| \| At specific times during the school year my students are evaluated with a reading test. \| 68.9% (65.2%-74.8%) \| 25.6% (3.6%-39.5%) \| 16.0% (0%-30.9%) \| \| Different reading text analysis techniques are used \| 62.0% (59.7%-65.5%) \| 44.4% (32.2%-58.0%) \| 16.5% (0%-25.4%) \| \| Reading activities are carried out in small groups. \| 56.3% (35.1%-67.8%) \| 53.4% (39.3%-62.7%) \| 18.8% (2.7%-32.9%) \| \| ICTs are used to support the development of linguistic competence. \| 61.8% (56.8%-66.9%) \| 43.6% (21.4%-71.4%) \| 18.8% (8.4%-28.6%) \| \| Groups are organized taking account of reading levels. \| 67.7% (59.7%-83.8%) \| 28.7% (10.7%-45.4%) \| 19.5% (0%-34.0%) \| \| My students are directed readings to support the development of social skills that help to face and resolve conflicts in the classroom. \| 59.3% (54.1%-63.6%) \| 35.0% (3.6%-52.1%) \| 19.7% (0%-28.7%) \| \| My students do activities focused on reading speed aloud and in silence. \| 56.4% (45.9%-68.1%) \| 40.2% (10.7%-60.5%) \| 20.5% (0%-35.7%) \| \| The participation of families in the organization of reading activities is encouraged. \| 67.2% (53.6%-86.5%) \| 14.7% (7.2%-28.6%) \| 21.8% (0%-29.8%) \| Once more, there was considerable variation between partners in terms of activities carried out by trainees and their tutors. Overall, however, the most common activities reported by primary trainees were: - My students are asked questions while reading texts to ensure their understanding.$^8$ - I ask my students questions before, during and / or after reading a text. - My students use a language textbook. - Reading activities are carried out in large groups.* - Activities are planned for my students to summarize and synthesize knowledge after reading.* Less common activities included: - My students do activities focused on reading speed in silence. - Buddying is carried out whereby my students tell stories to students from lower grades.* - Paired reading takes place. However, whilst these activities were most common overall, there were differences between the activities carried out by tutors and students. As with early years training, for tutors, the most common activities were generally those concerned with the overall management and organisation of the classroom: - Classroom planning is modified according to the needs of my students throughout the school year (average 76.3%) - My students use a language textbook (average 74.5%) --- $^8$ * indicates also noted as strengths/weaknesses in the Greek report. • Reading activities are carried out in large groups (average 73.6%). Whilst for students, the most common activities were more frequently concerned with working directly with individuals and supporting small groups of students: • Reading activities are carried out individually (average 64.2%) • I ask my students questions before, during and / or after reading a text (average 63.4%) • Activities are planned for my students to summarize and synthesize knowledge after Reading (average 61.4%). 4. CONTINUING PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT (PERMANENT TRAINING) FOR TEACHERS For the five partners for which data are available (with the exception of Primary School teachers in Italy$^9$), between 10.1% and 17.5% of teachers (i.e. approx. one in 6 to one in 10) had not attended any training on linguistic competence in the last 5 years. In each case, the modal number of training activities attended was 1-3. The following section explores the approaches taken to continuing professional development for teachers in each partner country. England Support for the professional development for teachers and support staff has been changing rapidly in recent years. Traditionally, continuing professional development was delivered through attendance at in-service training courses and school training events. However in 2016, the UK Government recognised that teachers’ professional development should be prioritised by school leadership and highlighted a new standard for professional development consisting of four key aims: 1. Professional development should have a focus on improving and evaluating pupil outcomes. 2. Professional development should be underpinned by robust evidence and expertise. 3. Professional development should include collaboration and expert challenge. 4. Professional development programmes should be sustained over time (DfE, 2016: 6) $^9$ The figure for Italian Primary teachers was 56.6%. This is not included as it is such an extreme outlier from the rest of the data, but it would be interesting to explore possible reasons for this. This new standard for professional development means that schools are drawing on the many different opportunities for CPD, including the use of commercial short courses, which are often expensive. Schools may therefore send their literacy subject leader to the training and then cascade this to the rest of the staff during dedicated staff meetings or training days in order to embed the approach across the school. All staff participate in the moderation of phonics, reading and writing tasks and assessments across the school in order to ensure pupil progression. This process is completed either termly or annually and is viewed as professional development for non-specialist staff. Those teachers in academies also work across schools within the group in order to develop their understanding of teaching and learning in different social contexts and to share best practice. Part 2 of the new standard has resulted in a number of schools and individual teachers opting for postgraduate accredited CPD in the form of Masters degrees or Professional Doctorates (EdD). Greece Continuing professional development is optional in Greece. The aims of in-service education and training of teachers (INSET), in Greece, are: - training focused on the new curricula in Compulsory Education - training on ways to organise and implement Experimental Actions and Projects, based on the principles of experimental and inquiry-based learning - training specialised in ICT, drama, music, arts and intercultural education, - training on the use and application of ICT in the teaching practice. There are not many initiatives regarding the improvement of the quality of literacy instruction, but there is an increasing attention paid to initiatives for tackling reading difficulties, such as the programme “Screening pupils with learning difficulties - Creation and standardisation of Twelve Assessment Tools” (University of Patras) and the project “Primary and secondary prevention of learning difficulties and speech problems in preschool and school age for all children” (Pedagogical Institute). Those programmes are mostly on a local level, in collaboration with specific schools, rather than on a national level. Another important initiative for Continuous Professional Development of Teachers was the programme Philanagnosia (love for reading). This programme ran for three school years (2011-2014) as part of the literacy curriculum on primary schools, implementing “Philanagnosia” for an hour per week in every grade. It included teacher training and seminars, support of reading groups in schools under the motto ‘a reading group in every school’. Portugal Today’s school is no longer the “school of skills, nor the school of content, it is the school in which content, knowledge, skills, attitudes and values are intertwined in the construction of competences much more demanding than the mere repetitive routine”, as set out in the Student Profile and Decree-Law 55/2018 (Pacheco, 2019, p. 5). “The educational commitments and challenges arising, to a large extent, from the enactment of the Decree-laws no. 54/2018 and no. 55/2018, have brought to schools an urgent need to train their staff to respond appropriately to the needs of the school population”. Italy Training linked to linguistic skills maybe be felt to be less urgent for teachers than other skills, for example disciplinary, planning/organizational and relational competencies. Among the most widespread training needs of Primary School teachers are those related to didactic competencies that are based on pedagogical, methodological-didactic, psychological, sociological, and anthropological knowledge. These include also useful upgrading on specific teaching methodologies for educational technologies applying (e.g audiovisual, multimedia ICTs, etc.), that acquire ever greater relevance. Didactic competences also involve the mastery of evaluation procedures. For example, in the Valdarno area, school refresher courses are organized for common thematic area. Teachers follow many refresher courses on emotional education, conflict resolution and the use of ITCs, but few attended courses on linguistic skills. Spain In the 1980s, Teacher Training Centres were established in Andalusia as stable platforms for training, innovation and exchange of pedagogical information. Then, from 1992, the First Andalusian Training Plan emerged, conceiving a framework for the organization and coordination of the human and economic resources necessary for teacher training. The needs and challenges of society changed over time, however, giving rise to the II Andalusian Plan for Ongoing Teacher Training (2003). Over time, the hallmarks of the teaching centres changed, implementing the current III Andalusian Training Plan ten years later through the Decreto 93/2013, which currently establishes the strategic lines focused on: I. Improvement of educational practices, performance and educational success. II. Continuous improvement and training of teaching staff. III. Shared knowledge, research and innovation. IV. Educational centres as collaborative learning and training environments. V. Teaching of Special Regime (Artistic, Permanent and Languages) and Vocational Training. The training need of education professionals is not only as a right but as an obligation, not simply for the teacher, but on the part of Educational Administrations and centres. Training plans responding to the promotion of reading and communicative competence focus attention on the use of libraries and the promotion of reading, having a named coordinator of the Reading and Library Plan, as well as a team that helps with certain administrative and management tasks. Teacher Training Centres and certain internal bodies of each centre are able to detect training needs, propose them to the community of teachers, and develop them. In addition, the Andalusian Government has designed the Reading Promotion Plan 2017-2020, under the motto “Reading gives you extra lives”, offering training in three routes for participants (technical and organizational tasks in the school library; the use of information and learning resources; and selection of digital resources). In parallel, the Local Educational Authority of Málaga offers two more options are offered: inter-centre library cooperation and promoting reading in a foreign language (English, French, and German). Schools are provided with technical, documentary and pedagogical advice in relation to reading have through the provincial services, as well as the reference adviser. The educational inspectorate also offers technical advice. The Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Education of the Andalusian Government have been developing plans to promote reading and school libraries for many years, and the Local Educational Authority has advisers on this matter. CONCLUSIONS The following indicate the main conclusions obtained from the analysis and synthesis of data from the six partner reports. - Teaching the ‘skills’ of reading, e.g. grapho-phonic awareness, are prioritised in the 3-7 age group. • Children of lower socio-economic groupings tend enter school with a reduced understanding of the concept of reading and the requirements of schooled literacy. • Only in Malaga and Granada have a mandatory time allocated to teaching reading. • Narratives are the dominant text type, especially in early years and lower primary school. • The role of the teacher in motivating children to read for pleasure is a priority highlighted by all partners. • Opportunities for children to read in and outside of school are common to all partners e.g. sponsored read, author visits, sending books/activities home. 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(2009) ‘You have to understand words...but not read them’; young children becoming readers in a digital age.’ Journal of Research in Reading, Vol. 32, No. 1, pp 75-91. Lewis, C., and del Valle, A. (2009) ‘Literacy and identity: Implications for research and practice,’ in Christenbury, L., Bomer, R. and Smagorinsky, P. (eds) Handbook of Adolescent Literacy Research. Guilford, CT: Guilford Press, pp 307-322. Lopes, J. (2005). Dificuldades de aprendizagem da leitura e da escrita. Porto: Edições Asa. Marsh, J. (2003) ‘The techno-literacy practices of young children.’ Journal of Early Childhood Research, Vol. 2, No.1, pp 51-66. McCarthey, S. J. (2001) ‘Identity construction in elementary readers and writers.’ Reading Research Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 2, pp 122-151. McCarthey, S.J. and Moje, E.B. (2002) ‘Identity matters.’ Reading Research Quarterly, Vol. 37, No. 2, pp 228-238. Marsh, J. (2003) ‘The techno-literacy practices of young children.’ Journal of Early Childhood Research, Vol. 2, No.1, pp 51-66. Ong, W. J. (1987) Προφορικότητα και εγγραμματοσύνη. Η εκτεχνολόγηση του λόγου. Translation. Ηράκλειο: πανεπιστημιακός εκδόσειο κρήτης. Orality and Literacy. The technologizing of the world. (London: Metheuen). Pahl, K. (2002) ‘Ephemera, mess and miscellaneous piles: texts and practices in families.’ Journal of Early Childhood Literacy, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp 145-166. Silveira, T. (2013). Cérebro e Leitura. Lisboa: Bloco Editora. Solé, I. (1987). Las posibilidades de un modelo teórico para la enseñanza de la comprensión lectora. Infancia y Aprendizaje, 39-40, 1-13. Street, B.V. (1984) Literacy in Theory and Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Street, B. and Lefstein, A. (2007) Literacy: an Advanced Resource Book. Abingdon: Routledge. Viana, F. L., Ribeiro, I., & Baptista, A. (2014). Ler para Ser. Coimbra: Almedina. APPENDIX A: EXAMPLES OF GOOD PRACTICE TO ENCOURAGE READING Italy - The "Bibliobus" experience done in Terranuova Bracciolini, consisting in a travelling library that stopped not only in the hamlets far from the city centre, but also in the several aggregation local centers to bring and share the books within the local community; - Visits to public city libraries (including toy libraries), to printers or publishing houses to show also how a book "is born and grows" (both for preschool and primary school children, according to their related educational levels). - Media-Education pioneer activities for Preschool Children, promoted by the Florence Municipality8. These activities combine the use of some ICTs tools with the reading (e.g "I-Theatre", a technological storyteller to support the thought processes and collective construction of storytelling in Preschool; the "Image education, media education and digital citizenship" project, organized in collaboration with the University of Florence (SCIFOPSI) and addressed to the Pedagogical Coordinators for 0-6. Specific paths to be implemented in Preschool have been designed for the use of multimedia and digital texts for children. These paths aim to bring out from the texts the emotional and playful aspects as well as the problematic ones (to train children on reflection, problem posing and problem solving), and the creative ones (storyboard, realization of simple cartoons, etc.). - Silent reading workshops: the classroom is adequately equipped with cushions and mattresses, to maximize the pleasure and the involvement in reading (both for preschool and primary school children, with the necessary educational and logistical differences); - The "Presta Libro" (lend book) initiative, for preschool children: in a defined day of a week, the children choose a book from the selection proposed by the teacher according to the treated themes in classroom, and they can bring it at home to read it with their parents and siblings. - The "reading notebook", for primary school children, to work on keeping track of the books read and the thoughts and emotions aroused by reading. - The "book reviews" (for primary school children): under the teacher’s guidance, the children write the review of the books they read among those proposed within the normal school activities. The reviews are available for all the classmates, and children are encouraged to read one book rather than another, basing their choice on the advice, suggestions, and impressions of their friends and companions. - Creative reading activities such as the "book-talk", where children tell to their classmates the books they read, representing the story through artefacts invented by them and made according to their own sensitivity and imagination (for primary school children). - The "Book speed dating", where children tell fast to a classmate the book he read, trying to make him passionate to the story in few minutes, highlighting its most attractive aspects, using the method of the "American speed date" (for primary school children). - The introduction in the school library's catalogues of graphic novels and other genres that usually are not included by the school literature. Portugal Competitions promoting reading such as “A literary adventure” from Caminho publisher; Children seeing an adult reading; Story telling; Daily skim reading; Reading and listening to daily stories; To promote the contact with multimedia devices to create stories or texts on a digital basis to divulge them outside the school community. Malaga Reading support (older students tutor younger students in reading), school radio workshop, bibliography, reading corner, booktrailer, the reading tree (each sheet It comes out when a student has read a book, corroborated by the teacher), people book (students dressed in their favourite book, and read to classmates their favourite excerpt, explaining which book it is, the author), etc. UK - World Book Day: All primary schools in England, and some nurseries and secondary schools, take part in World Book Day. Trainee teachers are made aware of this charitable initiative and most will take part whilst on placement. Others will engage in book related activities at university. For the last 25 years it has brought together children of all ages in over 100 countries to appreciate reading. The main aim of World Book Day in the UK and Ireland is to encourage children to explore the pleasures of books and reading by providing them with the opportunity to have a book of their own. Participating schools receive packs of Book Tokens and age-ranged World Book Day Resource Packs (age-ranged into Nursery/Pre-School, Primary and Secondary) full of ideas and activities, display material and more information about how to get involved in World Book Day. • World Poetry Day: Some primary schools will celebrate world poetry day by engaging with activities such as memorising and reciting poems, performing poems, responding to poems through the mediums of art, music and dance. • Reading Passport: This is a pdf document, available via https://www.tes.com/teaching-resource/reading-passport-11623801, which is ready to print with 22 "destinations" or books to be read, where children have to fill very simple information about the books they read. • Book weeks: The format of book weeks can vary for each school, but might include a book fair, a dressing up day, an author visit etc - See https://www.booktrust.org.uk/books-and-reading/tips-and-advice/reading-in-schools/childrens-book-week/creative-ways-to-celebrate-at-schools-and-libraries/ • Reading Champions (An initiative which uses peer influence to target reluctant readers and increase their enjoyment of reading - www.literacytrust.org.uk/reading_champions) and buddy reading • Recommended reading lists: these can be created by individual teachers, but there are also many examples available online (e.g. https://schoolreadinglist.co.uk/) • Chatterbooks groups: Chatterbooks started in 2001 and is now the UK's largest network of children's reading groups. Almost 9,000 children belong to Chatterbooks groups, which are run in libraries and schools to generate discussion and encourage children to enjoy reading. Chatterbooks is a flexible model that can be used with children from 4 up to 12, for all different abilities and in targeted or mixed groups. (https://readingagency.org.uk/children/quick-guides/chatterbooks/) • Summer Reading Challenge: The Challenge encourages children aged 4 to 11 to enjoy the benefits of reading for pleasure over the summer holidays, providing lots of fun as well as preventing the summer reading 'dip'. Each year the Challenge motivates over 700,000 children to keep reading to build their skills and confidence. 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Anti-Bullying Policy: St. Joseph’s College In accordance with the requirements of the Education (Welfare) Act 2000 and the code of behaviour guidelines issued by the NEWB, the Board of Management of St. Joseph’s College has adopted the following anti-bullying policy within the framework of the school’s overall code of behaviour. This policy fully complies with the requirements of the Anti-Bullying Procedures for Primary and Post-Primary Schools which were published in September 2013. The Board of Management recognises the very serious nature of bullying and the negative impact that it can have on the lives of pupils and is therefore fully committed to the following key principles of best practice in preventing and tackling bullying behaviour: - A positive school culture and climate which is - welcoming of difference and diversity and is based on inclusivity; - encourages pupils to disclose and discuss incidents of bullying behaviour in a non-threatening environment; and - promotes respectful relationships across the school community; - Effective leadership; - A school-wide approach; - A shared understanding of what bullying is and its impact; - Implementation of education and prevention strategies (including awareness raising measures) that: - build empathy, respect and resilience in pupils; and - explicitly address the issues of cyber-bullying and identity-based bullying including in particular, homophobic and transphobic bullying. - Effective supervision and monitoring of pupils; - Supports for staff. - Consistent recording, investigation and follow up of bullying behaviour (including use of established intervention strategies); and - On-going evaluation of the effectiveness of the anti-bullying policy In accordance with the Anti-Bullying Procedures for Primary and Post-Primary Schools bullying is defined as follows: Bullying is unwanted negative behaviour, verbal, psychological or physical conducted, by an individual or group against another person (or persons) and which is repeated over time. The following types of bullying behaviour are included in the definition of bullying: 1. Physical aggression, intimidation, name calling, deliberate exclusion or isolation, extortion, malicious gossip and other forms of relational bullying, damage to property, cyber-bullying and identity-based bullying such as homophobic bullying, racist bullying, bullying based on a person’s membership of the Traveller community and bullying of those with disabilities or special educational needs. 2. Isolated or once-off incidents of intentional negative behaviour, including a once-off offensive or hurtful text message or other private messaging, do not fall within the definition of bullying. However, in the context of this policy, placing a once-off offensive or hurtful public message, image or statement on a social network site or other public forum where that message, image or statement can be viewed and/or repeated by other people will be regarded as bullying behaviour. Additional information on different types of bullying is set out in Section 2 of the Anti-Bullying Procedures for Primary and Post-Primary Schools. The relevant teachers for investigating and dealing with bullying are the Year Head and the Principal and/or Deputy Principal. The school will make every effort to educate members of the school community about bullying and will identify strategies to prevent bullying by: The school’s procedures for investigation, follow-up and recording of bullying behaviour and the established intervention strategies used by the school for dealing with cases of bullying behaviour are as follows (see Section 6.8 of the Anti-Bullying Procedures for Primary and Post-Primary Schools) The school’s program of support for working with pupils affected by bullying is as follows (see Section 6.8 of the Anti-Bullying Procedures for Primary and Post-Primary Schools): 1. Supervision and Monitoring of Pupils The Board of Management confirms that appropriate supervision and monitoring policies and practices are in place to both prevent and deal with bullying behaviour and to facilitate early intervention where possible. 2. Prevention of Harassment The Board of Management confirms that the school will, in accordance with its obligations under equality legislation, take all such steps that are reasonably practicable to prevent the sexual harassment of pupils or staff or the harassment of pupils or staff on any of the nine grounds specified i.e. gender including transgender, civil status, family status, sexual orientation, religion, age, disability, race and membership of the Traveller community. This policy was adopted by the Board of Management on 15th September 2021. This policy has been made available to school personnel and is readily accessible to parents and pupils. This policy and its implementation will be reviewed by the Board of Management once in every school year. Written notification that the review has been completed will be made available to BOM, school personnel, parents and pupils. Signed: [Signature] (Chairperson of Board of Management) Date: 15/9/2021 Signed: [Signature] (Principal) Date: 15/9/2021 The following are some practical tips for immediate actions that can be taken to help build a positive school culture and climate and to help prevent and tackle bullying behaviour. - Model respectful behaviour to all members of the school community at all times. - Explicitly teach pupils what respectful language and respectful behaviour looks like, acts like, sounds like and feels like in class and around the school. - Display key respect messages in classrooms, in assembly areas and around the school. Involve pupils in the development of these messages. - Catch them being good - notice and acknowledge desired respectful behaviour by providing positive attention. - Consistently tackle the use of discriminatory and derogatory language in the school – this includes homophobic and racist language and language that is belittling of pupils with a disability or SEN. - Give constructive feedback to pupils when respectful behaviour and respectful language are absent. - Have a system of encouragement and rewards to promote desired behaviour and compliance with the school rules and routines. - Explicitly teach pupils about the appropriate use of social media. - Positively encourage pupils to comply with the school rules on mobile phone and internet use. - Follow up and follow through with pupils who ignore the rules. - Actively involve parents and/or the Parents’ Association in awareness raising campaigns around social media. - Actively promote the right of every member of the school community to be safe and secure in school. - Highlight and explicitly teach school rules in pupil friendly language in the classroom and in common areas. - All staff can actively watch out for signs of bullying behaviour. - Ensure there is adequate playground/school yard/outdoor supervision. - School staff can get pupils to help them to identify bullying “hot spots” and “hot times” for bullying in the school. - Hot spots tend to be in the playground/school yard/outdoor areas, changing rooms, corridors and other areas of unstructured supervision. - Hot times again tend to be times where there is less structured supervision such as when pupils are in the playground/school yard or moving classrooms. - Support the establishment and work of student councils	<urn:uuid:8d7f1055-a857-47fb-95f5-fd852b924f8f>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://stjosephscollege.ie/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Anti-Bullying-Policy-2021.pdf	2022-08-14T01:19:27+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00634.warc.gz	506,040,555	1,394	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995488	eng_Latn	0.996705	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1746, 3744, 5207, 7471 ]	[ 3.484375 ]	1	0
8 Brilliant Student Essays on Immigration and Unjust Assumptions by Lornet Turnbull For the winter 2019 student writing competition, “Border (In)Security,” we invited students to read the YES! Magazine article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” by Lornet Turnbull and respond with an up-to-700-word essay. Students had a choice between two writing prompts for this contest on immigration policies at the border and in the “Constitution-free zone,” a 100-mile perimeter from land and sea borders where U.S. Border Patrol can search any vehicle, bus, or vessel without a warrant. They could state their positions on the impact of immigration policies on our country’s security and how we determine who is welcome to live here. Or they could write about a time when someone made an unfair assumption about them, just as Border Patrol agents have made warrantless searches of Greyhound passengers based simply on race and clothing. The Winners From the hundreds of essays written, these eight were chosen as winners. Be sure to read the author’s response to the essay winners and the literary gems that caught our eye. Middle School Winner Alessandra Serafini Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash. Broken Promises “...Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, tempest-tossed to me, I lift my lamp beside the golden door!” These words were written by Emma Lazarus and are inscribed on the base of the Statue of Liberty. And yet, the very door they talk about is no longer available to those who need it the most. The door has been shut, chained, and guarded. It no longer shines like gold. Those seeking asylum are being turned away. Families are being split up; children are being stranded. The promise America made to those in need is broken. Not only is the promise to asylum seekers broken, but the promises made to some 200 million people already residing within the U.S. are broken, too. Anyone within 100 miles of the United States border lives in the “Constitution-free zone” and can be searched with “reasonable suspicion,” a suspicion that is determined by Border Patrol officers. The zone encompasses major cities, such as Seattle and New York City, and it even covers entire states, such as Florida, Massachusetts, and New Jersey. I live in the Seattle area, and it is unsettling that I can be searched and interrogated without the usual warrant. In these areas, there has been an abuse of power; people have been unlawfully searched and interrogated because of assumed race or religion. The ACLU obtained data from the Customs and Border Protection Agency that demonstrate this reprehensible profiling. The data found that “82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed are, in fact, U.S. citizens.” These warrantless searches impede the trust-building process and communication between the local population and law enforcement officers. Unfortunately, this lack of trust makes campaigns, such as Homeland Security’s “If You See Something, Say Something,” ineffective due to the actions of the department’s own members and officers. Worst of all, profiling ostracizes entire communities and makes them feel unsafe in their own country. Ironically, asylum seekers come to America in search of safety. However, the thin veil of safety has been drawn back, and, behind it, our tarnished colors are visible. We need to welcome people in their darkest hours rather than destroy their last bit of hope by slamming the door in their faces. The immigration process is currently in shambles, and an effective process is essential for both those already in the country and those outside of it. Many asylum seekers are running from war, poverty, hunger, and death. Their countries’ instability has hijacked every aspect of their lives, made them vagabonds, and the possibility of death, a cruel and unforgiving death, is real. They see no future for their children, and they are desperate for the perceived promise of America—a promise of opportunity, freedom, and a safe future. An effective process would determine who actually needs help and then grant them passage into America. Why should everyone be turned away? My grandmother immigrated to America from Scotland in 1955. I exist because she had a chance that others are now being denied. Emma Lazarus named Lady Liberty the “Mother of Exiles.” Why are we denying her the happiness of children? Because we cannot decide which ones? America has an inexplicable area where our constitution has been spurned and forgotten. Additionally, there is a rancorous movement to close our southern border because of a deep-rooted fear of immigrants and what they represent. For too many Americans, they represent the end of established power and white supremacy, which is their worst nightmare. In fact, immigrants do represent change—healthy change—with new ideas and new energy that will help make this country stronger. Governmental agreement on a humane security plan is critical to ensure that America reaches its full potential. We can help. We can help people in unimaginably terrifying situations, and that should be our America. Alessandra Serafini plays on a national soccer team for Seattle United and is learning American Sign Language outside of school. Her goal is to spread awareness about issues such as climate change, poverty, and large-scale political conflict through writing and public speaking. High School Winner Cain Trevino Northside High School, Fort Worth, Texas Xenophobia and the Constitution-Free Zone In August of 2017, U.S. Border Patrol agents boarded a Greyhound bus that had just arrived at the White River Junction station from Boston. According to Danielle Bonadona, a Lebanon resident and a bus passenger, “They wouldn’t let us get off. They boarded the bus and told us they needed to see our IDs or papers.” Bonadona, a 29-year-old American citizen, said that the agents spent around 20 minutes on the bus and “only checked the IDs of people who had accents or were not white.” Bonadona said she was aware of the 100-mile rule, but the experience of being stopped and searched felt “pretty unconstitutional.” In the YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” by Lornet Turnbull, the author references the ACLU’s argument that “the 100-mile zone violates Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure.” However, the Supreme Court upholds the use of immigration checkpoints for inquiries on citizenship status. In my view, the ACLU makes a reasonable argument. The laws of the 100-mile zone are blurred, and, too often, officials give arbitrary reasons to conduct a search. Xenophobia and fear of immigrants burgeons in cities within these areas. People of color and those with accents or who are non-English speakers are profiled by law enforcement agencies that enforce anti-immigrant policies. The “Constitution-free zone” is portrayed as an effective barrier to secure our borders. However, this anti-immigrant zone does not make our country any safer. In fact, it does the opposite. As a former student from the Houston area, I can tell you that the Constitution-free zone makes immigrants and citizens alike feel on edge. The Department of Homeland Security’s white SUVs patrol our streets. Even students feel the weight of anti-immigrant laws. Dennis Rivera Sarmiento, an undocumented student who attended Austin High School in Houston, was held by school police in February 2018 for a minor altercation and was handed over to county police. He was later picked up by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and held in a detention center. It is unfair that kids like Dennis face much harsher consequences for minor incidents than other students with citizenship. These instances are a direct result of anti-immigrant laws. For example, the 287(g) program gives local and state police the authority to share individuals’ information with ICE after an arrest. This means that immigrants can be deported for committing misdemeanors as minor as running a red light. Other laws like Senate Bill 4, passed by the Texas Legislature, allow police to ask people about their immigration status after they are detained. These policies make immigrants and people of color feel like they’re always under surveillance and that, at any moment, they may be pulled over to be questioned and detained. During Hurricane Harvey, the immigrant community was hesitant to go to the shelters because images of immigration authorities patrolling the area began to surface online. It made them feel like their own city was against them at a time when they needed them most. Constitution-free zones create communities of fear. For many immigrants, the danger of being questioned about immigration status prevents them from reporting crimes, even when they are the victim. Unreported crime only places more groups of people at risk and, overall, makes communities less safe. In order to create a humane immigration process, citizens and non-citizens must hold policymakers accountable and get rid of discriminatory laws like 287(g) and Senate Bill 4. Abolishing the Constitution-free zone will also require pressure from the public and many organizations. For a more streamlined legal process, the League of United Latin American Citizens suggests background checks and a small application fee for incoming immigrants, as well as permanent resident status for Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) and Temporary Protected Status (TPS) recipients. Other organizations propose expanding the green card lottery and asylum for immigrants escaping the dangers of their home countries. Immigrants who come to the U.S. are only looking for an opportunity to provide for their families and themselves; so, the question of deciding who gets inside the border and who doesn’t is the same as trying to prove some people are worth more than others. The narratives created by anti-immigrant media plant the false idea that immigrants bring nothing but crime and terrorism. Increased funding for the border and enforcing laws like 287(g) empower anti-immigrant groups to vilify immigrants and promote a witch hunt that targets innocent people. This hatred and xenophobia allow law enforcement to ask any person of color or non-native English speaker about their citizenship or to detain a teenager for a minor incident. Getting rid of the 100-mile zone means standing up for justice and freedom because nobody, regardless of citizenship, should have to live under laws created from fear and hatred. Cain Trevino is a sophomore. Cain is proud of his Mexican and Salvadorian descent and is an advocate for the implementation of Ethnic Studies in Texas. He enjoys basketball, playing the violin, and studying computer science. Cain plans to pursue a career in engineering at Stanford University and later earn a PhD. High School Winner Ethan Peter Kirkwood High School, Kirkwood, Mo. Bus(ted) I’m an expert on bussing. For the past couple of months, I’ve been a busser at a pizza restaurant near my house. It may not be the most glamorous job, but it pays all right, and, I’ll admit, I’m in it for the money. I arrive at 5 p.m. and inspect the restaurant to ensure it is in pristine condition for the 6 p.m. wave of guests. As customers come and go, I pick up their dirty dishes, wash off their tables, and reset them for the next guests. For the first hour of my shift, the work is fairly straightforward. I met another expert on bussing while crossing the border in a church van two years ago. Our van arrived at the border checkpoint, and an agent stopped us. She read our passports, let us through, and moved on to her next vehicle. The Border Patrol agent’s job seemed fairly straightforward. At the restaurant, 6 p.m. means a rush of customers. It’s the end of the workday, and these folks are hungry for our pizzas and salads. My job is no longer straightforward. Throughout the frenzy, the TVs in the restaurant buzz about waves of people coming to the U.S. border. The peaceful ebb and flow enjoyed by Border agents is disrupted by intense surges of immigrants who seek to enter the U.S. Outside forces push immigrants to the United States: wars break out in the Middle East, gangs terrorize parts of Central and South America, and economic downturns force foreigners to look to the U.S., drawn by the promise of opportunity. Refugees and migrant caravans arrive, and suddenly, a Border Patrol agent’s job is no longer straightforward. I turn from the TVs in anticipation of a crisis exploding inside the restaurant: crowds that arrive together will leave together. I’ve learned that when a table looks finished with their dishes, I need to proactively ask to take those dishes, otherwise, I will fall behind, and the tables won’t be ready for the next customers. The challenge is judging who is finished eating. I’m forced to read clues and use my discretion. Interpreting clues is part of a Border Patrol agent’s job, too. Lornet Turnbull states, “For example, CBP data obtained by ACLU in Michigan shows that 82 percent of foreign citizens stopped by agents in that state are Latino, and almost 1 in 3 of those processed is, in fact, a U.S. citizen.” While I try to spot customers done with their meals so I can clear their part of the table, the Border Patrol officer uses clues to detect undocumented immigrants. We both sometimes guess incorrectly, but our intentions are to do our jobs to the best of our abilities. These situations are uncomfortable. I certainly do not enjoy interrupting a conversation to get someone’s dishes, and I doubt Border Patrol agents enjoy interrogating someone about their immigration status. In both situations, the people we mistakenly ask lose time and are subjected to awkward and uncomfortable situations. However, here’s where the busser and the Border Patrol officer’s situations are different: If I make a mistake, the customer faces a minor inconvenience. The stakes for a Border Patrol agent are much higher. Mistakenly asking for documentation and searching someone can lead to embarrassment or fear—it can even be life-changing. Thus, Border Patrol agents must be fairly certain that someone’s immigration status is questionable before they begin their interrogation. To avoid these situations altogether, the U.S. must make the path to citizenship for immigrants easier. This is particularly true for immigrants fleeing violence. Many people object to this by saying these immigrants will bring violence with them, but data does not support this view. In 1939, a ship of Jewish refugees from Germany was turned away from the U.S.—a decision viewed negatively through the lens of history. Today, many people advocate restricting immigration for refugees from violent countries; they refuse to learn the lessons from 1939. The sad thing is that many of these immigrants are seen as just as violent as the people they are fleeing. We should not confuse the oppressed with the oppressor. My restaurant appreciates customers because they bring us money, just as we should appreciate immigrants because they bring us unique perspectives. Equally important, immigrants provide this country with a variety of expert ideas and cultures, which builds better human connections and strengthens our society. Ethan Peter is a junior. Ethan writes for his school newspaper, The Kirkwood Call, and plays volleyball for his high school and a club team. He hopes to continue to grow as a writer in the future. The United States is a nation of immigrants. There are currently 43 million foreign-born people living in the U.S. Millions of them are naturalized American citizens, and 23 million, or 7.2 percent of the population, are living here without documentation (US Census, 2016). One in seven residents of the United States was not born here. Multiculturalism is, and always has been, a key part of the American experience. However, romantic notions of finding a better life in the United States for immigrants and refugees don’t reflect reality. In modern history, America is a country that systematically treats immigrants—documented or not—and non-white Americans in a way that is fundamentally different than what is considered right by the majority. The Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment states, “No state shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.” When a suspected undocumented immigrant is detained, their basic human rights are violated. Warrantless raids on Greyhound buses within 100 miles of the border (an area referred to by some as the “Constitution-free zone”) are clear violations of human rights. These violations are not due to the current state of politics; they are the symptom of blatant racism in the United States and a system that denigrates and abuses people least able to defend themselves. It is not surprising that some of the mechanisms that drive modern American racism are political in nature. Human beings are predisposed to dislike and distrust individuals that do not conform to the norms of their social group (Mountz, Allison). Some politicians appeal to this suspicion and wrongly attribute high crime rates to non-white immigrants. The truth is that immigrants commit fewer crimes than native-born Americans. In fact, people born in the United States are convicted of crimes at a rate twice that of undocumented non-natives (Cato Institute, 2018). The majority of immigrants take high risks to seek a better life, giving them incentive to obey the laws of their new country. In many states, any contact with law enforcement may ultimately result in deportation and separation from family. While immigrants commit far fewer crimes, fear of violent crime by much of the U.S. population outweighs the truth. For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy. It’s easier to say that immigrants are taking people’s jobs than explain a changing global economy and its effect on employment. The only crime committed in this instance is discrimination. Human rights are violated when an undocumented immigrant—or someone perceived as an undocumented immigrant—who has not committed a crime is detained on a Greyhound bus. When a United States citizen is detained on the same bus, constitutional rights are being violated. The fact that this happens every day and that we debate its morality makes it abundantly clear that racism is deeply ingrained in this country. Many Americans who have never experienced this type of oppression lack the capacity to understand its lasting effect. Most Americans don’t know what it’s like to be late to work because they were wrongfully detained, were pulled over by the police for the third time that month for no legal reason, or had to coordinate legal representation for their U.S. citizen grandmother because she was taken off a bus for being a suspected undocumented immigrant. This oppression is cruel and unnecessary. America doesn’t need a wall to keep out undocumented immigrants; it needs to seriously address how to deal with immigration. It is possible to reform the current system in such a way that anyone can become a member of American society, instead of existing outside of it. If a person wants to live in the United States and agrees to follow its laws and pay its taxes, a path to citizenship should be available. People come to the U.S. from all over the world for many reasons. Some have no other choice. There are ongoing humanitarian crises in Syria, Yemen, and South America that are responsible for the influx of immigrants and asylum seekers at our borders. If the United States wants to address the current situation, it must acknowledge the global factors affecting the immigrants at the center of this debate and make fact-informed decisions. There is a way to maintain the security of America while treating migrants and refugees compassionately, to let those who wish to contribute to our society do so, and to offer a hand up instead of building a wall. Daniel Fries studies computer science. Daniel has served as a wildland firefighter in Oregon, California, and Alaska. He is passionate about science, nature, and the ways that technology contributes to making the world a better, more empathetic, and safer place. Powerful Voice Winner Emma Hernandez-Sanchez Wellness, Business and Sports School, Woodburn, Ore. An Emotion an Immigrant Knows Too Well Before Donald Trump’s campaign, I was oblivious to my race and the idea of racism. As far as I knew, I was the same as everyone else. I didn’t stop to think about our different-colored skins. I lived in a house with a family and attended school five days a week just like everyone else. So, what made me different? Seventh grade was a very stressful year—the year that race and racism made an appearance in my life. It was as if a cold splash of water woke me up and finally opened my eyes to what the world was saying. It was this year that Donald Trump started initiating change about who got the right to live in this country and who didn’t. There was a lot of talk about deportation, specifically for Mexicans, and it sparked commotion and fear in me. I remember being afraid and nervous to go out. At home, the anxiety was there but always at the far back of my mind because I felt safe inside. My fear began as a small whisper, but every time I stepped out of my house, it got louder. I would have dreams about the deportation police coming to my school; when I went to places like the library, the park, the store, or the mall, I would pay attention to everyone and to my surroundings. In my head, I would always ask myself, “Did they give us nasty looks?,” “Why does it seem quieter?” “Was that a cop I just saw?” I would notice little things, like how there were only a few Mexicans out or how empty a store was. When my mom went grocery shopping, I would pray that she would be safe. I was born in America, and both my parents were legally documented. My mom was basically raised here. Still, I couldn’t help but feel nervous. I knew I shouldn’t have been afraid, but with one look, agents could have automatically thought my family and I were undocumented. Even when the deportation police would figure out that we weren’t undocumented, they’d still figure out a way to deport us—at least that was what was going through my head. It got so bad that I didn’t even want to do the simplest things like go grocery shopping because there was a rumor that the week before a person was taken from Walmart. I felt scared and nervous, and I wasn’t even undocumented. I can’t even imagine how people who are undocumented must have felt, how they feel. All I can think is that it’s probably ten times worse than what I was feeling. Always worrying about being deported and separated from your family must be hard. I was living in fear, and I didn’t even have it that bad. My heart goes out to families that get separated from each other. It’s because of those fears that I detest the “Constitution-free zone.” Legally documented and undocumented people who live in the Constitution-free zone are in constant fear of being deported. People shouldn’t have to live this way. In fact, there have been arguments that the 100-mile zone violates the Fourth Amendment, which gives people the right to be protected from unreasonable searches and seizures of property by the government. Unfortunately, the U.S. Supreme Court has consistently upheld these practices. One question that Lornet Turnbull asks in her YES! article “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’” is, “How should we decide who is welcome in the U.S and who is not?” Instead of focusing on immigrants, how about we focus on the people who shoot up schools, rape girls, exploit women for human sex trafficking, and sell drugs? These are the people who make our country unsafe; they are the ones who shouldn’t be accepted. Even if they are citizens and have the legal right to live here, they still shouldn’t be included. If they are the ones making this country unsafe, then what gives them the right to live here? I don’t think that the Constitution-free zone is an effective and justifiable way to make this country more “secure.” If someone isn’t causing any trouble in the United States and is just simply living their life, then they should be welcomed here. We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away. I believe that it’s unfair for people to automatically think that it’s the Hispanics that make this country unsafe. Sure, get all the undocumented people out of the United States, but it’s not going to make this country any safer. It is a society that promotes violence that makes us unsafe, not a race. Emma Hernandez-Sanchez is a freshman who is passionate about literature and her education. Emma wants to inspire others to be creative and try their best. She enjoys reading and creating stories that spark imagination. Powerful Voice Winner Tiara Lewis Columbus City Preparatory Schools for Girls, Columbus, Ohio Hold Your Head High and Keep Those Fists Down How would you feel if you walked into a store and salespeople were staring at you? Making you feel like you didn’t belong. Judging you. Assuming that you were going to take something, even though you might have $1,000 on you to spend. Sometimes it doesn’t matter. This is because people will always judge you. It might not be because of your race but for random reasons, like because your hair is black instead of dirty blonde. Or because your hair is short and not long. Or just because they are having a bad day. People will always find ways to bring you down and accuse you of something, but that doesn’t mean you have to go along with it. Every time I entered a store, I would change my entire personality. I would change the way I talked and the way I walked. I always saw myself as needing to fit in. If a store was all pink, like the store Justice, I would act like a girly girl. If I was shopping in a darker store, like Hot Topic, I would hum to the heavy metal songs and act more goth. I had no idea that I was feeding into stereotypes. When I was 11, I walked into Claire’s, a well-known store at the mall. That day was my sister’s birthday. Both of us were really happy and had money to spend. As soon as we walked into the store, two employees stared me and my sister down, giving us cold looks. When we went to the cashier to buy some earrings, we thought everything was fine. However, when we walked out of the store, there was a policeman and security guards waiting. At that moment, my sister and I looked at one another, and I said, in a scared little girl voice, “I wonder what happened? Why are they here?” Then, they stopped us. We didn’t know what was going on. The same employee that cashed us out was screaming as her eyes got big, “What did you steal?” I was starting to get numb. Me and my sister looked at each other and told the truth: “We didn’t steal anything. You can check us.” They rudely ripped through our bags and caused a big scene. My heart was pounding like a drum. I felt violated and scared. Then, the policeman said, “Come with us. We need to call your parents.” While this was happening, the employees were talking to each other, smiling. We got checked again. The police said that they were going to check the cameras, but after they were done searching us, they realized that we didn’t do anything wrong and let us go about our day. Walking in the mall was embarrassing—everybody staring, looking, and whispering as we left the security office. This made me feel like I did something wrong while knowing I didn’t. We went back to the store to get our shopping bags. The employees sneered, “Don’t you niggers ever come in this store again. You people always take stuff. This time you just got lucky.” Their faces were red and frightening. It was almost like they were in a scary 3D movie, screaming, and coming right at us. I felt hurt and disappointed that someone had the power within them to say something so harsh and wrong to another person. Those employees’ exact words will forever be engraved in my memory. In the article, “Two-Thirds of Americans Live in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” Lornet Turnbull states, “In January, they stopped a man in Indio, California, as he was boarding a Los Angeles-bound bus. While questioning this man about his immigration status, agents told him his ‘shoes looked suspicious,’ like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.” They literally judged him by his shoes. They had no proof of anything. If a man is judged by his shoes, who else and what else are being judged in the world? In the novel To Kill a Mockingbird, a character named Atticus states, “You just hold your head high and keep those fists down. No matter what anybody says to you, don’t you let’em get your goat. Try fighting with your head for a change.” No matter how much you might try to change yourself, your hairstyle, and your clothes, people will always make assumptions about you. However, you never need to change yourself to make a point or to feel like you fit in. Be yourself. Don’t let those stereotypes turn into facts. Tiara Lewis is in the eighth grade. Tiara plays the clarinet and is trying to change the world—one essay at a time. She is most often found curled up on her bed, “Divergent” in one hand and a cream-filled doughnut in the other. Wielding My Swords If I were a swordsman, my weapons would be my identities. I would wield one sword in my left hand and another in my right. People expect me to use both fluently, but I’m not naturally ambidextrous. Even though I am a right-handed swordsman, wielding my dominant sword with ease, I must also carry a sword in my left, the heirloom of my family heritage. Although I try to live up to others’ expectations by using both swords, I may appear inexperienced while attempting to use my left. In some instances, my heirloom is mistaken for representing different families’ since the embellishments look similar. Many assumptions are made about my heirloom sword based on its appearance, just as many assumptions are made about me based on my physical looks. “Are you Chinese?” When I respond with ‘no,’ they stare at me blankly in confusion. There is a multitude of Asian cultures in the United States, of which I am one. Despite what many others may assume, I am not Chinese; I am an American-born Korean. “Then… are you Japanese?” Instead of asking a broader question, like “What is your ethnicity?,” they choose to ask a direct question. I reply that I am Korean. I like to think that this answers their question sufficiently; however, they think otherwise. Instead, I take this as their invitation to a duel. They attack me with another question: “Are you from North Korea or South Korea?” I don’t know how to respond because I’m not from either of those countries; I was born in America. I respond with “South Korea,” where my parents are from because I assume that they’re asking me about my ethnicity. I’m not offended by this situation because I get asked these questions frequently. From this experience, I realize that people don’t know how to politely ask questions about identity to those unlike them. Instead of asking “What is your family’s ethnicity?,” many people use rude alternatives, such as “Where are you from?,” or “What language do you speak?” When people ask these questions, they make assumptions based on someone’s appearance. In my case, people make inferences like: “She must be really good at speaking Korean.” “She’s Asian; therefore, she must be born in Asia.” “She’s probably Chinese.” These thoughts may appear in their heads because making assumptions is natural. However, there are instances when assumptions can be taken too far. Some U.S. Border Patrol agents in the “Constitution-free zone” have made similar assumptions based on skin color and clothing. For example, agents marked someone as an undocumented immigrant because “his shoes looked suspicious, like those of someone who had recently crossed the border.” Another instance was when a Jamaican grandmother was forced off a bus when she was visiting her granddaughter. The impetus was her accent and the color of her skin. Government officials chose to act on their assumptions, even though they had no solid proof that the grandmother was an undocumented immigrant. These situations just touch the surface of the issue of racial injustice in America. When someone makes unfair assumptions about me, they are pointing their sword and challenging me to a duel; I cannot refuse because I am already involved. It is not appropriate for anyone, including Border Patrol agents, to make unjustified assumptions or to act on those assumptions. Border Patrol agents have no right to confiscate the swords of the innocent solely based on their conjectures. The next time I’m faced with a situation where racially ignorant assumptions are made about me, I will refuse to surrender my sword, point it back at them, and triumphantly fight their ignorance with my cultural pride. Hailee Park is an eighth grader who enjoys reading many genres. While reading, Hailee recognized the racial injustices against immigrants in America, which inspired her essay. Hailee plays violin in her school’s orchestra and listens to and composes music. Powerful Voice Winner Aminata Toure East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y. We Are Still Dreaming As a young Muslim American woman, I have been labeled things I am not: a terrorist, oppressed, and an ISIS supporter. I have been accused of planning 9/11, an event that happened before I was born. Lately, in the media, Muslims have been portrayed as supporters of a malevolent cause, terrorizing others just because they do not have the same beliefs. I often scoff at news reports that portray Muslims in such a light, just as I scoff at all names I’ve been labeled. They are words that do not define me. In a land where labels have stripped immigrants of their personalities, they are now being stripped of something that makes them human: their rights. The situation described in Lornet Turnbull’s article, “Two-Thirds of Americans are Living in the ‘Constitution-Free Zone’,” goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law. If immigrants do not have protection from the Constitution, is there any way to feel safe? Although most insults are easy to shrug off, they are still threatening. I am ashamed when I feel afraid to go to the mosque. Friday is an extremely special day when we gather together to pray, but lately, I haven’t been going to the mosque for Jummah prayers. I have realized that I can never feel safe when in a large group of Muslims because of the widespread hatred of Muslims in the United States, commonly referred to as Islamophobia. Police surround our mosque, and there are posters warning us about dangerous people who might attack our place of worship because we have been identified as terrorists. I wish I could tune out every news report that blasts out the headline “Terrorist Attack!” because I know that I will be judged based on the actions of someone else. Despite this anti-Muslim racism, what I have learned from these insults is that I am proud of my faith. I am a Muslim, but being Muslim doesn’t define me. I am a writer, a student, a dreamer, a friend, a New Yorker, a helper, and an American. I am unapologetically me, a Muslim, and so much more. I definitely think everyone should get to know a Muslim. They would see that some of us are also Harry Potter fans, not just people planning to bomb the White House. Labels are unjustly placed on us because of the way we speak, the color of our skin, and what we believe in—not for who we are as individuals. Instead, we should all take more time to get to know one another. As Martin Luther King Jr. said in his “I Have a Dream” speech, we should be judged by the content of our character and not the color of our skin. To me, it seems Martin Luther King Jr.’s dream is a dream that should be a reality. But, for now, we are dreaming. Aminata Toure is a Guinean American Muslim student. Aminata loves spoken-word poetry and performs in front of hundreds of people at her school’s annual poetry slam. She loves writing, language, history, and West African food and culture. Aminata wants to work at the United Nations when she grows up. From the Author Dear Alessandra, Cain, Daniel, Tiara, Emma, Hailee, Aminata and Ethan, I am moved and inspired by the thought each of you put into your responses to my story about this so-called “Constitution-free zone.” Whether we realize it or not, immigration in this country impacts all of us—either because we are immigrants ourselves, have neighbors, friends, and family who are, or because we depend on immigrants for many aspects of our lives—from the food we put on our tables to the technology that bewitches us. It is true that immigrants enrich our society in so many important ways, as many of you point out. And while the federal statute that permits U.S. Border Patrol officers to stop and search at will any of the 200 million of us in this 100-mile shadow border, immigrants have been their biggest targets. In your essays, you highlight how unjust the law is—nothing short of racial profiling. It is heartening to see each of you, in your own way, speaking out against the unfairness of this practice. Alessandra, you are correct, the immigration system in this country is in shambles. You make a powerful argument about how profiling ostracizes entire communities and how the warrantless searches allowed by this statute impede trust-building between law enforcement and the people they are called on to serve. And Cain, you point out how this 100-mile zone, along with other laws in the state of Texas where you attended school, make people feel like they’re “always under surveillance, and that, at any moment, you may be pulled over to be questioned and detained.” It seems unimaginable that people live their lives this way, yet millions in this country do. You, Emma, for example, speak of living in a kind of silent fear since Donald Trump took office, even though you were born in this country and your parents are here legally. You are right, “We shouldn’t have to live in fear that our rights will be taken away.” And Aminata, you write of being constantly judged and labeled because you’re a Muslim American. How unfortunate and sad that in a country that generations of people fled to search for religious freedom, you are ashamed at times to practice your own. The Constitution-free zone, you write, “goes directly against the Constitution, the soul of this country, something that asserts that we are all equal before the law.” Tiara, I could personally relate to your gripping account of being racially profiled and humiliated in a store. You were appalled that the Greyhound passenger in California was targeted by Border Patrol because they claimed his shoes looked like those of someone who had walked across the border: “If a man is judged by his shoes,” you ask, “who else and what else are getting judged in the world?” Hailee, you write about the incorrect assumptions people make about you, an American born of Korean descent, based solely on your appearance and compared it to the assumptions Border Patrol agents make about those they detain in this zone. Daniel, you speak of the role of political fearmongering in immigration. It’s not new, but under the current administration, turning immigrants into boogiemen for political gain is currency. You write that “For some politicians, it is easier to sell a border wall to a scared population than it is to explain the need for reformed immigration policy.” And Ethan, you recognize the contributions immigrants make to this country through the connections we all make with them and the strength they bring to our society. Keep speaking your truth. Use your words and status to call out injustice wherever and whenever you see it. Untold numbers of people spoke out against this practice by Border Patrol and brought pressure on Greyhound to change. In December, the company began offering passengers written guidance—in both Spanish and English—so they understand what their rights are when officers board their bus. Small steps, yes, but progress nonetheless, brought about by people just like you, speaking up for those who sometimes lack a voice to speak up for themselves. With sincere gratitude, Lornet Turnbull *** Literary Gems We received many outstanding essays for the Winter 2019 Student Writing Competition. Though not every participant can win the contest, we’d like to share some excerpts that caught our eye: After my parents argued with the woman, they told me if you can fight with fists, you prove the other person’s point, but when you fight with the power of your words, you can have a much bigger impact. I also learned that I should never be ashamed of where I am from. —Fernando Flores, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y. Just because we were born here and are privileged to the freedom of our country, we do not have the right to deprive others of a chance at success. —Avalyn Cox, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash. Maybe, rather than a wall, a better solution to our immigration problem would be a bridge. —Sean Dwyer, Lane Community College, Eugene, Ore. If anything, what I’ve learned is that I don’t know what to do. I don’t know how to change our world. I don’t know how to make a difference, how to make my voice heard. But I have learned the importance of one word, a simple two-letter word that’s taught to the youngest of us, a word we all know but never recognize: the significance of ‘we.’ —Enna Chiu, Highland Park High School, Highland Park, N.J. Not to say the Border Patrol should not have authorization to search people within the border, but I am saying it should be near the border, more like one mile, not 100. —Cooper Tarbuck, Maranacook Middle School, Manchester, Maine. My caramel color, my feminism, my Spanish and English language, my Mexican culture, and my young Latina self gives me the confidence to believe in myself, but it can also teach others that making wrong assumptions about someone because of their skin color, identity, culture, looks or gender can make them look and be weaker. —Ana Hernandez, The East Harlem School, New York City, N.Y. We don’t need to change who we are to fit these stereotypes like someone going on a diet to fit into a new pair of pants. —Kaylee Meyers, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash. If a human being with no criminal background whatsoever has trouble entering the country because of the way he or she dresses or speaks, border protection degenerates into arbitrariness. —Jonas Schumacher, Heidelberg University of Education, Heidelberg, Germany I believe that you should be able to travel freely throughout your own country without the constant fear of needing to prove that you belong here. —MacKenzie Morgan, Lincoln Middle School, Ypsilanti, Mich. America is known as “the Land of Opportunity,” but this label is quickly disappearing. If we keep stopping those striving for a better life, then what will become of this country? —Ennyn Chiu, Highland Park Middle School, Highland Park, N.J. The fact that two-thirds of the people in the U.S. are living in an area called the “Constitution-free zone” is appalling. Our Constitution was made to protect our rights as citizens, no matter where we are in the country. These systems that we are using to “secure” our country are failing, and we need to find a way to change them. —Isis Liaw, Brier Terrace Middle School, Brier, Wash. I won’t let anyone, especially a man, tell me what I can do, because I am a strong Latina. I will represent where I come from, and I am proud to be Mexican. I will show others that looks can be deceiving. 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### WHO Healthy Cities Goals and Themes 1. Improve health for all and reduce health inequalities. - Assist in implementing Galway City 2016 Local Economic and Community Plan health and wellbeing actions. - Develop submission to input into Galway City Development Plan (2017–2023). 2. Improve leadership and participatory governance for health and development. - Organise information and awareness sessions in relation to the wider determinants of health and inequalities for key stakeholders. - Contribute to and support the work of National Healthy Cities and Counties of Ireland Network. 3. Empower people throughout their life. - Develop Galway City Early Years Plan and implement two health and wellbeing initiatives in disadvantaged communities. - Implement two health and wellbeing initiatives as part of Galway Age Friendly Strategy. - Organise a Health Literacy Training workshop. 4. Tackle public health priorities – for example: - Physical activity - Nutrition and obesity - Alcohol - Tobacco - Mental Wellbeing - Implement one action to promote physical activity in line with National Physical Activity Plan, Galway Walking and Cycling Strategy and Galway Sports Partnership Strategic Plan. - Contribute to Let’s Get Galway Growing (Community Organic Garden Network) to implement a healthy eating initiative. - Develop and pilot Healthy Meetings Guidelines. - Implement 2016 Alcohol Action plan to prevent and reduce alcohol related harm in Galway City. 5. Strengthen people-centred health systems – for example, Health and social services, other city services, public health capacity. - Assist in the development of CHO (Community Health Organisation–Galway, Mayo and Roscommon) Healthy Ireland Plan. 6. Create strong communities and supportive environments – for example, healthy urban planning and design, healthy housing and regeneration, and so on. - Organise one learning event as part of Healthy Urban Planning group. - Provide one Community Resilience Training workshop in conjunction with Galway City Community Network (PPN). What is Galway Healthy Cities? Galway Healthy Cities project is part of the World Health Organization (WHO) Healthy Cities movement. This plan outlines what we’re doing in Galway City as part of this programme which focuses on improving health for everyone and reducing health inequalities. The actions being undertaken support the Healthy Ireland programme locally and are in line with the World Health Organization’s core themes. What is a Healthy City? A healthy city is defined by the way it works to support health and wellbeing. It doesn’t have to have achieved a particular health status. A healthy city is one that creates and continually improves its physical and social environments. It expands the community resources to enable people to help each other to live life and reach their potential. It is conscious of health and works to improve it. By working with these values, any city can be a healthy city. The important requirements are: a commitment to health and a process and structure to achieve it. What is the Healthy City approach to health and wellbeing? The primary goal of the WHO European Healthy Cities programme is to make health a priority issue for social, economic and political agencies and organisations. Many factors combine to affect our health – things like where we live, our environment, our genetics, our income and education level and our relationships with friends and family. Galway Healthy Cities project promotes a whole-system approach to planning for health and wellbeing. Most of the factors that shape our health and wellbeing are outside the direct influence of health and social care services. Determinants of Health The Healthy Cities programme identifies that health is the business of all sectors. It provides a way to tackle the wider influences on health and wellbeing. It recognises the key role of local authorities and other agencies and the need to work with them to protect and promote health and wellbeing. What is the 2016 Healthy Cities plan about? The 2016 action plan was developed by the key agencies in the city as part of an overall workplan for 2015-2018. Management and implementation Galway Healthy Cities Forum is a multi-agency group whose job it is to put the plan into action. The group meets three or four times a year. A project coordinator is responsible for the day-to-day implementation of the actions, and the group also send a progress report to the WHO every year. At the end of each year, the group review their work and draw up an action plan for the coming year. Further Information www.galwayhealthycities.ie Tel 091 737 223 Email firstname.lastname@example.org Health Promotion & Improvement, HSE West, 2nd Floor, Clinical & Administration Building, Block A, Merlin Park Hospital, Galway	<urn:uuid:732ec0ef-ac6f-4836-b42a-a41b2524f399>	CC-MAIN-2019-09	http://galwayhealthycities.ie/Final-2016-Plan.pdf	2019-02-18T02:05:29Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-09/segments/1550247484020.33/warc/CC-MAIN-20190218013525-20190218035525-00163.warc.gz	110,723,955	967	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.983634	eng_Latn	0.994287	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2132, 4916 ]	[ 2.078125 ]	1	1
In November 2004 the Minnesota Historical Society acquired one of the most interesting and unusual items seen in many years. This original, handwritten copy of the Treaty of Washington, 1858, more popularly known as the Treaty with the Yankton Sioux, is an important document in both Minnesota and U.S. history. By this treaty, 16 “chiefs and delegates of the Yancton tribe of the Sioux or Dacotah Indians” relinquished more than 11 million acres of their land and, thus, their way of life. They were left with 400,000 acres along the Missouri River and encouraged to develop the farming and ranching lifestyle of their white neighbors. The story of the Yankton treaty could begin with the 1851 Treaty of Traverse des Sioux, in which the Sisseton and Wahpeton bands gave up the right to most of their land—including territory along the present-day Minnesota—South Dakota border that the Yankton believed was theirs. This became an issue in the mid-1850s when game was scarce, making life hard for the Yankton. They believed that they were due part of the annuities paid to the Wahpeton and Sisseton and tried to collect by making threatening “visits.” To the federal government, a more important reason to negotiate a treaty with the Yankton was the growing pressure to develop the land between the Missouri and Big Sioux rivers—the “Yankton Triangle”—for white settlers. John Blair Smith Todd’s and Daniel Marsh Frost’s Frost-Todd Trading Company had begun to speculate in town sites along the Missouri Patrick Coleman is the Minnesota Historical Society’s acquisitions librarian. River by forming the Upper Missouri Land Company. Their business plan was to establish trading posts at places that would be ideal town sites when the Indians ceded their land. Rival companies also operated in the area, including the Dakota Land Company, backed by the Democratic Party in Minnesota Territory and Governor Samuel A. Medary. These firms had shifted their interest west when it became clear that Minnesota would enter the union and there would be new territory for them to control. In 1857 the tension between white settlers and a Yankton band, led by Chief Smutty Bear (Ma-to-sa-be-che-a), resulted in the burning of the town of Medary near present-day Brookings, South Dakota. The white settlers then moved back to Minnesota. The U.S. Department of the Interior had failed to get Yankton leaders to sign a treaty in 1857, so this time they asked trader Todd, a former army captain, to try his hand at negotiations. Todd wisely enlisted the aid of Charles F. Picotte (Eta-ke-cha), a mixed-blood Yankton leader and interpreter, and Theophile Bruguiere, a well-liked French Canadian who had married into the Yankton tribe. In December 1857 a delegation of Yankton leaders, led by head chief Struck by the Ree (Pa-la-ne-a-pa-pe), traveled to Washington. Some of the leaders of the Upper Yankton were opposed to a treaty and stayed behind, but they authorized Picotte to act as their proxy. The delegation spent what must have seemed a very long winter in Washington before finally signing the treaty on April 19, 1858. Getting an agreement was apparently not an easy task. There are stories of how chief Smutty Bear was threatened when he refused to sign. First he was told that he would have to walk home, but this prospect did not seem to bother him. Later he was threatened with being dumped into the ocean. Some accounts say that recalcitrant leaders, especially Smutty Bear, were finally convinced to sign the treaty when Article 8, giving the Yankton control of the sacred pipestone quarry site, was inserted. This article guarantees, “The said Yancton Indians shall be secured in the free and unrestricted use of the red pipestone quarry, or so much thereof as they have been accustomed to frequent and use for the purpose of procuring stone for pipes.” (No longer in Indian hands, the quarry today is Pipestone National Monument.) The document was ratified by the U.S. Senate on February 16, 1859, and “proclaimed” by President James Buchanan on February 26. The treaty also stated that the government would pay the Yankton $1.6 million over 50 years. It promised that the U.S. would provide schools (although the first school was not established until 1870) and set up an agency to help the Yankton adjust to a new agricultural lifestyle. Paternalistic in tone, the treaty contained several ways for the U.S. to reduce, restrict, or end payments to the tribe. For example, the “Payments of annuities” subsection of Article 4 states: The President of the United States shall from time to time determine what proportion shall be paid to said Indians, in cash, and what proportion shall be expended for their benefit, and, also, in what manner and for what objects such expenditure shall be made, due regard being had in making such determination to the best interests of said Indians. The subsection also specified that, if the population declined, “the said amounts may, in the discretion of the President of the United States, be diminished and reduced in proportion thereto—or they may, at the discretion of the President of the United States, be discontinued entirely, should said Indians fail to make reasonable and satisfactory efforts to advance and improve their condition.” One wonders how clearly these loopholes were translated for the Yankton leaders. In spite of the Yanktons’ overwhelming opposition to losing their land, Chief Struck by the Ree managed to keep peace during a difficult transition. In doing this, he was said to have fulfilled a Yankton oral tradition: In August 1804, when he was born, the explorers Meriwether Lewis and William Clark happened to be in his village on the Missouri River. They asked to see the baby, wrapped the infant in an American flag, and predicted that he would become a great leader and a friend to the whites. But by 1865, even Struck by the Ree regretted the treaty, saying, “I am getting poorer every day.” If only this document could talk. Whose copy was this? Where was it for 147 years? All we know is that a private collector in British Columbia brought it to a book dealer in Vancouver who took it to a book fair in Seattle. There, a St. Paul dealer saw it and brought it to the attention of the Minnesota Historical Society. Did the treaty go directly from Washington to Dakota Territory? How was it kept in such good condition for so long? We may never know, but now this important manuscript and the story it tells of Indian relations with the United States government will be safe and available to historians at the Minnesota Historical Society. The photo on p. 199 is courtesy the Smithsonian Institution; all other images are in MHS collections. Treaty photographs by Eric Mortenson/MHS. For Further Reading - Herbert T. Hoover with Leonard R. Bruguier, The Yankton Sioux (New York: Chelsea House, 1988). Suitable for younger readers. - Raymond J. DeMallie, “Yankton and Yanktonai,” in Handbook of North American Indians: Plains, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 2001), vol. 13, pt. 2, p. 777–93. - Howard R. Lamar, Dakota Territory, 1861–1889: A Study of Frontier Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1956). - To read the treaty online, visit http://www.usd.edu/iais/siouxnation/treaty1858.html (University of South Dakota Institute of American Indian Studies). Copyright of Minnesota History is the property of the Minnesota Historical Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. Users may print, download, or email articles, however, for individual use. To request permission for educational or commercial use, contact us.	<urn:uuid:d03c40af-577e-48a9-9f61-406d041ae6c7>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	http://collections.mnhs.org/mnhistorymagazine/articles/59/v59i05p197-199.pdf	2022-08-12T05:15:18+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571584.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20220812045352-20220812075352-00607.warc.gz	11,514,742	1,700	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996462	eng_Latn	0.996869	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1585, 3297, 7398, 7773 ]	[ 2.984375 ]	1	0
Dear Parents, For several weeks now we have dealt with schools across the state and country being closed. As we continue to grapple with what all this means and what the future holds, so are our children and teenagers. For High School seniors, this means no end of year celebrations (senior trips, prom, graduation), and for all, this means no official closure or farewell to friends, teachers, and school administrators. Much of our children’s daily lives are spent in school and for some it has even become a second family. The abrupt loss of this can cause BIG EMOTIONS! Sadness, anger, frustration, and confusion are some of the emotions that may begin showing up in the home. And parents, it’s not just the children, you may be experiencing similar emotions! Dealing with ALL that this pandemic has brought to surface is challenging many of us. Let’s deal with it this week…let’s Recognize, Reassure, and Regulate emotions, and Build Resilience. Remember parents, Stay Positive and we will all work through this together. \| Young Children (Birth to 12) \| Pre-Teens & Teenagers \| \|------------------------------\|-----------------------\| \| RECOGNIZE Emotions \| \| \| Identify and acknowledge emotions…ignoring them can lead to intensified feelings and undesired behaviors like shutting down and acting out \| \| \| ❖ Be aware of your child’s emotions \| ❖ Be aware of changes in your teen’s emotions and behavior \| \| ➢ In young children, negative emotions such as fear, frustration, sadness and anger can all manifest as the same or similar emotional outbursts. \| ➢ Address changes early on to prevent from dealing with highly emotional situations later \| \| ➢ Be sure to acknowledge your child’s emotions before moving to consequences \| ➢ Offer opportunities for your child to express their emotions in a safe place \| \| ❖ Teach about emotions at an early age \| ❖ For teenagers acknowledging and expressing emotions can be a scary and difficult thing \| \| ➢ We all have them, let’s name them. \| ➢ Some may initially resist you (saying you wouldn’t understand, or becoming angry when you acknowledge their emotions) \| \| ➢ What are Emotions? (i.e. Anger, Fear, Frustration, Joy, Kindness, Love, Sadness, Trust etc.) \| ➢ Encourage your teen to recognize their emotions and practice communicating what they are feeling \| \| ➢ How do you look/act when you feel a certain way? \| ❖ Catch them doing good \| \| ➢ Talk about and role play ways to display emotions during times when emotions are not heightened \| Praise your teen when they manage a difficult emotion or situation appropriately \| \| ❖ Praise your child when he/she says what they feel \| ➢ Encouraging them to continue this practice \| \| ➢ Encouraging them to continue this practice \| ▪ “Thank you for using your words and telling me how you feel!” \| \| ➢ “Great job solving that problem and being nice to each other while doing it” \| \| REASSURE Self and Child(ren) Let your child know it is okay to have a range of emotions…and it’s okay to talk about them - Name emotions and verbally reassure children that it is okay to have a range of emotions. - Many kids have outbursts and tantrums because they are unable to communicate a need. - Heightened emotions manifest differently in everyone but can look like becoming upset or frustrated, crying, picking fights, etc. - Teach them to identify how they are feelings. - Encourage your child to communicate - When a child is dealing with tantrums help them find the words to express the emotion and verbalize their feelings. - Name emotions and reassure teens that having a range of emotions is normal - The transition from childhood to adolescence can heighten emotions - These emotions show up differently in everyone but can look like sadness, anxiety, worry, or becoming argumentative - Support them in identifying and understanding their emotions - Remind them that emotions and situations can change and get better. - Encourage your child to communicate - Be sure to listen carefully and allow them to express what they are feeling - Don’t judge or try to “fix” what they are feeling, instead just be present and supportive - Allow your teen the space and time they need to process their emotions and be sure to check back in. REGULATE Emotions Determine what you and your child need in order to manage emotions (ex. talks, walks, time apart, drawing…AND knowing when to get extra help) - Help your child develop coping strategies to manage emotions - When angry, frustrated, etc. - Count up or down - Practice breathing - When excited or having pent energy - Take deep breaths - Exercise (run in place, videos, jumping jacks, etc.) - When worried, fearful, sad - Visual imagery - Drawing, coloring - Recall happy memory - Singing, music This list is not comprehensive, and techniques may be used according to what works for your child (and you). - Understand how daily routines help with emotional regulation* - A Change in routines can heighten emotions in children - Being sleepy, hungry or not feeling well can also heighten emotions. - Build routines to ease transitions such as bedtime, nap time, and transitioning from playtime. - Plan ahead and anticipate when situations may cause challenges. - Discuss and practice tools and strategies for your teen to manage their emotions - Practice breathing exercises - Step 1. Hold their breath and count to 10, - Step 2. After 10, breathe out through the nose and say the word “relax” to themselves in a calm, soothing voice - Step 3. Breathe in and out through the nose once in six-second cycles (breathe in for 6 seconds and out for 6 seconds), - Return to Step 1 and repeat) - Positive thoughts, journaling, taking a walk or doing some form of exercise - Don’t meet high emotion with high emotion - When your teen is upset or frustrated try these steps - Stay calm and model self-regulation - Stop what you are doing and give your attention to your teen - Listen to what your teen has to say - Take time to gather your thoughts (take a few seconds and deep breath) - Ask if you can help and offer reassurance - If teen does not calm down allow for time apart to calm down - Know when to ask for help - When emotions and behaviors extend beyond your ability to manage seek outside help (i.e. therapist, clergy, mentor, etc.) Build RESILIENCE Practice strategies that will increase you and your child’s ability to recover from difficulties - Help your children learn to problem solve - Listen to your children, offer advice/solutions when they ask and model calmness when dealing with emotions - Brainstorm ideas with your children and assist with walking through how the steps could play out - Be careful not to solve the problem for them but be a support to build critical thinking and problem-solving skills. - Teach them about perseverance and overcoming difficult situations - When appropriate, share a story of when you overcame a challenge (ex. I used to be scared of thunder too, I learned to be brave and understand that thunder is nature’s handclap) - Ensure that children have caring relationships with positive interactions - Model calming techniques like counting, deep breaths, and visual imagery to cope during difficult situations - Help your teen learn to problem solve - Listen to your teen - Prompt them to explore solutions - Be careful not to solve the problem for them but be supportive in building critical thinking skills - Encourage reflection and self-awareness in your teen - Teach teens to remain aware of their emotions and how they can impact their response - Help teens understand that emotions fluctuate and encourage them to resist the urge to react impulsively - Support your teen in identifying their body’s response to stress (fight or flight, increased heart rates, muscle tightening, etc) - Know when to ask for additional help - Ensure that teens have caring relationships with positive interactions and influences - Model being clear and calm when dealing with personal emotions	<urn:uuid:c72fb81a-883d-4f89-8b18-a608dd190bb5>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.mecknc.gov/HealthDepartment/CommunityHealthServices/Documents/Parent%20Weekly-Emotions.pdf	2022-08-12T06:40:07+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571584.72/warc/CC-MAIN-20220812045352-20220812075352-00608.warc.gz	789,326,858	1,785	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995741	eng_Latn	0.996319	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2937, 6499, 8256 ]	[ 4.3125 ]	1	1
Jesus said, “I will build my church” (Matthew 16:18). What did He mean by the word church? What did His disciples understand by this word? Perhaps you have noticed that the word church has been used many times in this study. It has been used in different ways. In Lesson 1, we used the term to mean “God’s people.” In Lesson 2, we used the same word for the visible organization. Both ways are correct. We also use biblical words in everyday conversation. When we use words in this way, we might not know their biblical meaning. Meanings depend on the context, or the setting in which the word is used. It is important to know what the word church means in the context of the Bible. Many people have given their lives to bring us the Bible. Not far from where I live, there is a stone sign on the spot where a man was put to death. His crime was desiring the Bible in the language of his people. God has protected His Word. Let us continue to study it! The Plan A. The Church Defined B. The Nature of the Church C. Church Relationships The Goals 1. State the biblical meaning of the word church. 2. Relate the role of the local church to that of the universal church. 3. Discuss the supernatural nature of the church. A. The Church Defined Goal 1. State the biblical meaning of the word church. Greek was the language of the New Testament world. Paul wrote his letters to churches in the Greek language. What did the word church mean at that time? The word church meant “assembly.” In Paul’s time this word was made up of two smaller words. Together the two words meant “called out.” In Bible times, the word for church was used for an assembly of citizens called together. Citizens would meet to talk about some political or military problem. The word was also used of an army called together to fight. It could also be used to describe a law-making group. Today the word church sounds very religious, but initially it was never used for a religious meeting. Application 1 Read about Paul’s visit to Ephesus in Acts 19:23–41. The word assembly is found in verses 32, 39, and 41. What kind of assembly was this? Write the words your Bible uses instead of church or assembly. a) Verse 32 ............................................................... b) Verse 39 ............................................................... c) Verse 41 ............................................................... 2 Which of these definitions are NOT the Greek meaning of the word assembly? a) A political gathering b) An army called together c) A religious meeting d) An assembly of citizens The Bible is divided into two main parts: the Old and New Testaments. In the Old Testament, the Jews were called God’s people. Many Jews, like Abraham and David, believed God and obeyed Him. Their life stories are in the Old Testament. We learn much from reading about their lives. Even before Jesus’ day many Jews lived in other lands and lost their language, not having God’s Word. To help these people, a special translation of the Old Testament was made. The word church, or assembly, was used almost 100 times in this version. Sometimes it was used for secular (not religious) gatherings, and at other times it was used for religious meetings. From the time Christians started using the word church, the Jews stopped using it. A gathering of Christians was a church. A meeting of Jews was called a synagogue. Jews who believed in Jesus were often put out of the synagogue. (See John 9:22.) Application 3 The word church was used by the Jews to mean a) a religious meeting. b) a secular gathering. c) either religious or secular meetings. 4 An example of the use of the word is also found in Acts 7:38. Stephen, a Jew who became a Christian, used this word. Who were in the “assembly” (church) in the desert? Read Acts 7:38, and write your answer. The word church can be found more than 100 times in the New Testament—in almost every book. When Christians called their meetings “the church” or “the assembly,” they did not mean a political or military meeting. They did not mean a meeting of the Jewish people, although many of the early Christians were Jewish! They meant the people who were called out by God. They meant the company of people saved by faith in Jesus Christ. Application 5 What do Christians mean by the word church? --- B. THE NATURE OF THE CHURCH Goal 2. Relate the role of the local congregation to that of the universal church. The word church means a local assembly of all those who have faith in Christ. Often in the New Testament it means a certain church. See, for example, Paul’s greeting “to the church of the Thessalonians” (1 Thessalonians 1:1). Sometimes the Bible refers to several such groups gathering in their land. “The churches in Judea” (Galatians 1:22) is an example of this. At other times, the word church is used to mean the universal church. It is not the assembly, or meeting, but those belonging to the assembly. (See Acts 8:1–3.) When believers suffered and were scattered, they were still a part of the church. In Matthew 16:18, Jesus speaks of building the universal church, the body of believers in Christ, all over the world. So the church is made up of people from not just one race, but all races. The church is not people from one nation, but from all nations. Read Galatians 3:28. Application 6 Study each of the following passages. Decide whether it refers to a local assembly or to the universal church. a) 1 Corinthians 4:17 b) 2 Thessalonians 1:1 c) Colossians 1:18 d) Ephesians 3:8–10 e) Ephesians 3:20–21 f) 2 Corinthians 11:8 7 How is the local church related to the universal church? C. Church Relationships Goal 3. Discuss the supernatural nature of the church. The early Christians called the church a name in their language (ekklesia), which means the congregation or assembly of God. The people were called by God and were God’s assembly. Acts 9:31 notes, “Then the church throughout Judea, Galilee, and Samaria…was strengthened; and encouraged by the Holy Spirit.” Just as he did to the church of Thessalonica, Paul wrote “To the church of God in Corinth, to those sanctified in Christ Jesus and called to be holy, together with all those everywhere who call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ—their Lord and ours” (1 Corinthians 1:2). Application 8 Each of the following verses tells us to whom the church belongs. Read each verse. Then write the description of the church found in each passage. a) 2 Thessalonians 1:1 b) Galatians 1:13 c) 1 Corinthians 11:16 The church is called forth by God and called unto Jesus Christ. To the church at Corinth Paul wrote, “God, who has called you into fellowship with his Son Jesus Christ our Lord, is faithful” (1 Corinthians 1:9). At times the church is called “of Christ.” (See Romans 16:16.) Jesus said, “I will build my church” (Matthew 16:18). Paul spoke of “Christ . . . the head of the church, his body, of which he is the Savior” (Ephesians 5:23). Then Paul added, “Christ loved the church and gave himself up for her” (Ephesians 5:25). Believers are spoken of as “in Christ” and are identified with Christ in His death (Romans 6:6). It is because we are in Christ that we suffer (Romans 8:17; 2 Timothy 2:12). Application 9 Read again Romans 8:17 and 2 Timothy 2:12. What promise is made to those who suffer in Christ? 10 Answer the following questions, each with one word. a) Who calls forth the church? ........................................... b) Believers are in .......................................................... The Holy Spirit gives the church its supernatural (spiritual) nature. Because of the Spirit, the church is unlike any human assembly. The church is seen where the Holy Spirit is known. The power, or life, of the church is not human, but spiritual. Application 11 Study each of the following passages. Write what the Holy Spirit does for the church. a) Philippians 2:1 ................................................................ b) Acts 1:8 ........................................................................... c) 1 Corinthians 12:8–12 ...................................................... d) Ephesians 4:3–4 ................................................................ We must praise God that He has called us to be part of His church. The church is called forth by God, identified with Christ, and filled with the Spirit. God’s church is both local and universal. Believers everywhere love the same Christ, for “we were all given the one Spirit to drink” (1 Corinthians 12:13). What is the church? It is the supernatural fellowship of believers. God planned it from the beginning. It has shown itself continually since the New Testament days. The church is God’s witness in your area and country. Check Your Answers 11 a) The Spirit gives fellowship. b) The Spirit gives power for witness. c) The Spirit gives spiritual gifts. d) The Spirit provides unity. 1 a) The meeting b) A legal meeting c) The meeting 10 a) God (the Father) b) Christ 2 c) A religious meeting 9 They will rule with Christ. 3 c) either religious or secular meetings. 8 a) “church . . . in God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.” b) “church of God” c) “churches of God” 4 The people of Israel or Israelites 7 Christians who make up the local church are a part of the body of Christ or the universal church. 5 The company of believers 6 a) Local (every church) b) Local (the people of the church in Thessalonica) c) Universal (He is the head of the body, the church) d) Universal (by means of the church) e) Universal (glory in the church) f) Local (paid by the other churches)	<urn:uuid:9bfe5e4d-96af-4c89-a972-de06cfc409ec>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.globalreach.org/english/images/L4140ENE08_03.pdf	2022-08-13T23:51:18+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00671.warc.gz	682,543,606	2,312	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.992555	eng_Latn	0.996781	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 961, 2439, 3913, 5435, 6318, 7468, 8905, 9818 ]	[ 2.84375 ]	2	0
b This is the first time Sts are sent to the Writing section at the back of the Student’s Book. In this section, Sts will find model texts, with exercises and language notes, and then a writing task. We suggest that you go through the model and do the exercise(s) in class, but set the actual writing (the last activity) for homework. Tell Sts to go to Writing A description of a person on p.187. Before Sts read the two emails, you might want to check they know what an au pair is. You could explain that the word is French. Model and drill its English pronunciation /əu ˈpeɪ/. Now focus on a and give Sts time to read the two emails and answer the questions. Check answers. 1 Because she is looking for an au pair and Sofia’s friend, Kasia, told Angela she might be interested in working in England as an au pair. 2 Yes, she does. Now focus on b and tell Sts to read Sofia’s email again and to correct the five spelling mistakes. Check answers by getting Sts to spell the correct version and write it on the board. interested interested responsible responsible forgetfull forgetful photography photography independant independent Now focus on c and tell Sts to read Sofia’s email again and answer questions 1–4. Get Sts to compare with a partner, and then check answers. 1 intelligent, hard-working, mature, responsible, friendly, independent 2 She likes going to the cinema, listening to music, and taking photos. 3 She’s quite shy, a bit forgetful, and her English isn’t very good. 4 Yes, she does. Now focus on d and tell Sts to look at all the highlighted expressions in the second email and explain that they are all expressions that modify adjectives. Point out that the sentences in the chart should go from very positive to negative. Show Sts that the first one (very) has been done for them. Give Sts time to complete the other sentences in the chart. Check answers. \| incredibly \| really \| \|------------\|--------\| \| Kasia is \| very \| \| \| quite \| \| \| a bit \| Highlight that we normally only use a bit (or a little) with negative adjectives. Focus on the Describing a person box and go through it with the class. Now focus on e and tell Sts to imagine they received the email from Angela and they need to write back. Focus on the plan and go through it with the class. Remind them to use the language in the Describing a person box as well as the Vocabulary Bank Personality on p.225. You may like to get Sts to do the writing in class, or you could set it as homework. If you do it in class, set a time limit for Sts to write their description, e.g. 15–20 minutes. Finally, focus on f and get Sts to check their work for mistakes before giving it in.	<urn:uuid:539c2038-7603-4bcc-af12-1ef6ad0c5d54>	CC-MAIN-2022-49	https://intermediate-joepinetreebush.weebly.com/uploads/5/8/7/2/5872327/composition_1_third_year.pdf	2022-12-10T05:10:12+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-49/segments/1669446711712.26/warc/CC-MAIN-20221210042021-20221210072021-00796.warc.gz	348,844,864	627	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.998541	eng_Latn	0.998541	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2711 ]	[ 4.21875 ]	1	0
A guide for teachers – Years 11 and 12 Braking distance Maths delivers! Braking distance Dr Michael Evans AMSI Editor: Dr Jane Pitkethly, La Trobe University Illustrations and web design: Catherine Tan, Michael Shaw For teachers of Secondary Mathematics © The University of Melbourne on behalf of the Australian Mathematical Sciences Institute (AMSI), 2013 (except where otherwise indicated). This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. 2011. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Australian Mathematical Sciences Institute Building 161 The University of Melbourne VIC 3010 Email: email@example.com Website: www.amsi.org.au \| Section \| Page \| \|----------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Introduction \| 4 \| \| The equations of motion for constant acceleration \| 5 \| \| The stopping-distance formula \| 9 \| \| Speed while braking \| 10 \| \| Thinking time \| 16 \| \| Answers to exercises \| 18 \| Braking distance Introduction These notes accompany the video Braking distance. Imagine that a car is travelling on a straight road. The driver sees a problem on the road ahead and so brakes suddenly to stop. The stopping distance is the distance that the car travels from the moment that the brakes are applied to the moment that the car stops. This is also called the braking distance. If the car is initially travelling at $u$ m/s, then the stopping distance $d$ m travelled by the car is given by $$d = \frac{u^2}{20}.$$ We will see later in these notes how this formula is obtained. This formula means that the stopping distance is directly proportional to the square of the speed of the car at the instant the brakes are applied. That is, $$d \propto u^2.$$ We refer the reader to the TIMES module Proportion (Years 9–10). So in general, the stopping distance $d$ from initial speed $u$ is given by a formula of the form $$d = ku^2,$$ where the constant of proportionality $k$ depends on the units being used. What happens if the initial speed of the car is increased by 10%? This doesn’t seem much — for example, increasing your speed from 50 km/h to 55 km/h is a 10% increase. To see the effect, we take $u = 1$ and so $d = k$. A 10% increase gives $u = 1.1$, and so $$d = (1.1)^2 k = 1.21 k.$$ Similarly, if we increase the speed by 20% (for example from 50 km/h to 60 km/h), then \[ d = (1.2)^2 k = 1.44 k. \] In summary: - A 10% increase in the speed causes a 21% increase in the stopping distance. - A 20% increase in the speed causes a 44% increase in the stopping distance. - An $a\%$ increase in the speed causes a $\left(2a + \frac{a^2}{100}\right)\%$ increase in the stopping distance. Exercise 1 Show that an $a\%$ increase in the speed causes a $\left(2a + \frac{a^2}{100}\right)\%$ increase in the stopping distance. The increase in stopping distance is only one aspect of the problem with apparently small increases in speed, as illustrated by the following diagram. In these notes, we will investigate various aspects of braking distance. ![Graph showing impact speeds at 45 metres.](image) The equations of motion for constant acceleration We begin with the equations of motion for constant acceleration. In this section, we will assume a consistent set of units. To start with, this will be the mks system (metres, kilograms, seconds). Common usage will force us to depart from this later in the notes. The five equations of motion These equations are for a particle moving in a straight line with a constant acceleration. The history of these equations is not absolutely clear, but we do have some knowledge. In the 14th century, scholastic philosophers at Merton College, Oxford, studied motion with constant acceleration and deduced what is now known as the Merton rule: An object with constant acceleration travels the same distance as it would have if it had constant velocity equal to the average of its initial and final velocities. In the 17th century, Galileo Galilei (1564–1642) and others discovered that, in a void, all falling objects have the same constant acceleration. Newton (1642–1727) and Leibniz (1646–1716) built on these ideas in developing the concept of the derivative. In the following: - $u$ is the initial velocity of the particle - $v$ is the final velocity of the particle - $a$ is the constant acceleration of the particle - $t$ is the time of motion - $x$ is the distance travelled. The equations are as follows: 1. $v = u + at$ 2. $x = ut + \frac{1}{2}at^2$ 3. $x = \frac{(u + v)t}{2}$ 4. $v^2 = u^2 + 2ax$ 5. $x = vt - \frac{1}{2}at^2$. Note. Each of the five equations involve four of the five variables $u, v, a, t, x$. If the values of three of the variables are known, then the remaining values can be found by using two of the equations. We can use calculus to help derive these five equations. The first equation of motion We assume that $\ddot{x}(t) = a$, where $a$ is a constant, and that $x(0) = 0$ and $\dot{x}(0) = u$. Integrating $\ddot{x}(t) = a$ with respect to $t$ for the first time gives $$v(t) = \dot{x}(t) = at + c_1.$$ Since $v(0) = \dot{x}(0) = u$, we have $c_1 = u$. Hence, we obtain the first equation of motion: $$v(t) = u + at.$$ The second equation of motion Integrating again gives $$x(t) = ut + \frac{1}{2}at^2 + c_2.$$ Since $x(0) = 0$, we have $c_2 = 0$. This yields the second equation of motion: $$x(t) = ut + \frac{1}{2}at^2.$$ The third equation of motion We start with the second equation of motion: $$x(t) = ut + \frac{1}{2}at^2 = \frac{2ut + at^2}{2} = \frac{ut + t(u + at)}{2}.$$ The first equation of motion is $v = u + at$. Substituting, we have $$x(t) = \frac{ut + vt}{2} = \frac{(u + v)t}{2}.$$ The fourth equation of motion From the first equation, we have $t = \frac{v - u}{a}$. Substituting this into the third equation gives $$x = \frac{(u + v)t}{2}$$ $$= \frac{(u + v)(v - u)}{2a}$$ $$= \frac{v^2 - u^2}{2a}.$$ Rearranging to make $v^2$ the subject produces the fourth equation: $v^2 = u^2 + 2ax$. The fifth equation of motion From the first equation, we have $u = v - at$. Using the third equation, we obtain $$x = \frac{(u + v)t}{2}$$ $$= \frac{(\nu - at + \nu)t}{2}$$ $$= \frac{2vt - at^2}{2}$$ $$= vt - \frac{1}{2}at^2,$$ which is the fifth equation. In these notes, we talk about the speed of the vehicle rather than the velocity. The speed is the magnitude of the velocity. We will always be considering positive velocity, and so the terms can be used interchangeably. However, when you apply the brakes, the force exerted by the brakes is acting in the opposite direction to the motion, and hence so is the acceleration. Application to stopping distance When we are discussing the motion of a car after the brakes are applied, we are interested in two questions in particular: 1. How far in metres does the car go before stopping? 2. What is the speed of the car in km/h after the car has travelled a given number of metres? The second question is relevant for finding the speed that you would hit an object after braking a given distance from it. It is clear from this discussion that we will use the fourth equation of motion, since this is the equation that connects speed and distance travelled: $$v^2 = u^2 + 2ax.$$ The stopping-distance formula We now consider the first question: How far in metres does the car go before stopping? We use the fourth equation of motion, $v^2 = u^2 + 2ax$. When the car stops, we have $v = 0$, and so $$0 = u^2 + 2ax.$$ Solving for $x$, we have $$x = \frac{-u^2}{2a}.$$ We are still working with the mks system. In this situation that means we are working with metres and seconds. The corresponding units for velocity (speed) will be metres per second (m/s) and for acceleration m/s$^2$. The acceleration is in the opposite direction to the motion, and so the acceleration is negative. The following formula only relates the magnitudes of the distance travelled, initial velocity and acceleration. This is a slight misuse of notation, but it is unambiguous for our purpose. The simple formula for the stopping distance $d$ is $$d = \frac{u^2}{2a}.$$ In the following table, the stopping distance is obtained by measurement from four trials with four different cars. The brakes are applied when the car is travelling at 100 km/h. The deceleration is then calculated from the formula $a = \frac{u^2}{2d}$. We will go through the details for the first calculation. We first note that $$100 \text{ km/h} = \frac{100 \times 1000}{3600} \text{ m/s} = \frac{250}{9} \text{ m/s}.$$ For the first trial, the measured stopping distance is $d = 36.63$ m, and the speed when the brakes are applied is $u = \frac{250}{9} \approx 27.7778$ m/s, and so $$a \approx \frac{27.7778^2}{2 \times 36.63} \approx 10.53 \text{ m/s}^2.$$ Three similar calculations give us the following table. Measured stopping distances from 100 km/h \| Car type \| Stopping distance (m) \| Deceleration (m/s$^2$) \| \|----------\|-----------------------\|------------------------\| \| Type A \| 36.63 \| 10.53 \| \| Type B \| 37.95 \| 10.17 \| \| Type C \| 39.86 \| 9.68 \| \| Type D \| 43.56 \| 8.86 \| Exercise 2 Verify the values given in the table for the deceleration of the cars of type B and C. You can see from the table that quite a sensible choice of value for $a$ is 10 m/s$^2$. In fact, a constant deceleration of 10 m/s$^2$ provides a good model for this context. The formula for the stopping distance $d$ then becomes $$d = \frac{u^2}{20}.$$ Speed while braking We now turn to our second question concerning the motion of a car after the brakes are applied: What is the speed of the car in km/h after the car has travelled a given number of metres? We again use the fourth equation of motion, $v^2 = u^2 + 2ax$. We make $v$ the subject by taking the square root of both sides. We are only interested in the positive root, and so $$v = \sqrt{u^2 + 2ax}.$$ When we take $a = -10$ m/s$^2$, we have $$v = \sqrt{u^2 - 20x}.$$ Rate of change of speed The rate of change of $v$ with respect to time is the acceleration, which is $-10$ m/s$^2$ in our case. We are interested in the rate of change of the velocity with respect to distance travelled: $$\frac{dv}{dx} = -\frac{20}{2\sqrt{u^2 - 20x}} = -\frac{10}{v}.$$ This tells us that the rate of decrease of $ v $ with respect to $ x $ is inversely proportional to the speed $ v $. That is, \[ \text{Rate of decrease of speed with respect to distance} \propto \frac{1}{\text{Speed}}. \] Braking from 100 km/h When talking about braking in everyday life, we talk about speed measured in kilometres per hour and distance travelled in metres. Initially we will stay in the mks system and carry out conversions when appropriate. For a car braking abruptly from an initial speed of 100 km/h, we take $ a = -10 $ m/s$^2$ and $ u = 100 $ km/h = $\frac{250}{9}$ m/s. We take the positive square root, and so \[ v = \sqrt{\left(\frac{250}{9}\right)^2 - 20x} = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x}. \] In order to get a feel for this formula, we ask the following question. Example Use the formula derived above to find the braking distance of a car travelling at 100 km/h. Solution When $ v = 0 $, we have \[ 0 = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x}. \] Solving for $ x $, we find that the braking distance is \[ x = \frac{250^2}{1620} = \frac{3125}{81} \approx 38.58 \text{ metres}. \] This is as expected. We now look at the speed of the car at various distances measured from where the car first brakes. We are again considering braking from a speed of 100 km/h. We use $ v = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x} $. For example, at a distance of $ x = 5 $ metres, we have \[ v = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620 \times 5} = \frac{40\sqrt{34}}{9} \approx 25.92 \text{ m/s}. \] We change this to kilometres per hour by multiplying by $\frac{3600}{1000}$: \[ v = \frac{40\sqrt{34}}{9} \text{ m/s} \approx 93.30 \text{ km/h}. \] The following table gives the speed of the car at each five-metre mark. \| Distance travelled (m) \| Speed (km/h) \| \|------------------------\|--------------\| \| 0 \| 100.00 \| \| 5 \| 93.30 \| \| 10 \| 86.07 \| \| 15 \| 78.18 \| \| 20 \| 69.40 \| \| 25 \| 59.33 \| \| 30 \| 47.16 \| \| 35 \| 30.46 \| We know that the car stops at 38.58 metres, but we can see from the table that the car is still going at 30.46 km/h at 35 metres. We now give a formula for the speed of the car in kilometres per hour in terms of the distance covered in metres. This is somewhat unorthodox, but is appropriate in this context. If the brakes are first applied at a speed of 100 km/h, then the formula for the car’s speed $v$ in km/h in terms of the distance travelled $x$ in metres is $$v = \frac{2}{5} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x}.$$ We plot the graph of speed $v$ versus distance travelled $x$ from where the brakes are first applied. Graph showing speed versus distance travelled. From this graph, we can see that the car slows more rapidly as it gets closer to stopping. The graph also illustrates that \[ \text{Rate of decrease of speed with respect to distance} \propto \frac{1}{\text{Speed}}. \] We dwell on this a little longer. Example The brakes of a car are applied from when the car is doing 100 km/h. How far has the car gone when the speed of the car is 50 km/h? Solution The equation we use is \[ v = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x}. \] This equation gives $ v $ in m/s. We have \[ 50 \text{ km/h} = 50 \times \frac{1000}{3600} \text{ m/s} = \frac{125}{9} \text{ m/s}. \] Solving the equation \[ \frac{125}{9} = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x} \] gives $ x \approx 28.94 $ metres. We can see this graphically as follows. Graph showing the point where half the initial speed is reached. Exercise 3 The brakes of a car are applied from when the car is doing 100 km/h. How far has the car gone when the speed of the car is 25 km/h? Comparison of braking from 60 km/h and 65 km/h Some anti-speeding campaigns have used the slogan ‘Wipe off five’. We will see why this is so important. - Initial speed 60 km/h. If the brakes are first applied at a speed of 60 km/h, then the formula for the car’s speed $ v_1 $ (in km/h) in terms of the distance $ x $ (in m) travelled after the brakes are first applied is \[ v_1 = \frac{6}{5} \sqrt{2500 - 180x}. \] - Initial speed 65 km/h. If the brakes are first applied at a speed of 65 km/h, then the formula for the car’s speed $ v_2 $ (in km/h) in terms of the distance $ x $ (in m) travelled after the brakes are first applied is \[ v_2 = \frac{1}{5} \sqrt{325^2 - 6480x}. \] The following diagram gives the graphs of the two functions $ v_1 $ and $ v_2 $ defined above. In the following table, we compare the two situations. To emphasise the difference in speeds while braking for these two different initial speeds, we consider the difference $v_2 - v_1$. We have $$S = v_2 - v_1 = \frac{1}{5} \sqrt{325^2 - 6480x} - \frac{6}{5} \sqrt{2500 - 180x}.$$ It follows that $$\frac{dS}{dx} = \frac{648}{5} \left( \frac{1}{v_1} - \frac{1}{v_2} \right).$$ We now consider the graph of $S = v_2 - v_1$ against $x$. We note that $v_1 \geq 0$ for $x$ in the interval $\left[0, \frac{125}{9}\right]$, and this is the domain for which the difference $S$ makes sense. From the graph, we see that the rate of change of the difference increases as the distance travelled increases. We also see that when the car with initial speed 60 km/h stops, the car with initial speed 65 km/h is still travelling at 25 km/h. That is, if you applied the brakes when you were $\frac{125}{9}$ metres away from an object and you were travelling at 60 km/h, you would stop just in time; but if you were travelling at 65 km/h, you would hit the object at 25 km/h. Thinking time The total distance travelled from the moment that the driver perceives the emergency to when the car stops consists of two parts: 1. Thinking distance: the distance travelled before the driver actually starts braking. 2. Braking distance: the distance the car then travels before coming to rest. Thus we can write \[ \text{Total distance} = \text{Thinking distance} + \text{Braking distance}. \] An average thinking time is 0.68 seconds. This value was found by experiment for a particular driver. The thinking time can be much longer. It depends on many factors. The formula for the distance $x$ m travelled by a particle with constant velocity $u$ m/s for a time $t$ seconds is \[ x = ut. \] Example A car is travelling at 100 km/h when the driver sees something that requires rapid braking. Find the total distance (in metres) travelled by the car from the moment the driver first sees the problem until the car stops. Solution For an initial speed of $u = 100$ km/h = $\frac{250}{9}$ m/s, we have \[ \text{Thinking distance} = \frac{250}{9} \times 0.68 \approx 18.9 \text{ metres}, \] \[ \text{Braking distance} = \frac{u^2}{20} = \frac{3125}{81} \approx 38.6 \text{ metres}. \] Hence, \[ \text{Total distance} \approx 18.9 + 38.6 = 57.5 \text{ metres}. \] Exercise 4 Find the ‘Total distance’ for a car initially travelling with a speed of a 60 km/h b 65 km/h. Exercise 5 Two cars are travelling at 60 km/h along a straight road. The front of the second car is 5 metres behind the back of the first car. The first car applies its brakes. Assume the second driver has a thinking time of 0.68 seconds. Will the second car hit the first car? If so, give the time of collision and the speed of each of the cars. Exercise 6 Sometimes a non-constant acceleration is used to model the motion of a braking car. Assume the acceleration $a$ m/s$^2$ of a braking car depends on its speed $v$ m/s as follows: $$a = -(0.660 - 0.001v)g,$$ where $g$ is the acceleration due to gravity. Taking $g = 9.8$ m/s$^2$, calculate the stopping distance of the car from a 60 km/h b 65 km/h c 100 km/h. Answers to exercises Exercise 1 The stopping distance is proportional to the square of the initial speed. We have \[ \left(1 + \frac{a}{100}\right)^2 = 1 + \frac{2a}{100} + \frac{a^2}{10000} \] \[ = 1 + \left(2a + \frac{a^2}{100}\right) \times \frac{1}{100} \] \[ = 100\% + \left(2a + \frac{a^2}{100}\right)\%. \] So an $a\%$ increase in initial speed causes a $\left(2a + \frac{a^2}{100}\right)\%$ increase in stopping distance. Exercise 2 For trial B, the measured stopping distance is $d = 37.95$ m, and the speed when the brakes are applied is $u = \frac{250}{9} \approx 27.7778$ m/s, and so \[ a \approx \frac{27.7778^2}{2 \times 37.95} \approx 10.17 \text{ m/s}^2. \] For trial C, the measured stopping distance is $d = 39.86$ m, and the speed when the brakes are applied is $u = \frac{250}{9} \approx 27.7778$ m/s, and so \[ a \approx \frac{27.7778^2}{2 \times 39.86} \approx 9.68 \text{ m/s}^2. \] Exercise 3 We use the equation \[ v = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x}, \] where the speed $v$ is measured in m/s. We have \[ 25 \text{ km/h} = 25 \times \frac{1000}{3600} \text{ m/s} = \frac{125}{18} \text{ m/s}. \] Solving the equation \[ \frac{125}{18} = \frac{1}{9} \sqrt{250^2 - 1620x} \] gives $x \approx 36.17$ metres. Exercise 4 a Note that $60 \text{ km/h} = \frac{50}{3} \text{ m/s}$, and so - Thinking distance $= \frac{50}{3} \times 0.68 \approx 11.3$ metres - Braking distance $= \left( \frac{50}{3} \right)^2 \times \frac{1}{20} = \frac{125}{9} \approx 13.9$ metres - Total distance $\approx 11.3 + 13.9 = 25.2$ metres. b Note that $65 \text{ km/h} = \frac{325}{18} \text{ m/s}$, and so - Thinking distance $= \frac{325}{18} \times 0.68 \approx 12.3$ metres - Braking distance $= \frac{325^2}{6480} \approx 16.3$ metres - Total distance $\approx 12.3 + 16.3 = 28.6$ metres. Exercise 5 Let $t$ be the time in seconds from when the first car ($A$) brakes. We measure distance in metres, and take the origin to be the position of the front of the second car ($B$) at time $t = 0$. Relative to this origin, let - $x_A(t)$ be the position of the back of the first car at time $t$ - $x_B(t)$ be the position of the front of the second car at time $t$. Then the following diagram shows the situation at time $t = 0$. Note that $60 \text{ km/h} = \frac{50}{3} \text{ m/s}$. Car A. The velocity of the first car at time $t$ is given by $$\dot{x}_A(t) = \frac{50}{3} - 10t.$$ The position of the back of the first car at time $t$ is given by $$x_A(t) = \frac{50}{3} t - 5t^2 + 5.$$ Car B. The velocity of the second car at time $t$ is given by $$\dot{x}_B(t) = \begin{cases} \frac{50}{3} & \text{if } t \leq 0.68, \\ \frac{50}{3} - 10(t - 0.68) & \text{if } t > 0.68. \end{cases}$$ The position of the front of the second car at time $t$ is given by $$x_B(t) = \begin{cases} \frac{50}{3} t & \text{if } t \leq 0.68, \\ \frac{50}{3} \times 0.68 + \frac{50}{3}(t - 0.68) - 5(t - 0.68)^2 & \text{if } t > 0.68. \end{cases}$$ Collision. We solve the equation $x_A(t) = x_B(t)$ to find that the second car runs into the first car at time $$t = \frac{1 + 0.68^2}{2 \times 0.68} \approx 1.075 \text{ seconds}.$$ This is found by solving the equation given that $t > 0.68$. It is easily shown that the collision does not take place during the second driver’s thinking time. (Note also that the equations only make sense for $\dot{x}_A(t) \geq 0$, which corresponds to $0 \leq t \leq \frac{5}{3}$.) At the time of the collision, the first car is travelling at approximately 21 km/h, and the second car at approximately 46 km/h. Exercise 6 We will simplify the appearance of the equation by writing $p = 0.660$ and $q = 0.001$. The equation is $$a = -(p - qv)g.$$ We are interested in the distance travelled and the velocity, and so we will work with $$a = \frac{dv}{dt} = \frac{dv}{dx} \frac{dx}{dt} = v \frac{dv}{dx}.$$ We have $$v \frac{dv}{dx} = (qv - p)g,$$ and hence $$\frac{dx}{dv} = \frac{v}{(qv - p)g}.$$ We integrate to find $$x = \frac{v}{gq} + \frac{p \log_e \|p - qv\|}{gq^2} + c.$$ Let $u$ be the original velocity of the car. Then $$x = \frac{1}{gq} \left( (v - u) + \frac{p}{q} \log_e \left\| \frac{p - qv}{p - qu} \right\| \right).$$ To find the stopping distance, we put $v = 0$. This implies $$x = \frac{1}{gq} \left( -u + \frac{p}{q} \log_e \left\| \frac{p}{p - qu} \right\| \right).$$ a When $u = \frac{50}{3}$ m/s (60 km/h), the stopping distance is 21.84 metres. b When $u = \frac{325}{18}$ m/s (65 km/h), the stopping distance is 25.67 metres. c When $u = \frac{250}{9}$ m/s (100 km/h), the stopping distance is 61.38 metres. \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| 0 \| 1 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| 6 \| 7 \| 8 \| 9 \| 10\| 11\| 12\|	<urn:uuid:355b0230-c048-4a23-9541-e67de822231d>	CC-MAIN-2022-33	https://www.amsi.org.au/teacher_modules/pdfs/Maths_delivers/Braking5.pdf	2022-08-13T23:36:36+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571989.67/warc/CC-MAIN-20220813232744-20220814022744-00673.warc.gz	566,890,460	7,060	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.911502	eng_Latn	0.985441	[ "unknown", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 56, 710, 1164, 2498, 3652, 5100, 6278, 7522, 9140, 10695, 12390, 13547, 14392, 15399, 16048, 17724, 18558, 19826, 21101, 22628, 23185, 23340 ]	[ 3.59375, 3.015625 ]	2	0
A SUMMARY OF PUBLIC RIGHTS OF WAY All of the ride in this leaflet is based on existing tarmac roads. You will pass many Rights of Way along the route signposted from the road. If you do deviate from the route in this leaflet please observe the following. - Byways open to all traffic (BOAT) open to cyclists, walkers and motor vehicles. - Roads used as public paths (RUPP) open to cyclists, horses, walkers and possibly motor vehicles. - Bridleways open to walkers, horses and cyclists. - Footpaths open to walkers only. Remember without specific permission you cannot legally cycle on a footpath. On other rights of way it is good practice to give others warning of your approach e.g. a bell or a spoken warning. In addition you have to give way to walkers and horse riders. A horse cannot recognise a bicycle and may view the cyclist as a predator and be startled, endangering the horserider and cyclist. OTHER CYCLE RIDES In addition to this ride there are many other similar circular rides across Hertfordshire. For details of other leaflets please contact the Countryside Management Service on (01727) 848168. If you have enjoyed this route why not plan your own ride using an Ordnance Survey ‘Pathfinder’ or Landranger map (no. 166 and 165). It’s a great way of visiting the countryside. For information on further sport and recreation opportunities in Dacorum contact the Borough Council’s Community and Leisure Department on (01442) 228497. THE COUNTRYSIDE MANAGEMENT SERVICE The Countryside Management Service works throughout Hertfordshire and north London to enhance and promote the enjoyment of the countryside. We provide practical assistance from pond clearance to woodland work and we offer grant aid and advice from tree and hedge planting to pond restoration. We increase opportunities for informal recreation including self-guided trails and a guided walks programme. The service is sponsored by Hertfordshire County Council, District and Borough Councils and the London Borough of Barnet. For further information please contact; Countryside Management Service Old Nursery Site Hixberry Lane St. Albans, Hertfordshire, AL4 0TZ Tel: (01727) 848168 PARTNERS This cycle ride and leaflet has been produced with the support of Hertfordshire County Council’s Environment Department, Dacorum Borough Council and with the kind assistance of Hertfordshire Wheelers, the Cyclists Touring Club, and local parish and town councils. ROUTE DESCRIPTION By picking up this leaflet you can now plan an enjoyable day out discovering the hidden delights of just some of Hertfordshire’s countryside which can only be fully appreciated in the open air. What better way than to enjoy it than by bicycle. This is one of a series of countryside rides starting in towns and large villages across Hertfordshire taking you into quiet villages and along country lanes. This ride starts in Kings Langley taking you up a steady climb onto the edge of the rolling Chilterns. You will ride past farms and then up into the quiet villages steeped in centuries of history. You can begin your ride at any points of the route following the waymark signs. This ride can be comfortably completed within half a day but does include some steep climbs in places. The ride covers a distance of about 13 miles all of which is based on tarmac roads. Certain sections of the route may be busy at times, so extra care should be taken. Please read this leaflet before starting your ride and follow the safety tips below. WAYMARKING The route is designed to be ridden in an anti-clockwise direction, making the majority of the turns left turns, thus your journey will be a little safer. The waymarking is positioned to guide you around the route in the same anti-clockwise direction. The signs to look for and follow are displayed above. SAFETY - This is not an off road route - you will meet cars and other vehicles on these roads during your trip. - Wear a safety helmet. - Ensure your bike is safe to ride. - After dark you are required by law to display working lights. - Wear brightly coloured clothes with reflective material. - Treat pedestrians and horses with the respect you expect to get from car drivers. - Get a bell and use it to warn others of your approach. - Always ride in single file when roads are narrow or busy, and never more than two abreast. - Always follow the advice for cyclists given in the Highway Code. A Circular Ride in Dacorum from Kings Langley visiting Felden, Bovingdon and Flaunden DACORUM BOROUGH COUNCIL Countryside Management Service ENVIRONMENT HERTFORDSHIRE POINTS OF INTEREST Kings Langley The largest village in Dacorum, Kings Langley's name is thought to derive from the word 'Langele' meaning long clearing in the thick woods that covered all of the valley when early settlers arrived. The actual name Kings Langley came about during the 14th century when King Edward I gave the Manor to his wife. A large palace was built on the top of the hill, where the royal family spent much of their time. By the middle of the 16th century Kings Langley was a growing agricultural community. The area became more industrialised with the completion of the Grand Union Canal in 1799 and the construction of the London to Birmingham railway in 1837. The arrival of the canal and railway saw the growth of the area's paper making industry, with many of the old flour mills along the valley being converted for this purpose. Refreshments There are pubs in all of the villages along the route, where refreshments can be purchased, or why not take a picnic and enjoy a meal in the open air? Tea rooms can also be found in some villages. Kings Langley has all of the facilities of a small town, with ample car parking, making it an ideal starting point for your cycle ride. Felden Originally a small agricultural hamlet Felden rapidly expanded after the coming of the railway to Hemel Hempstead in July 1837 when houses were built for the first railway commuters. London business men were offered the inducement of a year of first class travel to move to the area. Bovingdon This attractive village on the edge of the Chilterns once had a thriving straw plaiting industry supplying the hat making trade in Luton. As you turn left in the village at 'The Well' you will see 'Bovingdon Docks'. This is a spring fed pond which was said by villagers in days gone by to be a place where boats could dock. The well itself was built in 1881 in memory of Granville Dudley Rowe, Lord of the Manor. Once through Bovingdon you will pass the idyllic Bovingdon Green. Flaunden This is the most southerly village of Dacorum standing on the Hertfordshire and Buckinghamshire border. Flaunden has changed very little over the past 100 years, retaining a sleepy village atmosphere with its flintstone cottages. The crossroads or 'Crossway' was always the focal point of the village and once had a village shop, bakery and Post Office with a blacksmith and butcher's shop at Hog Pit Bottom. The village itself used to be surrounded by cherry orchards, pig farms and wells. It was not until 1903 that piped water reached the village. 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Fun with shapes! FIND IT! SHAPE SCAVENGER HUNT Shapes are everywhere! Challenge your child by asking these questions: - How many different shapes can you find in a specific room of your home? - Do you see any decorations that have circles? Triangles? Squares? - Have your son or daughter count as many circles as they can find in your kitchen. Can they find more than ten? TRY IT! SHIFTY SHAPES This is a fun game that will help your child practice identifying different shapes (and maybe get them to clean up their room!) What will you need? - Any kind of tape - Lots of different objects! - A timer or some music How do you do it? - Create large shapes out of tape on the floor. You might try a circle, square, rectangle, or triangle to start. - Set a time limit or explain that your child will have the length of one song to find as many objects as possible that are the same shape. - Turn on the music or set the timer and watch them go! - When they have finished, help them count how many different examples of each shape they found. Which was the most common? - Bonus! As you clean up from the game, see if your child can make certain shapes with their hands or whole bodies. BOOKS ABOUT SHAPES The following books are great ways to keep talking about shapes with your child. Perfect Square by Michael Hall Lots of Dots by Craig Frazer Shapes, Shapes, Shapes by Tana Hoban Press Here by Hervé Tullet Mouse Shapes by Ellen Stoll Walsh Shape by Shape by Suse MacDonald MORE FUN WAYS TO LEARN AND BE CREATIVE - As you set the table for a meal, ask questions such as “What do you see here that is shaped like a square?” “Do you see any circles?” “What shape is the table?” - Present foods in a fun way. Cut sandwiches into shapes such as triangles or circles. - Let your child play with a deck of cards. Sorting them by colors or numbers will help him or her to develop skills that are important for learning math. - Trying new things can be scary to children but it is a critical part of learning. Make a game out of trying new things. Try one new thing during the day, with your child, then at the end of the day, talk about what you tried. You can cut out pictures of “Things Tried” and display them on your refrigerator. - Sometimes, young children have to try many times before completing or learning something. Talk to your child about something that was hard to do at first, but now she or he does easily.	<urn:uuid:5e06cbba-691a-4eb3-b463-9492285bc657>	CC-MAIN-2021-39	https://www.thefrickpittsburgh.org/Files/Admin/FrickFunShapes.pdf	2021-09-23T14:04:54+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780057424.99/warc/CC-MAIN-20210923135058-20210923165058-00144.warc.gz	1,020,321,311	556	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.998552	eng_Latn	0.998552	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2421 ]	[ 3.640625 ]	1	1
Germans learn how to save lives: a nationwide CPR education initiative Manuela Malsy, Richard Leberle and Bernhard Graf Abstract Background: Sudden cardiac death is one of the most frequent causes of death in Germany and the third leading cause of death in the industrialized world. Yet, the percentage of people providing first aid in the case of sudden cardiac arrest in Germany is alarmingly low by international comparison. Training Germans or reminding them of the simple but effective steps of resuscitation, so that everybody can save a live in an emergency. Methods: For the campaign ‘Resuscitation Week’, physicians and paramedics trained passers-by in cardiovascular resuscitation free of charge. Skills were evaluated before and after the instruction by means of a questionnaire. Results: Three hundred three people aged between 9 and 89 years were trained and evaluated. Forty-nine passers-by had never participated in a resuscitation course, and 46.8% had participated in a course more than 20 years ago. Before the instruction, 41.6% of the passers-by were confident to be capable of resuscitating a person; after the instruction, however, this percentage had risen to 100%. Conclusions: Saving a life is simple, but one has to know what to do in the case of sudden cardiac arrest. The German population is being gradually trained in resuscitation using campaigns such as ‘Resuscitation Week’ and ‘Kids Save Lives’ to break down barriers in the long term. However, lives are not only saved by training but also by refreshing knowledge and skills; thus, a further effective approach may be training all holders of a driving license in cardiopulmonary resuscitation in intervals of 5 years. Keywords: Resuscitation, Sudden cardiac arrest, Lay resuscitation, Resuscitation Week, Kids Save Lives Background Sudden cardiac death is one of the most frequent causes of death in Germany and the third leading cause of death in the industrialized world [1]. In Germany alone, about 70,000 to 80,000 people are affected by this disease, which constitutes about 1% of the population [2]. However, the percentage of people providing first aid in the case of sudden cardiac arrest in Germany is alarmingly low. For this reason, only about 45% of affected patients arrive at the hospital alive, where many of them die despite intensive therapeutic intervention [3]. Sudden cardiac death is caused by malign arrhythmia due to coronary heart disease or dilated cardiomyopathy [4]. Less frequent causes are myocarditis, hypertrophic cardiomyopathy, right ventricular cardiomyopathy, and channelopathies such as the Brugada syndrome, the long QT syndrome, and the short QT syndrome [5]. Patients lose consciousness and die within 1 h after the onset of acute symptoms [6]. Because the average ambulance response time in Germany is about 8 to 10 min, telephone-assisted resuscitation (T-CPR) has been introduced in accordance with the 2010 guidelines on cardiopulmonary resuscitation [7]. In the case of suspected cardiac arrest, the caller is assisted in the resuscitation process by the dispatcher of the emergency service via the phone [8]. Since the introduction of T-CPR, the rate of first aid provided by lay people witnessing sudden cardiac arrest has significantly increased [9]. Fear of doing something wrong or other inhibitions still prevent many people from starting chest compression. In the past years, the rate of cardiopulmonary resuscitation performed by laypeople in Germany was significantly lower than in other countries [10]. In the Netherlands and Scandinavia, for instance, partly more than 60% of chest compressions in the case of sudden cardiac arrest were performed by first responders before the arrival of the ambulance services [10, 11]. In these countries, the population is regularly trained in resuscitation procedures [12]. Comprehensive nationwide training of the population may thus also permanently increase the number of cardiopulmonary resuscitation performed by laypeople in Germany, thus significantly improving the survival probability of the affected patients as well as their quality of life [1]. The objective of the project was to train Germans or remind them of the simple but effective steps of cardiopulmonary resuscitation free of charge, so that everybody can save a live in an emergency situation. Methods* Physicians and paramedics trained interested people free of charge in cardiovascular resuscitation according to the motto ‘We learn how to save lives’. The emphasis is on the recognition of a cardiac arrest, the activation of help, and alerting the emergency service as well as the understanding and effective implementation of the chest compression. The latter involves finding the correct pressure point, the correct frequency, and the right depth of compression. Skills were assessed by means of a questionnaire before and after the instruction. Questionnaire 1 (before the instruction) - How old are you? - Are you a man or a woman? - Have you ever taken part in a cardiopulmonary resuscitation course (for instance when taking your driver’s license, as an in-house first aider in your company, in the context of voluntary work, or others)? - What year did you last participate in a cardiopulmonary resuscitation course? - Do you believe yourself capable of performing chest compression in an emergency? Questionnaire 2 (after the instruction) - Do you believe yourself capable of performing chest compression in an emergency? Results Overall, 303 persons were trained and assessed. The age of the participants ranged between 9 and 89 years (Fig. 1); 42.9% were men and 57.1% women (Fig. 2). 16.2% of the passers-by had never participated in a cardiopulmonary resuscitation course (Fig. 3a), 46.8% had attended a course more than 20 years ago, and 32.3% more than 30 years ago (Fig. 3b). Before the instruction, 41.6% of the passers-by were confident to be capable of resuscitating a person; after the instruction, however, this percentage had risen to 100% (Fig. 4). Discussion Oxygen deprivation of the brain causes neurological damage already 4 to 5 min after sudden cardiac arrest [13]. However, the average ambulance response time in Germany is 8 to 10 min. This critical time frame may only be overcome by the support of first responders starting cardiovascular resuscitation [14]. This was precisely the point at which the German Federal Ministry of Health addressed the problem by initiating the campaign ‘Resuscitation Week’ based on the motto ‘Save A Life. 100 Per Resuscitation’ [15]. Passers-by are trained to recognize a cardiac arrest, to activate help and to alert the emergency service, and to perform the chest compression effectively. Furthermore, the targets of this campaign are also to raise the awareness of every single person to perform life-saving procedures, breaking down inhibitions, and informing on life-saving emergency measures. Only regular hands-on practice enables people to competently perform life-saving procedures in emergency situations [16]. 41.6% of the assessed passers-by believed themselves capable of resuscitating a person, and this rate is significantly higher than the actually measured percentage of first responders [10]. The reason for this discrepancy may be that participation in the refresher course was voluntary and that only really interested passers-by participated in the instruction that was also free of charge. Nearly every participant considered helping in an emergency situation natural; yet, 177 of 303 passers-by had never participated in a resuscitation course before or no longer considered themselves capable of performing chest compression. 83.2% of the population has been trained in resuscitation, either when taking their driving license, in the context of voluntary work, or as an in-house first aider in their company. This percentage reflects the good quality of basic First Aid-training in the general population in Germany. The real problem is refresher courses because 46.5% of the passers-by had attended their last resuscitation course more than 20 years ago. 33% of the passers-by had participated in a course in the past 10 years; thus, this group of people can be considered capable of performing cardiovascular resuscitation in emergency situations. The campaign ‘Resuscitation Week’-initiated by the German Association of Anesthesiologists and the German Society of Anesthesiology and Intensive Care Medicine in cooperation with the German Resuscitation Council and the non-profit foundation German Anesthesiology in 2013-seeks to raise the awareness of resuscitation and to refresh already existing skills [15]. Additionally, based on the resolution of the Conference of German cultural ministers in 2014, two lessons on resuscitation have been implemented in the curriculum of all secondary schools from year 7 onwards [17]. The initiative ‘Kids Save Lives’ aims at improving the resuscitation rate of laypeople in Germany by increased training. Next to the direct advantage of instructing pupils in basic cardiopulmonary resuscitation, pupils trained in resuscitation may act as multipliers in their own families and thus reach further parts of the population [18]. The training of pupils in resuscitation is now part of the school curriculum. The implementation of the training is based, among others, on the curriculum of the German Resuscitation Council and the Federal Association for First Aid of aid organizations [19, 20]. The emphasis is on the recognition of a cardiac arrest, the activation of help, and alerting the emergency service as well as the understanding and effective implementation of the chest compression. The instruction of teachers of biology and sports is carried out by medical staff. Conclusions Saving a life is simple, but one has to know what to do if a person suffers sudden cardiac arrest. The German population is being gradually trained in resuscitation by means of campaigns such as ‘Resuscitation Week’ and ‘Kids Save Lives’ to break down barriers in the long-term and to refresh already existing skills. The objective of this campaign is to train people in the simple but effective steps of resuscitation, so that everybody can save a live in an emergency. This way, more people may survive and enjoy better quality of life after resuscitation. However, life-saving skills need to be refreshed at regular intervals; thus, a further effective approach may be training all holders of a driving license in cardiopulmonary resuscitation in intervals of 5 years. Acknowledgements We thank the University Medical Center Regensburg and the Department of Anesthesiology for giving their medical staff time off to participate in the study and the aid organizations for their support. We thank Monika Schoell for linguistic support. Funding No funding Availability of data and materials The dataset supporting the conclusions of this article is included within the article. Authors’ contributions All authors have made substantial contributions to the conception, design, analysis, and the interpretation of this research article. They have been involved in drafting and revising of the manuscript with regard to all important intellectual content. All authors have approved their final approval for the version to be published and agree to be accountable for all aspects of the work in ensuring that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work are appropriately investigated and resolved. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Ethics approval and consent to participate Not applicable. Consent for publication Not applicable. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. Publisher’s Note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Received: 3 December 2017 Accepted: 8 February 2018 Published online: 17 February 2018 References 1. Wincent J, Geldner G, Werner C, Bottiger BW, Fischer M, Scholz J, Grasner JT. Bad boiler resuscitation talks: 10 basic ideas for 10,000 lives. Anesthesiol Intensivmed Notfallmed Schmerzther. 2014;49:208. 2. Fischer M, Lang S, Wincent J, Seewald S, Brenner S, Jantzen T, Bohn A, Gräsner JT. Das reanimationsfertige Intervall bestimmt das Kurz- und Langzeitüberleben. Ein Analyse aus dem deutschen Reanimationsregister. Anästhesiol Intensivmed. 2017;58:1–16. 3. Estner H, Güncel C, Ndrepepa G, William F, Baumeiser D, Rupprecht B, Hessling G, Deienhofer I, Weber MA, Wilhelm K, Schmitt C, Schöning A. Outcome after out-of-hospital cardiac arrest in a physician-staffed emergency medical system according to the Ustein style. Am Heart J. 2007;153:1019–9. 4. Hayashi M, Shimizu W, Albert CM. The spectrum of epidemiology underlying sudden cardiac death. Circ Res. 2015;116:1887–906. 5. Zipes DP, Wellens HJ. Sudden cardiac death. Circulation. 1998;98:2334–51. 6. Vandenberg JJ, Perry MD, Hill AP. Recent advances in understanding and prevention of sudden cardiac death. F1000Res. 2017;6:1614. 7. Nolan JP, Soar J, Zideman DA, Bicaire D, Bossaert LL, Deakin C, Koster RW, Wyllie J, Bottiger B, ERC Guidelines Writing Group. European resuscitation council guidelines for resuscitation 2010 section 1. Executive summary. Resuscitation. 2010;81:1219–76. 8. Damoff C, Vadeboncoeur T, Tully J, Panczyk M, Dunham A, Murphey R, Stobie U, Chikina V, Spatnie D, Bobrova B. A standardized template for measuring and reporting telephone prearrival cardiopulmonary resuscitation instructions. Prehosp Emerg Care. 2014;18:667–73. 9. Bohn K, Vallance-Petiot C, Charrette ML, Duntulis J, Castellano M. 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Lillian Reider (1864-1959) deserves much of the credit for the early development of the public school music program in Williamsport. It became her mission to interest local students in music, and in the process of doing so she established the first band and orchestra for the school system. Reider was the daughter of Ezra Billing Westfall and Mary Ann Binsley Westfall. Most of her growing-up years were spent in Williamsport. Her musical degree was from Cornell University; however, she was a lifelong student and supplemented her education with additional training whenever possible. At the age of 30, she married Edwin Stanton Reider, who received his degree from the Philadelphia College of Pharmacy and is listed in the 1920 Pennsylvania State University Bulletin as a teaching assistant. The couple had a son, Ezra Westfall Reider. In the Beginning The 1927 Williamsport High School yearbook pictures Reider as a music faculty member who — along with Kathryn Riggle — directed the Glee Club. It was the largest organization in the high school, with a membership of 165 voices. Before being admitted, students had to undergo a voice test, read notes and use musical expression. The group sang music from various operas, oratorios and masses, though the yearbook states that the compositions could be on the “lighter side.” From this larger group, Reider formed the Girls’ Octet, the Double Male Quartet, and the Colored Boys’ Double Quartet. A Sun-Gazette article from Dec. 1, 1950, titled “WHS Musical Pioneer at Band Celebration,” reports on a speech Reider made as an honored guest at the high school band’s 25th anniversary celebration. At the age of 85, she recalled her career as music supervisor, remembering that when officials were preparing to dedicate the new high school on West Third Street in 1914, they requested that she provide music. She enlisted two dozen student instrumentalists and “whipped them into shape” for the ceremony. The rest is musical history. In the beginning, she directed both the band and the orchestra. The musical groups held practice sessions in Trinity House because teachers believed that rehearsals would make too much noise in the school. Band members wore cherry and white paper hats and dark trousers. Reider emphasized the important role that the parent-teacher association played in the development of the music curriculum. With her allocated yearly budget of $75 dollars, she could not possibly provide instruments and music for her emerging programs. Although community leaders donated money and the American Legion Band and Tetequa Band furnished some instruments, it was the parents who took responsibility not only for providing the needed funding but also for paying the band director’s salary in the early years. Reider also credited the association with raising funds for a $10,000 Moeller organ for the high school, though she was not above asking elementary school children to contribute their pennies in addition. The Lillian M. Reider Male Chorus Soon after Reider’s retirement in 1935 at the age of 70, she organized the Lillian M. Reider Male Chorus, made up of graduates of the local high school from 1922 to 1935. The group met at Leo’s Dining Room to rehearse and was often cited in the newspaper as providing entertainment for community events. During National Music Week in 1937, this chorus sang over the radio (WRAK) and performed for the Rotarians, the Sightless Club, the YMCA and the children at Cochran School. At times, the men would dress for the occasion—for example, wearing sailor middies while singing sea chanteys. After World War II, Reider reorganized “her boys” when they returned from the armed services. At her 80th birthday celebration, held at the Women’s Club, this chorus led the 300 guests in a group sing. Serving the Community Reider served her profession and the community. She was president of the National Musical Educators’ Club and the Susquehanna Valley In-and-About Music Club and was a charter member of the Williamsport Music Club. She also was on the board of the Mothers’ Assistance Fund. Reider was responsible for other musical innovations. Under her direction, school children would travel to the high school each year for memory testing on musical masterpieces, and afterwards would wear their achievement pins proudly. Her violin program, started in the elementary schools, ensured that there would be qualified musicians in the high school orchestra. In 1923, elementary school children joined with the high school Glee Club to sing during National Music Week, with everyone clad in white standing on bleachers. In later years, Reider lived at 612 W. Third Street, though she divided her time between Williamsport and her son’s home in West Dennis, Massachusetts, on Cape Cod. She had devoted most of her life to her first love — music — and she wanted the general public to be aware of the quality of the music programs in the Williamsport schools. To that end, her students gave the gift of music to the community by performing at many civic events. As a clipping from a 1946 Sun-Gazette article honoring her concluded, “the city paid deserved tribute to one who has served so well, for so many years.” Sieminski is a retired librarian and manager of the Lycoming County Women’s History Collection. Hurlbert is a Professor Emeritus of Library Services at Lycoming College. 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6th Grade - 2015-2016 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Literacy is that I will master at least 5 of the seven ELA report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: I will make a data table to record my grades and I will check in every week. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-20 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Math is that I will master at least 6 of the six math report card standards with no grade lower than a 3. And at least 4 30s. I will monitor my goal by: viewing my graded work and checking my report card. To achieve my goal I will participate in class and correct my work. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-20 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Science is that I will master at least 7 of the nine science report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: graphing my grades. Goal Mastered: Date: My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Social Studies is that I will master at least 7 of the ten social studies report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: keeping all my social studies grades on one piece of paper. Goal Mastered: Date: My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Habits of Scholarship (7 Cs) is: I can consistently complete homework and use my agenda effectively. I will monitor my goal by: I will have a chart on how many days I did homework on time. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-20 Student: Gracie Chaves Crew Leader: Shiloh Parent: Nellie Chaves 7th Grade - 2016-2017 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Literacy is that I will master at least 6 of the seven ELA report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: going on IXL frequently and mastery most ELA standards. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-8-17 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Math is that I will master at least 6 of the six math report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. At least one 30. I will monitor my goal by: I will check the website to see if I have a test to study then I’ll do IXL and if I get a bad grade I will reake. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-8-17 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Science is that I will master at least 4 of the six science report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: always studying a week prior to the test and re-take my tests if I fail. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-8-17 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Social Studies is that I will master at least 9 of the eleven social studies report card standards with no grade lower than a 2.5. I will monitor my goal by: reviewing the material before test and I will re-take my test if I get a bad grade. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-8-17 My S.M.A.R.T. goal for Habits of Scholarship (7 Cs) is: I can consistently do my homework in Asp and use my agenda effectively. I will monitor my goal by: having a chart of how many days I met the goal. Goal Mastered: ✓ Date: 5-8-17 Student: Gracie Chaves Crew Leader: Parent: Nellie Chaves	<urn:uuid:c52ece12-a314-4656-ab94-6ed375666cd3>	CC-MAIN-2024-33	https://bacselportfolio.weebly.com/uploads/8/4/6/0/84603806/ilp2.pdf	2024-08-04T17:01:43+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-33/segments/1722640408316.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20240804164455-20240804194455-00584.warc.gz	96,960,142	795	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996011	eng_Latn	0.996011	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2859 ]	[ 2.640625 ]	1	0
Abatement is the reduction or elimination of the degree or intensity of emissions i.e. pollution. Abiotic Resources are the resources which are considered abiotic and therefore not renewable. Zinc ore and crude oil are examples of abiotic resources. Acceptable Daily Intake is the highest daily amount of a substance that may be consumed over a lifetime without adverse effects. Acid Deposition is a comprehensive term for the various ways acidic compounds precipitate from the atmosphere and deposit onto surfaces. It can include: - wet deposition by means of acid rain, fog, and snow; and - dry deposition of acidic particles (aerosols). Acid Rain is rain mixed mainly with nitric and sulphuric acid, that arise from emissions released during the burning of fossil fuels. Acute Exposure is one or a series of short-term exposures generally lasting less than 24 hours. Adaptability refers to the degree to which adjustments are possible in practices, processes, or structures of systems to projected or actual changes of climate. Adaptation can be spontaneous or planned, and be carried out in response to or in anticipation of changes in conditions. Aerobic composting is a method of composting organic waste using bacteria that need oxygen. This requires that the waste be exposed to air either by turning or by forcing air through pipes that pass through the material. Aerosols are particles of solid or liquid matter that can remain suspended in air from a few minutes to many months depending on the particle size and weight. Air is a mixture of gases containing about 78 percent nitrogen; 21 percent oxygen; less than 1 percent of carbon dioxide argon, and other gases; and varying amounts of water vapor. Air Monitoring is the sampling for and measuring of pollutants present in the atmosphere. Air Pollution is the degradation of air quality resulting from unwanted chemicals or other materials occurring in the air. Air Pollutants are amounts of foreign and/or natural substances occurring in the atmosphere that may result in adverse effects to humans, animals, vegetation, and/or materials. Air Quality Standard (AQS) is the prescribed level of a pollutant in the outside air that should not be exceeded during a specific time period to protect public health. Alternative Fuel are fuels such as methanol, ethanol, natural gas, and liquid petroleum gas that are cleaner and help to meet mobile and stationary emission standards. These fuels may be used in place of less clean fuels for powering motor vehicles. Ambient Air is the air occurring at a particular time and place outside of structures. Often used interchangeably with outdoor air. Ambient Air Quality Standards (AAQS) are health and welfare-based standards for outdoor air which identify the maximum acceptable average concentrations of air pollutants during a specified period of time. Environmental Dictionary Ammonia is a pungent colorless gaseous compound of nitrogen and hydrogen that is very soluble in water and can easily be condensed into a liquid by cold and pressure. Ammonia reacts with NOx to form ammonium nitrate -- a major PM2.5 component in the Western United States. Asbestos is a mineral fiber that can pollute air or water and cause cancer or asbestosis when inhaled. The U.S. EPA has banned or severely restricted its use in manufacturing and construction and the ARB has imposed limits on the amount of asbestos in serpentine rock that is used for surfacing applications. Atmosphere is the gaseous mass or envelope of air surrounding the Earth. From ground-level up, the atmosphere is further subdivided into the troposphere, stratosphere, mesosphere, and the thermosphere. Aquaculture, or pisciculture is the breeding or rearing of freshwater or marine fish in captivity, fish farming. --- B Binding targets refers to environmental standards that are to be met in the future. Biodegradable material are any organic material that can be broken down by microorganisms into simpler, more stable compounds. Most organic waste such as foods, paper, etc are biodegradable. Biogenic Source are biological sources such as plants and animals that emit air pollutants such as volatile organic compounds Examples of biogenic sources include animal management operations, and oak and pine tree forests. Biomass is the living materials (wood, vegetation, etc.) grown or produced expressly for use as fuel. Biomass burning is the burning of organic matter for energy production, forest clearing and agricultural purposes. Carbon dioxide is a bi-product of biomass burning Biomass fuels is wood and forest residues, animal manure and waste, grains, crops and aquatic plants are some common biomass fuels. Biome is a climatic region characterised by its dominant vegetation. Bioreserve are the areas with rich ecosystems and species diversity are reserved for conservation. Biota is the flora and fauna of an area. Biotic are the resources which are considered biotic and therefore renewable. The rainforests and tigers are examples of biotic resources. BOD is the biochemical oxygen demand. Brackish water contains 500 to 3000ppm of sodium chloride. --- C Calorie Metric thermal unit is a measure of heat energy; the amount needed to raise the temperature of one kilogram of water by one degree Centigrade. This is the large Calorie (used relating to food energy content) definition. The "small" calorie of fuel research is the amount of energy needed to raise the temperature of one gram of water by one degree Centigrade. Carbon cycle is the process of removal and uptake of carbon on a global scale. This involves components in food chains, in the atmosphere as carbon dioxide, in the hydrosphere and in the geosphere. The major movement of carbon results from photosynthesis and from respiration. See also sink and source. Carbon Dioxide (CO2) is a colorless, odorless gas that occurs naturally in the Earth's atmosphere. Significant quantities are also emitted into the air by fossil fuel combustion and deforestation. It is a greenhouse gas of major concern in the study of global warming. It is estimated that the amount in the air is increasing by 0.27% annually. Carbon Monoxide (CO) is a colorless, odorless gas resulting from the incomplete combustion of hydrocarbon fuels. CO interferes with the blood's ability to carry oxygen to the body's tissues and results in numerous adverse health effects. Over 80% of the CO emitted in urban areas is contributed by motor vehicles. CO is a criteria air pollutant. Carbon sequestration generally refers to capturing carbon -- in a carbon sink, such as the oceans, or a terrestrial sink such as forests or soils -- so as to keep the carbon out of the atmosphere. Carbon sink is a pool (reservoir) that absorbs or takes up released carbon from another part of the carbon cycle. For example, if the net exchange between the biosphere and the atmosphere is toward the atmosphere, the biosphere is the source, and the atmosphere is the sink. Carnivore are the flesh eating species. Carrying capacity is the maximum number of organisms that can use a given area of habitat without degrading the habitat and without causing social stresses that result in the population being reduced. Catalyst is a substance that can increase or decrease the rate of a chemical reaction between the other chemical species without being consumed in the process. Catalytic converter is a motor vehicle pollution control device designed to reduce emissions such as oxides of nitrogen hydrocarbons carbon monoxide. Catalytic converters have been required equipment on all new motor vehicles sold in India. Chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) is a synthetically produced compounds containing varying amounts of chlorine, fluorine and carbon. Used in industrial processes, refrigeration and as a propellant for gases and sprays. In the atmosphere they are responsible for the depletion of ozone and can destroy as many as 10,000 molecules of ozone in their long lifetime. Their use is now currently restricted under the Montreal Protocol. Chronic health effect is a health effect that occurs over a relatively long period of time (e.g., months or years). Climate is the prevalent long term weather conditions in a particular area. Climatic elements include precipitation, temperature, humidity, sunshine and wind velocity and phenomena such as fog, frost, and hail storms. Climate change can be caused by an increase in the atmospheric concentration of greenhouse gases which inhibit the transmission of some of the sun's energy from the earth's surface to outer space. These gases include carbon dioxide, water vapor, methane, chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs), and other chemicals. The increased concentrations of greenhouse gases result in part from human activity -- deforestation; the burning of fossil fuels such as gasoline, oil, coal and natural gas; and the release of CFCs from refrigerators, air conditioners, etc. COD is the chemical oxygen demand. Combustion is the act or instance of burning some type of fuel such as gasoline to produce energy. Combustion is typically the process that powers automobile engines and power plant generators. Community is a group of organisms living in a common environment and interdependent. Compost is the material resulting from composting, which is the natural process of decomposition of organic waste that yields manure or compost, which is very rich in nutrients. Compost, also called humus, is a soil conditioner and a very good fertilizer. Concentration is the measure of the atmospheric content of a gas, defined in terms of the proportion of the total volume that it accounts for. Greenhouse gases are trace gases in the atmosphere and are usually measured in parts per million by volume (ppmv), parts per billion by volume (ppbv) or parts per trillion (million million) by volume (pptv). Conservation is the planning and management of resources to secure their long term use and continuity and better their quality, value and diversity. It is the use of less energy, either by using more efficient technologies or by changing wasteful habits. D Deforestation is the practice or process that result in the long-term change in land-use to non-forest uses. This is often cited as one of the major causes of the enhanced greenhouse effect for two reasons: - the burning or decomposition of the wood releases carbon dioxide; and - trees that once removed carbon dioxide from the atmosphere in the process of photosynthesis are lost. Depletion is the result of the extraction of abiotic resources (non-renewable) from the environment or the extraction of biotic resources (renewable) faster than they can be renewed. Desertification are the progressive destruction or degradation of existing vegetative cover to form desert. This can occur due to overgrazing, deforestation, drought and the burning of extensive areas. Once formed, desert can only support a sparse range of vegetation. Climatic effects associated with this phenomenon include increased albedo, reduced atmospheric humidity and greater atmospheric dust loading, which can cause wind erosion and/or atmospheric pollution. Diversity is the number of species in an area i.e. a community has a high degree of diversity if it contains many species of equal abundance. E Ecology is the study of the interrelationships between and among organisms and environment. Efficiency is the ration of desired work-type output to the necessary energy input, in any given energy transformation devise. An efficient LIGHT bulb for example uses most of the input electrical energy to produce light, not heat. An efficient HEAT bulb uses most of its input to produce heat, not light. El Niño is a climatic phenomenon occurring every 5 to 7 years during Christmas (El Niño means Christ child) in the surface oceans of the SE Pacific. The phenomenon involves seasonal changes in the direction of Pacific winds and abnormally warm surface ocean temperatures. The changes normally only effect the Pacific region, but major events can disrupt weather patterns over much of the globe. The relationship between these events and global weather patterns are poorly understood and are currently the subject of much research. Emission is the release of a substance (usually a gas when referring to the subject of climate change) into the atmosphere. Emission factor is the relationship between the amount of pollution produced and the amount of raw material processed or burned. For mobile sources, the relationship between the amount of pollution produced and the number of vehicle miles traveled. By using the emission factor of a pollutant and specific data regarding quantities of materials used by a given source, it is possible to compute emissions for the source. This approach is used in preparing an emissions inventory. Endangered species are the plant and animal species in danger of extinction. Endemic species are the species which are native, restricted or peculiar to an area. Energy-efficient is electrical lighting devices which produce the same amount of light (lumens) using less electrical energy than incandescent electric light bulbs. Such devices are usually of the fluorescent type, which produce little heat, and may have reflectors to concentrate or direct the light output. Energy efficiency is the amount of fuel needed to sustain a particular level of production or consumption, in an industrial or domestic enterprise. Energy efficiency measures are designed to reduce the amount of fuel consumed, either through greater insulation, less waste, or improved mechanical efficiencies, without losing any of the value of the product or process. Improving energy efficiency is a technological means to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases without increasing production costs. Energy sources are: - fossil fuels (coal, oil, gas); - nuclear (fission and fusion); - renewables (solar, wind, geothermal, biomass, hydro). Environment is the surroundings in which an organization operates, including air, water, land, natural resources, flora, fauna, humans, and their interrelations. This definition extends the view from a company focus to the global system. Environmental effect is any direct or indirect impingement of activities, products and services of an organization upon the environment, whether adverse or beneficial. An environmental effect is the consequence of an environmental intervention in an environmental system. Environmental impact is any change to the environment, whether adverse or beneficial, wholly or partially resulting from an organization’s activities, products or services. An environmental impact addresses an environmental problem. Estuary is a region where fresh water from a river mixes with salt water from the sea. Ethanol is Ethyl-alcohol, a volatile alcohol containing two carbon groups. For fuel use, ethanol is produced by fermentation of corn or other plant products. Evaporative emissions are the emissions from evaporating gasoline, which can occur during vehicle refueling, vehicle operation, and even when the vehicle is parked. Evaporative emissions can account for two-thirds of the hydrocarbon emissions from gasoline-fueled vehicles on hot summer days. Exposure is the concentration of the pollutant in the air multiplied by the population exposed to that concentration over a specified time period. Fauna is the total animal life in an area. Flora is the total plant life in an area. Fluorescent light is a device which uses the glow discharge of an electrified gas for the illuminating element rather than an electrically heated glowing conductive filament. Fly ash are air-borne solid particles that result from the burning of coal and other solid fuel. Food chain is a sequence of organisms through which energy is transferred from its ultimate source in a green plant; the predator-prey pathway in which organism eats the next link below and is eaten by the link above. Food web is a group of interconnecting food chains. Fossil fuel is any hydrocarbon deposit that can be burned for heat or power such as coal, oil or natural gas. Fossil fuels are formed from the decomposition of ancient animal and plant remains. A major concern is that they emit carbon dioxide into the atmosphere when burnt, a major contributor to the enhanced greenhouse effect. or Fossil fuels are the fuels formed eons ago from decayed plants and animals. Oil, coal and natural gas are such fuels. or Fossil fuels such as coal, oil, and natural gas are so-called because they are the remains of ancient plant and animal life. Fuel is a material which is consumed, giving up its molecularly stored energy which is then used for other purposes, e.g. to do work (run a machine). Fuel efficiency is the amount of work obtained for the amount of fuel consumed. In cars, an efficient fuels allows more miles per gallon of gas than an inefficient fuel. Fuel cell is an electrochemical cell, which captures the electrical energy of a chemical reaction between fuels such as liquid hydrogen and liquid oxygen and converts it directly and continuously into the energy of a direct electrical current. Fumes are solid particles under 1 micron in diameter formed as vapors condense, or as chemical reactions take place. Furnace is combustion chamber; an enclosed structure in which fuel is burned to heat air or material. Garbage is the waste that is generated whether in the household, commercial areas, industries, etc. Gene is a section of a chromosome containing enough DNA to control the formation of a protein; a gene controls the transmission of a hereditary character. Environmental Dictionary Geothermal is pertaining to heat energy extracted from reservoirs in the earth’s interior, as is the use of geysers, molten rock and steam spouts. Geothermal energy is the heat generated by natural processes within the earth. Chief energy resources are hot dry rock, magma (molten rock), hydrothermal (water/steam from geysers and fissures) and geopressure (water saturated with methane under tremendous pressure at great depths). Global warming is an increase in the temperature of the Earth's troposphere. Global warming has occurred in the past as a result of natural influences, but the term is most often used to refer to the warming predicted by computer models to occur as a result of increased emissions of greenhouse gases. Greenhouse effect is the progressive, gradual warming of the earth's atmospheric temperature, caused by the insulating effect of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases that have proportionately increased in the atmosphere. The greenhouse effect disturbs the way the Earth's climate maintains the balance between incoming and outgoing energy by allowing short-wave radiation from the sun to penetrate through to warm the earth, but preventing the resulting long-wave radiation from escaping back into the atmosphere. The heat energy is then trapped by the atmosphere, creating a situation similar to that which occurs in a car with its windows rolled up. Greenhouse gases (GHGs) include the common gases of carbon dioxide and water vapor, but also rarer gases such as methane and chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs) whose properties relate to the transmission or reflection of different types of radiation. The increase in such gases in the atmosphere, which contributes to global warming, is a result of the burning of fossil fuels, the emission of pollutants into the atmosphere, and deforestation. H Habitat is the natural area in which a species or organism is found. Hazardous waste is waste that is reactive, toxic, corrosive, or otherwise dangerous to living things and to the environment. Many industrial by products are hazardous. Haze (Hazy) is a phenomenon that results in reduced visibility due to the scattering of light caused by aerosols. Haze is caused in large part by man-made air pollutants. Herbivore is an animal that eats plants or parts of plants. Hydro is that which is produced by or derived from water or the movement of water, as in hydroelectricity. Hydrocarbons are compounds containing various combinations of hydrogen and carbon atoms. They may be emitted into the air by natural sources (e.g., trees) and as a result of fossil and vegetative fuel combustion, fuel volatilization, and solvent use. Hydrocarbons are a major contributor to smog. I Incineration is the process of burning solid waste and other material, under controlled conditions, to ash. Indoor air pollution occur within buildings or other enclosed spaces, as opposed to those occurring in outdoor, or ambient air. Some examples of indoor air pollutants are nitrogen oxides, smoke, asbestos, formaldehyde, and carbon monoxide. Inorganic waste is waste consisting of materials other than plant or animal matter, such as sand, glass, or any other synthetics. Insolation is the solar radiant energy received by the earth. Joint implementation is a concept where industrialized countries meet their obligations for reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by receiving credits for investing in emissions reductions in developing countries. Leachate is the liquid that has seeped through a landfill or a compost pile. If uncontrolled it can contaminate both ground water and surface water. Lead is a gray-white metal that is soft, malleable, ductile, and resistant to corrosion. Sources of lead resulting in concentrations in the air include industrial sources and crustal weathering of soils followed by fugitive dust emissions. Health effects from exposure to lead include brain and kidney damage and learning disabilities. Lead is the only substance that is currently listed as both a criteria air pollutant and a toxic air contaminant. Methane (CH4) is a greenhouse gas, consisting of four molecules of hydrogen and one of carbon. It is produced by anaerobically decomposing solid waste at landfills, paddy fields, etc. Migration is the regular movements of animals, often between breeding places and winter feeding grounds. Mudflats are area of mud that do not support any vegetation and are often covered by water. Natural resources include renewable (forest, water, soil, wildlife, etc) and nonrenewable (oil, coal, iron ore etc.) resources that are natural assets. Natural sources are the non-mannmade emission sources, including biological and geological sources, wildfires, and windblown dust. Nitrogen oxides (Oxides of Nitrogen, Nox) is a general term pertaining to compounds of nitric oxide (NO), nitrogen dioxide and other oxides of nitrogen. Nitrogen oxides are typically created during combustion, combustion processes, and are major contributors to smog formation and acid deposition. NO2 is a criteria air pollutant and may result in numerous adverse health effects. They are produced in the emissions of vehicle exhausts and from power stations. Nitrous oxide (N2O) is a greenhouse gas, consisting of two molecules of nitrogen and one of oxygen. Organic Compounds are a large group of chemical compounds containing mainly carbon, hydrogen, nitrogen, and oxygen. All living organisms are made up of organic compounds. Organic waste is the material that is more directly derived from plant and animal sources, which can generally be decomposed by microorganisms. Organisms are living things, animal or plant, that are capable of carrying out life processes. OTEC - Ocean Thermal Energy Conversion Technology, which uses the temperature differential between warm surface water and cold deep water to run heat engines to produce electrical power. Oxidant is a substance that brings about oxidation in other substances. Oxidizing agents (oxidants) contain atoms that have suffered electron loss. In oxidizing other substances, these atoms gain electrons. Ozone, which is a primary component of smog, is an example of an oxidant. Oxidation is the chemical reaction of a substance with oxygen or a reaction in which the atoms in an element lose electrons and its valence is correspondingly increased. Ozone (O₃) consists of three atoms of oxygen bonded together in contrast to normal atmospheric oxygen, which consists of two atoms of oxygen. Ozone is formed in the atmosphere and is extremely reactive and thus has a short lifetime. In the stratosphere, ozone is both an effective greenhouse gas (absorber of infra-red radiation) and a filter for solar ultra-violet radiation. Ozone in the troposphere can be dangerous since it is toxic to human beings and living matter. Elevated levels of ozone in the troposphere exist in some areas, especially large cities, as a result of photochemical reactions of hydrocarbons and nitrogen oxides, released from vehicle emissions and power stations. Ozone depletion is the reduction in the stratospheric ozone layer. Stratospheric ozone shields the Earth from ultraviolet radiation. The breakdown of certain chlorine and/or bromine-containing compounds that catalytically destroy ozone molecules in the stratosphere can cause a reduction in the ozone layer. Ozone layer is the ozone in the stratosphere; it is very diffuse, occupying a region many kilometres in thickness, but is conventionally described as a layer to aid understanding. Parasite is an organism that lives upon and at the expense of another organism. Particulate matter (PM) is any material, except pure water, that exists in the solid or liquid state in the atmosphere. The size of particulate matter can vary from coarse, wind-blown dust particles to fine particle combustion products. Percolation is the movement of water downwards and radially through the subsurface soil layers, usually continuing downward to the ground water. Poaching is illegal hunting. Pollution is the residual discharges of emissions to the air or water following application of emission control devices. Population is a group of closely related and interbreeding organisms. Precipitation is any or all form of liquid or solid water particles that fall from the atmosphere and reach the earth's surface. It includes drizzle, rain, snow, and hail. Predator is an animal that feeds on other animals. Prey is an animal that is eaten by another animal. Propellant is a gas with a high vapor pressure used to force formulations out of aerosol spraycans. Among the gases used are butanes, propanes and nitrogen ozone hydrocarbons nitrogen oxides, and other chemically reactive compounds which, under certain conditions of weather and sunlight, may result in a murky brown haze that causes adverse health effects. The primary source of smog in California is motor vehicle. Protected area is any area of land that has legal measures limiting human use of the plants and animals within that area; it includes national parks, game reserves, biosphere reserves, etc. Range is the portion of the earth in which a given species is found. Recharge is the process by which water is added to a reservoir or zone of saturation, often by runoff or percolation from the soil surface. Recycling is the process of transforming materials (mainly waste) into raw materials for manufacturing new products. Renewable energy is the energy resource that does not use exhaustible fuels. It is the energy from sources that cannot be used up: sunshine, water flow, wind and vegetation and geothermal energy, as well as some combustible materials, such as landfill gas, biomass, and municipal solid waste. Resources are the materials found in the environment that can be extracted from the environment in an economic process. There are abiotic resources (non-renewable) and biotic resources (renewable). Reservoir is any natural or artificial holding area used to store, regulate, or control a substance. Runoff is that part of precipitation, snow or ice melt or irrigation water that flows from the land to the streams or other water surfaces. Reuse is when we can use a product more than once in its original form. Salinity is the degree of salt in the water or soil. Smoke is a form of air pollution consisting primarily of particulate matter (i.e., particles released by combustion). Other components of smoke include gaseous air pollutants such as hydrocarbons oxides of nitrogen, and carbon monoxide. Sources of smoke may include fossil fuel combustion, agricultural burning, and other combustion processes. Sulfur dioxide (SO₂) is a strong smelling, colorless gas that is formed by the combustion of fossil fuels. Power plants, which may use coal or oil high in sulfur content, can be major sources of SO₂. SO₂ and other sulfur oxides contribute to the problem of acid deposition. SO₂ is a criteria air pollutant. Surface water is all water naturally open to the atmosphere. Sustainable development implies economic growth together with the protection of environmental quality, each reinforcing the other. The essence of this form of development is a stable relationship between human activities and the natural world, which does not diminish the prospects for future generations to enjoy a quality of life at least as good as our own. Swamp is an area that is saturated with water for much of the time but in which soil surface is not deeply submerged. Symbiosis is the living together in more or less close association of two dissimilar organisms, in which one or both derive benefit from the relationship. T TDS is the total dissolved solids. Terrestrial is that which is of, or related to the land. Tidal marsh is a low, flat, marshland traversed by interlaced channels and subject to tidal inundation. The only vegetation present is halo-tolerant bushes and grasses. Turbidity is the cloudiness of a liquid caused by suspended matter. V Vapor is the gaseous phase of liquids or solids at atmospheric temperature and pressure. Vertebrate is any of a major group of animals (fish, amphibians, reptiles, birds and mammals) with a segmented spinal column (backbone). Volatile organic compounds(VOCs) are the carbon-containing compounds that evaporate into the air (with a few exceptions). VOCs contribute to the formation of smog and/or may themselves be toxic. VOCs often have an odor, and some examples include gasoline, alcohol, and the solvents used in paints. W Wetland is temporarily or permanently inundated terrestrial systems which border aquatic systems. It also includes the shallow systems such as estuaries, swamps, salt marshes, flood plains and the lagoons and coastal lakes. Weathering is the physical and chemical breakdown of rocks due to natural process. Water table is the level of ground water. Weather is the result of unequal heating of the earth's atmosphere, as a function of terrain, latitude, time-of-year and other secondary factors.	<urn:uuid:46c55e7d-85e9-4990-b379-442b6df8a95b>	CC-MAIN-2017-30	http://bcef.in/Download/new/Articles/Environmental%20dictionary.pdf	2017-07-27T08:40:16Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-30/segments/1500549427750.52/warc/CC-MAIN-20170727082427-20170727102427-00026.warc.gz	32,718,259	6,253	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.99653	eng_Latn	0.996888	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2875, 5814, 9138, 12461, 15675, 17937, 21067, 23483, 26511, 29572, 31096 ]	[ 3.34375, 3.515625 ]	1	0
The empirical formula is the simplest whole number ratio of atoms in a compound. The molecular formula is the same as or a multiple of the empirical formula, and is based on the actual number of atoms of each type in the compound. For example, if the empirical formula of a compound is $C_3H_8$, its molecular formula may be $C_3H_8$, $C_6H_{16}$, etc. An empirical formula is often calculated from elemental composition data. Determine the empirical and molecular formula for a compound with 40.0% C, 6.72% H, 53.3% O, and a molar mass of 180 g mol$^{-1}$. \[ M(C) = 12.0 \text{ g mol}^{-1}, \quad M(H) = 1.00 \text{ g mol}^{-1} \quad \text{and} \quad M(O) = 16.0 \text{ g mol}^{-1} \] \| \| C \| H \| O \| \|---\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| Write the percentage as a mass \| 40.0 g \| 6.72 g \| 53.3 g \| \| Calculate amount in mol; (n = m/M) \| 40.0/12.0 = 3.33 \| 6.72 / 1.00 = 6.72 \| 53.3 / 16.0 = 3.33 \| \| Divide each answer by the smallest number to get a ratio \| 3.33/3.33 = 1 \| 6.72 / 3.33 = 2 \| 3.33/3.33 = 1 \| \| x2 or x3 etc only IF numbers are not approx. whole numbers \| n/a here (as 1:2:1) \| \| Write the empirical formula \| CH$_2$O \| \| Molar mass of empirical formula \| M(CH$_2$O) = 12.0 + (2 x 1.00) + 16.0 = 30 g mol$^{-1}$ \| \| Divide molar mass (molecular formula) by molar mass (empirical formula) to find a multiple \| 180 / 30 = 6 \| \| Write the molecular formula (empirical formula x multiple) \| CH$_2$O x 6 \| C$_6$H$_{12}$O$_6$ \| Guaifenesin is a drug sold over the counter to assist the bringing up of phlegm from the airways in respiratory tract infections. Determine the empirical and molecular formulas of guaifenesin from the following percentage composition data. 60.6% C, 7.07% H, 32.3% O. The molecular mass of guaifenesin is 198 g mol$^{-1}$. \| \| C \| H \| O \| \|---\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| Write the percentage as a mass \| 60.6 g \| 7.07 g \| 32.3 g \| \| Calculate amount in mol; (n = m/M) \| 60.6/12.0 = 5.05 \| 7.07/1.00 = 7.07 \| 32.3/16.0 = 2.02 \| \| Divide each answer by the smallest number to get a ratio \| 5.05/2.02 = 2.5 \| 7.07/2.02 = 3.5 \| 2.02/2.02 = 1 \| \| x2 or x3 etc only IF numbers are not approx. whole numbers \| 2.5 x 2 5 \| 3.5 x 2 7 \| 1 x 2 2 \| \| Write the empirical formula \| C$_5$H$_7$O$_2$ \| \| Molar mass of empirical formula \| M(C$_5$H$_7$O$_2$) = (5 x12.0) + (7 x 1.00) + (2 x 16.0) = 99 g mol$^{-1}$ \| \| Divide molar mass of molecular formula by molar mass of empirical formula to find a multiple \| 198/99 = 2 \| \| Write the molecular formula (empirical formula x multiple) \| C$_{10}$H$_{14}$O$_4$ \|	<urn:uuid:286eb5a1-d506-4bfd-baf6-81570d4b221b>	CC-MAIN-2021-25	https://www.nobraintoosmall.co.nz/students/chemistry/NCEA_Level2/pdfs/che2_91161_empmolecformula.pdf	2021-06-14T06:38:37+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623487611445.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20210614043833-20210614073833-00409.warc.gz	836,355,900	944	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.948971	eng_Latn	0.948971	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2563 ]	[ 3.53125 ]	1	0
## YEAR 7 FRENCH CURRICULUM PROGRESSION OVERVIEW ### Subject Curriculum Intent Teaching at KS3 will focus on developing the breadth and depth of pupils’ competence in listening, speaking, reading and writing, based on a sound foundation of core phonics, grammar and vocabulary. It will enable pupils to understand and communicate personal and factual information that goes beyond their immediate needs and interests, developing and justifying points of view in speech and writing, with increased spontaneity, independence and accuracy and will provide suitable preparation for further study. Our aim is that all students develop a love of and curiosity for foreign languages, deepening their knowledge and acquiring new skills through a wide variety of fun and interactive learning techniques. Students will develop confidence in problem solving, team work independent study and creativity. Finally, by learning about culture and languages in the world, students will appreciate and respect the diversity, customs and traditions of others. \| Topic \| Autumn Term 1 \| Autumn Term 2 \| Spring Term 1 \| Spring Term 2 \| Summer Term 1 \| Summer Term 2 \| \|-------\|---------------\|---------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\| \| Core Knowledge/Threshold Concept \| • Greetings • Alphabet • Numbers 1-31 • Age • Days and months • Birthdays, dates • Colours, pencil case/classroom items • Adjectival agreement and placement • Basic classroom language • Use of a bilingual dictionary \| • Use of the key verbs ‘je suis’/ ‘je ne suis pas’ to give extended information about themselves. • Connectives to extend and contrast • Simple opinions • Intensifiers • Adjectival agreement • Use of the verbs être and avoir in the first and third person \| • Exploring the differences and similarities between schools in the UK and France • School subjects • Expressing preferences with a variety of opinions • Giving reasons using a variety of adjectives • Use of an increasing variety of Quality Language Structures (opinion openers, intensifiers, connectives) • Manipulation of regular -er verbs. • Telling the time • Describing uniform • Higher ability students will also learn to recognise and manipulate common -er verbs in the imperfect tense to discuss past likes/dislikes \| • Use of technology • Conjugation of -er verbs • Time phrases • Reinforcement of Quality Language Structures (opinions, opinion openers, connectives, intensifiers, reasons) in this new context. • Sports with jouer à/ faire de • High frequency -er and irregular verbs (faire, regarder, aller, jouer, écouter, lire, sortir) • Introduction to the near future tense with high frequency verbs \| • Mes passe-temps • FRAJELS \| \| Why this learning now? \| Developing any basic vocabulary which may have been introduced in \| Extending knowledge of basic key verbs, nouns and quality language \| Reinforcement and extension of basic Quality Language Structures in a new context. Use of a wider variety of key regular -er verbs. \| Reinforcement and extension of Quality Language structures in new contexts. Students will be able to discuss their interests \| \| KS2 to ask and answer a variety of questions in the TL. Increasing confidence with spelling and pronunciation patterns and developing the ability to hold a basic conversation in French. \| Structures in order to create and understand longer texts. Students will be able to give basic information about preferences regarding themselves and their interests. \| Developing the ability to deal with and produce increasingly lengthy and complex texts in the TL. Students will be able to give reasons for preferences. \| In detail, giving and explaining opinions confidently. Verb conjugation skills will be developed and extended to include the formation of a second tense. \| \|---\|---\|---\|---\| \| Assessment Opportunities \| • Recall strategies are used in all lessons. • Variety of questioning. • Assessed exercises in lessons eg listening and reading. • Summative assessments across skills to inform data capture. \| \| \| \| Learning at Home \| Home learning will largely focus on vocabulary learning. Students will use home learning time to develop a variety of vocabulary revision skills through the use of flashcards, testing and deliberate practice. Vocabulary learning may also be set through websites such as [www.quizlet.com](http://www.quizlet.com) and/or [www.linguascope.com](http://www.linguascope.com). Alternative tasks may also be set by the teacher to stimulate engagement and enhance cultural awareness as appropriate to the needs of the group and the topic. \| \| \| \| Key Vocabulary \| Students will be provided with Sentence Builders for all core vocabulary at a level that is appropriate for their ability. These will be stuck into exercise books at the start of each topic and will be consistently referred to throughout. Students are welcome to take their exercise books home to support revision of key vocabulary. \| \| \| \| Spiritual, Moral, Social and Cultural concepts covered \| • Students will be given provision for Spiritual development through the awareness of other people’s faiths and values in the Francophone world, reflecting on and sharing experiences with others and using imagination and creativity in their learning. • Students will be given the opportunity for Moral development through understanding and abiding by the rules and expectations of the classroom and examining cultural traditions in the Francophone world, discussing them in a safe and respectful environment. • Students will be given the opportunity for Social development through the vast array of opportunities for pair work and teamwork in the classroom which foster an ethos of cooperation, support and respect with their peers, all of different religious, ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds. • Students will be given the opportunity for Cultural development by exploring different beliefs, traditions and festivals in the Francophone world and comparing them with those in Britain. Their greater understanding of different cultures in the world will enable them to develop respect and to celebrate diversity. Students will gain an understanding of the notion of ‘politesse’ and its importance in Francophone culture. \| \| \| \| Links to careers and the world of work \| Over the course of their studies students will consider the importance of learning a language and the importance of the French language across the globe. The annual European Day of Languages is an opportunity to consider why Language learning is important and to experience other languages. Students will be made aware of the wide range of jobs linked to languages. Furthermore, students will be given the opportunity to speak to language ambassadors to understand more about studying languages post GCSE. Student’s learning will be personalised and adapted to suit their ability and level and they will be encouraged to embrace new experiences and other languages beyond the classroom. \| \| \| Vision Academy Learning Trust Vision Academy Learning Trust is a multi-academy trust based in the North West of England, with a strong focus on supporting and developing schools to achieve their full potential. The Trust was established in 2013 and currently comprises of 14 schools across Greater Manchester and Cheshire. The Trust’s vision is to create a network of high-quality schools that provide an outstanding education for all students, regardless of their background or circumstances. We believe that every child deserves the opportunity to reach their full potential and we are committed to providing them with the best possible learning environment. Our mission is to support our schools in delivering high standards of teaching and learning, and to work collaboratively with them to improve outcomes for all students. We aim to do this by providing professional development opportunities, sharing best practice, and offering strategic advice and support. We are proud of our diverse range of schools, which include primary, secondary, special and alternative provision settings. Our schools are located in both urban and rural areas, and we are committed to working with them to address any challenges they may face. At Vision Academy Learning Trust, we believe that every student has the right to an excellent education, and we are dedicated to ensuring that this becomes a reality for all of our students. We are committed to working together with our schools, staff, parents and carers to achieve this goal.	<urn:uuid:a3ac6000-f76d-4f42-9f84-bf2449b04437>	CC-MAIN-2023-50	https://laurencejackson.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/LJS-French-Y7-2022-23.pdf	2023-12-08T09:08:04+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679100739.50/warc/CC-MAIN-20231208081124-20231208111124-00679.warc.gz	408,544,558	1,683	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.991069	eng_Latn	0.993444	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 3197, 7127, 8656 ]	[ 4 ]	1	0
The height, $h(t)$, in feet, of an object shot from a cannon with initial velocity of 20 feet per second can be modeled by the equation $h(t) = -16t^2 + 20t + 6$, where $t$ is the time, in seconds, after the cannon is fired. What is the maximum altitude that the object reaches? A. 13.5 feet B. 12.25 feet C. 10.25 feet D. 1.5 feet A ball is thrown upward. Its height ($h$, in feet) is given by the function $h = -16t^2 + 64t + 3$, where $t$ is the length of time (in seconds) that the ball has been in the air. What is the maximum height that the ball reaches? A. 3 ft B. 51 ft C. 63 ft D. 67 ft Congruent squares, with side lengths of $x$, are cut from the corners of a 12-inch-by-16-inch piece of cardboard to form an open box. Which equation models the surface area, $y$, of the open box after the corners are cut away? A. $y = (16 - 2x)(12 - 2x)$ B. $y = (16 - 2x)(12 - 2x) + 4x^2$ C. $y = 192 - 16x^2$ D. $y = 192 - 4x^2$ The height (in feet) above the ground $H(t)$ at time $t$ (in seconds) of an object thrown down from a cliff is represented by the function $H(t) = -4.9t^2 + 12t + 30$. At what height was the object when it was released? A. 31.7 feet B. 30 feet C. 27.8 feet D. 25 feet If an object is thrown upward from an 80-foot-high platform with an initial velocity of 64 feet per second, then its height in feet is given by $s(t) = -16t^2 + 64t + 80$ where $t$ is time in seconds. What is the maximum height reached by the ball? A. 64 feet B. 80 feet C. 144 feet D. 272 feet	<urn:uuid:9f586ae7-c568-4266-8511-4eceb8b8b2c8>	CC-MAIN-2017-34	http://moorecm.weebly.com/uploads/2/5/9/9/25994929/exam_prep_-_unit_3.pdf	2017-08-24T08:31:50Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886133447.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20170824082227-20170824102227-00545.warc.gz	277,190,082	518	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.980482	eng_Latn	0.980482	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1529 ]	[ 2.75 ]	1	0
HEART HEALTHY DIET A healthy diet is your best defense against cardiovascular disease and other heart related issues. Adult guidelines from the US government recommend the following: - Eat lots of fruits, vegetables, whole grains, and low-fat or nonfat dairy products. - Balance your eating with your activity in order to maintain a healthy weight. - Drink alcohol in moderation, if at all. - Limit foods high in salt, saturated fat, transfat, cholesterol, and added sugar. www.ChooseMyPlate.gov is a website that can assist you in eating a well-balanced diet. MyPlate suggests that most adults eat certain amounts of foods from different food groups: - GRAINS - 5 to 8 ounces daily. Half should be whole grains. - VEGETABLES - 2 to 3 cups daily. - FRUITS - 1.5 to 2 cups daily. - PROTEIN FOODS - 5 to 6.5 ounces daily. Choose fish & lean poultry more often. Eat red meat and fried meats less often. Dried beans, tofu, and nuts are other good sources of protein. - DAIRY - 3 cups of milk or milk products daily. Choose low-fat or fat-free products. - FATS & OILS - Limit fats and oils, including those used in cooking. Choose fats and oils that are liquid at room temperature (unsaturated fats) such as canola oil and olive oil. Avoid foods high in trans fats such as fried foods, cookies, and snack foods. There are many Heart Healthy Diets available for you to follow. However, many physicians often recommend the Mediterranean Diet for our patients. You may access this diet on many different websites, such as the following: http://patient.info/health/mediterranean-diet or you may ask a nurse for a copy of this diet and they will be happy to provide you with an additional hand-out. TOBACCO USE Tobacco use is the leading cause of preventable death and disease in the U.S., according to the American Lung Association. Tobacco smoke contains a deadly mix of more than 7,000 chemicals; hundreds are harmful, and about 70 can cause cancer. (Source: Centers for Disease Control & Prevention) HEALTH BENEFITS OF STOPPING TOBACCO USE: - Reduced risk for lung cancer and many other types of cancer. - Reduced risk for heart disease, stroke, and peripheral vascular disease (narrowing of the blood vessels outside your heart). - Reduced respiratory symptoms, such as coughing, wheezing, and shortness of breath. - Reduced risk for lung diseases such as COPD (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, one of the leading causes of death in the US). We recommend that all of our patients discontinue the use of tobacco or tobacco products. If you would like help quitting, please talk to your physician. HIGH BLOOD PRESSURE WHAT IS HIGH BLOOD PRESSURE? Blood pressure is a measure of how hard the blood pushes against the walls of your arteries. It is normal for blood pressure to go up and down throughout the day. But if it stays up, you have high blood pressure or hypertension. Two numbers tell you your blood pressure. The first number is the systolic pressure and the second is the diastolic pressure. Over time, hypertension causes damage to the walls of your arteries. Fat and plaque may begin to build up, and your blood flow may be decreased causing damage to some of the organs in your body. This can lead to issues such as: coronary artery disease, heart failure, stroke, kidney failure, and eye damage. SYMPTOMS According to the American Heart Association, unless your blood pressure reading is in the HYPERTENSIVE CRISIS range (Systolic over 180 or Diastolic over 110), HIGH BLOOD PRESSURE often presents NO symptoms. Therefore, it is critical that you have your blood pressure checked regularly. If your systolic is over 180 or your Diastolic is over 110, then you may experience severe headaches and/or blurry vision. SYSTOLIC (90-120) The top # – measures the pressure in the arteries when the heart muscle contracts (beats). DIASTOLIC (60-80) The bottom # – measures the pressure in the arteries between heart beats (the heart muscle rests between beats and refills with blood). PREVENTION - Eat a Healthy Diet (reduce salt) - Regular Exercise - Maintain a Healthy Weight - Manage Stress - Avoid Tobacco Smoke - Comply with Medication Prescriptions - Limit Alcohol (if you drink) - Understand Hot Tub Safety BODY MASS INDEX (BMI) Body Mass Index (BMI) can help you see if your weight is raising your risk for health problems. It uses a formula to compare how much you weigh with how tall you are. If your BMI is in normal range (18.5-24.9), it means you have a lower risk for weight-related health problems. If your BMI is in the overweight or obese range (25 or higher), you may be at increased risk for weight-related health problems, such as high blood pressure, heart disease, stroke, arthritis or joint pain, and diabetes. BMI is just one measure of your risk for weight-related health problems. You may be at higher risk for health problems if you are not active, you eat an unhealthy diet, or you drink too much alcohol or use tobacco products. BODY MASS INDEX SCALE \| HEIGHT (IN) \| UNDERWEIGHT \| HEALTHY \| OVERWEIGHT \| OBESIVE \| EXTREMELY OBES \| \|------------\|-------------\|---------\|------------\|---------\|---------------\| \| 5'0" \| 19 \| 20 \| 21 \| 22 \| 23 \| \| 5'1" \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| 21 \| 22 \| \| 5'2" \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| 21 \| 22 \| \| 5'3" \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| 21 \| \| 5'4" \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| 21 \| \| 5'5" \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| \| 5'6" \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| 20 \| \| 5'7" \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| \| 5'8" \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| 19 \| \| 5'9" \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| \| 5'10" \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| \| 5'11" \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| 18 \| \| 6'0" \| 13 \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| \| 6'1" \| 13 \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| 17 \| \| 6'2" \| 12 \| 13 \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| \| 6'3" \| 12 \| 13 \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| \| 6'4" \| 12 \| 13 \| 14 \| 15 \| 16 \| FALLS PREVENTION Getting around your home safely can be a challenge if you have injuries or health problems that make it easy for you to fall. However, you can make your home safer by taking a few simple precautions: Maintaining a healthy lifestyle and making some simple changes to your home and/or environment. HEALTHY LIFESTYLE PRECAUTIONS ❤️ Drink Plenty of Water. Dehydration can cause dizziness (if you have kidney, heart, or liver disease, please discuss this with your physician). ❤️ Exercise Regularly to improve strength, muscle tone and balance. ❤️ Vision & Hearing should be checked every year, any time you notice a change. If you struggle to see or hear, you may not be able to avoid objects and could lose your balance. ❤️ Medication side effects. Check with your pharmacist regarding any potential side effects of the medicines you are taking. ❤️ Alcohol should be limited due to it can impair your balance and other senses. ❤️ Foot care is essential. If you wear loose fitting shoes due to a foot injury, calluses, or corns, you could lose your balance and fall. Also, let your physician know if you have any numbness in your feet. ENVIRONMENTAL PRECAUTIONS ⚠️ Flooring & Thresholds. Remove any loose carpet, throw rugs, raised flooring or raised doorway thresholds. ⚠️ Furniture & Clutter. Move furniture, electrical cords, and other potential tripping hazards out of the walking paths. ⚠️ Floor & Cleaner. Use non-skid floor wax or cleaners and wipe up spills right away. ⚠️ Lighting. Keep your house well lit, especially in stairways, porches, and outside walkways. Use night lights in bathrooms and hallways. ⚠️ Handrails. Install sturdy handrails on stairways and in bath tubs/showers. ⚠️ Cabinets & Shelving. Move items that you need to access to lower shelves and cabinets so you do not need to climb on chairs or ladders to reach them. ⚠️ Cordless phone & Flashlight. Keep these items by your bedside with fresh batteries so if you need to get up in the middle of the night or if the power goes out you can see where you are going and call for help if something were to happen. ⚠️ Shoes. Wear low heeled shoes with non-skid soles that fit well and gives your feet good support. Replace or repair worn heels or soles. ⚠️ Socks. Do not wear socks without shoes on non-carpeted flooring. ⚠️ Sidewalks. Walk on grass if the sidewalk is slippery. ⚠️ Bathrooms. Use Shower chairs/benches and handheld shower heads. Get into the tub or shower by putting your weaker leg in first and get out by putting your stronger leg first. Repair loose toilet seats and consider getting a raised toilet seat to make getting on and off the toilet easier. Use non-skid mats inside and outside of your bath tub or shower, and near your toilet and sinks.	<urn:uuid:716f0f28-384a-4761-a550-de1f9bd198cd>	CC-MAIN-2022-27	https://www.covenantmedicalgroup.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/11/2017/06/Guide-to-Healthy-Living_Education.pdf	2022-06-29T04:15:36+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103620968.33/warc/CC-MAIN-20220629024217-20220629054217-00340.warc.gz	774,697,116	2,306	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997696	eng_Latn	0.99789	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 4282, 9313 ]	[ 2.5 ]	1	0
MODEL QUESTION PAPER B.Sc. Degree (C.B.C.S.) Examination FIRST SEMESTER Core Course-I–ST1CRT01-(Statistics) DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS Time: Three Hours Maximum Marks: 80 Use of Non-programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed PART A Answer any 10 questions. Each question carries 2 marks. 1. Mention any two limitation on statistics. 2. Write down the names of any two attributes 3. What is meant by classification? 4. What is the arithmetic mean of the first 25 natural numbers? 5. Define weighted arithmetic mean.. 6. Find the geometric mean of 4 and 9. 7. What do you mean by dispersion? 8. Define range. 9. Which measure of dispersion can be calculated in the case of open end class intervals? 10. Define coefficient of variation 11. Define the $r^{th}$ central moment. 12. What is meant by skewness? (10×2=20) PART B Answer any 6 questions. Each question carries 5 marks. 13. Distinguish between grouped and ungrouped frequency distributions. 14. Explain various methods of collecting primary data 15. Briefly explain Stem and Leaf chart. 16. Obtain the arithmetic mean of first ‘n’ natural numbers. 17. What do you mean by partition values? Explain. 18. Distinguish between absolute and relative measures of dispersion. Give any one relative measure of dispersion. 19. In a data if each observation is multiplied by 5 and 2 is added, how do it affect variance? 20. The first two moments of a distribution about the value 5 of a variable are 2 and 20. Find the mean and variance. 21. Explain the different methods to measure skewness? (6×5=30) PART C Answer any 2 questions. Each question carries 15 marks. 22. Following is the distribution of marks in Statistics obtained by 100 students. \| Marks (more than) \| 0 \| 10 \| 20 \| 30 \| 40 \| 50 \| \|-------------------\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| Number of Students\| 100 \| 85 \| 80 \| 35 \| 20 \| 4 \| Calculate the mean marks. If 60% of the students pass the test, find the minimum mark obtained by a passed candidate. 23. Calculate the mean deviation about median and compare the variability of the two series X and Y: X: 725 700 750 675 725 625 675 800 625 725 700 725 675 Y: 575 625 600 575 675 600 650 575 625 550 680 550 560 24. Calculate the Karl Pearson’s coefficient of skewness from the following data \| Class \| 0-10 \| 10-20 \| 20-30 \| 30-40 \| 40-50 \| 50-60 \| 60-70 \| 70-80 \| 80-90 \| 90-100 \| \|----------\|------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|--------\| \| Frequ: \| 2 \| 3 \| 5 \| 10 \| 30 \| 15 \| 11 \| 10 \| 8 \| 6 \| 25. For a frequency distribution the mean is 10, variance is 16, $\gamma_1$ is +1 and $\beta_2$ is 4. Find the first four moments about the origin and comment upon the nature of distribution. (2 × 15 = 30) Model Question Paper B.Sc. (CBCS) Degree Examination First Semester Complementary Course - ST1CMT01 - DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS (Common to B.Sc. Mathematics and Physics Programme) Time: Three Hours Maximum: 80 Marks Use of Non-Programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed. Part A (Answer any 10 questions. Each question carries 2 marks) 1. Define Statistics and population. 2. Distinguish between census and sampling. 3. Distinguish between nominal and ratio scale. 4. Distinguish between cluster sampling and systematic sampling. 5. Define Boxplot. 6. Define Partition values. 7. Distinguish between geometric mean and harmonic mean. 8. Define Skewness. Give the moment measure of skewness. 9. Find the mean and variance of the data if the first three moments of the data about the point 4 are 3, 25 and -110. 10. Distinguish between raw moments and central moments. 11. Define index numbers. Give the expression for Fisher’s index number. 12. Define Whole sale price index and quantity index number. \[10 \times 2 = 20 \text{ Marks}\] Part B (Answer any 6 questions. Each question carries 5 marks) 13. Briefly explain simple random sampling and stratified sampling. 14. Briefly explain different types of data. 15. Find the range and quartile deviation for the data given below. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} X: & 10 & 15 & 20 & 25 & 30 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 2 & 13 & 15 & 17 & 3 \\ \end{array} \] 16. Draw the ogive and hence find the median of the data. Also find the mean deviation about the median. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} \text{Class:} & 0 – 10 & 10 – 20 & 20 – 30 & 30 – 40 & 40 – 50 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 7 & 13 & 20 & 10 & 5 \\ \end{array} \] 17. Define relative measures of dispersion. Find the coefficient of variation of the data, 43, 32, 60, 12, 8, 4, 1. 18. Find the first three central moments of the data given below. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} X: & 3 & 4 & 5 & 7 & 10 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 13 & 16 & 21 & 18 & 13 \\ \end{array} \] 19. Briefly explain the effect of change of origin and scale on the central moments. 20. Define cost of living index. Find the cost of living index for the data given below. \| \| Price in 2007 \| Price in 2017 \| % of usage \| \|-------\|---------------\|---------------\|------------\| \| A \| 61 \| 70 \| 15 \| \| B \| 42 \| 48 \| 16 \| \| C \| 112 \| 126 \| 40 \| \| D \| 43 \| 51 \| 22 \| \| E \| 8 \| 11 \| 7 \| 21. Briefly explain the tests for a good index number. \[ 6 \times 5 = 30 \text{ Marks} \] Part C (Answer any 2 questions. Each question carries 15 marks) 22. (1) Distinguish between primary and secondary data. (2) Explain the various methods to collect the primary data. 23. In a test given to two groups of students the scores obtained are as follows: Group 1: 23, 11, 19, 26, 35, 46, 53, 18, 36 Group 2: 31, 18, 21, 31, 48, 40, 18, 23, 30 (1) Which group is more consistent? (2) Find the combined mean and standard deviation. 24. (1) Define kurtosis of a data. (2) Briefly explain the various measures of kurtosis. (3) Find the coefficient of kurtosis of the data given below. Class: 0 – 4, 4 – 8, 8 – 12, 12 – 16, 16 - 20 Frequency: 2, 3, 11, 3, 1 25. (1) Find the Laspeyres’s and Paasche’s indices for the data given below. \| Item \| Base Year Price \| Base Year Quantity \| Current Year Price \| Current Year Quantity \| \|------\|-----------------\|--------------------\|--------------------\|----------------------\| \| A \| 23 \| 7 \| 32 \| 5 \| \| B \| 57 \| 26 \| 75 \| 30 \| \| C \| 125 \| 14 \| 125 \| 17 \| \| D \| 70 \| 20 \| 130 \| 17 \| (2) Show that the Fisher’s index satisfies the time reversal test. \[ (2 \times 15 = 30 \text{ Marks}) \] MODEL QUESTION PAPER B. Sc. Psychology (CBCS) Degree Examination FIRST SEMESTER - Complementary Statistics-Course I ST1CMT01 - BASIC STATISTICS Time: Three Hours Maximum: 80 Marks Use of Non-Programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed. Part A (Short Answer Questions) Answer any 10 questions. Each Question carries 2 marks 1. Define Statistical Population. 2. Point out the importance of Statistics in Psychology. 3. Write a note on qualitative classification give examples? 4. Write a note on Bar diagram 5. Define two kinds of Statistical data. 6. Distinguish between less than and greater than cumulative frequency 7. Define weighted mean 8. Define an Average 9. Mean of 20 value is 45. If one of these value is taken as 64 instead of 40, find the corrected mean 10. The arithmetic mean of a set of 10 numbers is 50. If we subtract each entry by 3, what will be the mean of the new set? 11. Define Mode Give the formula for calculating it for different type of data 12. If Mean = 30Kgs, Median = 27 Kg find Mode. (102=20 marks) Part B (Brief Answer Questions) Answer any 6 questions. Each Question carries 5 marks 13. What are the main methods of collecting primary data? 14. With the help of the following data, Construct a histogram \| Marks obtained \| 0-10 \| 10-20 \| 20-30 \| 30-40 \| 40-50 \| 50-60 \| 60-70 \| \|----------------\|------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| Number of students \| 16 \| 20 \| 25 \| 30 \| 18 \| 10 \| 8 \| 15. Distinguish between census and sampling. 16. Mean annual salaries paid to 200 employees of the company was Rs.500. The mean annual salaries paid to male and female employees were Rs.520 and Rs.420 respectively. Determine the number of males and females employed by the company. 17. Find the Mean for the following data. Class: 0-10 10-20 20-30 30-40 Frequency: 1 3 4 2 18. What is quantitative classification? Which are the important components of a grouped frequency distribution? Define each of them? 19. What is Stratified sampling? When it is used? What are its merits and demerits? 20. Draw the two ogives for the following data and find out the median \| Class \| 0-10 \| 10-20 \| 20-30 \| 30-40 \| 40-50 \| \|-------\|------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| Frequency \| 5 \| 12 \| 25 \| 15 \| 6 \| 21. In the frequency distribution of 100 families given below some frequencies are missing. Find the missing frequencies if the median is 50. Class: 0-20 20-40 40-60 60-80 80-100 Frequency: 14 ? 27 ? 15 (65=30 marks) Part C (Long Essay Questions) Answer any2 questions. Each Question carries 15 marks 22. Calculate the mean, mode and median for the following data. \| Class \| 130-134 \| 135-139 \| 140-144 \| 145-149 \| 150-154 \| 155-159 \| 160-164 \| \|-------------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\| \| Frequency \| 5 \| 15 \| 28 \| 24 \| 17 \| 10 \| 1 \| 23. Define simple random sample? Explain the methods of selecting simple random sample without replacement? What are its merit and demerits? 24. Calculate mean, median and mode from the following data \| Marks \| 0 \| 10 \| 20 \| 30 \| 40 \| 50 \| 60 \| 70 \| 80 \| \|-------\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\| \| No of Students \| 1 \| 9 \| 26 \| 59 \| 72 \| 52 \| 29 \| 7 \| 1 \| 25. Calculate mean and median for the following data \| Class \| 130-134 \| 135-139 \| 140-144 \| 145-149 \| 150-154 \| 155-159 \| 160-164 \| \|-------------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\|---------\| \| Frequency \| 5 \| 15 \| 28 \| 24 \| 17 \| 10 \| 1 \| (215=30 marks) Model Question Paper B.Sc. (CBCS) Degree Examination First Semester Core Course - ST1CRT01 - DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS Time: Three Hours Maximum: 80 Marks Use of Non-Programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed. Part A (Answer any 10 questions. Each question carries 2 marks) 1. Define Statistics and population. 2. Distinguish between census and sampling. 3. Distinguish between nominal and ratio scale. 4. Distinguish between cluster sampling and systematic sampling. 5. Define Boxplot. 6. Define Partition values. 7. Distinguish between geometric mean and harmonic mean. 8. Define Skewness. Give the moment measure of skewness. 9. Find the mean and variance of the data if the first three moments of the data about the point 4 are 3, 25 and -110. 10. Distinguish between raw moments and central moments. 11. Define index numbers. Give the expression for Fisher’s index number. 12. Define Whole sale price index and quantity index number. \[10 \times 2 = 20 \text{ Marks}\] Part B (Answer any 6 questions. Each question carries 5 marks) 13. Briefly explain simple random sampling and stratified sampling. 14. Briefly explain different types of data. 15. Find the range and quartile deviation for the data given below. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} X: & 10 & 15 & 20 & 25 & 30 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 2 & 13 & 15 & 17 & 3 \\ \end{array} \] 16. Draw the ogive and hence find the median of the data. Also find the mean deviation about the median. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} \text{Class:} & 0 – 10 & 10 – 20 & 20 – 30 & 30 – 40 & 40 – 50 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 7 & 13 & 20 & 10 & 5 \\ \end{array} \] 17. Define relative measures of dispersion. Find the coefficient of variation of the data, 43, 32, 60, 12, 8, 4, 1. 18. Find the first three central moments of the data given below. \[ \begin{array}{c\|ccccc} X: & 3 & 4 & 5 & 7 & 10 \\ \text{Frequency:} & 13 & 16 & 21 & 18 & 13 \\ \end{array} \] 19. Briefly explain the effect of change of origin and scale on the central moments. 20. Define cost of living index. Find the cost of living index for the data given below. \| \| Price in 2007 \| Price in 2017 \| % of usage \| \|-------\|---------------\|---------------\|------------\| \| A \| 61 \| 70 \| 15 \| \| B \| 42 \| 48 \| 16 \| \| C \| 112 \| 126 \| 40 \| \| D \| 43 \| 51 \| 22 \| \| E \| 8 \| 11 \| 7 \| 21. Briefly explain the tests for a good index number. \[ 6 \times 5 = 30 \text{ Marks} \] Part C (Answer any 2 questions. Each question carries 15 marks)* 22. (1) Distinguish between primary and secondary data. (2) Explain the various methods to collect the primary data. 23. In a test given to two groups of students the scores obtained are as follows: - Group 1: 23, 11, 19, 26, 35, 46, 53, 18, 36 - Group 2: 31, 18, 21, 31, 48, 40, 18, 23, 30 (3) Which group is more consistent? (4) Find the combined mean and standard deviation. 24. (1) Define kurtosis of a data. (4) Briefly explain the various measures of kurtosis. (5) Find the coefficient of kurtosis of the data given below. \| Class: \| 0 – 4 \| 4 – 8 \| 8 – 12 \| 12 – 16 \| 16 - 20 \| \|--------\|-------\|-------\|--------\|---------\|---------\| \| Frequency: \| 2 \| 3 \| 11 \| 3 \| 1 \| 25. (1) Find the Laspeyer’s and Paasche’s indices for the data given below. \| Item \| Base Year Price \| Base Year Quantity \| Current Year Price \| Current Year Quantity \| \|------\|-----------------\|--------------------\|--------------------\|-----------------------\| \| A \| 23 \| 7 \| 32 \| 5 \| \| B \| 57 \| 26 \| 75 \| 30 \| \| C \| 125 \| 14 \| 125 \| 17 \| \| D \| 70 \| 20 \| 130 \| 17 \| (3) Show that the Fisher’s index satisfies the time reversal test. \[ (2 \times 15 = 30 \text{ Marks}) \] MODEL QUESTION PAPER Complementary Course to BCA Programme Semester I - Course I ST1CMT01 - BASIC STATISTICS AND INTRODUCTORY PROBABILITY THEORY Time: Three Hours Maximum: 80 Marks Use of Non-Programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed. Part A (Short Answer Questions) Answer any 10 questions. Each Question carries 2 marks 1. Define arithmetic mean and mention its uses. 2. Define coefficient of variation. 3. What is Box –Plot? 4. Define Scatter diagram. Mention its use. 5. How do you interpret when the coefficient of correlation is zero? 6. Define correlation coefficient and give its limits. 7. Give axiomatic definition to probability 8. Define sample space. Write the sample space if two coins are tossed simultaneously 9. When will you say three events are mutually independent? 10. What are the properties of the distribution function? 11. Find the value of k if $f(x) = k \left(\frac{2}{3}\right)^x$, $x = 1, 2, \ldots$, is a pdf 12. Define mgf of a continuous random variable. State its important properties. (102=20 marks) Part B (Brief Answer Questions) Answer any 6 questions. Each Question carries 5 marks 13. How is variance affected by change of scale and origin? 14. What are regression coefficients? Obtain the relationship between the correlation coefficient and regression coefficient. 15. Distinguish between discrete and continuous random variable. Give one example each. 16. Distinguish between distribution function and density function of a random variable X. 17. Explain how will you draw ogives? Explain its uses with an example. 18. Two regression equations are $3x + 2y - 26 = 0$ and $6x + y - 31 = 0$. Find (a) the means of X and Y. (b) The coefficient of correlation between X and Y 19. State and prove Bayes theorem. 20. If two dice are thrown, what is the probability that (a) the sum is greater than 8 (b) neither 7 nor 11. 21. A random variable X has the probability function $ f(x) = \frac{1}{2} e^{-\|x\|}; -\infty < x < \infty $. Obtain the variance \[(65=30 \text{ marks})\] Part C (Long Essay Questions) Answer any 2 questions. Each Question carries 15 marks 22. Calculate the arithmetic mean and standard deviation for the following data. \| Age in Years \| 0-10 \| 10-20 \| 20-30 \| 30-40 \| 40-50 \| 50-60 \| 60-70 \| 70-80 \| \|--------------\|------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\| \| No of persons\| 8 \| 7 \| 15 \| 18 \| 22 \| 14 \| 10 \| 5 \| 23. For the following data it is required to estimate demand when price is 20. Obtain the suitable regressing equation. Also find the estimate. \| Price \| 18 \| 24 \| 25 \| 20 \| 28 \| 32 \| \|-------\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\|----\| \| Demand\| 8 \| 7 \| 6 \| 10 \| 5 \| 4 \| 24. The chances of A, B and C becoming manager of a company are 4:2:3. The probability that bonus scheme will be introduced if A, B and C became managers are 0.3, 0.5 and 0.8. The bonus scheme was introduced. What is the probability that A is appointed as the manager? 25. Find the distribution function, mgf, mean and variance of the distribution with pdf \[ f(x) = \begin{cases} \frac{1}{5} e^{\frac{x}{5}} & 0 < x < \infty \\ 0 & \text{elsewhere} \end{cases} \] \[(2*15=30 \text{ marks})\] Model Question Paper B.Sc. (CBCS) Degree Examination First Semester Complementary Course - ST1CMT01 - DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS (For B.Sc. Mathematics (Model II) Vocational Programme) Time: Three Hours Maximum: 80 Marks Use of Non-Programmable calculator and Statistical Tables allowed. Part A (Answer any 10 questions. Each question carries 2 marks) 1. Give some sources of secondary data 2. Explain stratified sampling 3. What are the demerit of quartile deviation 4. Explain relative measures of dispersion 5. Give axiomatic definitions to probability 6. What are the advantages of primary data? 7. Write the relation between the first four central and raw moments 8. What is independence of events? Give an example of pair of events which are independent 9. Explain cluster sampling 10. What is meant by sampling? 11. Find any one measure of skewness of the data 4,3,10,7,2,11,12 12. What is mean by ogive? (10 x 2=20) PART-B (Answer any 6 each carries mark 5) 13. What are the difference between primary and secondary data 14. What are the points involved while tabulating a data? 15. Explain stratified sampling. Compare it with simple random sampling 16. Calculate harmonic mean of 12,6,3,1,18,36 17. State and prove addition theorem for two events. Mention the case when the events are mutually exclusive 18. What is probability? Explain about its different approaches 19. 5 cards are drawn from a pack of 52 cards. Find the probability of getting (i) 2 spades and 3 diamonds. (ii) all spades (iii) no diamonds 20. What are the importance of statistics? 21. State and prove Bayes theorem (6 x 5=30) PART- C (Answer any 2 each carries mark 15) 22. Calculate mean, median and mode of the following data \| x \| 15 \| 35 \| 55 \| 75 \| 95 \| 115 \| 135 \| \|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\|-----\| \| f \| 6 \| 18 \| 29 \| 46 \| 11 \| 7 \| 3 \| 23. Explain about different types of sampling. 24. Two bags contain 8 white, 5 black and 4 white, 6 black balls. One ball is randomly transferred from first bag to second and then a ball is drawn from the second. It is found to be a black ball. Find the probability that the transferred ball is white. 25. Draw two ogives the following distribution and find mean and quartile deviation from the ogive \| Class \| 5-20 \| 20-35 \| 35-50 \| 50-65 \| 65-80 \| 80-95 \| 95-110 \| 110-125 \| \|-------\|------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|-------\|--------\|---------\| \| Fr \| 4 \| 13 \| 28 \| 43 \| 68 \| 31 \| 9 \| 4 \| (2 x 15=30)	<urn:uuid:86d266be-049d-4e60-8ccd-ad0a6f671bf7>	CC-MAIN-2024-10	https://www.mgu.ac.in/uploads/2018/04/BSc-Statistics.pdf?x36861	2024-02-27T17:18:12+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-10/segments/1707947474676.79/warc/CC-MAIN-20240227153053-20240227183053-00799.warc.gz	869,464,788	5,776	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.962288	eng_Latn	0.97306	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1564, 2790, 4761, 6879, 8963, 10525, 12522, 14595, 16286, 17828, 19354, 20346 ]	[ 3.953125, 3.640625 ]	3	0
If you have a sugarbush in the Northeast, you may have noticed brown scale insects, sticky dripping honeydew, and black sooty mold on your sugar maple leaves in 2005 and 2006. That most likely was European fruit lecanium scale, Parthenolecanium corni (Bouche). This insect was introduced from Europe many years ago and is now found throughout much of the US and Canada (Johnson & Lyon 1988). It is in the same insect group as aphids and mealybugs, and feeds on the sap of a variety of forest, shade, and ornamental trees, including most importantly to us, sugar maple. Severe lecanium scale infestations can cause defoliation, twig dieback, and premature leaf drop. These effects were seen in numerous maple stands in Vermont during the past few years, and in 2005 their negative effects on sugar maple tree health became particularly severe. In 2005, in response to concerns of sugarmakers, researchers at the Univ. of Vermont’s Entomology Research Laboratory began to investigate the problem. A search through the scientific literature netted minimal information on the biology and management of lecanium scale. Considering the significant impact this insect was having in maple trees in Vermont, we felt it was critical to find answers to several key questions: - What is the life cycle of lecanium scale in the Northeast? - What is the best way to sample for lecanium scale? - How is the scale distributed on a tree (lower, middle, or upper branches)? - How is the scale distributed in a stand? - What natural enemies occur in sugarbushes? - What is the population trend for lecanium scale? The first phase of our research was to gain an understanding of the life cycle of lecanium scale in Vermont. We needed to know when egg laying and hatch occurred and when the immatures moved to the leaves. We also wanted to know when the crawlers (immatures) returned to the twigs to settle down for the winter. The research was conducted at the sugarbush of Mr. R. Vallee, in northwestern Vermont. Observations and collections were made weekly from June 2005 through October 2006 leading us to develop a projected life cycle of lecanium scale for this region (Fig. 1) Females lay around 1,000 eggs under their hard shell in late spring (Johnson and Lyon 1988). Crawlers, when they first hatch, are about the size of a sesame seed (less than 1/16th in.), transparent or white in color, and very flat and softbodied. They can be seen moving about on the twigs. They soon crawl onto the foliage where they insert their stylet to feed on sap on the undersides of leaves (Fig. 2). They grow only slightly larger over the summer. In 2005, there were many crawlers, which almost completely covered the lower surface of most infested leaves. Some crawlers die during this phase. The dead ones are shriveled up, yellow or brown, and even flatter than healthy crawlers. When the crawlers move back to the twigs in the fall to overwinter they are slightly larger (about 1/16th in.) and reddish-brown. In the spring, crawlers secrete a hard coating or shell which provides protection. This shell continues to grow larger until May when the crawlers develop into immobile adults under the characteristic dome-shaped reddish-brown scale. Figure 2. Life stages of the European fruit lecanium scale. Scale crawlers are tiny flat yellowish dots on the undersides of leaves in the summer. Crawlers move back to the twig in the fall, appearing as an oval reddish-orange soft-bodied insect. Adults produce a hardened reddish-brown dome-like shell under which it overwinters and lays its eggs (Photos by R. Kelley). (up to 3/16 in. diameter). At this stage the scales are still actively feeding and secreting sticky honeydew that attracts ants. Black sooty mold often grows on the honeydew too. These adults that you commonly see are females--males aren't needed for reproduction. Little was known about male lecanium scale until this spring when an observant Canadian naturalist, Rob E. Lee, noticed large numbers of males on Leatherwood and Ironwood trees, though in Vermont they have not been observed (Lee 2007). Mr. Lee began to differentiate males from females in mid-May when as many as 70% of the immature scales he was following developed a pair of white, thread-like tails and, upon lifting their protective shells, he discovered winged insects unlike the stationary females described above (Fig. 3). The immature male scales have a whitish, translucent elongate covering, and the adults have a brownish head and thorax and one pair of whitish wings (Fig. 3). These males were not observed on sugar maples in the same area. The life cycle we observed in Vermont is likely to be similar to that of European fruit lecanium scale found in stands in other areas of the country, but the exact dates may vary depending on the specific climate and other environmental factors in those areas. In sugarbushes with heavy scale infestations, sugar maple tree health appeared to be significantly affected. Many of the infested trees showed signs of twig dieback and general decline. In 2005, complete mortality of small sugar maple seedlings and almost complete dieback of larger seedlings and saplings in the understory were reported for some sugarbushes (Decker et al. 2007). In some stands we visited in 2005, it was unclear, however, if the symp- Figure 3. Male European fruit lecanium scale; A. immature male scales; B. two immature male scales (top) beside one female scale; C. Adult male that emerged from the scale (Photos by R. Lee). toms of decline we observed were the result of feeding by the scale alone or early spring feeding by pear thrips, Taeniothrips inconsequens, which continues to cause intermittent damage from year to year. In future articles, we will report on data generated on the distribution of European lecanium scale within a tree, and the natural enemies of this insect pest. These biological control agents appear to have a significant impact on scale in some years. Some sugarmakers in our region have noted that scale populations have declined in their sugarbushes, but the problem is not over, as scale populations remain high in other Vermont stands. It is unknown what factors triggered the outbreak we observed in 2005, nor what the impact might have been to the health of the maples. However, this unforeseen scale population explosion couldn't have come at a worse time. Many of the affected maples in 2005 had been struck by pear thrips in the early spring, followed by the attack of both scale and forest tent caterpillar later in the season. Even the healthiest maple has a hard time defending itself from these many assaults. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors thank the North American Maple Syrup Council Research Fund for supporting this work, Mr. Vallee for his enthusiastic interest in the project, and Rob Lee, Ontario, CA and R. Kelley, VT Dept. of Forests, Parks & Recreation for photos included in this article. Funding was also provided by two University of Vermont undergraduate student programs: Hughes Endeavor for Life Science Excellence (HELiX/EPSCoR) award and the Undergraduate Research Endeavors Competitive Award (URECA). REFERENCES Decker, K., S. Pfister, B. Burns, R. Kelley, T. Hanson & S. Wilmot. 2007. Forest insect and disease conditions in Vermont, calendar year 2006. VT Ag. of Nat. Resources, Dept. of Forests, Parks & Recreation. Waterbury. Johnson, W.T. & H.H. Lyon. 1988. Insects that Feed on Trees and Shrubs. Comstock Publishing Associates, Cornell Univ. Press, Ithaca, NY. Lee, R. 2007. New scale infestation in Ontario, Canada. http://www.magma.ca/~bam-bie/mfc/msa/scales.html SLEEP IN A SILO, DINE IN A MILL, SHOP IN A FACTORY — ... One last chance to sign up for the 2007 NAMSC/IMSI International meeting in Akron, Ohio. The conference will be held at the Crowne Plaza Quaker Square — one of the most unique and exciting hotels in the world! The conference dates are October 21st thru the 24th. For room reservations call (330) 253-5970, or www.quakersquareakron.com. For more information on the conference itself, contact Dick Schorr at: email@example.com or go the the Ohio Maple Producers website at: www.ohiomapleproducers.com MAPLE SYRUP AND SUGAR LABELS Show the quality, increase the value of your products with quality customized labels Choose from 4 colorful designs and 2 shapes, Nutrition facts, bar code labels, gift tags & more... Order quantities of 500 and up. For more information see our website or contact Diane at: Techni-Flex, Inc.* P.O. Box 1075 • Appleton, WI 54912 Phone (920) 757-0155 • Fax (920) 757-0160 e-mail - firstname.lastname@example.org www.techni-flex.com WE ACCEPT	<urn:uuid:e1955f98-a2b3-4277-85b1-8cf13c858241>	CC-MAIN-2023-50	https://mapleresearch.org/wp-content/uploads/1007lecaniumscale.pdf	2023-12-06T18:07:29+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679100602.36/warc/CC-MAIN-20231206162528-20231206192528-00396.warc.gz	434,237,830	2,009	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.974924	eng_Latn	0.997335	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 2165, 3595, 5523, 7042, 8671 ]	[ 2.484375 ]	1	1
Evaluation of the Foundations in Speech Perception Software as a Hearing Rehabilitation Tool for Use at Home Terry A. Zwolan, Carol McDonald Connor, and Paul R. Kileny University of Michigan Medical Center The effectiveness of the Foundations in Speech Perception (FSP) software program was evaluated when used by children with cochlear implants over a period of 6 months. Participants included 7 children who used FSP daily at home and 7 matched children who did not use the FSP program. The treatment group demonstrated significantly greater growth of scores on 2 of 4 measures following 6 months' experience with FSP. Within group comparison of pre-study versus post-study scores revealed that the mean scores obtained by the treatment group improved significantly on all 4 speech recognition measures while the mean scores obtained by the control group did not. Finally, children who used the FSP program regularly achieved greater growth in scores on average than children who used the program less than 8 days per month. The latter achieved growth in scores similar to the control group. These results combined with parents' positive statements regarding the FSP program suggest that it may be an effective method of providing a home supplement to therapy provided at school and in the clinic. The viability of home-based computer therapy programs has improved in recent years as the number of families owning home computers has increased. One such program, Foundations in Speech Perception (FSP; Brown, 1994), appears to be a valuable tool for strengthening the speech perception skills of children with hearing impairments. Developed by Dr. Carolyn J. Brown, FSP provides training modules to facilitate development of listening skills in children with hearing impairments, including children who use cochlear implants. FSP is designed to be used in brief sessions of about 15 min on a daily basis. It provides children with many opportunities to practice and rehearse in a supportive learning environment. Exploration of auditory and visual cues is encouraged, and children may request unlimited repetitions of these cues. It is an adaptive program that automatically adjusts the difficulty of the lesson and the amount of visual support provided to the child based on his/her performance. An elaborate recording system permits the child’s progress to be monitored without an adult looking over his/her shoulder. A more detailed description of the FSP software program is provided in Appendix A. Only a few studies have been published in which the performance outcomes of subjects who have utilized home-based computer therapy programs have been evaluated. Gross and Herrmann (1994) described a computer aided rehabilitation program used in Germany after cochlear implant or hearing aid fitting and found that subjects’ auditory perception skills improved more rapidly than when traditional rehabilitation methods were used. Karni et al. (1995) suggested that the speed and accuracy of complex motor tasks of patients with aphasia were improved over a period of several weeks when subjects participated in daily practice sessions with a computer based rehabilitation program. Some investigators have found that performance on visual and auditory tasks improved following consistent daily use of computer rehabilitation programs (Ahissar & Hochstein, 1993; Karni & Sagi, 1993; Merzenich et al., 1996). Tallal et al. (1996) found that two independent groups of children with language learning impairments but normal hearing demonstrated improved temporal processing skills after regularly using computer “games” aimed at enhancing auditory perception. Similarly, Merzenich et al. (1996) found that children who utilized specially designed computer games 5 days a week for 20 days demonstrated improvements in their auditory perceptual ability at the end of the study. Like the computer programs used in the studies of Tallal and Merzenich, the FSP utilizes adaptive training strategies. Currently, almost 50% of homes in the United States have personal computers (Holstein, 1999). This increasing number of home computers makes rehabilitative software programs, such as the FSP, realistic additions to a patient’s rehabilitation regimen. Because children with cochlear implants may need more rehabilitation services than public school special education programs can provide (Nevins & Chute, 1996), and because children may live a long distance from implant centers or hospitals that offer private services, home-based therapy may be one way to facilitate long term success with a cochlear implant. The primary purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of the FSP software program when used daily in a home setting. In order to evaluate the amount of speech perception/production improvements that were attributable to use of this program, speech recognition and production measures were administered to two groups of matched pairs of subjects. Members of the treatment group used the FSP program daily in a home setting for a period of 6 months. Members of the control group did not use the FSP program. METHODS Participants Participants consisted of 14 children ages 5 to 12 years with bilateral severe to profound sensorineural hearing losses who received a Nucleus Multichannel cochlear implant at the University of Michigan. The pairs of children were matched according to age (within 1 year); age at onset of profound deafness (within 1 year); age at implantation (within 1 year); length of implant use (within 1 year); educational placement and access to speech and hearing therapy based on parent, school, and/or professional report; preoperative aided speech detection thresholds (SDT; dB HL); and speech encoding strategy (MPEAK or SPEAK). Additionally, all subjects were prelingually deaf, as all lost their hearing prior to the age of 1.25 years. Demographic information regarding the subjects may be found in Table 1. All children had typical cognitive abilities as assessed by a certified clinical psychologist. In order to evaluate the FSP program, one member of each of the matched pairs of children was randomly assigned to one of two groups. Members of the treatment group used the FSP program on a daily basis in their homes for a period of 6 months. Members of the control group did not use the FSP program at home but were tested with the FSP at the beginning and end of the study. There were no significant differences between groups in terms of the matched variables of age, age at onset of profound deafness, age at implantation, length of implant use, and preoperative aided SDT. Three of the pairs were enrolled in schools using a total communication approach that utilized both spoken and signed language. Four of the pairs were enrolled in schools using an oral communication approach that utilized spoken language only. Six pairs utilized the SPEAK processing strategy and one pair utilized the MPEAK strategy. Procedures Speech recognition and speech production measures were administered to all subjects to evaluate the effect that use/non-use of the FSP program had on such skills. Tests were administered by two audiologists and a speech-language pathologist who did not know to which group the child belonged. Additionally, pre-FSP test scores were kept confidential until after post-FSP testing was completed. A battery consisting of four different tests was administered to each subject before and after the 6-month test period. This battery included two closed### Table 1 Demographic Information for Study Participants \| Group/pair # \| Age at onset of deafness (months) \| Age at activation (years) \| Age at beginning of study (years) \| Education methodology \| Encoding strategy \| SDT dB HL \| Gender \| Expressive Vocabulary standard score \| \|--------------\|-----------------------------------\|---------------------------\|----------------------------------\|-----------------------\|------------------\|------------\|--------\|-------------------------------------\| \| The treatment group/FSP \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 1 \| 0 \| 3.6 \| 7.4 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 95 \| Male \| 53 \| \| 2 \| 0 \| 7.3 \| 9.5 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 55 \| Male \| 67 \| \| 3 \| 12 \| 5.1 \| 7.9 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 35 \| Male \| 49 \| \| 4 \| 0 \| 9.8 \| 11.7 \| TC \| SPEAK \| 45 \| Female \| 81 \| \| 5 \| 0 \| 2.5 \| 5.3 \| TC \| SPEAK \| 85 \| Female \| 118 \| \| 6 \| 0 \| 8.2 \| 8.6 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 45 \| Female \| 55 \| \| 7a \| 0 \| 5.4 \| 9.3 \| TC \| MPEAK \| 45 \| Female \| 61 \| \| M \| 2.0 \| 6.1 \| 8.4 \| \| \| 57.9 \| \| 69.1 \| \| SD \| 4.9 \| 2.8 \| 2.1 \| \| \| 22.9 \| \| 24.03 \| \| The control group \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| 1 \| 0 \| 4.3 \| 6.9 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 40 \| Male \| 48 \| \| 2 \| 0 \| 8.6 \| 10.4 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 40 \| Male \| 41 \| \| 3 \| 15 \| 5.5 \| 8.0 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 40 \| Male \| 66 \| \| 4 \| 0 \| 9.7 \| 12.1 \| TC \| SPEAK \| 35 \| Female \| 72 \| \| 5 \| 0 \| 2.7 \| 6.2 \| TC \| SPEAK \| 95 \| Female \| 93 \| \| 6 \| 0 \| 7.6 \| 8.2 \| OC \| SPEAK \| 40 \| Female \| 40 \| \| 7a \| 10 \| 4.6 \| 7.8 \| TC \| MPEAK \| 80 \| Female \| 82 \| \| M \| 2.5 \| 6.4 \| 8.6 \| \| \| 52.9 \| \| 63.14 \| \| SD \| 6.1 \| 2.7 \| 2.2 \| \| \| 24.1 \| \| 20.77 \| Note. Children designated as Total Communication (TC) use sign language and speech within their educational program. Children designated as Oral Communication (OC) use speech alone within their educational program. Expressive Vocabulary was measured using the Woodcock-Johnson Picture Vocabulary test (Woodcock & Mather, 1989). Standard Score mean = 100 ± 15. FSP = Foundations in Speech Perception. Subject 7 in the FSP group did not meet the minimum compliance criteria. Therefore, results obtained for this participant and the matched control participant were not used in all of the data analyses. set speech recognition tests: the Minimal Pairs test (Robbins, Renshaw, Miyamoto, Osberger, & Pope, 1988) and the Northwestern University Children’s Perception of Speech test (NUChips; Elliott & Katz, 1980); one open-set test: the Phonetically Balanced Kindergarten test (PBK-50; Haskins, 1949); and one speech production measure: a Percentage Consonant Correct (PCC) that was calculated from a single word articulation test, the Arizona Articulation Proficiency Scale (Fudala, 1974) with no model provided, using Computerized Profiling (Long & Fey, 1993). Stimuli for the speech recognition measures listed above were administered to subjects in a quiet room at a comfortable listening level via live voice in an auditory-only condition while subjects’ speech processors were set to their normal everyday setting with the exception of the NUChips test, which was administered using recorded voice presented at 70 dB SPL. Speech production testing was recorded on videotape and transcribed. FSP Procedures Four members of the treatment group had home computers that met the requirements for installation and utilization of the FSP program (see Appendix A). The three additional members of the treatment group did not have home computers and were provided with computers for use during the study. All but one of the children in the control group had access to computers in their home at the start of the study. At the beginning of the 6-month test period, a 1-hr instruction session was provided to each member of the treatment group and to his/her parents regarding use of the FSP program at home. Participants were instructed to use the FSP program 15 min each day for a period of 6 months. Each computer was located in the participant’s home in a quiet room away from distractions. Parents were encouraged to have their children use the program at the same time each day with specific instructions that the child was to work independently. Observations in the home suggested that all of the parents complied with these instructions. Monthly reports generated by FSP software were obtained to monitor progress and compliance. Typically, parents sent copies of the learning strategy report (see Appendix B), which indicated dates of use and progress through the program. Compliance criteria included (a) no more than three consecutive weeks of non-use and (b) a minimum of 15 hr of FSP use during the 6-month test period, or approximately 10 days per month on average. All participants continued to receive their regularly scheduled school and private speech and language therapy, auditory training, and special education services while they were enrolled in the study. Upon completion of the study, parents of the children in the Treatment group were asked to complete an anonymous questionnaire regarding their child’s use of the FSP program. The results of the questionnaire were used to elicit more information on their experience with the FSP software. All 14 children who participated in the study (including the non-compliant user) were given the FSP software as part of the compensation for their participation. Data Analyses A repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine if the change in speech recognition and speech production scores from pre- to post-treatment obtained by the two groups of subjects differed significantly. Additionally, a multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was performed to evaluate changes in scores that occurred between each group over the 6-month time frame of the study for each of the measures. Finally, an ANOVA was used to examine the effect of frequency of use on outcomes. RESULTS The scores obtained by the individual subjects on the various speech perception tests are presented in Table 2. Table 2 Scores Obtained by Individual Participants \| Group \| Pair # \| NUChips % of 50 \| MINPRS % of 80 \| PBK-50 % of 50 \| PCC % \| \|-----------\|--------\|-----------------\|----------------\|----------------\|-------\| \| \| \| pre \| post \| pre \| post \| pre \| post \| pre \| post \| \| \| The treatment group \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| FSP \| 1 \| 74 \| 82 \| 89 \| 90 \| 42 \| 48 \| 42 \| 53 \| \| FSP \| 2 \| 56 \| 82 \| 89 \| 99 \| 34 \| 36 \| 43 \| 48 \| \| FSP \| 3 \| 62 \| 70 \| 91 \| 94 \| 52 \| 66 \| 68 \| 75 \| \| FSP \| 4 \| 30 \| 42 \| 70 \| 76 \| 0 \| 2 \| 50 \| 71 \| \| FSP \| 5 \| 60 \| 62 \| 79 \| 90 \| 48 \| 70 \| 63 \| 92 \| \| FSP \| 6 \| 34 \| 50 \| 68 \| 78 \| 0 \| 12 \| 31 \| 44 \| \| FSP \| 7a \| 40 \| 22 \| 78 \| 68 \| 0 \| 2 \| 22 \| 35 \| \| \| \| 52.7 \| 64.7 \| 81 \| 87.8 \| 29.3 \| 39.0 \| 49.4 \| 63.8 \| \| \| \| 17.1 \| 16.5 \| 10.2 \| 9.4 \| 23.5 \| 26.8 \| 14.0 \| 18.6 \| \| The control group \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Control \| 1 \| 40 \| 26 \| 49 \| 64 \| 4 \| 6 \| 37 \| 34 \| \| Control \| 2 \| 80 \| 64 \| 81 \| 84 \| 56 \| 36 \| 72 \| 81 \| \| Control \| 3 \| 70 \| 58 \| 94 \| 91 \| 40 \| 38 \| 70 \| 71 \| \| Control \| 4 \| 92 \| 63 \| 32 \| 50 \| 69 \| 60 \| 48 \| 47 \| \| Control \| 5 \| 38 \| 40 \| 73 \| 71 \| 8 \| 20 \| 45 \| 55 \| \| Control \| 6 \| 36 \| 36 \| 60 \| 80 \| 0 \| 4 \| 21 \| 31 \| \| Control \| 7a \| 46 \| 42 \| 85 \| 75 \| 16 \| 18 \| 29 \| 44 \| \| \| \| 49.3 \| 45.7 \| 71.2 \| 75.0 \| 18.0 \| 17.3 \| 49.0 \| 53.3 \| \| \| \| 20.3 \| 14.3 \| 15.7 \| 12.0 \| 24.0 \| 16.7 \| 19.4 \| 20.1 \| Note. NUChips = Northwestern University Children’s Perception of Speech test; MINPRS = Minimal Pairs test; PBK50 = Phonetically Balanced Kindergarten test; PCC = Percentage Consonant Correct; FSP = Foundations in Speech Perception. aSubject 7 in the FSP group did not meet the minimum compliance criteria. Therefore, results obtained for this participant and the matched control participant were not used in all of the data analyses. tion/production measures are displayed in Table 2. All but one of the children in the Treatment group met the compliance criteria. A second child (Child 4) also used the program irregularly but met the compliance criteria set at the beginning of the study. Nevertheless, data for all of the children were included in the analyses. Between-group analyses were performed to determine if differences noted between pre- and post-study scores were likely attributable to use of the FSP program. Pre-treatment scores were subtracted from post-treatment scores to obtain individual difference scores. This helped to control for differences in pre-treatment scores between participants. Results are displayed in Figure 1. The control group demonstrated positive mean difference scores, indicating improved skills, on two of the four measures. A negative mean difference score was obtained on the NUChips test and on the PBK-50 test. The treatment group demonstrated positive mean difference scores on all four measures. A repeated-measures ANOVA was used to calculate between group differences for all seven pairs on all four measures. Results revealed significant main effects for differences between groups, $F(1,12) = 7.97$, $p < .05$, and measures, $F(3, 36) = 3.65$, $p < .05$. Interactions were not significant. ![Figure 1](image) Figure 1. Mean group difference scores obtained by subtracting scores obtained at the beginning of the study from scores obtained at the end of the study. Positive scores indicate improvement on the test while a negative score indicates a decline in score. PCC is the speech production score. The following are speech perception tests: Phonetically Balanced Kindergarten test (PBK-50), Northwestern University Children’s Perception of Speech test (NUChips) and the Minimal Pairs test (MINPRS). MANOVA was used to compare the mean difference scores obtained by each group for each measure and revealed that the scores obtained by the treatment group were significantly greater than the scores obtained by the control group on two of the four measures, NUChips, $F(1, 12) = 7.63$, $p < .05$, and PBK-50, $F(1, 12) = 4.35$, $p = .05$, with PCC approaching significance, $F(1, 12) = 4.17$, $p = .06$. Differences between the two groups were not statistically significant for the measure MINPRS, $F(1, 12) = .074$, $p = .79$. In summary, children in the treatment group achieved higher scores overall on the measures than did children in the control group. The Effect of Frequency of Use on Outcomes ANOVA was used to examine the effect of frequency of use on outcomes. The individual difference scores were added together to create an outcome difference score. Participants were placed into one of three groups according to the frequency with which they used the FSP program. The first group included children who used the FSP program at least 8 days per month on average. The second group used the FSP program less than 8 days per month. The third group included the children in the control group. There were significant differences between the groups, $F(1, 12) = 8.86$, $p < .01$. Tukey HSD post hoc analysis indicated that there were significant differences between the frequent users and both the infrequent user and control groups (see Table 3). There were not significant --- Table 3 Results of ANOVA and Post Hoc Analysis Examining the Effect of Frequency of FSP Use on Outcome Difference Scores \| \| Sum of squares \| df \| M square \| F \| \|----------------------\|----------------\|----\|----------\|-------\| \| Between groups \| 5973.82 \| 2 \| 2986.91 \| 8.86\| \| Within groups \| 3706.61 \| 11 \| 336.97 \| \| \| Total \| 9680.43 \| 13 \| \| \| Tukey HSD Post Hoc** \| (I) group \| (J) group \| M difference (I - J) \| SE \| \|----------------------\|-------------------\|----------------------\|-------\| \| Used FSP frequently \| Used FSP infrequently \| 45.80* \| 14.99 \| \| Used FSP frequently \| Control \| 40.17* \| 10.60 \| \| Used FSP infrequently\| Control \| -5.63 \| 14.99 \| Note. FSP = Foundations in Speech Perception. p < .01. *p < .01. differences between the infrequent user and control groups. In other words, children who used the FSP program at least 8 days per month on average demonstrated greater progress than children who used the FSP program less than 8 days or more per month. Furthermore, the infrequent users demonstrated progress that was similar to the control group. Responses to the Questionnaire A questionnaire was provided to the parents of children in the FSP group in order to gain a better understanding of their opinion of the software. Questionnaires were completed and returned anonymously. The results are summarized in --- Table 4 Results of Parent Questionnaire \| Question \| Strongly agree \| Agree \| Sometimes agree \| Disagree/strongly disagree \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------\|-------\|-----------------\|----------------------------\| \| I think FSP is easy to use \| 5 \| 1 \| 1 \| 0 \| \| My child thinks FSP is easy to use \| 4 \| 2 \| 1 \| 0 \| \| My child’s listening skills have improved since he/she began using FSP \| 4 \| 3 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| My child’s speech skills have improved since he/she began using FSP \| 2 \| 5 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| My child’s vocabulary skills have improved since he/she began using FSP \| 4 \| 3 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| I would recommend FSP to another family \| 3 \| 3 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| I would recommend to my child’s school \| 3 \| 3 \| 0 \| 0 \| \| My child uses FSP \| 6 to 7 times per week \| 3 to 5 times per week \| 0 to 2 times per week \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------\|-----------------------\|-----------------------\| \| \| 5 \| 2 \| 0 \| \| My child uses FSP \| Independently \| When I remind him/her \| Only after I insist \| \|--------------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------------\|-----------------------\|-----------------------\| \| \| 2 \| 5 \| 0 \| Note. A total of 7 of 7 FSP group parents completed the survey, including the parent of the non-compliant participant. FSP = Foundations in Speech Perception. Table 4. In general, parents’ responses supported the participants’ test score results: parents were pleased with the FSP software’s ease of use; they would recommend it to a friend or school; and they felt it improved their child’s listening skills, speech skills, and vocabulary skills. When asked what they liked most about FSP, the parents of two children responded that they found it very easy to use. When asked what they liked least about FSP three parents left the space blank. One parent responded: “There is no practice for building sentences, no questions designed for the child to answer, for example, who, what, when, where, why regarding characters in stories.” The remaining parents responded, “Nothing.” DISCUSSION Our results indicated that use of the FSP program by the children in this study facilitated improved speech perception and speech production skills over a 6-month period. This was demonstrated by improvements on selected speech recognition and speech production measures following 6 months of dedicated use of the FSP program. Children who used the FSP regularly at home demonstrated greater gains on measures of speech recognition and speech production than their matched peers who did not use the program at home. Furthermore, children who did not use the FSP program at least 8 days per month, although they had access to the program and a computer, exhibited progress that was similar to the control group. Thus the presence of the computer in the home and participation in the experimental group alone did not appear to account for the improvement in scores observed. Finally, parents responded positively to the FSP program, stating that they felt it improved their child’s listening, speech, and vocabulary skills and was easy to use. Results obtained by members of the control group appeared to be typical of what has been observed with children who have cochlear implants (e.g., Meyer, Svirsky, Kirk, & Miyamoto, 1998). Over a 6-month period of time, gains in speech perception and speech production skills are typically modest. The results obtained by children who used the FSP program regularly may have exceeded those typically obtained by children with cochlear implants. Our results indicate that children receive the greatest amount of benefit from the FSP program if they use it frequently. It is interesting to note that the participants who did not use the program at least 8 days per month did not perform as well as children who used the program at least 8 days per month. Furthermore, the children’s use of the FSP program was closely monitored and tracked by a professional during the 6-month treatment period of this study. This may have positively affected the study outcome and suggests that close professional supervision may be required to duplicate these results. Additionally, as is true for any intervention study, the results should be interpreted cautiously because they may have been the result of unmeasured variables such as parent involvement or child motivation. Furthermore, it is not clear that these improvements were sustained after the end of the study. Additional research is needed. The results of this study support the view that many professionals in our field intuitively feel: that in order to optimize performance with a sensory device, particularly in children, rehabilitation efforts should be supplemented by some form of home therapy. The FSP appears to be ideal for such supplementation, as it is easy and fun to use and provides therapy that may positively influence a child’s progression in his/her speech perception and speech production skills. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was supported by a grant from Cochlear Corporation. The authors would like to thank Carissa Ashbaugh, MA and Sara Hieber, MS for their assistance with these patients. REFERENCES Ahissar, M., & Hochstein, S. (1993). Attentional control of early perceptual learning. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States, 90(12), 5718-5722. Brown, C.J. (1994). Foundations in speech perception. Oakdale, IA: Breakthrough, Inc. (Distributed by Cochlear Corporation, Englewood, CO). Elliott, L., & Katz, D. (1980). Development of a new children’s test of speech discrimination. St. Louis, MO: Auditec. Fudala, J.B. (1974). Arizona Articulation Proficiency Scale: Revised. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Gross, M., & Herrmann, H.W. (1994). Computer-assisted rehabilitation of auditory perception after cochlear implants and hearing aid management. Laryngorhinootologie. 73(3), 143-145. Haskins, H.A. (1949). A phonetically balanced test of speech discrimination for children. Unpublished masters thesis, Northwestern University, Evanston, IL. Holstein, W.J. (1999). Moving beyond the PC. U.S News & World Report, 127(23), 48-58. Karni, A., Meyer, G., Jezzard, P., Adams, M.N., Turner, R., & Ungerleider, L.G. (1995). Functional MRI evidence for adult motor cortex plasticity during motor learning skill. Nature. 377(6545), 155-158. Karni, A., & Sagi, D. (1993). The time course of learning a visual skill. Nature. 365(6443), 250-252. Long, S.H., & Fey, M.E. (1993). Computerized Profiling (Version 1.0) [Computer Software; Macintosh/IBM]. San Antonio, TX: Psychological Corporation. Merzenich, M., Jenkins, W.M., Johnston, P., Schreiner, C., Miller, S.L., & Tallal, P. (1996). Temporal processing deficits of language-learning impaired children ameliorated by training. Science. 271(5), 77-81. Meyer, T.A., Svirsky, M.A., Kirk, K.I., & Miyamoto, R.T. (1998). Improvement in speech perception by children with profound prelingual hearing loss: Effects of device, communication mode, and chronological age. Journal of Speech, Language and Hearing Research. 41(4), 846-858. Nevins, M.E., & Chute, P.M. (1996). Children with cochlear implants in educational settings. San Diego, CA: Singular Publishing Group, Inc. Robbins, A.M., Renshaw, J.J., Miyamoto, R.T., Osberger, M.J., & Pope, M.L. (1988) Minimal Pairs test. Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University School of Medicine. Tallal, P., Miller, S.L., Bedi, G., Byma, G., Wang, Z., Nagarajan, S.S., Schreiner, C., Jenkins, W.M., & Merzenich, M.M. (1996). Language comprehension in language-learning impaired children improved with acoustically modified speech. Science. 271(5), 81-84. Woodcock, R.W., & Mather, N. (1989). Woodcock-Johnson Tests of Cognitive Ability. Allen, TX: DLM Teaching Resources. APPENDIX A DESCRIPTION OF SOFTWARE Foundations in Speech Perception, designed to run on either Windows or Macintosh computers, is composed of four integrated programs: Administration, Teacher, Reports, and Student. The Administration and Teacher programs provide set-up and security. The Report program is used to track children's progress, providing both overview and detailed daily information. Information regarding the child's activities, correct and incorrect responses, and frequency and length of use are recorded automatically while the child uses the program and retrieved later using one of several report formats. The Student program is comprised of five separate components: Lessons, Listen to Stories, Tell Stories, Alphabet activity, and Painting. Because the program is designed to be child-centered and child-driven, the child independently inserts a preformatted Key disk, used to identify him or her to the computer. The computer then confirms the child's name and exhibits a screen graphically presenting the five options while providing spoken directions. The Lessons option consists of over 1200 individual lessons, targeting a wide variety of auditory and reading skills with a vocabulary of approximately 1800 words. The lessons are implemented through two levels of listening activities using a closed set task. The Listen One activities target auditory discrimination abilities and vocabulary development. Listen Two activities are designed to build the relationship between sounds and written text. Each lesson is introduced with a practice task that allows children to explore sentences, words, syllables, letters, or sounds before proceeding to the matching task. It is the matching task upon which the child's progress is measured. Progression through the lessons depends on each child's success. If a lesson proves too difficult, the program automatically provides more auditory and visual support and moves the child to an easier level at which she or he experiences success. Listen to Stories and Tell Stories activities are designed to enable children to experience the link between oral and written language. Twenty-four stories, developed to reflect the interests of diverse populations, combine primary vocabulary with more challenging text. Children can listen to a story, record the story, and then play it back. Coloring books portraying the stories are provided with the software to encourage carryover of developing skills. The Painting component may be provided as an activity choice for the child and/or reinforcement within the lessons. For this study, Painting was precluded as a freestanding activity, and the default frequency for reinforcement was used. The availability and frequency of the Painting activity (i.e., how many lessons the child must complete before being rewarded) is set using the Teacher program. The Alphabet activity is very similar to the Lessons activity, but focuses on teaching either letter sounds or letter names. Minimum Computer Requirements PC Compatible Intel or compatible 25 MHz 80486DSX or higher MS DOS Version 6.0 or later or Windows Version 3.1 or later 8 MB RAM 250 MB of available hard drive storage CD ROM SVGA Video Card SVGA Monitor Audio device with recording capability and compatible microphone Parallel and Serial Ports 3½" Floppy Drive Mouse Macintosh 25 MHz 68030 or 20 MHz 68040 Processor or higher Mac OS or Macintosh System 7.1 or higher 12 MB RAM 230 MB of available hard drive storage CD ROM Minimum 256 color (640 × 480 resolution) 13" or 14" color monitor (640 × 480 resolution) Dynamic microphone 3½" Floppy Drive Mouse APPENDIX B SAMPLE LEARNING STRATEGIES REPORT Foundations in Speech Perception 3.0 Learning Strategies Report - Page: 1 Processed: 11/17/XX \| Activity \| Date \| Task Time \| Exp \| Resp (Sec) \| Correct% \| Exp Cor% \| \|----------------\|----------\|-----------\|-----\|------------\|----------\|----------\| \| Class: Home \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Group: All \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| XXXXXXXXXX (Child's Name) \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Plan: GSL_DIFF SENT \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Packet: SLDIFF-NSENTSEN-1 \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Sentence v. Sentence – Minimal \| \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Last word, vowel v. vowel, minimal \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Lesson: SIGN_DIFLV-1 Practice Listenl 10/28/XX 11:53 22 Listenl 3 10/28/XX 1:44 10 13.80 50 25 Listenl 4 10/28/XX 2:35 3 9.26 62 12 Lesson: SIGN_DIFLV-2 Practice Listenl 10/30/XX 8:26 23 Listenl 3 10/30/XX 1:00 2 7.27 50 50 Listenl 4 10/30/XX 2:07 2 5.38 62 12 Lesson: SIGN_DIFLV-3 Practice Listenl 11/1/XX 4:02 22 Listenl 3 11/1/XX 1:07 2 8.60 75 25 Listenl 4 11/1/XX 1:37 0 4.59 100 0 Explanation of Table The heading provides information about the child’s status in the program and which Plan and Packet the child is following. The Activity column describes the specific lesson the child accomplished. Date is the date upon which the child accomplished the lesson. Task Time represents the time the child spent on the task in minutes and seconds. Exp is the number of exposures the child had to the targets. Resp (Sec) is the mean response time to the targets overall in seconds. Correct% represents the percent of the items correct for which the child did not request additional cues from the computer. Exp Cor% represents the percent correct after cues. Adding Correct% and Exp Cor% together provides the total correct. 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I Answer all questions in one or two sentences. Each question carries 2 marks. 1. Who does Nehru mean by “our brothers and sisters” who have been cut off from us by political boundaries? 2. Why did Gandhiji address his appeal directly to women? 3. What does the author mean by “openness”? 4. What are the two factors between which eco-tourism can attempt a balance? 5. What is the “dreary desert sand of dead habit”? (5x2=10) II Answer in a paragraph of about 100 words: 1. (a) The poem ‘Night of the Scorpion’ is a statement of the affection and nobility of motherhood. Do you agree? OR (b) What is the importance of eco-tourism? (1x5=5) 2. (a) Why did Gandhiji think that women were the mainstay of his movement? OR (b) The contribution of women to the creation of modern India has been immense. What changes has it brought about in our society? (1x5=5) 3. (a) What is the pledge that Nehru makes in the speech? OR (b) What does Tagore pray for? (1x5=5) 4. (a) How did pneumonia affect Johnsy’s imagination? OR (b) How do we develop understanding in our relationships? (1x5=5) III Choose the correct answer from the options given: 1. Who, according to Nehru, held aloft the torch of freedom? (a) Mahatma Gandhi (b) Rabindranath Tagore (c) The unknown soldiers 2. The poet’s father in the poem Night of the scorpion was ............... (a) indifferent (b) Superstitious (c) rational 3. Where does Tagore want the Lord to strike? (a) at the root of penury in his heart (b) at poverty (c) at the source of joys and sorrows 4. What work was the nearest to Gandhiji’s heart? (a) Independence (b) Home rule (c) The rehabilitation of the villages 5. What was Johnsy counting? (a) her pictures (b) the leaves on an old ivy vine (c) the bricks 6. What does maturity mean? (a) openness (b) patience (c) flexibility 7. Which of the following is referred to as the world’s largest industry? (a) Real estate (b) Computer (c) Tourism 8. What did the scorpion do after biting the poet’s mother? (a) it ran away (b) it was killed (c) it was caught 9. What is the most significant political achievement in establishing the equality of women? (a) the legislative reforms (b) they became rulers (c) they were elected 10. Who is calmly courteous in all circumstances? (a) the emotionally immature person (b) the man of perfect manners (c) the closed person PART—B IV 1. Use the appropriate adjectives: (a) Sheela is a .................. girl. (b) .................. pen do you prefer? (c) He comes here .................. evening. (d) Raju fell down from a ............... height. 2. Supply the appropriate prepositions: (a) My house is ................. the river. (b) I prefer coffee ................. tea. (c) The boy was hiding ................. the chair. (d) Rani will be here ............... two days. V 1. Identify the kind of the underlined nouns: (a) The crowd was very big. (b) I believe in his honesty. (c) We saw a fleet of ships in the harbour. (d) Kalidasa wrote Sakuntalam. 2. Identify the verbs: (a) The river flowed swiftly. (b) The Brahmo Samaj led the movement for emancipation. (c) Honey is sweet. VI 1. Identify the part of speech of the underlined words: (a) He is an excellent teacher. (b) He worked hard. (c) The pen is on the table. (d) Hurrah! we have won. (e) Munnar is a beautiful place. 2. Fill in the blanks using the correct form of the word given in brackets: (a) She is an .............. dancer. (accomplish) (b) Another war is certain to bring .............. to mankind. (destroy) VII 1. Point out the subject and the predicate: (a) Gardening is a good hobby. (b) Two Americans landed on the moon. (2x1=2) 2. Fill in the blanks using the correct form of ‘be’: (a) I ............... 17 years old. (b) My mother ............... a teacher. (2x1=2) 3. Add proper question tags: (a) They will go, .................. ? (b) Nobody is ready, .............. ? (c) You like sweets, ............... ? (3x1=3) PART—C VIII (a) Phonetically transcribe the following words: 1. nation 2. education 3. fancy 4. balance 5. industry. (5x1=5) (b) Rewrite in English: 1. /destəni/ 2. /laif/ 3. /a:tist/ 4. /səprəiz/ 5. /bʌnd/ IX Write an essay on any one of the following: (a) English as a global language. (b) Students and Politics. (1x8=8) X Describe in about 100 words a person who has influenced you very deeply. 4 XI Prepare a welcome speech to be delivered on the occasion of the Arts festival in your college. 4 XII Smitha calls Prof. Mathew inviting him to deliver a speech on personality development at her college. 4	<urn:uuid:2286cb8f-c1d4-4e42-8f3c-9ed0c6138af4>	CC-MAIN-2023-23	https://gptcadoor.org/assets/downloads/cdt4uifcyf0251b.pdf	2023-05-31T22:51:12+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224647459.8/warc/CC-MAIN-20230531214247-20230601004247-00331.warc.gz	314,003,577	1,325	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.990675	eng_Latn	0.993869	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1098, 2134, 3694, 4740 ]	[ 3.703125 ]	3	1
The Commonwealth of Massachusetts In the Year One Thousand Nine Hundred and Eighty-Nine. AN ACT TO ADJUST CERTAIN DRUG RESEARCH REPORTING REQUIREMENT. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows: 1. Massachusetts General Laws Chapter 94C, Section 8(a) is hereby amended by striking therefrom the words "and the commissioner of mental health." The following is a list of the most common types of problems that can occur with a home's electrical system: - Short Circuits: A short circuit occurs when two wires come into contact with each other, causing an electrical current to flow through them. This can cause a fire or damage to the wiring and appliances. - Overloads: An overload occurs when too much electrical current flows through a circuit, causing the wires to heat up and potentially melt. This can also cause a fire or damage to the wiring and appliances. - Ground Faults: A ground fault occurs when an electrical current flows through a wire that is not properly grounded. This can cause a shock hazard and damage to the wiring and appliances. - Arrestors: Arrestors are devices that are installed in the electrical system to protect against overloads and ground faults. They work by diverting excess electrical current away from the wiring and appliances. - Surge Protectors: Surge protectors are devices that are installed in the electrical system to protect against power surges. They work by diverting excess electrical current away from the wiring and appliances. - GFCI Outlets: GFCI outlets are devices that are installed in the electrical system to protect against ground faults. They work by detecting any imbalance in the electrical current and shutting off the power to the outlet. - Arc Fault Detectors: Arc fault detectors are devices that are installed in the electrical system to protect against arc faults. They work by detecting any imbalance in the electrical current and shutting off the power to the circuit. - Smoke Detectors: Smoke detectors are devices that are installed in the electrical system to detect smoke and fire. They work by detecting any changes in the air quality and sending a signal to the control panel. - Carbon Monoxide Detectors: Carbon monoxide detectors are devices that are installed in the electrical system to detect carbon monoxide gas. They work by detecting any changes in the air quality and sending a signal to the control panel. - Power Strips: Power strips are devices that are used to connect multiple electrical devices to a single outlet. They work by providing a convenient way to connect multiple devices to a single outlet. - Extension Cords: Extension cords are devices that are used to extend the length of an electrical cord. They work by providing a convenient way to extend the length of an electrical cord. - Light Fixtures: Light fixtures are devices that are used to provide light in a room. They work by converting electrical energy into light energy. - Appliances: Appliances are devices that are used to perform specific tasks. They work by converting electrical energy into mechanical energy. - Electrical Panels: Electrical panels are devices that are used to distribute electrical power throughout a building. They work by providing a central location for controlling the flow of electrical power.	<urn:uuid:5b88e71b-511b-4e58-8c15-64d002897ea6>	CC-MAIN-2021-21	https://archives.lib.state.ma.us/bitstream/handle/2452/554196/ocm39986872-1989-HB-0172.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y	2021-05-05T22:59:10+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-21/segments/1620243988696.23/warc/CC-MAIN-20210505203909-20210505233909-00071.warc.gz	137,732,657	667	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.994723	eng_Latn	0.998857	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 432, 3442 ]	[ 2.234375 ]	1	0
Student Code of Conduct Philosophy and Purpose The Culpeper County Public Schools Code of Conduct has been formulated in order to encourage good citizenship by students and to discourage conduct that disrupts the learning environment of the school or that adversely affects the health and welfare of the students, staff and visitors. It is also meant to ensure that parents, students, and school personnel understand their responsibilities in regard to student conduct and to standardize procedures that will be used in responding to specific disciplinary problems. Every student has a right to a quality education in an environment that is conducive to learning and free of disruption. Conversely, every student has the responsibility to afford that right to others. This section generally describes the more obvious types of misconduct, but should not be construed as an exclusive list or as a limitation upon the authority of the School Board or school officials to deal with types of conduct which interfere with the proper functioning of the schools. Any behavior which threatens or jeopardizes safety, order, or the rights of others is considered to be in violation of the Culpeper County Public Schools’ Code of Conduct. Policies and references within the Code of Conduct can be found in the Culpeper County Public Schools Policy Manual available at each school as well as the Culpeper County Public Library and online at www.culpeperschools.org. Jurisdiction of the School Division Students are subject to the Code of Conduct at all times while they are under the jurisdiction of the school division, including, but not limited to such times as they are: 1. on school property; 2. waiting for the school bus at designated bus stops; 3. going to and from school; 4. on the school bus; 5. participating in or attending school-sponsored or school-related activities such as field trips, conferences, or athletic events; 6. engaging in off-campus conduct that creates a substantial disruption to the learning environment; 7. engaging in off-campus conduct that presents a threat to the safety of students or staff to include, but not limited to, charges for criminal behavior that if committed by an adult would be a felony or convictions of specific crimes as detailed the Code of Virginia 22.1-277.2 and 16.1-305.1. Any student convicted of purchase, possession or use of a weapon; homicide; felonious assault and bodily wounding; criminal sexual assault; manufacture, sale, gift, distribution or possession of Schedule I or II controlled substances; manufacture, sale, gift, distribution, or possession of marijuana; arson and related crimes; burglary and related offenses may be suspended or expelled from school attendance. RESPONSIBILITIES School Division Employees The Culpeper County School Board has the responsibility to make policies and regulations, and acting through the Superintendent holds all school division employees responsible for supervising student behavior while students are legally under the jurisdiction of the schools. Generally, the school principal is responsible for the enforcement of the Code of Conduct by persons under his or her supervision. Administrators, teachers, bus drivers, and support personnel are to ensure the rights of each student in the school division are protected. School division employees are responsible for: - facilitating regular school attendance; - providing an orderly school environment, a favorable psychological environment conducive to learning, and an atmosphere of mutual respect; · encouraging self-discipline; · maintaining open and proactive communication with parents and students; · formulating and implementing school rules and regulations in compliance with the Code of Conduct through the school setting; · disseminating the Code of Conduct upon registration of a new student and to all students and parents annually; · discussing the Code of Conduct with students and parents at meetings throughout the school year; · developing a discipline plan of action balancing the needs of the student and the school environment as a whole. In determining which of the disciplinary actions is most appropriate, a principal or other persons shall consider such factors as the context and seriousness of the violation, the student’s age and maturity, disability status, previous disciplinary record, and any other relevant circumstances. Parents and Guardians Each parent of a student enrolled in Culpeper County Public Schools has a duty to assist the school in enforcing this Code of Conduct so that each student may be educated in an atmosphere that is free of disruption and supportive of individual rights. It is the responsibility of parents and guardians to: · ensure regular and prompt school attendance by their child; · promote the good health of their child by addressing their health needs; · teach their child to assume responsibility for learning and for their conduct; · provide encouragement and discipline aimed at motivating their child towards proper, responsible behavior within the school setting; · ensure that their child is appropriately dressed for school as determined by the dress code with attention to personal cleanliness; · provide books, materials, instruments, uniforms and equipment that are required for effective participation in the school program; · provide up to date addresses, phone numbers, emergency contact information to the school; to include that of non-custodial parents; · provide the necessary information for enrollment in Culpeper County Public Schools to include: proof of residency; student's birth certificate; social security number; physical examination and health information; a record of the completed series of immunizations; and previous academic and discipline records as required by the Code of Virginia. Students The Culpeper County School Board believes students are responsible their learning and behavior, and are to seek adult assistance when encountering difficulties in meeting their responsibilities. Students are subject to increasing accountability for learning and behavior as they progress through school. Students are responsible for and expected to: · learn and follow the Code of Conduct; · attend school regularly and be on time to classes; · put forth the academic effort necessary for learning; · accept and respect the authority of parents, school personnel, and law enforcement personnel; · respect the rights of others; · exercise good judgment; · practice self-control; and · accept responsibility for their own learning and behavior. STUDENT RIGHTS The Culpeper County School Board recognizes the constitutional and legal rights of individual students as defined in law and in Virginia and U.S. Court decisions. The rights of students, though limited in the context of public schools, are recognized to include, but are not limited to: disciplinary due process; freedom of speech and religion; right of assembly and association; right to privacy; self-defense claims; and protection from discrimination. Disciplinary Due Process Students shall not be deprived of their liberty, property, or right to attend school without due process of law. Therefore, school personnel must protect a student’s due process rights when the student is accused of violating the Code of Conduct and in the administration of discipline. These include: · The student’s right to know what rule was violated by oral or written notice. · The student’s right to speak in their own defense, and/or present a written statement addressing the accusation and their version of the incident. · The student’s right to present witnesses or evidence for their defense. · The student’s right to be subject to discipline only if the evidence shows it is likely or probable the student violated the rule. · The right to appeal discipline decisions as determined by school board policies and regulations, and state laws. · The right to have the discipline process applied in a timely and fair manner without prejudice, bias, or discrimination. Freedom of Speech Culpeper County Public School students possess a range of free-expression rights under the First Amendment. Students can speak, write articles, take part in demonstrations, and petition school officials on issues of concern. The U.S. Supreme Court has said that students “do not shed their constitutional rights to freedom of speech and expression at the schoolhouse gate.” Though students do possess First Amendment freedoms, the courts allow school officials to regulate certain types of student expression. For example, school officials may prohibit speech that substantially disrupts the school environment or that invades the rights of others. Freedom of Religion Students can take part in individual and group prayer during the school day when they are not participating in school activities or are being taught provided they pray in a “non-disruptive manner”. These activities have to be voluntary and initiated by the students. Students can also have religious messages on clothing in the same way they are allowed to display non-religious messages on clothing. Students are allowed to express their beliefs about a religion in their school work and assignments if relevant to the assignment. Right to Associate and Assembly Students have the right to meet and associate with other students in manner that will not disturb regular school activities, and to meet in groups at the school for a legitimate purpose with proper supervision and administrative approval. Protection from Discrimination Students are protected by law from being treated differently in disciplinary actions or educational opportunities because of race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, ethnic, national origin, or disability status. Voluntary Participation in Civic Ceremonies and Traditions Public school students are led by staff in selected civic ceremonies and traditions whereby students have the right to participate free from disruption or discrimination. These include a “minute of silence” for mediation, prayer or to engage in a silent activity; to salute the flag and recite the Pledge of Allegiance; or to sing The National Anthem. If students choose not to participate in these civic ceremonies and traditions, they are to remain quiet and are not to disturb or distract others that wish to participate. The right of non-participation by students is recognized by Culpeper County Public Schools and is to be respected without intimidation or harassment by others. Right to Privacy Students have rights to privacy affecting their educational and discipline records, individual counseling, health conditions, disability status or other confidential information. School employees’ access to a student’s confidential information and its dissemination to others are defined and proscribed by school board policy, state and federal law. Expectations of Privacy, Searches, and Confiscation of Personal Property Each person has the right to be safe and secure at school and students have the right to pursue their education in an environment free of dangerous or disruptive items. Therefore, schools officials have the authority to prohibit certain items and conduct searches to locate and confiscate such items. School-owned property such as lockers, cubbies, desks, computers, or other school owned property in a student’s use can be searched without notice or cause. There is no expectation of privacy for students in their use or possession of school-owned property. Furthermore, when a “reasonable suspicion” exists to cause a search for prohibited items or for evidence that a law or a school policy has been violated, school officials have the right to search the personal property of students to include, but not limited to: clothing; purses; notebooks; book bags; duffle bags; computers; cell phones; or other electronic devices. Any vehicle brought on school property or at any school related event is subject to search if “reasonable suspicion” exists that prohibited items may be present in the vehicle. Prohibited items or the misuse of allowable items are subject to immediate confiscation by school officials pursuant to school board policies and regulations. Refusal to cooperate with a lawful request to search will result in disciplinary action. Right to Review Records Students and parents have the right to review educational and discipline records upon a request. Self-Defense Claims Cases for which self-defense is claimed by a student must meet the following criteria: 1. The claimant must not have provoked or behaved in a manner to cause the incident; 2. The claimant must have had reasonable fear of danger of harm; and 3. Used no more force than needed for protection from the threatened harm. Such incidents must be reported immediately to school officials. When claims of self-defense have been established, the administrator shall: 1. Allow the student to present his version of what occurred; and 2. Review circumstances and relevant information from others pertaining to the incident, including relationships and previous patterns of interaction among the students involved. Findings from the review of circumstances and other relevant information will be considered in determining the appropriate disciplinary action. Claims of self-defense do not constitute a valid defense against possession or use of a weapon on school property or at any school-sponsored activity. ATTENDANCE- EXCESSIVE ABSENCES, LATE ARRIVALS, and EARLY DISMISSALS It is the legal responsibility of parents to ensure their child receives an appropriate education. Regular attendance is a significant factor in academic achievement and plays an important role in developing good habits for future education and employment. Furthermore, late arrivals and early dismissals interrupt the learning of other students. Therefore, the Culpeper County School Board expects students to be on time to school, attend all classes without being late or leaving early, and are not to leave school grounds without administrative approval. Failure to follow the attendance policies of the school division and individual schools will result in disciplinary action towards the student and legal proceedings may be initiated against the parent, student, or both. (See page 34 for the complete attendance policy.) CONDUCT ENDANGERING SELF OR OTHERS Weapons and Other Dangerous Items The possession, use, sale, or purchase of any or dangerous item in any school building, on school grounds, in any school vehicle or at any school-sponsored activity without the authorization of the school principal or the school Division Superintendent is prohibited. A violation of this policy shall require that proceedings for the discipline of the student involved be initiated immediately by the principal. Such weapons and dangerous items include, but are not limited to: · any firearm designed or intended to propel a projectile of any kind, or any look-alike gun · any type of ammunition · any knife, razor or box cutter · any explosives, fireworks, and destructive devices · any tool such as screwdrivers, hammers, hatchets, axes · any “fighting” weapon · any common object such as scissors, pencils, sports equipment, if used as weapon In accordance with state law, a student who is determined to have brought a “firearm” as defined in law or knife with a blade of 3 inches or longer, or other types of fighting weapons on school property or to a school-sponsored activity shall be expelled for no less than one calendar year (365 days). The Superintendent Superintendent or designee may, however, determine, based on the facts of a particular case that special circumstances exist and another disciplinary action is appropriate. Any such discipline shall be taken in accordance with policy. Nothing in this section shall be construed to require a student’s expulsion regardless of the facts of the particular situation. Any student who possesses or uses a weapon or dangerous article on school property shall be referred to law enforcement. Exceptions: Curricular- An exception to this policy may be made for students participating in an authorized part of the curriculum, extracurricular activity or team involving the use of firearms, or in any organization permitted by the school to use the premises. However, the student may be subject to appropriate disciplinary action for misuse of the item or for use for any purpose other than the authorized curricular purpose. Food Preparation or Service: A student possessing a knife which is (1) customarily used for food preparation or service and (2) is being possessed for the sole purpose of food preparation or service shall not be subject to mandatory expulsion. However, the student may be subject to appropriate disciplinary action for misuse of the knife or for use for any purpose other than as authorized. Any exception must be arranged in advance with the administration of the school involved. Arson, Explosives, Bomb Threats and False Alarms Students may not engage in any illegal conduct involving sources of ignition (lighters, matches, flammable fuels); fireworks; explosive, chemical, or incendiary materials or devices; or hoax devices, as defined in the Code of Virginia. Possession or use of such items is prohibited. Furthermore, students shall not make any threat or false threat to bomb, burn, or destroy property or to cause harm to others, nor to cause a false alarm to be initiated, conveyed, or transmitted. Alcohol, Tobacco Products, Drugs, Inhalable or Ingestible Harmful Substances, and Drug Paraphernalia Students shall not possess, use, distribute or be under the influence of alcohol, tobacco products, drugs, inhalable or ingestible harmful substances, or drug paraphernalia on school property, at school sponsored activities on or off school property, on school buses or at school bus stops. Substances prohibited by this section includes, but may not be limited to: tobacco products; electronic cigarettes; alcohol; marijuana; illegal or controlled substances; prescription drugs; drug paraphernalia; steroids; inhalants; imitation controlled substances; or over the counter medications or any other inhalable or ingestible substance, whether legally or illegally possessed, where the substance is used or is to be used in a manner that causes physical or mental impairment or subjects the user to a dangerous risk of physical or mental harm. Any medications prescribed by physicians or over the counter medications for a student must be brought to the school office by a parent if the student has the need to take such medications during the school day. Once a parent has completed the appropriate form for dispensing medication, arrangements will be made for the student to receive his medication during the school day. Alcohol, Drugs, and Paraphernalia Students shall not possess, use, distribute or be under the influence of alcohol, tobacco products, or drugs on school property, at school-sponsored activities on or off property, on school buses or at school bus stops. This includes, but may not be limited to: tobacco products, alcohol, marijuana, illegal or controlled substances, prescription drugs, drug paraphernalia, steroids, inhalants, or imitation-controlled substances. Any medications prescribed by physicians or over the counter medications for a student must be brought to the school office by a parent if the student has the need to take them during the school day. Once the parents have completed the appropriate form for dispensing medication, arrangements will be made for the student to receive his medication during the school day. Conspiracy The planning and/or an agreement by two or more students to commit an illegal act is prohibited whether the conspiracy results in an illegal act on school property or at a school-related event, or whether the conspiracy occurs or is furthered by students while under the authority of the school. Disciplinary Actions relating to Alcohol & Drugs Students who are found to be in violation of Culpeper County Public School’s policies with regard to the use, possession, or distribution, or intent to distribute of alcohol or drugs shall be subject to immediate suspension, notification to law enforcement authorities, and possible expulsion in accordance with school board policies and regulations. Offending students may be required to participate in a substance abuse evaluation and program of treatment by the Division Superintendent or school board as a condition of enrollment. Assault and Threats Assault is a threat or attempt to cause bodily injury. Threats are circumstances whereby a person is placed in reasonable fear of bodily injury by weapons, attempts at physical contact, gestures, written notes, electronic messages, or verbal comments. Assaults and threats are prohibited. Battery (Physical Aggression) Battery is any bodily hurt, however slight, done to another person in an angry, rude, or vengeful manner. Students are prohibited from committing battery by intentionally hitting, shoving, tripping, scratching, biting, throwing objects at, or blocking the passage of another person. Inappropriate Behavior The behavior of students in various school settings—classrooms, playgrounds, hallways, cafeterias, gymnasiums, on school buses, at bus stops, or at school-related events must be appropriate for the time, place, and circumstances. Acts of harmful play (wrestling, play fighting, or pranks), rambunctiousness (running, jumping, standing, yelling, or loud talking not in proper context) or any socially inconsiderate behaviors (line cutting, playing with food, not waiting for a turn) are prohibited. Incitement or Instigation of Fighting Actions, comments, written or electronic messages intended to cause others to engage in mutual acts of aggression or may result in acts of aggression are prohibited. Fighting Aggressive actions by which two or more persons mutually intend to cause harm or injury are prohibited. These actions include, but are not limited to: hitting, kicking, shoving, wrestling, or other aggressive actions which could result in harm or injury to the individuals involved, bystanders or school personnel, or damage to school or personal property. Sexual Behavior & Sexual Harassment Sexual behavior is prohibited in any form on school grounds, school buses, or at school sponsored activities. Sexual behavior includes, but is not limited to offensive touching, indecent exposure, sexual messages including electronic messages, obscene photographs or video and inappropriate gestures. Unwelcome sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature that creates an intimidating, hostile, or offensive environment are prohibited. Stalking Students shall not engage in a pattern of behavior that places another person in reasonable fear of bodily harm or constitutes an invasion of their privacy. These behaviors include: following their movements; visual or auditory spying; use of electronic means of surveillance; use of intermediaries acting on their behalf. Profane or Obscene Language, Behavior, or Items Students shall not use vulgar, profane, or obscene language or engage in conduct that is vulgar, profane, or obscene. The possession of obscene literature, photographs, video, or illustrations in any form is also prohibited. This includes the wearing of clothing or adornments which convey sexually suggestive messages. Extortion Willful use of physical or verbal threats intended to result in an involuntary transfer of money or property to another person is prohibited. Gambling Gambling is any event, action, or statement which relies on chance for the monetary advantage of one participant at the expense of others. This includes exchanging items of value, as well as currency, and extends to keeping score for later settlement. Gambling on school property or at school-related events is prohibited. Hazing No student shall engage in hazing. Hazing means to recklessly and intentionally endanger the health or safety of a student or students or to inflict bodily harm on a student or students in connection with or for the purpose of initiation, admission into or affiliation with, or as a condition for, continued membership in a club, organization, association, fraternity, sorority, or student body, regardless of whether the student or students so endangered or injured participated voluntarily in the activity. Hazing is a Class 1 misdemeanor which may be punished by confinement in jail for up to 12 months and a fine of up to $2500, or both, in addition to any disciplinary consequences which may be imposed. The principal of any school at which hazing causes bodily injury shall report the hazing to the local law enforcement. Bullying Students, either individually or as a part of a group, shall not bully others. “Bullying” means any aggressive and unwanted behavior that is intended to harm, intimidate, or humiliate the victim; involves a real or perceived power imbalance between the aggressor or aggressors and victim; and is repeated over time or causes severe emotional trauma. The following conduct is illustrative of bullying: • Physical intimidation, taunting, name calling, insults, excluding or ostracizing behaviors; • Comments regarding the race, gender, religion, national origin, physical abilities or characteristics of the targeted person or his or her associates; • Falsifying statements about other persons or spreading rumors; or • “Bullying” includes cyber bullying which is the use of technology such as e-mail, text messages, or postings on web sites to defame or threaten others. Defiance Students must comply with any reasonable written or verbal direction given by school personnel. These include, but are not limited to, requests to stop talking, to stay seated, to participate in learning activities, to hand over personal property, to cease a behavior, or to identify themselves to school personnel. Defiance requires the implementation of formal disciplinary actions in accordance with school board regulations. Disruptive Behavior Any physical or verbal disturbance which occurs within the learning environment which interrupts or interferes with teaching or learning, the orderly conduct of school activities, or the safe operation of school programs or a school bus is prohibited. Disrespect towards Others Students may not verbally, through writing or pictures, use of gestures or body language curse, defame, ridicule, or intentionally embarrass another person to include students, school personnel, or visitors. Students who refuse to recognize the proper authority of school personnel to enforce rules are also in violation of this rule. Unauthorized Use of Photography, Video, or Audio Students are prohibited from taking photographs, or creating video or audio recordings of other students, school personnel, or visitors without the express consent of the teacher, principal, or other school personnel in supervision of the student. This applies within school buildings or on school grounds, on school buses or at bus stops, or when attending school-related events on or off campus. Gang Activity or Association The School Board acknowledges the existence of gangs in the community and the threat they pose to the educational environment. Therefore, students shall not engage in gang activity on school grounds, on school buses or at any school sponsored activity. Gang activity is defined as: · wearing, using, distributing, displaying, or selling any clothing, jewelry, emblem, badge, symbol, sign, or other thing that is evidence of membership or affiliation in any gang; · committing any act or omission, or using any speech, either verbal or non-verbal (such as gestures or hand-shakes) showing membership or affiliation in a gang; · using any speech or committing any act or omission in furtherance of the interests of any gang; · soliciting, hazing and initiating others for membership in any gang; · requesting any person to pay protection or otherwise intimidating or threatening any person; or committing any other illegal act or other violation of school policy. Operation of Motor Vehicles Students and visitors operating motor vehicles to and from school and on school property shall do so in a safe and proper manner. Anyone who drives in a careless or dangerous manner on school property and/or ignores parking rules is subject to revocation or suspension of their parking privileges, and will be referred to law enforcement. INTEGRITY Students shall demonstrate honesty, trustworthiness, and integrity in their interactions with others, and in their academic work. Fair and just disciplinary actions dictate that school officials need truthful statements from accused students, accusers, and witnesses when investigating violations of the Code of Conduct. Students are subject to separate disciplinary action for attempts to deceive school officials in the course of investigations or in the administering of disciplinary actions. Attempts toward completion of any act described below would constitute a violation and may be punishable whether or not the attempted act is completed. The behaviors described below are prohibited: Cheating Cheating includes the actual giving or receiving of any unauthorized aid or assistance or using an unfair advantage on any form of academic work. Plagiarism Plagiarism includes the copying of the language, structure, idea and/or thought of another person and representing it as one’s own work. Forgery Forgery is the signing of another person’s name or initials on a document with the intent to deceive others. Forgery also includes the altering of any school document or parent note. Lying Lying is the act of making a false statement with the intent to deceive others. Students are expected to provide truthful statements to school personnel when asked questions related to their own academic work or behavior, and when questioned about the behavior or actions of others. False Allegations The making of false accusations against innocent person(s) may carry serious consequences for the person(s) accused. Therefore, students falsely accusing other students of violations of the Code of Conduct are subject to disciplinary actions. Students making false accusations against school division employees, volunteers, law enforcement personnel, or other persons are subject to disciplinary actions which may include long term suspension. PROPERTY OFFENSES Stealing or Theft The taking or attempt to take the property or money of another person, the school, or other organizations by force, threat, trickery, or stealth is prohibited. Trespassing It is unlawful for any person, whether or not a student, to enter upon or remain upon any school property (including school buses) in violation of any directive by school personnel to leave the property or by posted notice which contains such information. Students suspended or expelled from school are not to be on any Culpeper County Public Schools property, including buses or bus stops, or attend any school-related events. Violators are subject to discipline and/or notification to law enforcement. Vandalism Vandalism is the willful marring, defacing, (i.e. graffiti), or destruction of the property of Culpeper County Public Schools, or any public or personal property while on school property or during a school-sponsored activity. Additionally, this includes unauthorized entry into any computer system (See Acceptable Computer System Use Policy). Vandalism of property is prohibited and anyone who vandalizes property will be disciplined and/or reported to law enforcement and will be responsible for monetary restitution for the total cost of replacement or repair. Buying, Selling, or Trading of Items Students are prohibited from engaging in the buying, selling, or trading of personal property on school property or at school-related events. The conduct of school-related fund raisers must be in accordance with provisions established by the school principal or designee. Permission to conduct or advertise fundraising for outside organizations or individuals must be approved by the Division Superintendent or designee. STANDARDS OF DRESS (Pre-Kindergarten thru 12) Culpeper County Public Schools seek to maintain an orderly environment for the education of students. To accomplish this goal, the Division has established a standard of student dress that is conducive to a proper educational climate, while reasonable enough to allow students to be expressive in their clothing selection. The following are examples of the standards of dress that will be enforced at school: - Clothing must cover the entire body between the neckline and mid-thigh. (Necklines for female students shall be high enough to conceal any cleavage.) - The display of any portion of underwear with the exception of appropriate undershirts is prohibited (This includes waistbands and bra straps.) - All outer shirts must have sleeves. - Dresses, blouses, and tops must have enough cloth on the shoulder to easily cover bra straps. - Underwear appropriate for the body is to be worn at all times (Undershirts are optional). • Clothing designed to be worn as an undergarment cannot be visible between the neck line and mid-thigh. These items include, but are not limited to: panty hose; tights; or leggings. • Items that cover any portion of the head are prohibited. (Appropriate hair adornments are permitted.) • Any items that advertise tobacco, drugs, or alcohol are prohibited. • Any items associated with or suggestive of support for or membership in a criminal street gang are prohibited. • Any items pornographic, obscene, or sexually suggestive in nature are prohibited. • Items that in the opinion of school officials are reasonably probable to disrupt the operation of the school or endanger the wearer or others are prohibited. The principal or designee has the authority to decide whether or not an item of clothing or adornment is appropriate. Students in grades 6 –12 who violate the dress code will have to immediately remedy the dress code violation and are subject to the following disciplinary actions. 1st offense - The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation and a verbal warning shall be issued. 2nd offense - The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation and the parent/guardian shall be notified. 3rd offense – The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation, up to a 30 minute detention shall be required, and the parent/guardian shall be notified. 4th offense - The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation, ½ day in-school suspension shall be required, and the parent/guardian shall be notified. 5th offense - The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation, a 1 day in-school suspension shall be required, and the parent/guardian shall be notified. 6th Offense & thereafter - The Student shall be required to immediately remedy the dress code violation, a 1 day out-of-school suspension shall be required, and a parent/guardian conference shall be required. The discipline of students at the elementary level (Grades Pre K – 5) shall be at the discretion of the principal and shall depend upon the age of the student and the type of violation. PORTABLE ELECTRONIC DEVICES The Culpeper County School Board recognizes that Portable Electronic Devices (PED) such as cell phones, computers, and audio/video devices may be used for valid purposes, such as communication, information, and entertainment, while at school or at school-sponsored events; however, the possession and use of a PED on school property is a privilege both subject to strict regulation and revocable for reasonable cause. Students with parent permission may possess and use PEDs on school property but only when such use is in strict compliance with the following restrictions: • Student use of a PED at any permitted time and location SHALL NOT distract the student or others from learning or participating in the educational process, interfere with the work of school employees, create any safety concern or hazard, and/or violate any other provision of the code of conduct. • Students in grades 9 through 12 may use PEDs before the morning tardy bell, after the dismissal bell, during lunch in the commons areas of the school, or at other times when explicitly permitted by a school employee. • Students in grades 6 through 8 may NOT use PEDs upon arrival at school or during the school day, but may use PEDs after the dismissal bell in the commons areas of the school, or at other times when explicitly permitted by a school employee. • Students in grades pre-kindergarten through 5 may NOT use PEDs while on school property or when attending school-related events unless given explicit permission by the principal or designee. The School Board, its employees or agents are not responsible for any loss, theft, damage to, or safety of any PED brought onto school property at any time. The student or parent who brings or allows such a PED to be brought to school assumes the risk of all such damage or losses. Students and parents who use or consent to the use of a PED at school and in compliance with the rules for use established by this policy expressly understand that no PED will be configured for use on the CCPS computer network and, therefore, any student use of a PED to access the internet while at school will not be subject to or affected in any way by CCPS network filters. Accordingly, students and parents who use or consent to the use of a PED at school assume all risk that student use may expose the student to inappropriate, obscene, or harmful content and that it shall not be the responsibility of the School Board or its employees to monitor student use of the internet when using a PED at school or to protect or prevent students from accessing inappropriate or harmful internet content. If a cell phone or other electronic device is confiscated to investigate other possible violations of the Code of Conduct (e.g., bullying) or violations of law (e.g., possession of child pornography), then school officials and/or law enforcement shall keep the device until the investigation is complete. First Offense Warning issued and device to be turned off and removed from sight. (If this directive was previously stated as a general direction to all students present; second offense applies.) Second Offense Device confiscated by school employee and securely held until the end of class, activity, or bus ride and conference is held with student. Third Offense Device confiscated by school employee, securely held, and given to principal or designee until an administrator is able to have a conference with student. Fourth Offense and thereafter Device confiscated by school employee, securely held, and given to principal or designee until an administrator is able to have a conference with student and parent or guardian. The refusal of a student to relinquish possession of a device upon request by a school employee will result in a suspension from school pending a conference with a parent or guardian. Any student suspended on three separate occasions in a school year for violation of this policy will lose the privilege of possessing the device(s) for the remainder of the current school year. TYPES OF DISCIPLINARY ACTIONS The Code of Conduct specifically outlines categories of behavior and states possible disciplinary actions (consequences) which may occur as a result of a violation of the code. When making disciplinary decisions, school personnel will consider several factors, to include: 1. the specific code section(s) being violated 2. specific circumstances surrounding the incident 3. the student’s previous discipline record 4. the age and/or grade level of the student 5. the disability status of the student, if applicable 6. other factors as appropriate. Confiscation Any item prohibited by this Code of Conduct, or any item deemed to be disruptive to the school environment, will be removed from the student’s possession and returned to the parent in accordance with school board policy. Depending upon the item confiscated, and the number of previous offenses additional disciplinary action may be required. Student Conference Formal and informal conferences are frequently held between the student and teacher, bus driver, guidance counselor, or school principal in the course of disciplining a student. The purpose of the conference is to help the student become aware of inappropriate behavior and to assist with correcting the behavior. Assigned Seating or Restrictions of Movement Assigned seating or restrictions on the movement of a student in the classroom, cafeteria, or bus restricts a student’s interactions with other students and limits their freedom of movement to prevent disruption. Timeout Timeout is the placement of a student in a location within the classroom, cafeteria, or other area where peer interaction is prohibited for a short period of time. Timeout is an informal disciplinary action not subject to required notification to parents, or inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record or state discipline reports. Detention Detention is the placement of a student in a restrictive setting supervised by school personnel excluded from their peers during non-instructional activities such as: before or after school; lunch periods; recess; or breaks. Detentions may be considered a formal disciplinary action requiring notification to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record depending upon the specific discipline policies of the school. Loss of Social Privileges The loss of social privileges is the denial of student’s participation in certain school activities: recess, assemblies, athletic events, or extra-curricular activities. The short-term loss of social privileges is an informal disciplinary action and is not included in a student’s permanent educational record, with certain exceptions. The long-term denial of social privileges is a formal disciplinary action requiring notification. to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record. Temporary Removal of a Student from Classroom State law provides that teachers shall have the initial authority to temporarily remove a student from their classroom for disruptive behavior subject to procedures and policies approved by the school board. School-based Stay-Away Orders Students who engage in bullying or other harassing behaviors may be ordered to stop all interaction with another student or school employee while on school property, at bus stops, or while attending school-related events. The issuance of a school-based stay-away order is a formal disciplinary action requiring notification to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record. In-School Suspension Students may be placed and supervised in a restrictive setting within the school referred to as “in-school suspension” for violations of the Code of Conduct. In-school suspensions deny students the ability to attend their normal instructional activities, in addition to other non-instructional activities. This placement may be for part of the school day, the entire school day, or multiple school days at the discretion of school administrators. Students must conform to the work and behavior expectations of the in-school suspension program before being released by the principal or designee. In-school suspensions are formal disciplinary actions requiring notification to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record, and state discipline reports. Short-term Suspension Students may be prohibited from attending school and other school-related activities by a school administrator for a period not to exceed ten (10) days for serious or repeated violations of the Code of Conduct. Parents must attend a conference with the suspending school administrator before returning to regular school attendance. Students suspended or expelled from school are not allowed on any Culpeper County Public Schools property, including buses or bus stops, or to attend any school-related events. Violators are subject to notification to law enforcement for trespassing. Short-term school suspensions are formal disciplinary actions requiring notification to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record, and state discipline reports. Referral to Discipline Hearing Student and their parents (or legal guardian) may be required to attend a discipline hearing concerning serious or repeated violations of the Code of Conduct. The Discipline Hearing Officer or Committee reviews the specific case(s) of the student being referred, and after hearing from all parties involved, may impose a variety of consequences including long-term out-of-school suspensions, placement in alternative education programs, require counseling or alcohol/drug treatment, or recommendation to the Division Superintendent for expulsion by the Culpeper County School Board. Student Services Intervention When a student experiences repeated problems in school, school personnel may refer this student to the school counselor or the school psychologist for counseling and intervention strategies with parent permission. Outside counseling may also be recommended or required. School/Community Service Students may be required to perform school/community service to compensate for certain violations of the Code of Conduct. Restitution Payment for school division property that is stolen, damaged or destroyed by a student will be required. Probation Students may be placed on probation rather than suspension. Students on probation may also be prohibited from participating in specific activities. Students who violate probation are subject to a discipline hearing with the recommendation for long-term suspension. Long-Term Suspension Long-term suspensions are greater than ten days and no more than 364 days. The Discipline Hearing Officer or Committee may impose this consequence for serious or repeated violations of the Code of Conduct after a discipline hearing is held. Parents have the right to appeal a long-term suspension to the Superintendent or his designee. Students suspended from school are not allowed on any Culpeper County Public Schools property, including buses or bus stops, or to attend any school-related events. Violators are subject to notification to law enforcement for trespassing. Long-term school suspensions are formal disciplinary actions requiring notification to parents and inclusion in a student’s permanent educational record, and state discipline reports. A long-term suspended student may be required to participate in educational programs, counseling, treatment, or community service as a condition of re-enrollment at the end of the suspension period. Alternative Education Programs In cases of serious or chronic violations of the Code of Conduct a student may be assigned to a program of alternative education to include school division-based programs, off school grounds programs, distance learning programs via the internet and software, homebound instruction. Expulsion by the School Board Expulsion is defined as the exclusion of a student from attending Culpeper County Public Schools for no less than 365 days. In cases of very serious or continuous violations of the Code of Conduct after other interventions have been exhausted, a principal may recommend to the Division Superintendent or designee, the expulsion of a student by the school board. The Division Superintendent or designee will examine the facts of the case and make a determination to carry that recommendation forward to the school board for hearing. Factors considered include: 1. nature and seriousness of the violation(s) 2. degree of danger to the school community 3. the student’s previous disciplinary record 4. appropriateness or availability of alternative education placements 5. age and grade level of the student 6. results of substance abuse, mental health, or special education evaluations 7. attendance and academic records 8. other matters as appropriate. If the recommendation for expulsion is made by the Superintendent a hearing will be scheduled within 10 days. The Superintendent, or designee, shall notify the parents of the time and place of the hearing. Action by the Culpeper County School Board is considered final. Any appeal of an expulsion must be registered with the local Circuit Court in accordance with state law. An expelled student may be required to participate in educational programs, counseling, or community service offered through the school division as a condition of re-enrollment at the end of the expulsion period. Any costs of educational or counseling programs not offered by the school division are the responsibility of the parent/guardian. Students expelled from school are not allowed on any Culpeper County Public Schools property, including buses or bus stops, or to attend any school-related events. Violators are subject to notification to law enforcement for trespassing. Under state law, school divisions may deny enrollment of any student under expulsion or long-term suspension from another school division until the period of suspension or expulsion has passed and any conditions for enrollment are met. Corporal Punishment (Policy JGA) No teacher, principal or other person employed by the School Board shall subject a student to corporal punishment. This prohibition does not prohibit the use of incidental, minor or reasonable physical contact or other actions designed to maintain order and control or the use of reasonable and necessary force: - to quell a disturbance or remove a student from the scene of a disturbance which threatens physical injury to persons or damage to property; - to prevent a student from inflicting physical harm on himself; - for self-defense or the defense of others; or - to obtain possession of weapons or other dangerous objects or controlled substances or paraphernalia which are upon the person of the student or within his control. For the purposes of this policy, "corporal punishment" means the infliction of, or causing the infliction of, physical pain on a student as a means of discipline. “Corporal punishment” does not include physical pain, injury, or discomfort caused by participation in practice or competition in an interscholastic sport, or participation in physical education or an extracurricular activity. Reporting Disciplinary Actions School employees are to maintain open and proactive communication with parents and students to attempt to prevent most disciplinary problems before formal disciplinary actions are necessary. Therefore, parents may be notified by teachers, bus drivers, or school administrators verbally or in writing when students have committed minor violations of the Code of Conduct that require informal disciplinary actions such as assigned seating; restrictions of movement; student conferencing; time-outs; short-term loss of social rights such as the denial of recess or free time; lunch with peers; attending or participating in an assembly, athletic competition, or extracurricular activity. Informal disciplinary actions are not recorded in the student’s permanent educational records, nor are these disciplinary actions included in school division discipline reports to the Virginia Department of Education, with certain exceptions. School administrators or their designee are to make reasonable efforts to notify parents through written and/or oral communications when formal disciplinary actions are implemented such as removal of the student from the classroom; detentions; school stay-away orders; long-term loss of social rights; in-school suspensions; out-of-school suspensions; expulsions. Formal disciplinary actions are recorded in the student’s permanent educational records, and are included in school division discipline reports to the Virginia Department of Education, with certain exceptions. Additionally, upon the out of school suspension of any student, the person responsible for issuing the suspension shall report the facts of the case in writing to the Division Superintendent or designee. Discipline Records State law requires that certain violations of the Code of Conduct be recorded in writing and maintained in each student’s cumulative educational record. Violations of the Code of Conduct and the formal disciplinary actions taken are recorded on school discipline referrals and are sent home to be signed by the parent. The number of violation(s) by type and the formal disciplinary actions taken are entered into the student records management system for use by the school division and are reported to the Virginia Department of Education annually. Reporting of Certain Offenses to Law Enforcement Authorities Local school board policy must provide for notification of local law enforcement authorities in accordance with § 22.1-279.3:1.D. of the Code of Virginia that requires principals to immediately report to the local law enforcement agency any act enumerated in clauses (ii) through (vii) of §22.1-279.3:1.A. that may constitute a criminal offense. A principal may report to the local law enforcement agency any incident described in clause (i) of subsection A. When there is injury, or the battery is against school personnel, reporting is mandatory. Section 22.1-279.3:1.A. of the Code lists offenses as stated below: i. The assault or assault and battery, without bodily injury, of any person on a school bus, on school property, or at a school-sponsored activity ii. The assault and battery that results in bodily injury, sexual assault, death, shooting, stabbing, cutting, or wounding of any person, or stalking of any person as described § 18.2-60.3, on a school bus, on school property, or at a school-sponsored activity iii. Any conduct involving alcohol, marijuana, a controlled substance, imitation controlled substance, or an anabolic steroid on a school bus, on school property, or at a school-sponsored activity, including the theft or attempted theft of student prescription medications iv. Any threats against school personnel while on a school bus, on school property or at a school-sponsored activity v. The illegal carrying of a firearm, as defined in § 22.1-277.07, onto school property vi. Any illegal conduct involving firebombs, explosive materials or devices, or hoax explosive devices, as defined in § 18.2-85, or explosive or incendiary devices, as defined in § 18.2-433.1, or chemical bombs, as described in § 18.2-87.1, on a school bus, on school property, or at a school-sponsored activity vii. Any threats or false threats to bomb, as described in § 18.2-83, made against school personnel or involving school property or school buses, or viii. The arrest of any student for an incident occurring on a school bus, on school property, or at a school-sponsored activity, including the charge therefore. The principal or designee must also notify the parent of any student involved in the incidents listed above, as well as incidents committed by students enrolled at the school if the offense would be a felony if committed by an adult. The principal or designee must also report these incidents to the Division Superintendent. Whenever a student commits a reportable incident named in the Code, the student shall be required to participate in prevention and intervention activities as determined appropriate by the Division Superintendent or designee. 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Children need to be active participants in becoming good digital citizens; they need to define their rights and responsibilities online, and have the skills to exercise their values and judgments to be as safe and secure as possible. Good digizens’ can also be role models for others and inspire the online community in which they live. Will Gardner, CEO, Childnet International, U.K. www.childnet-int.org Teaching our children how to safely, ethically and productively use technology is a key component to ensuring a well-prepared workforce. What you do online and how you use technology has the potential to affect everyone—at home, at work and around the world. Practicing good online habits benefits the global, digital community. Microsoft has been a productive and positive partner with the NCSA by providing guidance and resources to empower a well-equipped digital citizenry. Michael Kaiser, Executive Director, National Cybersecurity Alliance, U.S., www.staysafeonline.org Good digital citizenship is key to everybody’s safety and success online, including children’s. At its core is learning how to be good to one another, which protects individuals and communities, increases social capital, and enables effective participation in today’s very social media environment. It brings relevance to online safety for youth because it demonstrates respect for their agency and the technologies they find so compelling and empowering. It turns users into stakeholders and agents for social good. Anne Collier, Co-Director, ConnectSafely.org, U.S. www.connectsafely.org Life online is what you make of it; just like in the real world there are simple steps you can take to ensure you have a safer internet experience. It is important to ensure that the public is educated on internet safety and that children know how to use the internet and devices safely. Being an ethical and law-abiding digital citizen is essential to having safer and more secure interactions online. Kevin Zuccato, Assistant Commissioner, Australian Federal Police, Australia By marrying the innovative approach of teaching 21st century skills with new notions of digital diplomacy, we can create 21st century citizens to inherit and inhabit our digital world. With the right combination of tools, rules and schools, we can inspire children to become good digital citizens by providing them with the skills they need to make smart choices online. Stephen Balkam, CEO, Family Online Safety Institute, U.K. and U.S. www.fosi.org Our goal in the UAE is to foster a tech-savvy, self-aware youth. Microsoft is providing an excellent example of corporate social responsibility through its provision of resources worldwide to law enforcement services in the area of child awareness. Lieutenant Colonel Faisal Al-Shamari, Member & Rapporteur of the United Arab Emirates Higher Child Protection Committee, Director of Child Protection Centre, Ministry of Interior Our world is drastically different than the one in which our parents, or even we, grew up. Interpersonal relationships, the foundation of every society, are changing as technology has made it easier for people to engage with others located anywhere from their backyards to the Outback. Learning to be safe, ethical, healthy and resilient digital citizens is critical for youths’ success today and in the years to come. Marsali Hancock, President and CEO, iKeepSafe, U.S. www.ikeepsafe.org	<urn:uuid:88be9f92-5fb8-4604-8247-8d8a8c7b2c8b>	CC-MAIN-2015-14	http://download.microsoft.com/download/4/F/5/4F551930-CB22-43EC-A054-5E6270AAD2D7/Digital_Citizenship_Views.pdf	2015-03-30T16:50:04Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2015-14/segments/1427131299496.98/warc/CC-MAIN-20150323172139-00068-ip-10-168-14-71.ec2.internal.warc.gz	81,063,504	671	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.995523	eng_Latn	0.995523	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 3431 ]	[ 2.625 ]	1	0
READ THESE INSTRUCTIONS FIRST If you have been given an Answer Booklet, follow the instructions on the front cover of the Booklet. Write your Centre number, candidate number and name on all the work you hand in. Write in dark blue or black pen on both sides of the paper. Do not use staples, paper clips, highlighters, glue or correction fluid. Answer all questions. At the end of the examination, fasten all your work securely together. The number of marks is given in brackets [ ] at the end of each question or part question. Dictionaries are not permitted. BLANK PAGE Read the following passages carefully, and then answer Questions 1 and 2. Hazards and Hardships At the time of writing, nobody has crossed Antarctica without outside support. Those who try find that the risks, the dangers and the discomforts have remained largely unchanged since the days of early explorers such as Amundsen and Scott. To cross 3000 kilometres of ice, much of it at high altitudes, without resupply means carrying some 230 kilograms per person. Shackleton dreamed of such a journey but his ship, the Endurance, sank before he could begin it. As the twenty-first century begins, Shackleton’s successors will find modern research and development have done little to provide answers to their basic problems. Food still weighs the same as it did despite the advent of dehydrated goodies because, in a waterless continent of ice, extra fuel is needed for rehydration. Clothing and footwear have advanced in many ways, but not for those who haul sledges, dragging ultra-heavy weights which cause sweating. This leads to a dangerous condition called hypothermia unless the clothing is 100 percent breathable. Only tight-weave cotton is suitable and it was on the market in 1901. Radios were available to Amundsen and Scott and, then as now, they are at their least dependable in polar zones owing to disturbances in the ionosphere. Today’s sledge runners experience the same problems as did Scott’s. When fresh snowflakes fall they retain a beautiful hexagonal shape but the snow crystals of the Antarctic plateaux have been damaged by repeated collisions with other crystals as they are blown about in storms. Often the resulting surface, especially in low temperatures, grasps the runners on the sledge, as would the sand of a beach dune, and maximizes friction. Crevasses still lurk and no machine is available to tell the modern traveller where not to tread. When the Australian Antarctic explorer Douglas Mawson used dogs to haul his sledges, he had as much trouble with crevasses as any manhauler, losing animals in these treacherous openings in the ice. Travelling day after day, month after month over such invisible traps eats away at an Antarctic traveller's confidence and morale. The winds, too, are a constant source of worry. They roar from higher plateaux at speeds of up to a hundred knots with little or no warning. Tents can be torn away from sleeping sledgers. In 1903, Scott’s men sheltered on his ship the Discovery from one such blizzard. He wrote: ‘If a man ventured as far as the deck, he gasped for breath and half-suffocated with ears, eyes and nose stuffed with snow.’ Even the sun can be an enemy when coupled with the endless snowfields and the cold. Goggles mist up and, when wearers remove them in order to see, they can quickly suffer snowblindness. In a violent snowstorm the snow floor reflects and refracts the glare so that there the human eye has no perception of depth and lurking crevasses are not detected. Huxley once described how Scott ‘was in agony from sunblindness which no medicine could alleviate. The victim of this horrible complaint felt as though his eyeballs were being tattooed by red-hot needles or brushed with gritty sand.’ 1 From your reading of both passages, summarise the hazards and hardships of mountaineering (Passage A) and travelling over snow and ice (Passage B). You should write about a side, allowing for the size of your handwriting. 2 You are the presenter of a radio programme about dangerous expeditions. You have invited Walter Bonatti and Ranulph Fiennes to talk about their experiences. Write the transcript of part of your conversation. During the conversation you, the presenter, should ask the following questions: - What qualities do you think a successful explorer or mountaineer needs? - Do you think you are testing your luck and your endurance to too great an extreme? Start the conversation like this: Me: There must have been moments when each of you wished you had never set out. Fiennes.: … Use ideas and details from both passages. You may add your own ideas, but they must be based on what you have read. You should write about $1\frac{1}{2}$–2 sides, allowing for the size of your handwriting. Please note the passage ‘The Death Zone’ has been removed for copyright reasons. Dear Nephew/Niece You're nearly eighteen and I have been thinking of a special present to give you. I want it to be really useful and to suit your increasing maturity. I listened carefully to what you said to me when I visited you last year and I think you would find these three things most useful: a really strong but lightweight bicycle with state-of-the-art gears; connection to the internet and a year's payments for you to use it as much as you like; a pile of reference and other important books you will need at university. To help you choose which one would be best, I have written down some ideas for you – what do you think? Now first of all, about the bicycle – marvellous freedom, you know. You can go anywhere you want and save so much money just when you are really short of it. And then there's the health aspect. You'll build up those lungs and strengthen your heart. But I think what appeals to me the most is that the more we cycle the less we need cars, especially in the city. A little effort and the only cars that would be needed in most cities would be the invalid cars. What a difference to the environment! I hardly use my car any more – the bicycle is my real friend! You young people are all so keen on the internet these days (my second choice), and I don't blame you. I'm always logging on to get the most up-to-date information. We can't afford to be behind the times and of course you become a member of a worldwide club. Wherever you live you can find out what is happening in other, very different parts of the world, some of them much more prosperous than ours. The information comes to you so fast and you will need it for those essays you have to write. Mind you, do you really want to move so fast? The world's a hectic place, and there's another advantage of a bicycle - you can chug along at your own speed and notice the wonderful things around you. Books are like that. You can explore them and think your ideas out in comfort, in your old armchair. The printed page can stir your imagination in a way television cannot. People can come alive and you can imagine their voices as they speak to you. I've always found it marvellous to immerse myself in the styles of the great authors. I'm sure it has made me a much better writer. Well, when you have chosen which present you would like, write me a letter explaining carefully why you have decided on one and why you have rejected the others. I expect you to base your ideas on what I have written and develop some of my reasons I have given above. I shall enjoy reading your personal thoughts. And yes, – this is the whim of an old uncle – I do expect you to persuade me that your choice is really what you want. If you don't, I may decide to postpone the present until you are twenty-one! Your ever-loving Uncle Nathaniel 3 Answer your uncle’s letter according to his instructions. Begin your letter, ‘Dear Uncle Nathaniel …’ You should write about $1\frac{1}{2}$–2 sides, allowing for the size of your handwriting. [20] Copyright Acknowledgements: Passage A Adapted from The Death Zone by Walter Bonatti. Passage B © Sir R. Fiennes. Hazards and Hardships. Published by The Royal Geographical Society, 1997. Every reasonable effort has been made to trace all copyright holders. The publishers will be pleased to hear from anyone whose rights we have unwittingly infringed. University of Cambridge International Examinations is part of the University of Cambridge Local Examinations Syndicate (UCLES), which is itself a department of the University of Cambridge.	<urn:uuid:98324388-41f6-4748-af07-7d4c0f96243f>	CC-MAIN-2018-47	http://smarteduhub.com/files/documents/0500_s04_qp_2.pdf	2018-11-20T08:39:01Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039746301.92/warc/CC-MAIN-20181120071442-20181120093442-00388.warc.gz	296,934,151	1,819	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.993814	eng_Latn	0.999246	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 562, 574, 649, 2784, 4875, 7701, 7903, 8455 ]	[ 2.140625 ]	2	0
WHEAT AS A FOOD FOR GROWING AND FATTENING ANIMALS. During the past year there have been numerous inquiries in regard to the chemical composition of wheat as compared with corn and oats, its relative value as a food for growing and fattening animals, and the method of feeding which would produce the best results. These inquiries have, doubtless, been suggested by the great change in the comparative prices of the grains just mentioned. In the past we have been accustomed to see a bushel of wheat sell for two or three times as much as a bushel of corn. Recently we have seen 56 pounds of corn sell for more than could be obtained for 60 pounds of wheat. This readjustment of the prices of grain evidently calls for a reconsideration of the methods for disposing of the cereal crops in order to determine which is most profitable under present conditions. The purpose of this circular is to give a direct and definite answer to the questions which have been most frequently asked concerning the use of wheat as a food for stock. Comparative Digestible Values. The quantity and proportion of the different proximate constituents which are present in a digestible form in 100 pounds of some of the common feeding stuffs is compared in the following table with the German feeding standards. This table presents the chemical aspect of the subject, and is valuable in the indications and suggestions which may be obtained from it. The information which it contains should, however, be used in connection with our knowledge of the habits of animals and the practical results of feeding. We should not care to assert, for instance, that wheat screenings are in general more valuable as a food for animals than the plump, sound wheat, although the table would indicate this to be the case. We may, however, safely conclude that the screenings and imperfect wheat should be fed and only the best wheat put upon the market. It is seen that wheat contains practically the same amount of protein per 100 pounds as oats, and that both wheat and oats contain about 30 per cent. more protein than corn. On the other hand, wheat only has about one-half as much fatty matter as corn and oats. In carbohydrates the position of wheat is about halfway between that of corn and oats. Protein, that is the albuminoid constituents of grain, goes to build up the albuminoid tissues of the animal body of which the muscles are the most prominent part, but it may also be changed into fat. The fat in the animal body comes, therefore, both from the fat and the protein in the food which is eaten. The carbohydrates sustain the heat of the body and must be present in sufficient quantity or the more valuable fat which has already been assimilated will be used for this purpose. Young growing animals require more protein than older ones, and also more than fattening animals, in order to supply material for building up the muscles, tendons, and other albuminoid structures. Fattening Quality of Wheat. We must not conclude from these facts, as some have, that because wheat is particularly indicated for young growing animals it is not adapted for those which are fattening. The fallacy of such a conclusion is shown by the following comparisons. This table brings out in the clearest possible manner, first, the near approach chemically of 36.6 pounds of wheat to the German standard ration for growing cattle from 6 to 12 months of age, and, secondly, the fact that 38½ pounds of wheat comes much nearer the feeding standard for fattening cattle than does the same quantity of corn. The proportion of the protein to carbohydrates and to fat is very much nearer the standard in wheat than in corn. Tried by these standards wheat is better both for growing and fattening animals than is corn. These standards, however, are not to be considered as perfect. Corn comes nearer being an ideal grain for fattening animals in this country than is indicated by the tables. Such animals apparently do not need as much protein as is contained in the standard, and may take with advantage more carbohydrates and fat. Equal parts of wheat and corn should, therefore, prove better for fattening animals than either of these grains alone. For growing animals corn is plainly not so suitable as is wheat or oats. Equal Conditions Favor Wheat Feed. When wheat and corn are the same price per bushel, it is preferable to feed wheat and sell corn: First, because wheat weighs 7 per cent. heavier per bushel than corn; secondly, because wheat is weight for weight an equally good grain for fattening animals, and better for growing animals; and thirdly, because there is much less value in fertilizing elements removed from the farm in corn than in wheat. There are certain points to be borne in mind when one is commencing to feed wheat. Our domesticated animals are all very fond of it, but are not ac-	<urn:uuid:8fd4732c-e231-4f90-9e06-fcb4c906ba74>	CC-MAIN-2023-23	https://nebnewspapers.unl.edu/lccn/sn96080161/1901-09-26/ed-1/seq-6.pdf	2023-06-01T00:12:48+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224647459.8/warc/CC-MAIN-20230531214247-20230601004247-00344.warc.gz	478,863,863	990	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.998635	eng_Latn	0.998635	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 4877 ]	[ 2.6875 ]	1	0
DIPLOMA EXAMINATION IN ENGINEERING/TECHNOLOGY/ MANAGEMENT/COMMERCIAL PRACTICE — APRIL, 2019 REFRIGERATION AND AIR CONDITIONING [Time: 3 hours] (Maximum marks: 100) [Note:— Steam table and psychometric charts are permitted.] PART — A (Maximum marks: 10) Marks I Answer all questions in one or two sentences. Each question carries 2 marks. 1. State the first law of thermodynamics. 2. Define the C.O.P of refrigerator. 3. List the commonly used refrigerant. 4. State Dalton’s law of partial pressure. 5. Define the term HVAC system. $(5 \times 2 = 10)$ PART — B (Maximum marks: 30) II Answer any five of the following questions. Each question carries 6 marks. 1. Define: (a) Sensible heat (b) Latent heat (c) Critical temperature. 2. Write the advantages and disadvantages of Air refrigeration system. 3. List the desirable properties of refrigerant. 4. What is defrosting? List different methods of defrosting. 5. Draw and explain the experimental set up of sling psychrometer. 6. Explain heating and humidification process with simple diagram and represent it on psychrometric chart. 7. List the factors affecting the human comfort. $(5 \times 6 = 30)$ PART — C (Maximum marks : 60) (Answer one full question from each unit. Each full question carries 15 marks.) UNIT — I III (a) Explain the Carnot refrigeration cycle with p-v and T-s diagram. (b) The atmospheric air 1 bar and $10^\circ\text{C}$ is drawn and is compressed to 5 bar. After the compression the air is cooled up to $15^\circ\text{C}$ at constant temperature, before expanding back to a pressure of 1 bar. Determine: (i) theoretical COP, (ii) Net refrigerating effect, if it is working on Bell - coleman refrigeration cycle. Take $C_p = 1.005\text{KJ/KgK}$ and $C_V = 0.718\text{KJ/KgK}$. OR IV (a) Explain the working of a simple vapour compression refrigeration system with flow diagram. (b) A reversed Carnot refrigerator having capacity of 10TR when working between $-10^\circ\text{C}$ and $30^\circ\text{C}$. Neglecting all losses. Determine: (i) COP (ii) heat rejected from the system per hour (iii) power required. UNIT — II V (a) With the help of a diagram explain the working of refrigerating system for a domestic refrigerator. (b) Compare the vapour compression system with vapour absorption system. OR VI (a) Explain the working of an Electrolux refrigerator with suitable sketch. (b) Distinguish between natural convection type and forced convection type evaporator. UNIT — III VII (a) With the help of psychrometric chart explain sensible cooling. (b) Humid air at $30^\circ\text{C}$ DBT and $21^\circ\text{C}$ WBT is cooled to $20^\circ\text{C}$ without removal moisture. Find the RH and DPT in final state. What is the change in enthalpy? OR VIII (a) Define: (i) specific humidity (ii) relative humidity (iii) absolute humidity (iv) degree of saturation. (b) With the help of schematic diagram explain cascade refrigeration system. UNIT — IV IX (a) Explain the working of year round air conditioning with line diagram. (b) Define cooling load. Explain the components of cooling load. OR X (a) Explain with sketch working of central Air conditioning system. (b) List the classification of air conditioning system on the basis of function, season, equipment arrangement.	<urn:uuid:8fa8ad51-2fea-434b-a589-d17ce07d5c83>	CC-MAIN-2023-23	https://gptcadoor.org/assets/downloads/qbjrn0e8ax92oii.pdf	2023-05-31T22:08:20+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-23/segments/1685224647459.8/warc/CC-MAIN-20230531214247-20230601004247-00343.warc.gz	337,877,697	847	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.947944	eng_Latn	0.949173	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1183, 3309 ]	[ 2.484375 ]	1	1
Seventy-two Australian children aged from 4 years 6 months to 9 years 10 months were individually administered a set of six combinatorial problems involving the dressing of toy bears in all possible combinations of clothing items. Six age groups were represented: eight children were in each of the 4, 5, and 6 year categories; and 16 children were in each of the 7, 8, and 9 year categories. Because the problem domain was novel, children had to use their existing general strategies to help them solve the problems. A series of increasingly sophisticated solution strategies (reflecting a knowledge of the combinatorial domain), plus several scanning actions serving primarily in a monitoring capacity (reflecting an application of general strategies) were found. Significant associations existed between children's solution strategies and their scanning actions on each problem; the children changing the nature of their scanning as they adopted more complex solution strategies. The nature of this association was a key factor in problem success, especially when there was an additional constraint on goal attainment. The results are examined concerning changes in children's principled knowledge base and in the nature of their general strategies. Cases involving problem failure in the face of sophisticated domain knowledge highlight the importance of children applying the appropriate domain-general strategies in both novel and routine problem solving. Four tables present study findings, and there is a 53-item list of references. (SLD) CHILDREN'S USE OF DOMAIN-SPECIFIC KNOWLEDGE AND DOMAIN-GENERAL STRATEGIES IN NOVEL PROBLEM SOLVING Lyn D. English Centre for Mathematics and Science Education QUT PO Box 284 Zillmere Australia, 4034 Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, San Francisco, April 20-24, 1992. BEST COPY AVAILABLE ABSTRACT Seventy-two children aged 4 to 9 years were individually administered a set of six combinatorial problems involving the dressing of toy bears in all possible combinations of clothing items. Because the problem domain was novel, the children had to use their existing general strategies to help them solve the problems. Analyses of the children's responses revealed a series of increasingly sophisticated solution strategies (reflecting a knowledge of the combinatorial domain), plus a number of scanning actions serving primarily in a monitoring capacity (reflecting an application of general strategies). Significant associations were found between children's solution strategies and their scanning actions on each problem, with the children changing the nature of their scanning as they adopted more complex solution strategies. The nature of this association was a key factor in problem success, especially when there was an additional constraint on goal attainment. The findings of the study are examined in terms of changes in children's principled knowledge base and in the nature of their general strategies. Cases involving problem failure in the face of sophisticated domain knowledge highlight the importance of children applying the appropriate domain-general strategies in both novel and routine problem solving. The importance of domain-specific knowledge and domain-general strategies in the development of problem-solving competence has been a much debated issue (e.g. Alexander & Judy, 1988; Borkowski, Carr, & Pressley, 1987; Bransford, Vye, Kinzer, & Risko, 1990; Glaser, 1984; Keating & Cane, 1990; Lawson, 1990; Owen & Sweller, 1989; Sternberg, 1989). It is a well established fact that individuals with a comprehensive knowledge of a given domain will outperform those with a limited knowledge (e.g. Chi, Hutchinson, & Robin, 1989). Likewise, those who employ effective planning and self-monitoring will perform better than those who do not regulate their actions (Flavell, 1979; Lawson, 1990). What is not well established however, is the manner in which domain-specific knowledge and general strategies interact during problem solving and learning (Alexander & Judy, 1988). Studies which emphasise the importance of domain-specific knowledge usually contrast the depth of the expert's schematic knowledge with the superficial structures of the novice (e.g. Chi, Glaser, & Farr, 1988; Chi, Hutchinson, & Robin, 1989; Larkin, 1985). Larkin (1985) maintains that effective problem solving is not possible without the understanding derived from a comprehensive knowledge base. From this perspective, many of the difficulties experienced by novices are due to their focus on the literal or surface features of a problem rather than on the underlying principles (Chi, Glaser, & Rees, 1982). Proponents of the domain-specificity of problem-solving skills frequently downplay or dismiss the role of general strategies. Sweller (1989, 1990) contends that skilled problem solving is dependent on schema acquisition and rule automation and that general problem-solving strategies are of little value. He argues that there is insufficient evidence for emphasising skills such as planning and monitoring in developing students' problem-solving competence. Without automation, novel problem solving is prone to error, inflexible, and "likely to be a difficult or impossible task for the vast majority of people" (Sweller, 1990, p.458). Such a stance has provided a bone of contention for researchers who stress the importance of general strategies, these being applicable across a range of tasks and domains (e.g. Belmont, Butterfield, & Ferretti, 1982; Brown, 1978; Kuhn, Amsel, & O'Loughlin, 1988; Peverly, 1991; Schoenfeld, 1985; Van Haneghan & Baker, 1989). The most commonly cited strategies are those that perform a self-regulatory or metacognitive function and include skills such as planning, predicting, monitoring, checking, and revising (e.g. Brown & Campione, 1981; Lawson, 1984; Fressley & Ghatala, 1990; Scardamalia & Bereiter, 1985; Sternberg, 1985). It has been claimed that these self-regulatory mechanisms contribute not only to immediate performance but to continued growth of the cognitive system (Scardamalia & Bereiter, 1985). The development of students' inherent self-regulatory mechanisms can assist them in acquiring new knowledge through self-generated activity. While there are many studies that have focussed on either domain-specific knowledge or domain-general strategies, there are few that have examined the interaction of the two. This is particularly so with respect to studies in the preschool or early school years (Alexander & Judy, 1988). The present study was thus designed to investigate the interactive role of these two components in young children's problem solving. More specifically, the study sought answers to the following: 1. What domain-specific strategies do young children apply to the solution of novel problems based on the mathematical domain of combinatorics? 2. In what ways do they monitor their progress towards goal attainment? (As used in this paper, monitoring encompasses the skills of checking, revising, planning, and predicting.) 3. How do their domain-specific and domain-general strategies interact to affect goal attainment? To conduct such an investigation, it was necessary to design problems which would require children to use both types of strategies. It was hypothesised that if children had only an informal knowledge of the problem domain, that is, no knowledge of the "expert" means of solution, they would be more likely to apply their existing general strategies to help them solve the problems. It was assumed that the children would have acquired such strategies through their everyday experiences (cf. Kuhn & Phelps, 1982). An important initial step in this investigation was to define the parameters of the study, given the inconsistency of the terminology in the literature (Keating & Crane, 1990). Within the present context, domain-specific knowledge encompasses the conceptual and procedural knowledge one possesses within a particular field. Procedural knowledge is the result of the compilation of conceptual knowledge into action units (cf. Anderson, 1987, 1989). Conceptual knowledge is akin to declarative knowledge ("knowing that", Anderson, 1985) and is conceived of as a hierarchical network of knowledge that is rich in relationships (Hiebert & Lefevre, 1986). As addressed in the discussion section, this conceptual knowledge is viewed in terms of a comprehensive set of domain-specific principles. Domain-general strategies, as the name implies, are applicable across domains and operate in a metacognitive capacity (e.g. Pressley & Ghatala, 1990; Yussen, Their functions include monitoring performance during problem solving, planning appropriate courses of action, predicting and evaluating the outcomes of these actions, and identifying when these actions need to be modified (English, 1988). As such, these strategies assist in the execution, regulation, and evaluation of a problem-solving task. Given that the problem domain is a critical factor in the relationship between domain-specific knowledge and general strategies (Alexander & Judy, 1988), the development of a suitable set of problems was of major importance to this study. CHOICE OF PROBLEM DOMAIN For the problems to be challenging, yet still solvable, their parameters had to be unfamiliar to the children but their contexts familiar (Sternberg, 1985). The mathematical topic of combinatorics, involving the selection and arrangement of objects in a finite set, was chosen as the problem domain. The problems required children to dress toy bears in various combinations of clothing items, as indicated in the method section. Combinatorics was considered a worthy topic of investigation from both an educational and a developmental perspective. The domain comprises a rich structure of significant mathematical principles which underlie several areas of the mathematics curriculum, including counting, computation, and probability. In simple mathematical terms, combinatorics may be viewed as the operation of cross product. The cross product of two sets, A and B, is the set of combinations obtained by systematically pairing each member of A in turn with each member of B. Because there are several ways of forming these combinations, the domain is eminently suitable for designing problems that allow for different levels of solution. These range from simple, random matching of items through to the systematic pairing method. These different levels enable variations in the children's solution methods to be readily identified. In addition, the practical nature of the domain facilitates the development of meaningful problems involving hands-on materials which young children can manipulate to generate a solution (National Council of Teachers of Mathematics, 1989; Nelson, 1980; Worth, 1990). From the developmental perspective, the establishment of a combinatorial system plays a central role in Piaget's theory of cognitive growth (e.g. Piaget, 1957; Flavell, 1963). This system is evident in a subject's ability to "link a set of base associations or correspondences with each other in all possible ways so as to draw from them the relationships of implication, disjunction, exclusion etc." (Inhelder & Piaget, 1958, p.107). The important cognitive strategies here are isolation or control of variables, and systematic combination. From their studies charting the development of the combinatoric operations, Piaget and his associates claimed that preoperational children form combinations only in an empirical manner by randomly associating two elements at a time; there is no systematic method in their actions. It is not until the concrete-operational period that children are seen to attempt some systematic procedure in forming combinations. The "different trials of systems" identified in this second stage are replaced by the one system, that of formal combinations, during the formal operations stage (Piaget & Inhelder, 1975, p.169). Subjects now have a systematic method for generating $n \times n$ combinations. In sum, the problems chosen for this study drew upon a clearly defined body of domain-specific knowledge which catered for various levels of solution. When presented with the problems in a meaningful context, children could at least attempt a solution by applying their informal knowledge of the domain along with their existing repertoire of general strategies. The problems thus provided a suitable context for examining children's application of domain-specific knowledge and general strategies and the ways in which these interact to affect problem solution. METHOD Subjects The study involved 72 children whose ages ranged from 4 years 6 months to 9 years 10 months. Six age groups were represented: 4 years 6 months to 4 years 10 months, 5 years 6 months to 5 years 10 months, 6 years 6 months to 9 years 10 months. There were 8 children in each of the 4, 5, and 6 year categories and 16 children in each of the 7, 8, and 9 year categories. More children were included in the latter age groups because a pilot study had found little variation in the younger children's responses across the study problems. The 4 and 5 year-olds attended a preschool in a middle-class suburb of Brisbane, Australia. The remaining children were from the first four grades of two state and two non-state primary schools in middle-class suburbs of Brisbane. The children within each age group were selected on a random basis and drawn equally from the four schools. The children had not been exposed to combinatorial problems in their school curriculum. Materials and procedures The children were individually administered a series of six problem-solving tasks in either a single 25 minute-session (for the 6 to 9 year-olds) or two shorter sessions on consecutive days (for the 4 and 5 year-olds). Each child's performance was videotaped, with the camera positioned to capture eye, head, and hand movements. The problems were set within the context of dressing toy bears in all possible different outfits, each comprising a top and a pair of pants. The clothing items were backed with adhesive material which facilitated their attachment to the bears. The bears were made of thin wood and were placed on a stand. Once the bears had been dressed they were arranged in a line so that the child could clearly see the completed outfits. This arrangement also made it easier to keep track of the children's eye movements as they scanned along the line of bears they had dressed. Problem no. 3 involved 9 combinations (3 sets of tops X 3 sets of pants) while each of the other problems was based on 6 combinations (2 sets of tops X 3 sets of pants; 3 sets of tops X 2 sets of pants). In the final two problems, the coloured clothing items were replaced with items of the same colour but with varying numbers of buttons. The goal in this instance was to dress the bears so that each bear had a different total number of buttons (the total did not exceed seven). These two problems assessed the children's "flexibility" in generating procedures for achieving the goal in a different context (Greeno, Riley, & Gelman, 1984, p.122.). Two of the problems had an additional constraint on goal attainment. The fourth problem required children to give the third bear a blue top. In this instance, the bears were arranged in a line from the outset. The purpose of this added constraint was to assess the "robustness" of the children's skills, that is, their ability to accommodate constraints not normally imposed in the problem (Greeno et al., 1984, p.122). The sixth problem contained a hidden constraint, namely, two combinations derived from different items had the same total number of buttons (one-button top/three-button pants and two-button top/two-button pants, both giving a total of 4). This meant that one of these two combinations had to be rejected. A familiarisation task was administered to each child prior to the six problems. The goal for this task was simply to dress the bears. The task was designed to test children's colour recognition, as well as to establish an understanding of the terms, "outfit", and "same/different outfits". The latter term was crucial in the interpretation of the problem goal, especially when a common item was present. For example, the outfits, red top/blue pants, and red top/yellow pants are different from each other even though they have a common item. During this familiarisation period the children were not given any information that could bias their performance on the problems. For each of the remaining problems, the children were provided with more items (both bears and clothes) than were needed. This was to ensure that children did not think that item depletion meant problem completion. The children were expected to complete each problem without assistance. IDENTIFICATION OF PERFORMANCE VARIABLES The conceptual framework for the study determined not only the choice of problems but also which aspects of the children's performance were to be analysed and the form of analysis to be adopted (Ericsson & Simon, 1984; Uprichard & Engelhardt, 1986). An analysis of children's performance in a pilot study (25 children) revealed a number of key features in their behaviour of which empirically independent measures could be taken. These features were considered to reflect the cognitive components being addressed and included children's methods of item selection and combination, referred to here as their solution strategies, and the ways in which they checked their progress, namely, their scanning actions. It was also necessary to rate the children's overall performance according to the extent to which they attained the problem goal, as discussed later in this section. Three main types of solution strategy had been identified from the children's performance in the pilot study. Each of the strategy types comprised two strategies, giving rise to a hierarchy of six, increasingly sophisticated procedures. These ranged from a random selection of items through to an efficient system of patterning, as described shortly. Because these strategies involved various means of selecting and combining pairs of items, they were assumed to reflect the children's knowledge of the combinatorial domain. The children's scanning actions played a vital role in monitoring and regulating their performance as they progressed on the problems. These actions were thus considered to reflect the children's application of general strategies (cf. Gavelek & Raphael's, 1985, argument on children's use of metacognitive knowledge). Six different forms of scanning were identified, varying from inefficient "checking only after acting" approaches to more thorough checking procedures, as described later in this section. Solution strategies The three major types of solution strategies identified in the pilot study are referred to here as non-planning, transitional, and odometer strategies. Non-planning strategies The first of these strategies, labelled "strategy A" for ease of reference, involves a random selection of items in which there is no rejection of unsuitable items. In other words, children who use this strategy make no attempt to achieve the goal of all different outfits; they simply "dress the bears". The second strategy, referred to as "strategy B", is a trial-and-error procedure in which items are selected randomly and subsequently rejected if they prove unsuitable. Transitional strategies Strategies C and D are termed transitional because they are more efficient than the previous non-planning procedures but are not as efficient as the sophisticated algorithmic strategies. The distinguishing feature of the transitional strategies is the appearance of a pattern in item selection. This pattern is designed to generate a solution and is usually of a cyclic or alternating nature (e.g. red top, blue top, red top, blue top.....). However for strategy C, the pattern is only emerging and is not applied consistently throughout problem execution. That is, at some point during problem solution, the pattern is lost or is occasionally changed. When their pattern can no longer generate the required combinations, children revert to strategy B (trial-and-error). Strategy D however, is characterised by a consistent and complete pattern in item selection. A cyclic pattern is used to generate all the required combinations, with the pattern usually applied to one item type only (e.g. all the tops, such as, red top / yellow pants, green top / blue pants, blue top / blue pants, red top / blue pants, green top / yellow pants, blue top / yellow pants). Odometer strategies The final two strategies, E and F, are the most efficient of all the strategies, this being due to the presence of an "odometer" pattern in item selection. This pattern, so named because of its similarity to the odometer in a vehicle (Scardamalia, 1977), retains the cyclic property of strategy D but incorporates a new feature, namely a "constant" or "pivotal" item. This item is repeatedly selected until all possible combinations comprising that item have been formed. Upon exhaustion of this item, a new constant item is chosen and the process repeated (e.g. red top / blue pants, red top / yellow pant, red top / green pants, blue top / blue pants, blue top / yellow pants, blue top / green pants, yellow top / blue pants, yellow top / yellow pants, yellow top / green pants). While strategy F is characterised by a consistent and complete application of the odometer pattern, strategy E displays one of several weaknesses. These include a failure to exhaust a constant item (frequently the omitted combination is formed at the end of task execution), an "overexhaustion" of a constant item (the child normally detects the duplicated combination and corrects this without requesting assistance), or a failure to recognise problem completion upon exhaustion of all constant items (in this instance, the child attempts to create further combinations but soon realises this cannot be done). Scanning actions Prior to detailing the six scanning actions, consideration is given to the key features which serve to distinguish them, namely, the direction and focus of the children's scanning. Direction of scanning Children's scanning of their completed combinations was identified as either forwards along the line of dressed bears (from the first outfit formed through to the last) or backwards (from the last outfit formed through to the first). Focus of scanning To further define the nature of the children's scanning, the focus of their attention was identified as either one-dimensional or two-dimensional. One-dimensional scanning refers to eye movements along an array of items of the one type only, for example, along all the tops of a line of completed outfits. With two-dimensional scanning, the focus is on items of both types. (tops & pants) within a completed outfit. Two-dimensional scanning involves attending to each outfit in turn, and comparing both of its items against the item pairs of other outfits. The six scanning actions have been labelled 1 through 6 for ease of reference. Scanning action 1 This designates an absence of any identifiable scanning. Scanning action 2 Scanning action 2 involves two-dimensional, backward scanning along the line of dressed bears. This type of scanning is observed to occur only after item selection and combination; that is, children do not look along their line of completed outfits prior to dressing another bear. Scanning action 3 This is characterised by scanning which alternates between the dressed bears and the unused items placed before the child. Scanning of this nature usually occurs during the formation of a combination. Scanning action 4 Scanning action 4 involves scanning of the unused items only; there is no scanning of completed outfits. Scanning of this nature usually takes place prior to, rather than after, item selection and combination. Scanning action 5 Scanning action 5 is defined by the direction and focus of the child's attention. It features one-dimensional, forward scanning along the line of dressed bears and may occur prior to, or after, item selection and combination. It does not include two-dimensional scanning, the absence of which distinguishes it from scanning action 6. Scanning action 6 This encompasses the features of scanning action 5 but incorporates an additional feature, namely, two-dimensional scanning. Scanning action 6 usually occurs after item selection and combination where it serves in a verifying capacity. Goal attainment Children's attempts at goal attainment ranged from a complete dismissal of the goal through to efficient, error-free solution. Four levels of goal attainment were identified and the children's performance on each problem given a score of 1 to 4, as follows: Score of 1: These children ignored the problem goal and simply dressed the bears. Score of 2: Children given this score did not attain the problem goal or only did so with assistance from the interviewer. This score was also assigned to children who only achieved one of the two goals in the fourth problem. Score of 3: These children made an error but detected and corrected it themselves. Score of 4: The highest score was awarded to children who attained the problem goal without error and without assistance. To assess the reliability of the three performance variables in the present study, the responses of 20 children were subjected to two independent ratings. A 90% level of inter-rater agreement was obtained. Most of the discrepancies occurred in the coding of the scanning actions, which was not unexpected given the detailed observations required. Once these discrepancies had been rectified, the responses of each of the remaining children on each of the six problems were coded in terms of the solution strategy and scanning action employed, and the extent of goal attainment. RESULTS Prior to examining the associations between children's solution strategies and scanning actions and their impact on goal attainment, consideration is given to the trends observed within each of the variables. Children's strategy preferences Children in the 4 to 6 year age group favoured non-planning strategies in solving the six problems (refer Table 1). Strategy A (merely dressing the bears) was observed only in the preschool children (4 and 5 year-olds). Rarely did the 4 to 6 year-olds employ the transitional or odometer strategies. While the 7 to 9 year-olds displayed some non-planning behavior, particularly in the initial problems, they nevertheless favoured the more sophisticated strategies. This was particularly so for the 8 and 9 year-olds who showed a strong preference for the odometer strategies in solving the final problem. Although none of the children had been introduced to the most sophisticated strategy (F) in their formal schooling, 4 of the eight year-olds and 2 of the nine year-olds used it to solve the initial problem. INSERT TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE The results of chi-square analyses support the observed dichotomy between the types of strategies employed by the younger and older children. A significant relationship was found between age and strategy type on each problem, df = 25, p < 0.001 (except for problem no.2 where p < 0.01). A positive correlation was also found between age and children's change in strategy use between the first and last problems, r = 0.24, p < 0.05. A McNemar test indicated no significant improvement in the types of strategies used by the 4 to 6 year-olds between the first and final problem, but a significant improvement in the older children (i.e. from non-planning or transitional strategies to odometer strategies), $X^2 = 13.5$, df = 1, $p < 0.001$. A significant proportion of the variance in children's strategy change between the first and last problems was accounted for by their scanning actions. Children's scanning actions were dummy coded and a hierarchical regression completed with children's strategy change scores as the dependent variable. When children's scanning actions for problem no. 2 were partialled out, it was found that their scanning actions for problem no. 7 explained a significant proportion of the variance in their strategy change scores, $R^2$ change = 0.45, $F$ change = 10.58, $p < 0.001$. Further discussion on the association between children's solution strategies and scanning actions is presented in a later section. Children's scanning preferences Scanning action 3 (alternate scanning of completed outfits and unused items) was the most favored of all the scanning actions, as indicated in Table 2. Scanning actions 1 (absence of scanning) and 2 (scanning only after formation of combinations) were used mainly by the 4 and 5 year-olds, with a few 6 year-olds also displaying the latter scanning type. While the 7 to 9 year-olds made frequent use of scanning action 3, they also employed scanning actions 4 (scanning of unused items only), 5 (forward, one-dimensional scanning), and 6 (scanning action 5 plus two-dimensional scanning). The last scanning action however, was little used. The observed trends in the children's scanning preferences are supported by the results of chi-square tests conducted on the children's responses to each problem. These results showed a significant relationship between age and scanning action (df = 25, p < 0.01 for each problem). INSERT TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE Goal attainment To test for a relationship between age and goal attainment, an ANOVA was performed with age as the independent variable and the children's mean attainment scores across the six problems as the dependent variable. This produced a significant relationship, F(5, 66) = 11.99, p < 0.001. Post hoc analysis showed that the 7, 8, and 9 year-olds performed significantly better than the 4, 5, and 6 year-olds, with the 6 year-olds outperforming the 4 year-olds, p < 0.05. These findings are reflected in the data of Table 3. The majority of the younger children were either unable to attain the goal on each of the problems or could do so only with assistance. It is interesting to compare the attainment scores of the 7, 8, and 9 year-olds on the first three problems. Contrary to expectations, the 8 year-olds performed better than the 9 year-olds on the second and third problems (although not significantly so), while the 7 year-olds achieved the highest score of all the children on problem no.2. The decline in the older children's performance on the final problem, incorporating a hidden constraint, can be accounted for by examining the association between solution strategy and scanning action. INSERT TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE Association between solution strategy and scanning action As indicated in Table 4, a significant association between children's solution strategies and their scanning actions was evident on each problem for each of the age groups, 4 to 6 years, and 7 to 9 years. INSERT TABLE 4 ABOUT HERE To illustrate the nature of this association, consideration is given to the children's responses on problem no.3, involving nine combinations. Here, 88% of the younger children (N=24) employed strategies A (simply dressing the bears) or B (trial-and-error) along with scanning actions 1 (absence of scanning), 2 (scanning only after completing combinations), or 3 (alternate scanning). Within the older age group (N=48), 54% of the children employed either a transitional or odometer strategy together with scanning actions 4 (scanning unused items only), 5 (one-dimensional, forward scanning) or 6 (one-and two-dimensional scanning). Twenty-nine percent favored scanning action 3 (alternate scanning) with these strategies. It is interesting to note that scanning action 3 was associated with all strategy types, while scanning actions 4 through 6 were only employed when there was a pattern in item selection (strategies C through F). The latter finding is particularly interesting in that a distinct change in the children's scanning was observed as they switched from strategies 2 (trial-and-error) or 3 (partial use of a pattern) to strategies 4, 5, or 6 where a uniform pattern was followed in item selection. Instead of using scanning actions 2 or 3 which involved two-dimensional backward scanning, they now employed scanning actions 5 or 6, both of which featured forward one-dimensional scanning. This involved a focus on items of the one type (e.g. all the tops). Forty-two percent of all the subjects changed their solution strategies and scanning actions in this manner. It was apparent that the children were now checking the progress of their pattern of item selection. While scanning action 5 provided an adequate means of monitoring the implementation of an odometer strategy, it was inadequate for detecting the hidden constraint in the final problem. Scanning action 6, however, incorporated both one- and two-dimensional scanning and was thus most appropriate for the final problem. This point is revisited shortly. Children's response to the additional constraint in problem no.4 ("Give the third bear a blue top") was to make greater use of scanning action 3. Of all the children, 63% used this more thorough scanning form, presumably to ensure that the additional constraint was met. There was also a decline in the efficiency of the solution strategies employed by the older children as they moved from problem no. 3 to problem no.4. In contrast to the younger children who remained with their usual non-planning procedures, 35% of the older children reverted to transitional strategies or to non-planning behaviour. This was accompanied by a decrease in goal attainment, with 29% of the older children being less successful on problem 4 than on problem 3. The association between solution strategy and scanning action had the greatest impact on the final problem which called for more thorough monitoring. When children failed this problem (i.e. obtained a score of 2), a significant association was found between the two variables, for both the younger children $\chi^2 = 19$, df = 6, $p < 0.01$, and the older children, $\chi^2 = 24.1$, df = 12, $p < 0.05$. This final problem required children to form combinations of numbers such that all totals were different. Because two combinations made from different items yielded identical totals, one of the combinations had to be discarded. The effective solving of this problem required the application of an odometer strategy, together with thorough checking procedures, these being either scanning action 3 (alternate scanning) or 6 (one- and two-dimensional scanning). Fifty-eight percent of the older children $(N = 48)$ and 29% of the younger group decreased their goal attainment score on this final problem. Failure to solve the problem was due primarily to two factors. Firstly, a non-planning strategy proved to be inadequate for meeting the needs of this problem. With the exception of one subject, children who used a non-planning procedure did not attain the goal, irrespective of the scanning action employed. The second factor appeared to be a mismatch between children's solution strategy and scanning action. In other words, the children's scanning actions were inappropriate for the strategy they applied to this problem. This was particularly the case with the older group. Here, 16 of the 32 children who failed to solve the problem employed a transitional or an odometer strategy together with scanning actions 4 (scanning of unused items only) or 5 (one-dimensional forward scanning). Because these children either didn't bother to scan their completed combinations or only scanned along items of the one type, they failed to detect the identical totals. When asked why they had missed these two combinations, the children responded that their method had worked on the previous problems and they assumed that it would do likewise on the final problem. The children were clearly relying on the generative nature of their procedures to solve the problem. If they did monitor their progress, they focussed on the implementation of their odometer strategy rather than on their attainment of the problem goal. In contrast to these children, the 16 successful subjects used the most thorough scanning actions, namely 3 and 6, in conjunction with a transitional or an odometer procedure. DISCUSSION The children's responses to the study problems comprised two main components, namely, their solution strategies and their scanning actions. Because the solution strategies involved various means of selecting and combining items, they are assumed to reflect the children's knowledge of the combinatorial domain. Children's conceptual understanding of this domain is seen in terms of principled knowledge which places certain constraints on the nature of performance (English, 1988, 1990; Gelman & Greeno, 1989; Gelman & Meck, 1986; Ohlsson & Rees, 1991). Within the present framework, the general strategies are responsible for monitoring the proceduralization of this principled knowledge; this is in contrast to Ohlsson & Rees' model (1991, p.114) in which the principled knowledge is seen as the "device for the internal self-monitoring of performance". Children's initial attempts at problem solution involved mainly non-planning or trial-and-error behavior, indicating a lack of sophisticated domain knowledge. However the children did require a certain minimum knowledge of the combinatorial domain in order to tackle the problems. The minimum set of domain principles which children needed for the problems has been examined elsewhere (English, 1988; 1990) and is not elaborated upon here. However it is worth citing a couple of the more significant of these principles, namely, the Principle of Difference and the Principle of Repair. The Principle of Difference addresses the uniqueness of combinations and asserts that two or more combinations of items will be different from each other if they differ in at least one item. The Principle of Repair states that any combination of items can be modified and that an inability to repair any combination indicates problem completion. Children's knowledge of these principles, albeit implicit, was fundamental to successful performance. It is argued that children had a basic understanding of this principled knowledge on problem commencement and were able to translate this into meaningful action. The resultant procedures were constrained by this principled knowledge as can be seen from the children's rejection of inappropriate items (i.e., items that will not produce a unique combination) and from the repairs children made to any identical combinations which occurred. Children's scanning actions, which served in a monitoring capacity, reflect their application of general strategies and add support to the argument that children's initial procedures were executed with understanding (cf. Ohlsson & Rees' 1991 theory). When children initially used non-planning solution strategies they had to carefully monitor their actions if they were to succeed in solving the problems. As indicated in a previous section, children's methods of checking differed in their degree of thoroughness and efficiency and, when coupled with a non-planning strategy, determined the extent of problem success. For example, children who used a trial-and-error procedure and checked only after they had acted were naturally more error prone and less successful in goal attainment. In contrast, children who checked prior to acting or who checked continuously throughout problem execution, were less error prone and more successful in solving the problems. As the children progressed on the problems, a significant improvement was evident in the solution strategies of the older subjects. The children moved away from non-planning behavior to a systematic method of solution. These observed changes in goal-directed behavior are considered to be mediated by changes in children's domain-specific knowledge base, in their processing efficiency, and in their domain-general strategies (Bjorklund & Harnishfeger, 1990). Children's adoption of the most sophisticated procedures (the odometer strategies), is indicative of a desire for a more efficient and more reliable means of problem solution. Children's change to a cyclic pattern of item selection, followed by their inclusion of a "constant" item, reflects a more comprehensive knowledge of the problem domain, in particular, a knowledge of the Odometer Principle (English, 1988; 1990). Children who displayed the most efficient procedure (strategy F) demonstrated an explicit or stateable understanding (Gelman & Meck, 1986) of this principle. That is, they were clearly able to describe their methods and could also explain why these were the most efficient for problem solution. The actions of children who used the less sophisticated odometer strategy (strategy E) indicate they possessed only a partial understanding of the Odometer Principle. That is, they did not appear to have acquired all of the four Odometer subprinciples of systematic variation, constancy, exhaustion, and completion (English, 1988, 1990). More specifically, these children failed to demonstrate a knowledge of either the subprinciple of exhaustion (reflected in a failure to generate all possible combinations from a given constant item) or the subprinciple of completion (failure to identify problem completion upon exhaustion of all constant items). A particularly interesting feature of children's growth in domain knowledge was the associated change in nature of their general strategies. Children's initial monitoring actions may be considered to be compensatory, that is, they compensated for children's lack of efficient domain knowledge (Garner, 1990). From here, children adjusted their general strategies in one of three main ways. For some children, self-monitoring became unnecessary; they relied on the generative nature of their solution strategy to secure goal attainment. They were confident that their strategy would generate the required solution and hence did not bother to monitor the results of their actions. Other children changed their monitoring from a compensatory form to one which regulated procedural implementation rather than goal attainment. That is, their focus of attention was on their pattern of item selection rather than on the uniqueness of the combinations formed. Like the previous group, these children knew that their strategy would generate problem solution, but they nevertheless monitored its implementation. Another group of children displayed highly effective general strategies. They monitored both the implementation of their procedure and their attainment of the problem goal. These particular children were the most effective problem solvers and were the only ones who could solve the final problem comprising the hidden constraint on goal attainment. For this problem, no amount of sophisticated domain knowledge would help those children who did not engage in thorough self-monitoring. It is also interesting to review children's shift from the most advanced solution strategy (F) to less advanced strategies on the fourth problem where an additional constraint was placed on goal attainment ("give the third bear a blue top"). Two explanations are possible here. One possibility is that children's conceptual knowledge of the Odometer Principle was not sufficiently robust to accommodate the additional constraint (Greeno et al., 1984), indicating a need for further experience in solving combinatorial problems. An alternative explanation pertains to the competence-performance issue. It draws upon Gelman & Greeno's (1989, p.132) notion of separating "competence within a domain from competence for assessing a setting within which to display the domain-specific competence as well as competence for generating a plan of action that honors the constraints of both the domain's and the setting's requirements." It is argued that children who had demonstrated an explicit knowledge of the Odometer Principle on a prior problem did possess the conceptual competence to solve this fourth problem, but lacked the required procedural competence (English, 1988; Gelman & Greeno, 1989). These children apparently failed to see how they could use the features of the problem setting to achieve the additional goal. They did not realize that, to give the third bear a blue top, all that had to be done was to commence the odometer pattern with a blue top. Because these children had difficulty in implementing their odometer procedure to solve this problem, they reverted to a less efficient method and, in so doing, changed the nature of their monitoring. Rather than focus their attention on their pattern of item selection, the children now concentrated on achieving the added goal of giving the third bear a blue top, while at the same time making sure that their actions produced unique combinations. Children's responses to these problems have significant implications for the elementary school mathematics curriculum. Firstly, it is apparent that children as young as 4 years are able to apply both domain-specific and domain-general strategies to the solution of novel mathematical problems set within a meaningful context. Given that the nature of the interactions between these strategies is fundamental to problem success, children need to be given the opportunity to utilize both strategy types in problem-solving situations. A related issue here is the danger of children's reliance on generative or algorithmic procedures and their consequent failure to monitor or evaluate their actions. Children need to realize the importance of engaging in self-monitoring, even in routine mathematical tasks. The use of cognitive apprenticeship teaching methods (Collins, Seely Brown, & Newman, 1988) has proven successful in fostering the development of these metacognitive skills. Secondly, it would seem that, provided the context is meaningful, children as young as 7 years are able to acquire a conceptual knowledge of the combinatorial domain at an earlier age than predicted by the Piagetian studies. This finding supports recommendations that elementary school children be given a range of informal experiences in applied mathematical topics such as combinatorics and probability (e.g. National Council of Mathematics, 1989; Travers, 1988). ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was supported by a grant from the Australian Research Council. I wish to thank Ms Sharyn Clements for her assistance in data collection and Graeme Halford for his helpful comments on any earlier draft of this paper. Correspondence and requests for reprints should be sent to Dr Lyn English, Centre for Mathematics and Science Education, Queensland University of Technology, PO Box 284, Zillmere, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia, 4034. REFERENCES Alexander, P. A. & Judy, J. E. (1988). 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Hillsdale, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. \| AGE (YRS) \| PROBLEM No.1 \| PROBLEM No.2 \| PROBLEM No.3 \| PROBLEM No.4 \| PROBLEM No.5 \| PROBLEM No.6 \| \|----------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\| \| \| A B C D E F \| A B C D E F \| A B C D E F \| A B C D E F \| A B C D E F \| A B C D E F \| \| 4 \| 5 3 \| 2 6 \| 2 6 \| 2 6 \| 2 6 \| 2 6 \| \| 5 \| 5 1 1 1 \| 4 2 1 1 \| 4 3 1 \| 4 2 1 1 \| 4 3 1 \| 3 3 1 1 \| \| 6 \| 8 \| 6 2 \| 6 1 1 \| 7 1 \| 8 \| 7 1 \| \| 7 \| 9 2 3 2 \| 5 2 4 3 2 \| 5 4 2 2 3 \| 4 6 2 3 1 \| 6 5 1 1 3 \| 4 6 2 1 3 \| \| 8 \| 5 3 3 1 4 \| 6 3 2 3 2 \| 2 4 2 2 6 \| 3 4 2 5 2 \| 3 3 2 3 5 \| 2 2 2 1 0 \| \| 9 \| 5 3 4 2 2 \| 3 2 3 4 4 \| 1 7 2 6 \| 2 3 1 8 2 \| 1 3 3 3 6 \| 1 2 3 2 8 \| NOTE: * Solution strategies N(4 yrs) = 8; N(5 YRS) = 8; N(6 YRS) = 8; N(7 YRS) = 16; N(8 YRS) = 16; N(9 YRS) = 16. \| AGE (YRS) \| PROBLEM No.1 \| PROBLEM No.2 \| PROBLEM No.3 \| PROBLEM No.4 \| PROBLEM No.5 \| PROBLEM No.6 \| \|----------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\|--------------\| \| 4 \| 1 7 \| 1 5 2 \| 1 4 3 \| 1 4 3 \| 1 4 3 \| 1 4 3 \| \| 5 \| 3 3 \| 2 2 3 \| 2 2 3 \| 2 2 3 1 \| 2 1 5 \| 2 2 3 \| \| 6 \| 1 7 \| 2 6 \| 1 6 1 \| 1 7 \| 2 6 \| 2 6 \| \| 7 \| 15 1 \| 13 1 1 \| 9 1 6 \| 12 2 2 \| 1 13 1 1 \| 10 2 2 2 \| \| 8 \| 14 1 1 \| 13 3 \| 6 2 7 1 \| 10 2 3 1 \| 10 3 1 2 \| 8 4 1 3 \| \| 9 \| 1 12 1 2 \| 2 10 4 \| 7 2 7 \| 10 1 5 \| 7 2 7 \| 6 4 4 2 \| NOTE: * Scanning action N(4 yrs) = 8; N(5 yrs) = 8; N(6 yrs) = 8; N(7 yrs) = 16; N(8 yrs) = 16; N(9 yrs) = 16. \| AGE (YRS) \| PROBLEM No. 1 \| PROBLEM No. 2 \| PROBLEM No. 3 \| PROBLEM No. 4 \| PROBLEM No. 5 \| PROBLEM No. 6 \| \|----------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\|---------------\| \| 4 \| 1.6 \| 2.1 \| 2.1 \| 1.6 \| 2.1 \| 1.6 \| \| 5 \| 2.4 \| 2.1 \| 2.3 \| 1.3 \| 2.1 \| 2.0 \| \| 6 \| 2.8 \| 3.1 \| 2.5 \| 2.4 \| 3.0 \| 2.0 \| \| 7 \| 2.9 \| 3.8 \| 3.2 \| 3.3 \| 3.5 \| 2.6 \| \| 8 \| 3.5 \| 3.7 \| 3.7 \| 3.3 \| 3.5 \| 2.6 \| \| 9 \| 3.5 \| 3.6 \| 3.4 \| 3.3 \| 3.6 \| 2.7 \| \| AGE GROUP (YRS) \| PROBLEM No.1 $X^2$ df p \| PROBLEM No.2 $X^2$ df p \| PROBLEM No.3 $X^2$ df p \| PROBLEM No.4 $X^2$ df p \| PROBLEM No.5 $X^2$ df p \| PROBLEM No.6 $X^2$ df p \| \|----------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\|-------------------------\| \| 4 - 6 \| 32.2 9 <0.001 \| 34.8 9 <0.001 \| 35.7 12 <0.001 \| 36.3 12 <0.001 \| 10.9 4 <0.05 \| 40.1 12 <0.001 \| \| 7 - 9 \| 22.8 12 <0.05 \| 31.1 12 <0.01 \| 28.4 12 <0.01 \| 37.5 12 <0.001 \| 41.1 16 <0.001 \| 30.7 12 <0.01 \|	<urn:uuid:0a73576d-74b8-4575-839c-9b1234a0f78e>	CC-MAIN-2024-46	https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/document?repid=rep1&type=pdf&doi=16ba134b26ceb2be4385c9f826b6126f66084abc	2024-11-10T12:50:01+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-46/segments/1730477028186.38/warc/CC-MAIN-20241110103354-20241110133354-00616.warc.gz	147,216,389	13,567	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.928052	eng_Latn	0.997805	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Lat...	false	rolmOCR	[ 1546, 1885, 3222, 5006, 6852, 8680, 10550, 12489, 14173, 15983, 17862, 19579, 21391, 23048, 24515, 25996, 27671, 29523, 30911, 32665, 34600, 36470, 38329, 40191, 42165, 44125, 46121, 47445, 48592, 49848, 50980, 52261, 53479, 54721, 55956, 56506, ...	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The Post Boom Years 1900-1914 Part 1 With the great boom ended, Washburn struggled to recreate its economic base and regain the familiar prosperity and "good times." Community leaders were confident that if everybody pulled together, if the city were cleaned up and beautified, if Washburn's "natural advantages" were widely publicized, new businesses and industries would soon be established and Washburn would be prosperous and growing once again. But this was wishful thinking for Washburn, whatever its "natural advantages," could not compete with Ashland and Duluth-Superior as a commercial and industrial center and port at the head of the Great Lakes. A new economy did emerge, but it did not create the levels of prosperity of the boom years. Its main components were shipping, lumbering, wood products, and the Du Pont explosive plant. Washburn continued to be a busy port after the boom ended with imports of coal, freight, and merchandise, and exports of grain and lumber. While coal imports remained large, the grain elevator closed in 1907, and lumber exports decreased from 95 million board feet in 1894, at the height of the boom, to a post-boom total of 23 million board feet in 1906. But lumbering played an important role in the post-boom reconstruction of Washburn's economy. While Hines and the other big companies had left Chequamegon Bay for more profitable timber regions, Washburn remained an attractive location for lumbering operations because of its ship and rail connections and its force of skilled mill workers. Timber was rafted to Washburn from the Bayfield peninsula, the Apostle Islands, the Bad River area, northern Michigan, and even from the north shore of Lake Superior. The Thompson mill, the last of the large mills, continued to operate under various owners, while a small mill, erected by O.E. Lamoreaux, E.E. Kenfield, and Monroe H. Sprague, sawed rafted-in timber. Employment at the plant fluctuated, reported to be from 100 to 400 men at different times. The plant continued to expand with many buildings constructed and new explosive products produced. The Omaha Railroad provided four coaches to transport workers from Washburn to the plant. But while the plant provided employment for so many men and infused money into the local economy, it also extracted a terrible toll of injuries and deaths. In January 1907 an explosion seriously injured one man and the following October an explosion killed three men, seriously injuring five others. What little remained of the bodies of the men was buried in a common grave. Barely a year later, in September 1908, another explosion killed one man and seriously injured another. This time no remains of the victim were found. Thus, in a little over three years the toll from explosions at the plant stood at four dead and seven injured, some severely so. The Du Pont Company, perhaps concluding that it would cost less to try to prevent such catastrophes than to pay for their consequences, established an elaborate safety program about 1912, hiring a safety manager, educating workers about safety and setting up a system of safety awards with "safety first" adopted as a motto. To turn the immense wilderness area occupied by the plant to a useful purpose, in 1911 about 100 acres were cleared and planted with lawn and farm crops, both beautifying the grounds and producing a profitable crop. A "scientific farmer" was hired to oversee the project, and a number of farm buildings were constructed, so that there was a regular farm operation alongside the explosives plant. In 1909 the company organized a boarding club for single members of management, named the Haskell Club, after a company executive. The upper two floors of the city hall and the former Washburn Bank building were leased and refurbished as club rooms. Smaller enterprises, which also contributed, if somewhat erratically, to Washburn's economy, will be the subject of part 2.	<urn:uuid:9f8c7046-8b31-4c27-a2c9-4d19276db334>	CC-MAIN-2024-33	http://chequamegonbay-history.com/cj/ChequamegonCJ029Post-BoomYearsPart1.pdf	2024-08-04T17:46:34+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2024-33/segments/1722640408316.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20240804164455-20240804194455-00584.warc.gz	6,299,944	812	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.999087	eng_Latn	0.999087	[ "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 3943 ]	[ 3.0625 ]	2	0
ITINERARY (Tentative) Wednesday October 26, 2011 - Late Morning Arrival Halifax, Nova Scotia - Guided Tour of Pier 21 Museum & Visit to Ukrainian Immigration Memorial - Lunenburg UNESCO Heritage Site Thursday, October 27, 2011 - Lunenburg Fisheries Museum of the Atlantic & Bluenose II Restoration Project; Visit to Peggy’s Cove - Shubenacadie First Nation Mik’maq School Cultural Exchange - Halifax-Dartmouth Ukrainian Community Dinner Friday, October 28, 2011 - Tour Citadel (WW I Ukrainian Canadian Internment Site), Historic Halifax & Titanic Cemetery. - The Black Cultural Centre of Nova Scotia; the Black Experience - Bus travel to Cape Breton—Leadership development experiences en route; overnight in Sydney Saturday, October 29, 2011 - Fortress of Louisburg National Historic Site: The Acadian Story & the Ukrainians of Zakerzonnia - Cape Breton Miner’s Museum, Glace Bay - Cross Cultural Workshop at Cape Breton University Sunday, October 30, 2011 - Divine Liturgy Holy Ghost Ukr. Church, Sydney - St. Phillip’s African Orthodox Church Visit - Concluding Roundtable FOR MORE INFORMATION PLEASE CONTACT: Ms. Kristin Glover, UNYF Eastern Vice President 210-145 Evans Avenue, Toronto, On M8Z 5X8 Phone: 416.925-2770 firstname.lastname@example.org --- Join us in Nova Scotia Canada’s Historical Immigration Gateway The Paul Yuzyk Institute for Youth Leadership (PYI), an affiliate of the Ukrainian National Federation of Canada (UNF) and the Ukrainian National Youth Federation of Canada (UNYF), invites high school and university age students to participate in an exciting five day exploration of the Ukrainian experience in Nova Scotia in a comparative context of the First Nation, Black, and Acadian communities. This multi-faceted educational excursion includes visits to Canada’s Immigration Museum at Pier 21 which served as our country’s immigration gateway between 1920 and 1970, and the UNESCO Heritage Site of Lunenburg. Share cultural experiences with First Nation students at a Mik’maq school, try your hand at playing African drums, and pray in the only Ukrainian church east of Montreal. Explore the parallel histories of the Acadians and the Ukrainians of Zakerzonnia, and the history of Cape Breton’s coal mining industry in which generations of Ukrainians toiled. Gain cross-cultural perspective through a comparative Ukrainian-Celtic-Mik’maq workshop at Cape Breton University facilitated by leading ethnologists in the field. The program will provide opportunities to reflect on issues such as racism, intercultural solidarity, challenges faced by contemporary immigrants, and the challenges different cultural communities share in maintaining their heritage. Leadership development exercises in the areas of individual skill building, our multicultural reality and the role of Ukrainian Canadians, and the role of government in the life of Canadians, are interwoven throughout the program. Conducted bilingually in Ukrainian and English, the program is based on learning objectives developed by professional educators. The excursion group will be chaperoned by responsible adults from the sponsoring organization. Participants must agree to abide by the excursion code of conduct and, in the case of participants under 18, obtain the consent of their parent/guardian. All-inclusive registration including air/train/bus fare, program, local transportation, food, lodging, and admissions is $750 to be paid in full by October 21, 2011. Any out of province medical coverage or other insurance is the responsibility of the participant or her/his family. Enrolment is limited to 20 participants, and PYI reserves the right to select successful applicants. Participants need not be UNYF/UNF members. --- Запрошуємо Молодь у Нову Скошію! Join us in Nova Scotia Canada’s Historical Immigration Gateway Інститут Молодих Проявників ім. Павла Юзика Презентує Освітню Екскурсію --- Українці Нова Скошії в Міжкультурній Перспективі The Ukrainian Pier 21 Experience in Intercultural Perspective Галіфакс-Сідней, Нова Скошія 26-30 жовтня 2011р. Halifax-Sydney, Nova Scotia October 26-30, 2011 The Ukrainian Pier 21 Experience in Intercultural Perspective The Learning Objectives of this educational excursion are focused on three major leadership oriented themes: strengthening leadership abilities, understanding Canada’s multicultural reality and the role of the Ukrainian Canadian community, and a greater appreciation of the role of government in the lives of Canadians. Strengthening the leadership abilities of the participants will include: improving communication and engagement through interchanges with local community leaders (Cape Breton Miners Museum); understanding roles and responsibilities of community organizers (communities and churches in Sydney); and exploring the tools and processes for successfully planning and organizing events (Lunenburg UNESCO Heritage site). Increasing participants understanding of the multicultural reality and the role of the Ukrainian Canadian community will include: introduction to 120 years of Ukrainian settlement in Canada with a focus on Ukrainians in Halifax, Ukrainian Immigrant Monument; an overview of multiculturalism in Canada (the policy and law, and the role of the “Father of multiculturalism” - Senator Paul Yuzyk of Ukrainian heritage), and an overview of the current different perceptions of minority rights, communities in distress and multiculturalism (Cape Breton University and a cross cultural workshop). Improving the understanding of the role of government in the life of Canadians will include: a review of the role of Nova Scotia and the Atlantic provinces in establishing a constitution which divided powers between the government of Canada (Ottawa) and the provinces (Acadian story and the Fortress of Louisburg); the roles of Ottawa in immigration (Pier 21, Black Cultural Center) and the provinces in immigrant settlement; and the role of governments in cultural and heritage retention (education and the Mik’maq School). About the Paul Yuzyk Institute for Youth Leadership (PYI) Founded in 2009 by the Ukrainian National Federation of Canada (UNF) and the Ukrainian National Youth Federation of Canada (UNYF), PYI takes its inspiration from the life’s work of Senator Paul Yuzyk (1913-1986). A Canadian Parliamentarian, Academic, Ukrainian Canadian Community Leader, and Founder of the UNYF, he persevered through the economic hardship and ethnic discrimination of his youth to pioneer the official recognition in 1971 of Canada as a multicultural country. The goal of PYI are to train future generations of Canadian community leaders consistent with the vision of its founders. About the Ukrainian National Federation of Canada (UNF) The UNF was founded in Edmonton in 1932, until Ukrainian Canadians formed a non-sectarian body to preserve the Ukrainian language and culture, promote good citizenship, and support the establishment of a free Ukraine. Among the UNF’s important contributions are pioneering Ukrainian dance and chorals ensembles across Canada in the 1930’s; combating totalitarian communism in Canada in the pre-War period; recruiting young members in the Canadian war effort during WWII; youth leadership and cultural educational courses in the post war era, and the promotion of the vision of Canada as a multicultural country in the 1960’s. The UNF works together with branches of its affiliated organizations the Ukrainian Women’s Organization of Canada, the Ukrainian War Veterans Association, and the Ukrainian National Youth Federation, in Vancouver, Vernon, Edmonton, Regina, Saskatoon, Winnipeg, Thunder Bay, Sudbury, Windsor, Hamilton, St. Catharines, Toronto, Ottawa-Gatineau and Montreal. The UNF’s newest undertaking is the development of the Paul Yuzyk Institute for Youth Leadership. About the Ukrainian National Youth Federation of Canada (UNYF) The UNYF is a non-sectarian and non-partisan organization founded in Saskatoon in 1934 through the efforts of youth, students, and young teachers like UNYF’s first President, Paul Yuzyk. The organization’s credo is: Faith in Principles of Christianity, Faith in Canada, Faith in Dignity of the Individual, Faith in Cultural Traditions, Faith in Democracy, Faith in the Liberty of All Peoples, and Faith in the Liberty of Ukraine UNYF Branches across Canada are a place for youth from ages 14-30 to share ideas, socialize, and organize activities dedicated to preserving Ukrainian Canadian heritage, strengthening the community, promoting good citizenship within a multicultural Canadian society, and supporting a free and democratic Ukraine. One of the UNYF’s recent initiatives was the formation, with the UNF, of the Paul Yuzyk Institute for Youth Leadership.	<urn:uuid:fc7bebc6-eab2-4f56-8f3f-14ebe75268a8>	CC-MAIN-2022-27	https://www.ucc.ca/wp-content/uploads/2011/10/Pier-21-Brochure-FINAL-Sept-27-2011.pdf	2022-06-29T04:07:12+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103620968.33/warc/CC-MAIN-20220629024217-20220629054217-00343.warc.gz	1,071,927,442	1,839	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.95269	eng_Latn	0.966375	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 4178, 8822 ]	[ 2.078125 ]	1	0
The Peoples Temple recruited members from African American communities in San Francisco and Los Angeles; by 1973 there were more than 2,500 members. Some lived in communal housing and worked full time for the Peoples Temple, others contributed significant portions of their income and property to the church. Operations included real estate management, home care facilities for seniors and youths, publishing, and maintenance of a fleet of buses to transport members to services throughout California and across the country. The Peoples Temple Collection One of the top news stories of 1978 was the deaths of 918 people in Jonestown, Guyana, a small country in the jungles of South America. Members of the California-based Peoples Temple had developed an agricultural community in Guyana; California Congressman Leo J. Ryan organized a fact-finding mission to Jonestown in response to questions raised by the U.S. media and former followers. His visit ended in tragedy: on November 18, a long-time member, Ryan, and three journalists were killed by Peoples Temple members. That day, more than nine hundred Jonestown residents died from poisoning, and four members died in Georgetown, Guyana’s capital. In San Francisco, surviving Peoples Temple members immediately filed papers to dissolve the church. The superior court of California appointed a receiver to oversee the winding up of the Peoples Temple estate, a process that took five years. In 1983, the receiver placed the official records at the California Historical Society. Since then, former members, relatives, and In 1973, the Peoples Temple voted to establish an agricultural and rural development mission in Guyana, South America, that became known as Jonestown. Early settlers cleared the land and began construction at the site, building a communal kitchen, housing, schools, farm buildings, and a medical facility and day-care center surrounding an open-air pavilion. scholars have donated additional materials related to Peoples Temple. The Peoples Temple Collection currently contains more than 170 boxes of letters, documents, photographs, and audiotapes, including original items from the 1950s; government records from the FBI, CIA, and other agencies; and personal papers of former members and their families. Recent additions to the collection include papers collected by a psychologist who worked with former members of Peoples Temple and Jonestown survivors; nearly 1,200 slides of Peoples Temple activities in the United States and Guyana from the late 1960s to 1978; and nine hundred audiotapes of church services, amateur radio transmissions, and media broadcasts. Recently, the collection has been featured in several new works that explore a wide array of perspectives on the Jonestown tragedy. In April 2005, the California Historical Society Press released Dear People: Remembering Jonestown, a selection of letters, personal histories, and photographs from the collection. This publication coincided with the world premiere of In 1977, former members and relatives organized a group called the Concerned Relatives to protest Jim Jones's treatment of church members. Child custody issues and living conditions in Jonestown were at the center of the conflict between the Peoples Temple and the Concerned Relatives. Media coverage of Peoples Temple practices and political activities led the government to investigate the church's financial and social welfare programs. The Peoples Temple closed many of its businesses, sold its properties, and relocated hundreds of its members to Guyana. Leigh Fondakowski's The People's Temple, a play based on contemporary interviews and archival materials, produced by Berkeley Repertory Theatre and Z Space Studio. A documentary about the making of the play, produced by KQED, San Francisco's local PBS station, will air in November 2005. In 2006 the PBS series American Experience will broadcast award-winning filmmaker Stanley Nelson's documentary about the story of Peoples Temple. The Peoples Temple Collection is available to researchers in the North Baker Research Library at the Society's headquarters in San Francisco. For current reading room hours, check the CHS website at www.californiahistoricalsociety.org. All photographs are from the Peoples Temple Collection at the California Historical Society.	<urn:uuid:052a4fd8-5ead-4213-aa10-5e3772d9fd3c>	CC-MAIN-2023-50	https://jonestown.sdsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/CHS-2005.pdf	2023-12-06T17:09:41+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-50/segments/1700679100602.36/warc/CC-MAIN-20231206162528-20231206192528-00397.warc.gz	372,773,788	832	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996903	eng_Latn	0.997299	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1577, 3018, 4349 ]	[ 2.09375 ]	1	0
Curriculum Intent English At Dixons Croxteth, we develop students to lead successful and happy lives and make a positive contribution to their community. Our curriculum in each year is designed to provide experiences, opportunities, knowledge and skills that enrich and challenge our students. We understand that the curriculum is key to determining the life chances and choices for our students and therefore we will not compromise on providing the very best. We achieve this in English through the below: By the end of Year 11 students at Dixons Croxteth studying English will be taught the following skills: - Analyse, encounter and appreciate a wide variety of high-quality literature and literary non-fiction involving the best that has been thought and said. - Students will be well-versed in a range of fictional forms such as poetry, plays, novels and short stories; non-fictional forms studied will include letters, speeches, diaries, essays and articles. This enriching and challenging experience of the world of English is sequenced and arranged thematically by key moral and philosophical concepts, ensuring that students encounter a wide variety of perspectives, cultures and historical contexts. - Students will know how to craft their writing to match the conventions of a wide variety of forms. Students will be able to make judicious choices regarding voice, language, structure and grammar to manipulate readers in a variety of contexts. In order to truly appreciate the subject and create deep schema English has been sequenced with the following rationale: - Each academic year, students are exposed to high quality 'core texts' which build on the strong foundations of the previous year or Key Stage. Students will be gradually exposed further to the challenging world of English, ensuring mastery of the important knowledge and processes involved in their reading and writing. The sequencing of core texts involves the mastering of key concepts, time periods and writers including classical works, Shakespeare, nineteenth-century texts and twentieth-century novels. - Within each scheme of work, key knowledge is taught and re-visited on a regular basis through interleaved ‘Do Now’ quizzes and repetition of key skills. All schemes of work allow for key schema to be added to whereby teachers carefully select new knowledge to teach based on the changing needs of the students each time they re-visit an area of a key concept or knowledge. The English curriculum ensures that social disadvantage is addressed through: - By providing opportunities for all students to appreciate a very broad variety of texts written in a very broad variety of contexts with situated purposes, we intend to increase the cultural capital of all students allowing them to access concepts and moral standpoints at least as well as their more advantaged peers. - Disadvantaged students will follow the same curricular pathway as it is important that they are provided with access to the same body of knowledge. They will be supported through quality first teaching and intervention and support as required. Enrichment activities such as theatre trips and visits from authors allow students opportunities to visit places they may not usually engage with and help develop cultural capital to support their learning in the class room. - SEN students follow the same curricular pathway as it is important that they are provided with access to the same body of knowledge as all students sit the same GCSE papers for English Language and English Literature. This is supported through clearly differentiated teaching which will include access to further exam support by the way of resources or more tailored teaching based on a thorough understanding of the requirements of each exam paper. - The English Curriculum will expose students from socio-economic disadvantaged backgrounds to poetry, prose and drama which is written by and for people from societies in the past and present very different from their own. - The English curriculum will give students a safe space to discuss their own beliefs and values which they may not have at home. This in turn, means that the teacher and other students can address misconceptions through a meaningful and informed dialogue. - Disadvantaged students and those from identified underrepresented groups, receive priority for extra intervention sessions so that every opportunity to close the advantage gap is capitalised on. For example, students have the opportunity to receive extra guidance and tutoring through additional support in class, the production of bespoke materials or out of class intervention and support session. Opportunities to build an understanding of social, moral and ethical issues are developed alongside links to the wider world, including careers, through: - Selecting a wide variety of texts which provide contrasting viewpoints regarding a range of moral issues, the English curriculum provides a wealth of opportunities for students’ moral development through understanding perspectives that differ from those shared by their own communities; thus, promoting cohesion and empathy. - Through selecting texts from a wide variety of cultural contexts and time periods, students’ understanding and empathy for a plethora of cultures, historical periods and social/moral issues is deepened. - Through selecting a variety of non-fiction texts in all year groups, ranging from topics such as social media use and healthy eating to sustainability and environmental issues, many opportunities for personal development are provided. - Students will have the opportunity to question how texts enter into the canon / think critically about the perspectives presented in texts from different time periods. - Through taking part in several national writing competitions, students will be given the opportunity to become published authors gaining insight into this career path and the process and competition involved in becoming a published writer. - As one of their summits, all students will take a role in the performance of a play written by Shakespeare gaining insight into the processes required to produce an effective performance. - Through use of tutors from the Tutor Trust, targeted students work with English undergraduates who are given the opportunity to share their intended career paths with the students they tutor. A true love of English involves learning about various cultural domains. We teach beyond the specification requirements, but do ensure students are well prepared to be successful in GCSE examinations: - Students are given the opportunity to appreciate narratives from a variety of time periods and cultures ranging from Ancient Greece to modern word literature. Students gain an understanding of other cultural concepts such as early twentieth century political literature with Animal Farm, as well as literature set in Nigeria with Purple Hibiscus. Students will understand English as a ‘world’ full of ideas and opportunity beyond the exam specification. - Students will be given the opportunity to probe how playwrights, poets, novelists and journalists utilise nuanced language to convey moral, spiritual and political messages with increasing sophistication each year. - Each year, students will be given the opportunity to read the books shortlisted for the Carnegie Medal as an extra-curricular option. ## Curriculum Overview All children are entitled to a curriculum and to the powerful knowledge which will open doors and maximise their life chances. Below is a high-level overview of the critical knowledge children will learn in this particular subject, at each key stage from Year 7 to Year 11, in order to equip students with the cultural capital they need to succeed in life. The curriculum is planned vertically and horizontally giving thought to the optimum knowledge sequence for building secure schema. \| Knowledge, skills and understanding to be gained at each stage* \| Cycle 1 \| Cycle 2 \| Cycle 3 \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| YEAR 7 \| This cycle will be centred around the origins of literature and Greek Mythology. Students will encounter a range of myths and early literary concepts that will help to establish a foundational understanding of literature through time. Students will also learn how to craft their own mythological descriptions. \| Students will explore The Tempest in order to develop their understanding of Shakespearean plays as well as the English literary canon. In the second half of this cycle, students will study The History of Rhetoric, including the art of persuasion from great historical orators. This will lead onto discursive writing. \| In Cycle 3, students will study Narrative Poetry Through Time, starting with Norse Mythology – Beowulf, and building to a modern day understanding of themes and issues in twenty-first century poems. Students will then cover narrative writing skills. \| \| YEAR 8 \| Students will study poetry linked to social justice. Grouped through the concepts of social justice and injustice, the topic aims to expose students to a range of poetry from a range of contexts and poets across multiple eras. This unit begins to build poetry disciplinary knowledge of poetry, exposing students to concepts such as enjambment and volta that are later studied at GCSE. \| Students will be introduced to Shakespearean Tragedy through Romeo and Juliet. They will explore the concept of Greek Tragedy as a precursor to Shakespeare, and make links to related literature and non-fiction such as sonnets and modern day crime issues. \| Students will explore a modern British novel with Animal Farm by George Orwell. Here, students will appreciate the writer’s craft in a political context, and learn concepts such as allegory and diatribe. \| \| YEAR 9 \| Students will study ‘The Gothic’ through a range of texts centred around this concept. Students will encounter language and contexts from the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries. Students will also study identity poetry through a range of 20 and 21st century texts. \| Students will study a modern novel Purple Hibiscus by . They will explore the modern context of Nigeria as a way into the text before analysing important themes and techniques used to structure a 20th Century novel. \| Students will then study a challenging text linked to the idea of ‘Society and Inequality’ with An Inspector Calls by J.B. Priestley. There will be an appreciation of how writers’ construct plays to convey a political message and linked context including socialist and capitalist ideology and gender inequality \| \| YEAR 10 \| Shakespeare text - Macbeth \| Poetry anthology: Power and Conflict \| Mastering the interpretation of a range of 20th and 21st century fiction with a focus on sophisticated interpretations Evaluation of language and structure with a focus on applying these devices with sophistication and originality in students’ own work \| \| YEAR 11 \| Exam specification Appreciation of 19th century novel (A Christmas Carol) forming conceptualised responses regarding how context and language interact to create meaning Mastery of knowledge required for English Language Paper 2 and English Literature Paper 2 Section A \| Exam specification Revision of all GCSE English Literature and Language knowledge with a focus on creating conceptualised, nuanced responses to texts and manipulation of linguistic and structural choices in students’ own work \| \| Dixons Croxteth Academy is part of the Dixons Academies Trust Registered Office: Dixons City Academy, Ripley Street, Bradford, West Yorkshire, BD5 7RR. 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SEXUALITY, STD AND PREGNANCY PREVENTION SKILL ASSESSMENT The following questions will help you identify the skills in which you excel and target those which you need to develop. By yourself or with your team, try to answer each of the questions as honestly as possible. After completing this independent living skill assessment, review it with your team and identify those skills you would like to strengthen. \| \| I do not know about this \| I need to know more about this \| I know about this \| \|---\|-------------------------\|-------------------------------\|------------------\| \| 1. \| Know the myths and facts about sex. \| \| \| \| 2. \| Know the risks and facts regarding STD’s, including HIV/AIDS. \| \| \| \| 3. \| Know how to say “no” to a boyfriend/girlfriend who wants to get more sexually involved than I do. \| \| \| \| 4. \| Know that one can love somebody without having sex. \| \| \| \| 5. \| Am aware of consequences of teen pregnancy. \| \| \| \| 6. \| Know that parenting is a lifelong responsibility. \| \| \| \| 7. \| Know how to prevent pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. \| \| \| \| 8. \| Know where to turn for help with questions or problems with STD’s. \| \| \| \| 9. \| Know where to turn for help with questions about pregnancy. \| \| \| \| 10. \| Know what ovulation is. \| \| \| \| 11. \| Know when during a woman’s menstrual cycle ovulation occurs and she can get pregnant. \| \| \| \| 12. \| Know that there are a number of birth control methods for males and females and the advantages and disadvantages of each. \| \| \| \| 13. \| Understand that pregnancy occurs when a male sex cell (sperm) unites with a female sex cell (ovum/egg). \| \| \| 14. Understand that a missed period following sexual intercourse may mean pregnancy. 15. Know why some condoms are more effective than others in preventing pregnancy. 16. Know what sexually transmitted diseases (STD’s) are, how to protect against them and which ones are curable. Independent Living Skills Module V You have now completed the assessment section and identified those pregnancy and STD prevention skills that you would like to strengthen in order to make better decisions on your own. The following guide can help you in planning how you can learn about and practice these skills. Choose a few skills that you want to develop, and with your team, write down your plan of action. Remember, once you accomplish these goals you can go back to your assessment tool and select new goals to build on your new skills. EXAMPLE GOAL: WORK ON PREGNANCY & STD PREVENTION State Skill 1: Plan: When: Who: Think of things I can say if my boyfriend/girlfriend pressure me to become more sexually involved than I want to. This week. With myself. Research facts about STD’s and HIV/AIDS. This week in the Library. Talk to Jennifer who is a teen parent. Understand the consequences of teen pregnancy. This week. Get better at saying and what I want. Independent Living Skills Module V GOAL: WORK ON PARENTING SKILLS Skill Skill 1. To be developed and/or improved Plan: How do you plan to learn, develop and improve this skill? When: When, where, and how often will you work on this skill and by when will you have mastered this? Who: Who will assist you? --- Skill Skill 2. To be developed and/or improved Plan: How do you plan to learn, develop and improve this skill? When: When, where, and how often will you work on this skill and by when will you have mastered this? Who: Who will assist you? SEXUALITY Adolescence is a time of sexual awakening. During your teen years, you will discover in yourself a whole new range of sexual interests, feelings, and urges due to the maturation of the sexual and reproductive systems in your body. You will become aware of your own sexual orientation which most psychologists agree has been set since the age of five or six, and you will experience sexual attraction based on that orientation. The issues of relationships and sexuality are very complex. They not only include your physical development, but your personal skills, cultural issues, and expectations as well. You will face important decisions about relationships and intimacy which will have a great impact on the rest of your life. You have to be prepared to make them! Making the right decisions and choices may prevent you from getting hurt, engaging in unhealthy or destructive relationships, an unwanted pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases. Many of you probably struggle with your own identity and expectations in regard to relationships and sexuality. Some of you might have made some poor choices. However, many skills to make good decisions which promote healthy relationships can be learned and will be addressed in the following section. Myths and Misconceptions Knowledge about yourself and personal skills regarding relationships and love form the foundation to develop a healthy sexuality. Unfortunately, the term “sexuality” is often misunderstood as “sleeping with someone.” Like relationships in general, the issue of sexuality is not about having sex. Sexuality includes how we deal with our sexual feelings and the decisions and boundaries that we make. It involves respect, communication, and the many ways we can give and receive love. Sex is glorified through the media, through movies and television, and we encounter many messages about sex throughout the day whether we like it or not. Why do you think that is? There are many myths and misconceptions about sex. All too often people think that love and sex are interchangeable when they are really two vastly different notions. How do love and sex differ? - Is it possible to have a healthy sexuality, love someone, and not sleep together? Absolutely! - A second common misconception is that everyone is having sex and it really isn’t a big deal. A recent study shows that more and more teens decide to wait to have sex until they are older or get married. Sex is a complex and intimate step to take, one which requires not only physical maturity but emotional and mental maturity as well. - A third misconception is that sex is always a wonderful and pleasurable experience. The truth is that often, particularly if you are not ready, it is not and you will end up getting hurt. Making the right decisions about sex is more important than ever, not only to protect you from negative experiences or unwanted pregnancy, but also from potentially deadly sexually transmitted diseases. - Some people might think that having sex will help to keep someone in a relationship. The reality is that if a relationship is not working without sex, it won’t work anyway. Sex has so many complex implications that it can be disastrous for a relationship that isn’t on solid ground. - Another misconception is that some people try to become closer and find love through sex. The act of sex itself will not provide anyone with the love they are looking for. - People will often feel that they have to live up to their partner’s expectations. They might believe that if their boyfriend or girlfriend is ready to have sex, they should be ready as well. The only expectation you have to live up to is your own! - The last of the common misconceptions is that many people think that kissing and fondling inevitably leads to sex when most often it is just a sign of affection. We all set our own boundaries as to how far we’re willing to go and what we can handle emotionally. It is important that both partners respect those boundaries. ABSTINENCE There are many different ways to show someone we like and love him or her. How would you show your affection for someone without having sex? I would: While it might not always be easy to say “no” and wait to have sex, it is the right decision for many of you! There are many health and personal reasons which make abstinence an important option. Can you think of reasons to not engage in a sexual relationship at present? Some of your reasons might include: - Abstinence coincides with your personal values and beliefs. - Abstinence is 100% effective in preventing pregnancy. (No other method of birth control is infallible.) - Abstinence greatly reduces serious health risks like STD’s and cervical cancer. - Abstinence can show that you are a strong and mature person by not giving in to peer pressure. It can also show that you have control over your own impulses. - Abstinence can help partners to develop a better friendship and evaluate their feelings for each other. - Abstinence might help prevent you from getting hurt emotionally. You will have the satisfaction of knowing that you have not compromised your values, that you’ve done nothing that you did not want to do. Prevention of STD’s: There is only one sure way to protect yourself against the risk of infection, and that is to have no sexual contact. Abstinence is the surest, safest, and most effective method of prevention. However, if you do have sex, you must protect yourself. Here are some recommendations. These are not guaranteed methods of preventing STD’s, but if you use them in combination, you will lower your risk of infection. - A male should use a condom (a “rubber” or “skin”) during sex, including foreplay. - A female should use a diaphragm and spermicidal jelly or cream. - A male should urinate and wash his genitals with hot, soapy water immediately before and following sex. - A dental dam should be used during oral sex. Protect yourself! This is not the time to be shy. Talk about what protection you and your partner will use. If he or she refuses to use protection, then you refuse sex. Do not allow yourself to be used. The risk is too great. At any point in your life, your choice of whether or not to have sex should be a conscious and informed decision. It is important that you evaluate whether or not you are ready and are aware of possible consequences. You should know how to reduce risks of pregnancy and STD’s. SEXUALLY TRANSMITTED DISEASES Sexually Transmitted Diseases (STD’s) are one of the risks you run when you have sex without the proper protection. There are a number of serious diseases that are spread by sexual contact - gonorrhea, syphilis, herpes, chlamydia, etc. Many of them can be quickly and efficiently cured by a doctor or clinician but become quite dangerous if they are not treated. Here are some facts you should know about STD’s: - In America, more than 12 million people get an STD every year. - STD’s (including the HIV virus which causes AIDS) can be spread through all manners of sexual contact. In terms of sexually transmitted diseases, sexual contact is described as any kind of intimate contact involving these four areas of the body: penis, vagina, mouth, or anus. - You can be infected with an STD more than once and can even have more than one STD at the same time. Treatment for an STD does not make you immune from getting it again. - You cannot develop immunity to any of these diseases, and there is no vaccine to prevent them. In the case of Herpes, the disease is permanent and there is no cure. - STD’s cannot be contracted by sitting on toilet seats or touching door knobs. Most STD’s need to occupy warm, moist places to survive, which is why they affect the areas they do. - Statistically, the prime candidates for STD infection are between 15 and 24 years old and sexually active (often with more than one partner). - STD’s can affect men, women, and children. A pregnant woman can infect her baby. - STD’s can result in infertility or sterility if left untreated. It is important to get treatment even if the symptoms of the STD go away. The STD will remain transmissible and may continue to affect the body until it has been treated. NO STD will go away by itself. - Your risk of getting an STD increases with the number of sexual partners you have. - A person who has been diagnosed with an STD must contact all his or her sexual partners so that they, too, can get the necessary medical treatment. Symptoms of STD’s may not always be noticed. - In Massachusetts, minors may be examined and treated for an STD without parental consent. What can someone say when his/her partner is unwilling to use condoms? Here are some examples of possible responses: He Says: “You don’t trust me.” You Can Say: “I trust you to use a condom.” She says: “But I love you, we don’t have to use condoms.” You Can Say: “I love you enough to use a condom.” He Says: “Condoms aren’t romantic.” You Can Say: “Worrying about AIDS isn’t romantic.” She Says: “But we’ve never used a condom before.” You Can Say: “I want to start using condoms now so we’ll be safer.” He Says: “We’re not using condoms, that’s it.” You Can Say: “Okay, you know how to play cards?” From “Condom Facts,” Harvard Community Health Plan Foundation, 1994. The following chart presents some basic information about the more common sexually transmitted diseases. If you discover any of the listed symptoms, call your doctor or clinic. \| Disease \| How it is Spread \| Symptoms in a Woman \| Symptoms in a Man \| Risks If Not Treated \| \|---------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Gonorrhea \| Sexual contact. \| Pus-like vaginal discharge, vaginal soreness, low abdominal pain, painful urination.\| Pus-like discharge from the penis. \| Sterility, scar tissue. Women: Pelvic Inflammatory Disease (inflammation of the tubes), blindness in newborn. \| \| Cause: bacteria \| \| \| \| \| \| Syphilis \| Sexual contact, congenital. \| Rashes appearing almost anywhere on the body, including palms of hands and soles of feet. Chancre (lesion) on or in vagina, anus, or mouth. Loss of facial or scalp hair in patches. \| Rashes or hair loss in the same pattern as in women. Chancre on or around penis. \| Brain damage, paralysis, heart disease. A pregnant woman can pass syphilis to her baby causing a variety of birth defects including damage to skin, bone, eyes, liver, and teeth. \| \| Cause: spirochete \| \| \| \| \| \| Herpes Simplex II \| Direct contact with virus in blisters or with virus being shed and no blisters \| Painful, fluid-filled blister (or cluster of blisters) on, in, or around vagina. Often accompanied by swollen glands in groin area. Painful urination and fever. \| Same as in women, only on or around penis. \| Genital herpes is caused by a virus and cannot be cured. Eventually, the blisters and infection will get better. The infection will return. Flare-ups may be caused by stress and fatigue. Genital herpes my be passed along an infected pregnant woman to her newborn during birth, causing infant death or neurological damage. \| \| Cause: virus \| \| \| \| \| \| Non-specific urethritis (called NGU, NSU) \| Sexual contact. \| Symptoms similar to those caused by gonorrhea. \| Occasionally, heavy pus-like discharge. More frequently a mild watery discharge. \| Women: Pelvic Inflammatory Disease. Male: Chronic urinary tract infection. Possible sterility in men and women. \| \| Causes: chlamydia, bacteria & others \| \| \| \| \| \| Trichomonas Vaginalis \| Sexual contact. \| Heavy, frothy, often yellow, foul-smelling vaginal itching, often severe and continuous. \| Most often none, occasionally mild discharge from the penis. \| Skin irritation and gland infection. Cervical tissue may be damaged. \| \| (called Trich) \| \| \| \| \| \| Causes: protozoan \| \| \| \| \| \| Monilial Vaginitis \| Sexual contacts and non-sexual conditions, i.e. antibiotics, diabetes, pregnancy, birth control pills. \| Women: cheesy discharge, itching, scratching. \| Usually no symptoms. \| Secondary bacterial infection from scratching. Infection of newborn in untreated mother \| \| (yeast infection) \| \| \| \| \| \| Cause: fungal \| \| \| \| \| \| Venereal Warts \| Sexual contact, hands to sex organs. \| Wart-like growths. Sometimes with itching and irritation. \| Same. \| The openings of the vagina, penis, and rectum may be blocked. \| \| Cause: virus \| \| \| \| \| \| Pediculosis Pubic (crabs) \| Sexual contact, occasionally from bedding and clothing. \| Intense itching. Crabs and eggs attached to pubic hair. \| Same. \| Skin infection from scratching. \| \| (crabs) \| \| \| \| \| \| Cause: louse \| \| \| \| \| Pelvic Inflammatory Disease (PID) PID is the most common serious infection involving a woman’s reproductive system (the fallopian tubes and/or ovaries). Some sexually transmitted diseases (STD’s) cause the development of PID. If it is not treated quickly, PID can damage the reproductive system, limiting or ending a woman’s ability to have children. Any of the following can be symptoms of PID (the first three are especially important): - Abdominal pain or tenderness - Increased menstrual cramps - Pain in lower back - Change in menstrual cycle (period) - Bleeding much greater than usual during menstruation - Vaginal bleeding at times other than menstruation. - Nausea, loss of appetite, and vomiting - Vaginal discharge - Burning during urination - Chills - Fever If you think you might have PID, call your doctor, or go to a clinic or hospital emergency room. Don’t wait! Tell the doctor what your symptoms are and what you think you might have. Basic Facts About HIV/AIDS - AIDS (Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome) is caused by a virus called HIV (Human Immunodeficiency Virus). - This virus weakens the body’s immune system, destroying its ability to fight infection. - The virus allows other infections (such as pneumonia or cancer) to attack the body. - AIDS damages the brain and the nervous system. - The HIV/AIDS virus is present in blood, semen, and vaginal secretions of anyone who has been infected. - You cannot tell by anyone’s appearance whether or not s/he has HIV or AIDS. Many people who are infected look and feel fine. - The disease incubation period (the span of time before it becomes an active disease) can take from several months to more than ten years. - HIV/AIDS is not a gay disease. It affects people regardless of color, age, and sexual orientation. AIDS is a serious problem for all people of all ethnic groups. The disease affects more than 10,000,000 people worldwide, most of them heterosexual. How Is HIV/AIDS Spread? There are three ways the virus is spread: - Having unprotected sex of any kind with a person who is infected with the virus. Any exchange of blood, semen, or vaginal discharge can spread the virus. - Sharing needles, syringes, cookers, or cotton balls for drug injections. HIV-infected mothers can pass the virus on to their babies during pregnancy or birth. How To Protect Yourself Against HIV/AIDS Use your communication skills, decision making skills, and values to say NO to sex and drugs. Abstinence is the only 100% effective way to protect yourself from getting HIV/AIDS. If you should have sex, play it safe or safer. There is no such thing as safe sex. You should discuss the danger of AIDS with your partner. Talk about what you are feeling; get to know one another. You’ll feel less nervous and more in control. Talk about what protection you’ll use. Remember, the responsibility is not hers or his, it’s yours! - Use latex condoms or rubbers. They will greatly lower your risk of becoming infected with the AIDS virus. (Sheepskin condoms won’t work. They cannot prevent the virus from spreading.) - Use contraceptive foam, jelly, or cream with the ingredient Nonoxynol-9 along with a condom. (Nonoxynol-9 appears to kill the AIDS virus in laboratory tests.) Drinking alcohol and using drugs can make you do things you’ll be sorry about later. They also weaken your immune system making you more vulnerable to HIV infection. Don’t share drug needles or syringes. Any infected blood, even a drop left in the needle, could enter your bloodstream and, as a result, infect you with the virus. \| METHOD \| PROS \| CONS \| COST \| EFFECTIVENESS \| STD PROTECTION \| \|-------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|--------\|---------------\|----------------\| \| Continuous Abstinence \| Only 100% safe & effective method of birth control & STD protection \| May be affected by peer pressure \| NONE \| 100% \| YES \| \| \| No side effects. \| \| \| \| \| \| Condoms \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Unlubricated \| Easy availability. Effective STD prevention. \| Might tear. Ineffective if Used incorrectly or with oil-based lubricant (Vaseline). \| $.50/ea\| 90% \| YES \| \| Lubricated \| Easy availability. Effective STD prevention. \| Might not stay in place. Ineffective if used incorrectly or with oil-based lubricant \| $.50/ea\| 90% \| YES \| \| Sheepskin \| Easy availability. \| No STD prevention \| $2.50/ea\| 90% \| NO \| \| Female Condom \| STD protection. Easy Availability. Effective in STD prevention. Gives females more control \| Possible difficulty with insertion. Might not stay in place \| $2.50/ea\| 72-97% \| YES \| \| Spermicidal Cream, Jelly, Foam \| Easy availability. \| Possible irritations. Ineffective STD Prevention. Should be used with a condom \| $8.00 \| 72-97% \| NO \| \| METHOD \| PROS \| CONS \| COST \| EFFECTIVENESS \| STD PROTECTION \| \|----------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------\|---------------\|----------------\| \| Norplant \| 6 Capsules inserted in a female’s arm that protects against pregnancy for 5 years. \| Does not protect against STDs. Medical procedure is needed for insertion. Possible hormonal side effects include headaches, depression, weight gain. \| $500-$600 \| 99.9% \| NO \| \| Depo Provera \| Hormone shot which protects against pregnancy for 12 weeks. \| No STD prevention. Possible side effects include weight gain, headaches, and depression. \| $30 - $75 \| 99.7% \| NO \| \| Pill \| Can help protect against certain cancers, pelvic Inflammatory disease and ovarian cysts. Can help menstrual cramps & acne. \| No STD prevention. Must be taken daily to be effective. Rare health risks like heart attack & stroke. \| $8 - $25 per month \| 99.9 % \| NO \| \| Diaphragm or Cervical Cap \| Can last for several years. \| No STD prevention. Needs to be fitted to a Women’s body. Needs to be used with spermicidal jelly or cream to be an effective form of birth control. Might cause irritations. Might be difficult to use. \| $20 plus $8 for spermicidal jelly or cream \| 82 – 94% \| NO \| \| METHOD \| PROS \| CONS \| COST \| EFFECTIVENESS \| STD PROTECTION \| \|-------------------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|---------------\|---------------\|----------------\| \| IUD (Intrauterine Device) \| Can protect against pregnancy for up to eight years after physician inserts device in the uterus. \| No STD prevention. Chance of tubal infection and puncture of uterus wall. Might increase cramps. Medical procedure needed for insertion and removal \| $150.00 \| 98% \| NO \| \| Sterilization (Women) \| Operation which blocks the tubes for permanent pregnancy prevention. \| No STD prevention. Permanent procedure Which should not be considered by anyone who might want to have children in the future. Chance of medical complications. \| $1,200 \| 99.7% \| NO \| \| Vasectomy (Men) \| Operation which blocks the tubes which carry sperm for permanent pregnancy prevention \| No STD prevention. Permanent procedure which should not be considered by anyone who might want to have children in the future. Chance of medical complications \| $300 \| 99.7% \| NO \| METHODS THAT DO NOT WORK Occasional Abstinence If abstinence is not practiced continually, it loses its effectiveness in preventing pregnancy and STD’s. Be realistic about yourself and your behaviors. If you think you are not able to abstain 100% for any reason, you should consider other birth control/STD prevention methods. Withdrawal Withdrawal is not an effective method of birth control or STD protection. Douching Douching immediately after sex is not a method which prevents STD’s or pregnancy. Natural Family Planning This highly complex system of monthly calendars and body temperature has a very high likelihood of failure and does not protect against STD’s. Chances, Wishing, and Hope Relying on chances, wished, or hopes will not prevent pregnancy or STD’s. If you are sexually active and use no means of birth control or STD prevention, you must be prepared for pregnancy and disease. It can happen to you! ACTIVITY: Answer True or False to each of the statements below. (Answers follow the questions.) 1. A woman cannot get pregnant if she has sex during her period. 2. If a woman has sex while she is nursing her baby, she cannot get pregnant. 3. Using Vaseline with a condom (skin, prophylactic, safe, rubber, sheath) is as effective as using contraceptive foam. 4. The only way to not get pregnant or get some pregnant is to not have sex. 5. Withdrawal is a safe method of birth control. 6. A woman should always leave her diaphragm in 8 hours after sexual intercourse to ensure protection against sexually transmitted diseases. 7. A woman cannot get pregnant the first time she has sex. 8. Using spermicidal jelly/cream with a condom is the best protection against sexually transmitted diseases. 9. Every year, 2.5 million teenagers (about one teenager in every six) contract an STD. 10. Nine out of ten people having sex without using birth control will get pregnant within 1 year. 11. Douching and/or jumping up and down after sex is an effective method of birth control for a woman. 12. The use of birth control pills is the most effective protection against pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. ANSWERS 1. FALSE. Another myth. Since the male’s sperm can live up to 3-5 days in a warm, dark place (within a woman’s body), pregnancy is a possibility at just about any time sexual intercourse occurs. 2. FALSE. Another myth. Nursing provides no protection against pregnancy. 3. FALSE. Vaseline should not be used with a condom. It does not give any protection against pregnancy or STD’s and is likely to weaken the condom, possibly causing rip or tear. 4. TRUE 5. FALSE. Enough semen may escape before ejaculation to cause pregnancy. 6. TRUE. Some sperm can live for a period of time after intercourse and can travel up the vagina. 7. FALSE. Yet another myth. During intercourse, a male can ejaculate semen containing anywhere from 200 to 500 million sperm cells. If only one sperm succeeds in fertilizing the woman’s egg, pregnancy can result. 8. TRUE 9. TRUE 10. TRUE 11. FALSE 12. FALSE. Birth control pills protect against pregnancy in most instances, but they offer no protection against sexually transmitted diseases. Before engaging in any kind of sexual relationship, it is important to be aware of the risk of becoming a teen parent. Parenthood is a choice that must be very carefully evaluated, as it is the biggest responsibility one can assume. Since babies and children depend completely on their parents, mothers and fathers have to be mature, hard working, and willing to sacrifice many of their desires to meet the needs of their children. Parenthood is a life long commitment and all aspects involved need to be very carefully considered. So let’s evaluate some of the facts related to being a teen parent. Many teenage mothers will drop out of high school. A Day In The Life Of A Teen Mom 5:30 a.m. Jess is hungry and cries so I have to get up again to feed her. I am so tired, but I might as well stay up now because it doesn’t make any sense to go back to bed. I have to leave at 6:45 a.m. to bring her to day care. 6:00 I am dressing her. She is fussy so it takes me awhile. Just when I am done, she spits up all over. Now I have to clean up and change her outfit. 6:30 I just finished getting ready myself. I’ll have to take a shower later. I just don’t have time and my hair looks a mess. Who cares? 7:00 Jess and I are sitting on the bus going to day care. I’ve got her diaper bag, bottles and everything. She’s sitting next to me in her “car” seat. She looks like she’s smiling. She is so cute. 7:30 I dropped Jess off at day care. It is kind of hard to leave her, but is the only way I’ll be able to finish school. 8:00-8:50 I am in school. I couldn’t finish my homework yesterday because I had to take Jess to the doctor for her immunizations. The other kids are kind of rude as always. The girls talk about me and think that I slept around because I got pregnant and none of the guys even talk to me. I got a “D” in my math test. It is hard to find time to study. I am just too busy. 8:55-9:45 English class 9:50-10:40 We have health and talk about pregnancy prevention. Everybody looks at me. They giggle and say, “Well, it is too late for her!” 10:40-10:45 Break. I call day care to see how Jess is doing. They say she is doing fine. 10:45-11:35 History class 11:35-12:05 Lunch 12:05-12:55 Physical Education. I hate Phys. Ed. Jess was born by C Section. I still feel a bit uncomfortable. Plus, I gained 35 pounds during pregnancy and I just can’t lose it. 12:45 Only ten more minutes, then Phys. Ed. will be over. 1:00-1:50 Home Room. I am trying to do some work but I can’t concentrate. I am almost falling asleep. 1:50-1:55 Waiting in the hall for my science teacher. The other kids are talking about going out to the movies after cheerleading and football practice. 1:55-2:45 Science class 3:00 School is over. I am back on the bus to day care. 3:30 I pick Jess up from day care. They said she had a good day. 4:00 Home again. I am calling my friend, Kendall. She tells me about this great guy she just started dating. Jess starts crying so I have to hang up. 4:15 My parent aide is here. We work on parenting skills and things I need to know to be a good parent. 4:30 I am still working with my parent aide. We’re talking about safety issues. 5:00 I am feeding Jess. 5:30 I am bathing Jess. 6:00 I am changing Jess. 6:30 I am having dinner and keeping an eye on Jess at the same time. 7:00 I am playing with Jess. 7:30 I am singing to Jess. 8:00 I am taking Jess to bed. 8:30 I am doing homework. 9:00 I am still doing homework. 9:30 I am studying for the next math test. 10:00 I fell asleep in front of the TV. 10:30 I am in bed. Midnight Jess is crying. She needs to be changed and fed. 2:30 Jess is crying. I have to comfort her until she goes back to sleep. Do you think Kendra will finish high school? Why? Why not? Most babies born to teenage mothers will grow up in poverty. Teen mothers will earn much less money than women who wait until their twenties to have children. What do you think the average monthly cost of maintaining a child is at: age 1 $______, age 3 $______, age 7 $______, age 12 $______? Loving a child is crucial, undoubtedly one of the most essential aspects of parenting. But having enough money to feed and clothe a child, pay rent for an apartment, pay for essentials, such as medical care is indeed a very basic need. FACT Many fathers of children born to teenage mothers will not be involved in their upbringing. A Day In The Life Of A Teen Dad 4:30 a.m. The alarm goes off I am so tired. I just want to turn over and go back to sleep, but I have to get up. 5:00 I am out on my bike. It is freezing cold. My nose hurts from the icy wind. But they pay me pretty well for delivering the newspaper. 5:30 I am still delivering papers and my hands and feet are completely numb. 6:00 I am almost done. 6:30 I am having breakfast while trying to finish my homework. 7:00 I almost missed the bus to school. 7:30-8:15 In school. Assembly. 8:20-9:10 First class – English. Most of my classes are College Prep. It has been really hard lately to keep up with all the work – with the baby and all. Even though he doesn’t live with me (He lives with his mother, Lisa.), he is a huge responsibility and lots of work. Sometimes I wonder if I will ever make it to college. 8:45 Still English. The teacher asks about my homework. When I tell him that I didn’t get it all done, he makes a comment about the consequences and changing diapers. I didn’t hear it all, but everybody, of course, grins. 9:15-10:05 Math. I enjoy math and for awhile I even forget how tired I am. 10:10-11:00 Social Studies. We talk about the importance of good environments for kids. I am feeling kind of guilty and am wondering if I can ever give my son what he needs so he can have a chance in life. 10:40 Still Social Studies….and I’m still wondering. 11:00-11:05 Break. There she is – right at the lockers, Diane. I want to go over and just ask her out. Kenny’s mom and I broke up before he was born. I still care about her and stuff, but the whole baby thing was too much for us. We started arguing a lot. Now we are getting along – sometimes. But I have to do what she says or she won’t let me see Kenny as much as I would like to. If she found out that I asked someone out, she probably wouldn’t let me see the baby at all. She still always wants to know what I am doing and whom I am with. Well, Diane probably wouldn’t even talk to me anyway. Who wants a boyfriend with a baby and the responsibility and costs that go along with being a parent? 11:05-11:55 Chemistry 12:00-12:30 Lunch. Everybody is talking about tonight’s hockey game. I played varsity – before Kenny. Practice is at 5:00 a.m. because that’s when the ice time is the cheapest. I feel totally left out. 12:35-1:25 Physical Education. We are playing basketball. It’s fun! 1:30-2:20 Homeroom. I am trying to get as much homework done as I can. Then I still have to study for Chemistry. 2:25-3:15 History. My guidance counselor took me out of class to talk about “my situation”. He tells me how disappointed he is in my making poor choices. I tune out. I heard it all before. I am just trying to do the best I can. 3:30 Finally, on my way home, where I’ll grab a snack and then run out. 4:00 I arrive at Lisa’s house. Her mother is there. She does not like me. Lisa gives me Kenny and says she will be back in an hour. 4:30 I feed and change Kenny. 5:00 Lisa is back from the store. She tells me to make sure to give her the money on Friday because Kenny needs new clothes and a winter jacket. There goes my paycheck again. 5:30 On my way to work. 6:00 Start work at Pizza Store 6:30 Work 7:00 Work 7:30 Work 8:00 Work. Some of the guys from the hockey team come in. They are all happy because they won. I have to wait on them. They are making fun of my uniform. Diane is with them. 8:30 Work 9:00 I am finally out of here. I get on my bike and the same kids pass by in their cars and honk. Before Kenny was born I almost had enough money to buy a car. Then I had to use the money for baby stuff. It is so expensive. Just the crib cost $150.00. 9:30 At home doing homework. 10:00 Homework 10:30 Watch the game on TV. 11:00 I have to go to bed because I have to get up at 4:30 again. Compare your daily routine to the one of the teen mom or dad. What is different? Many teenage parents are isolated from their peers. FACT Do you think that Bob will be able to go to college, work for child support and be actively involved in parenting his child? Why? Why not? What are some common misconceptions guys may have in relation to fatherhood? What do you think a father’s responsibility towards his child should be? Fathers are crucial in the upbringing of a child. Not only in sharing financial and parenting responsibilities, but also for the developmental well-being of a child. The absence of a father figure in a child’s life can contribute to developmental and emotional problems, a sense of loss, etc. Fathers and mothers bear equal amounts of responsibility in child rearing. Guys who think that they don’t have to think about responsibilities related to parenthood because they are guys are wrong and totally irresponsible. FACT The stress of being a teen parent is enormous and many are not able to cope with it. To My Mom WHAT WILL HAPPEN TO ME? What will happen to me when the newness wears off When I’m not quite so cute or cuddly and soft What will happen to me at the end of the day When you’re tired and lonely and I want to play What will happen to me when the money’s all gone And the food and the milk won’t last that long What will happen to me when your friends call To go out on a date or just off to the mall You can’t go along, you’ll have to stay home You’re a mother now, home is where you belong Your friends have grown tired of just stopping by To watch you change diapers and to hear me cry They have things to do and places to go They have dreams to fulfill, you have nowhere to go You have responsibilities now, my needs must come first Even though you are angry and ready to burst What will happen to me when you have to explode It just isn’t fair – And I’m becoming a load Will you hit me and yell and then toss me aside Like that guy did to you when he said that you’d lied That the baby’s not his and he has someone new Other plans to fulfill that don’t include you Would it have been better had you given more thought To have been more responsible while “playing adult” What will you do – What can you be??? Instead of having to worry – “What will happen to me?” Author Unknown Many teenage parents do not have the parenting skills necessary to raise a child in a nurturing, loving and consistent environment.	<urn:uuid:1a1cbc76-6e05-47f5-8ba8-33639c41cc04>	CC-MAIN-2017-26	http://itsmymove.org/docs/resources/PAYAModule5-Sexuality-STD-Pregnancy-Prevention.pdf	2017-06-29T03:58:03Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128323864.76/warc/CC-MAIN-20170629033356-20170629053356-00493.warc.gz	200,769,069	8,803	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.997388	eng_Latn	0.999197	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "unknown", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", ...	false	rolmOCR	[ 2235, 2518, 3500, 4099, 6224, 8121, 9318, 10284, 12739, 13595, 21536, 23779, 25127, 27370, 29097, 30554, 31481, 33562, 33718, 35879, 37266, 37820, 39611, 41687, 42458, 43146, 44575 ]	[ 3.3125, 1.9296875 ]	4	0
Pennsylvania has good reason to be proud of its state park system. And new developments continue to occur within that system. For example, Governor Rendell recently named Pennsylvania’s 117th state park – the Erie Bluffs State Park on the Lake Erie shoreline. Another dedication event of new facilities at one of Pennsylvania’s state parks has special meaning for the Joint Conservation Committee. The committee members and staff were pleased to see the committee’s current vice-chairman, former chairman and long-time member Sen. Raphael J. “Ray” Musto honored at the dedication of the Raphael J. Musto Environmental Education and Visitor Center at Nescopeck State Park in Dennison Township, Luzerne County. It is a fitting tribute to Sen. Musto who has dedicated much of his distinguished career in public service to environmental improvement and education. The committee sends its congratulations to Sen. Musto. The mission statement of the Bureau of State Parks could easily be read as the exact kinds of improvements Sen. Musto has championed over the years. For example, the parks’ primary purpose is to, “provide opportunities for enjoying healthful outdoor recreation and to serve as outdoor classrooms for environmental education.” To meet these goals, first consideration is to be given to “…conservation of the natural, scenic, aesthetic and historical values of the parks.” And, stewardship responsibilities are expected to be carried out in a way that “protects the natural outdoor experience for the enjoyment of current and future generations.” (continued on page 8) Over the past two decades, the recycling rates of beverage container packaging have been worthy of praise. Less than five years ago, it was reported that by 1999, 60 percent of all beverage containers were being recycled, with aluminum cans leading the way. Because of this apparent success, the aluminum industry raised the bar even higher and called for a 75 percent recycling goal. But a lot of things can change in five years. The Container Recycling Institute, a group that promotes waste reduction, has released some disturbing new information about recycling…the national recycling rate for aluminum beverage cans has dropped by at least 15 percent over the last 8 years, to 44 percent in 2003, the lowest can recycling rate in the past 25 years. The public often views recycling, particularly in regard to the aluminum can, as an environmentally friendly thing to do. But just because something is recyclable doesn’t mean that it’s being recycled. According to CRI, over half of the 100 billion (yes…billion) cans sold in the United States in 2001 were not recycled. In the case of aluminum cans, for every six-pack of soda sold and recycled, there is one that is landfilled. It’s been estimated that more than 33,000 Boeing 737 jets could be manufactured from the landfilled cans. Recycling the 52 billion aluminum cans landfilled would have saved an amount of energy equivalent to 16 million barrels of crude oil, or enough to supply over a million cars with gasoline for a year. Stop and think about how many beer or soft drink cans you and your family consume in an average month. One of the possible reasons for the decline in recycling is the fact that people, in general, are drinking more beverages on the go. Because convenient recycling bins are often not close by, many of these cans end up in the waste stream. Most likely, however, this spiraling downward trend can be attributed to the decreasing financial incentive to recycle aluminum cans. The value of a pound of aluminum cans hasn’t changed much over the years, but the value of the dollar has declined. CRI says that the forecast is getting worse for recycled aluminum cans, but it is not impossible to turn things around. One way to address the problem, according to CRI, is through beverage container laws. Beverage container deposit laws or “bottle bills” now exist in 11 U.S. states. Eight of these are celebrating anniversary dates reaching 30 years in existence. Bottle bill advocates say that bottle bills work because the 5 cent and 10 cent deposit paid by the consumer is refunded when the can or bottle is returned to the store or local redemption center. This is the financial incentive the consumer needs to recycle. States that have enacted bottle bills routinely achieve a 70 percent to 90 percent recycling rate. Advocates also point to the revenue generated from unclaimed deposits (deposits not claimed by the consumer) from the beverage distributor. Bottle bills that return these unclaimed deposits to the state see windfalls that support recycling and other environmental programs. Some states view the potential fiscal benefits of bottle bills as a way to direct unredeemed deposit money to state coffers in times of rising state budget deficits. But opponents to bottle bills say they are expensive for distributors to operate and often create dumping grounds in grocery stores and other drop-off areas that affect public health and safety. For now however, there have been a flurry of bottle bills in state legislatures throughout the country, and language added to existing bottle bills to strengthen the current laws. Leaky Underground Storage Tanks Still Turn Up — Tony M. Guerrieri, Research Analyst Over a million of them are gone but the problem isn’t solved yet. That is the quick take on leaking underground storage tanks (USTs) in the United States, according to a report by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The EPA report, “Underground Storage Tanks: Building on the Past to Protect the Future”, shows how federal, state, and local agencies, and industry have worked together over the past two decades to protect the nation’s soil and groundwater from leaking USTs. 2004 marks the 20th anniversary of the federal Underground Storage Tanks Program. In 1984, Congress responded to the increasing threat to groundwater posed by leaking USTs at gas stations and other places by directing the EPA to develop a comprehensive regulatory program. Although tank owners and operators are ultimately responsible for cleaning up contamination from leaks, Congress created a trust fund in 1986 to help the EPA and states cover the costs that tank owners and operators could not afford or were reluctant to pay. The majority of Leaking Underground Storage Tank Trust Fund monies are provided to states by the EPA to oversee cleanups, take enforcement actions at leaking tank sites, and undertake state-led cleanups when a party responsible for the leaks cannot be found or is unwilling or unable to clean up the site. From the outset, the program was designed to be implemented primarily by the states. In 1990, the EPA approved Mississippi as the first state to run its own UST program in lieu of the federal program. Currently, 33 states, including Pennsylvania, have EPA-approved programs. At the inception of the UST program, there were more than two million underground tanks storing petroleum and certain hazardous substances. Many of them were old steel tanks suffering from corrosion. To date, more than 1.5 million substandard tanks have been closed. Currently, there are nearly 700,000 active USTs, nearly all of which now have required leak detection and prevention equipment and are less likely to corrode and leak than the tank systems of the previous generation. The EPA and states have made substantial progress in cleaning up releases from leaking USTs. Of the 400,000 plus known leaks, nearly 70 percent - or over 300,000 - have been cleaned up. In fact, over 18,500 cleanups were completed in 2003, representing a 17 percent increase in the number of cleanups completed over the previous year. Considerable progress has also been made in reducing the number of new releases. Approximately 12,000 new releases were reported in 2003 – about 60 percent lower than the annual national average of approximately 27,000. While substantial progress has been made, the EPA offers a number of recommendations for further improvements. The EPA report warns that although the UST program has made substantial progress, there are additional challenges that need to be addressed. These challenges include cleaning up and encouraging reuse at 200,000 or more abandoned gas stations and petroleum brownfield sites; cleaning up more than 100,000 remaining known releases at active sites; and improving operation compliance at every site to prevent new releases. Underground storage tanks that leak petroleum or other hazardous substances contaminate nearby soil and groundwater. These substances can contain known carcinogens, and individuals coming into contact with this contamination may experience health problems ranging from nausea to kidney or liver damage. Furthermore, one contaminant - methyl tertiary butyl ether (MTBE), a fuel additive being used with increasing frequency in recent years - is particularly troublesome in that it migrates quickly through the soil into groundwater and even small amounts can render the groundwater undrinkable. Communities across the country are finding MTBE contamination in their groundwater. For example, the city of Santa Monica, California, has lost a significant portion of its drinking water supply due to MTBE contamination caused by leaking USTs. To better ensure that USTs meet federal equipment, operations and maintenance requirements to prevent leaks and contamination that pose threats to public health, the EPA report makes several recommendations. First, the report recommends improving operational compliance by increasing the frequency of tank inspections. While few states conduct annual inspections, most inspect them much less frequently. Second, the EPA also needs to ensure inspectors are well-trained, according to the report. To meet this need, the EPA and the states are developing Web-based training for federal and state tank inspectors and site cleanup managers. The online modules will be available later this year. In addition, the report said, the EPA and the states are developing a model workbook that can be tailored to individual states and used by tank owners to determine if they are in compliance. Copies of the EPA report, “Underground Storage Tanks: Building on the Past to Protect the Future”, are available at http://www.epa.gov/swerust1/pubs/20annrpt.pdf. Communities Can Improve Water Source Protection — Craig D. Brooks, Executive Director Communities are doing a better job of implementing programs to protect drinking water sources, but more work is needed, according to the authors of a new report, “Protecting the Source”. The Trust for Public Land and the American Water Works Association, authors of this report, suggest that the Safe Drinking Water Act Amendments of 1996 requiring states to do source water assessments prompted communities to give more thought to water protection strategies. This includes combining regulatory strategies with land conservation strategies as a way of protecting source water. According to the report, the loss of natural lands to development not only impacts the quality of our drinking water, but also the cost of treatment and the quantity of water available. Development increases the demand for drinking water and at the same time, decreases the ability of water to filtrate the ground and recharge water supplies. Because of this, several large metropolitan areas have recognized the benefits of protecting source water and recharge areas and have combined land conservation with regulatory source protection strategies. Boston, New York, San Francisco and Seattle are just a few examples of cities that have historically initiated combined source water protection strategies. The report suggests that many newly developing mid-size cities and suburbs have not been as proactive as larger cities in protecting their water sources. Land conservation initiatives and better water management practices are needed to reduce pollutant loads to rivers, aquifers and other drinking water sources. Communities need to invest in land conservation as a means of water source protection and guide development away from sensitive water resources. As a way for communities to better plan and implement water protection strategies, the report offers the following guidelines for what communities may need: - An improved understanding of the watershed to design an effective source protection plan and build community support; - The use of maps and models to prioritize protection so that funding can be directed accordingly; - The establishment of strong partnerships that extend throughout the watershed, which frequently covers multiple jurisdictions prompting the need for better coordination; - The creation of a comprehensive source protection plan with strategies for managing threats and protecting resources that involve both regulatory and voluntary initiatives; and - The implementation of a “funding quilt” that will secure money from a variety of sources at the local, state and federal levels. Because development activities remove natural buffers such as forest cover and pave over areas that supply groundwater recharge, the report suggests that states that combine drinking water programs with Clean Water Act programs tend to be much farther ahead in providing source water protection. This would include a watershed approach with emphasis on protecting aquifer recharge areas. According to the report, a study of 27 water suppliers found that the amount of forest cover in a watershed had a direct relationship to the cost of treatment. For every 10 percent increase in forest cover in a source area, treatment and chemical costs decreased approximately 20 percent. In forested watersheds with 60 percent forest cover, average treatment and chemical costs dropped by more than one-third, from $115 per MG to $37 per MG. While many communities are finding out that land conservation is a big investment, it may also be less expensive than the long-term cost of water treatment. The report by the American Water Works Association and the Trust for Public Land, “Protecting the Source”, is available at http://www.tpl.org/publications. GAO Report Highlights Asset Management Issues for Water Infrastructure — Tony Guerrieri, Research Analyst Comprehensive asset management programs can help water and wastewater utilities maximize the life of all facility assets, but implementing a program can be challenging. Asset management programs can require major up-front implementation costs and offer no guarantee of overcoming rate-hike resistance by elected officials and the public, according to a report by the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO). The report, “Water Infrastructure: Comprehensive Asset Management Has Potential to Help Utilities Better Identify Needs and Plan Future Investments”, also highlights federal efforts to promote asset management and recommends ways to encourage water agencies to adopt the practice. The goal of asset management is to manage infrastructure assets so that the total cost of owning and operating them is minimized. Asset management is seen as particularly relevant to the water and wastewater industry because they are capital intensive and have a sizable investment in pipes and other assets with a relatively long service life. The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has promoted asset management as an essential utility tool for managing the massive estimated costs to upgrade aging infrastructure over the next 20 years. However, asset management has only been adopted by a handful of water and wastewater systems (mostly large systems) in the last few years. Asset management is being considered by Congress as a condition for obtaining federal infrastructure-assistance funds. Based largely on interviews with staff at 46 drinking water and wastewater utilities that were implementing comprehensive asset management, as well as more focused interviews conducted at 15 of these utilities, the GAO report offers a comprehensive overview of utility experiences implementing asset management and their perspectives on its benefits and challenges. Citing its earlier survey of August 2002, which indicated that 29 percent of water utilities and 41 percent of wastewater systems were not collecting enough revenues to fully cover their costs of service, the GAO report described asset management implementation benefits and obstacles experienced by utilities. There are two key benefits that will come from asset management, according to the report. Collecting, sharing, and analyzing data through comprehensive asset management can help utilities to make more informed decisions about maintaining, rehabilitating, and replacing their assets. In particular, utilities can use the information collected and analyzed to prevent problems and allocate their maintenance resources more effectively. In addition, comprehensive asset management also helps managers to make more informed decisions about whether to rehabilitate or replace assets, and once they decide on replacement, to make better capital investment decisions. The GAO report lists three issues or obstacles that hamper development of asset management plans: - To determine the condition of current assets and the need for future investment, utilities have to gather and integrate complete and accurate data, which may require significant resources. - Successful implementation requires cultural change – departments long accustomed to working independently must be willing to coordinate and share information. - Utilities may find that their efforts to focus on long-term planning conflict with short-term priorities of their governing bodies. These three challenges, according to the report, may be more difficult for smaller utilities because they have fewer financial, staff, and technical resources. The GAO also notes utility objections to Congress or the EPA requiring asset management. The report indicates that water industry officials raised concerns about the implications of mandating asset management, citing challenges in defining an adequate asset management plan and in the ability of states to oversee and enforce compliance. The report recommends that the EPA should take steps to strengthen the agency’s existing initiatives on asset management and ensure that relevant information is accessible to those who need it. The report, “Comprehensive Asset Management Has Potential to Help Utilities Better Identify Needs and Plan Future Investments”, is available at http://www.gao.gov/atext/d04461.txt. Waste is the fastest growing waste stream in the United States with recent estimates suggesting that more than 500 million computers will become obsolete by 2007, resulting in more than 6 billion pounds of plastic, and 1.5 billion pounds of lead and other materials generated for possible disposal. eWaste contains more than 1,000 different substances, some considered toxic and some benign. About 70 percent of the heavy metals in landfills now come from electronic waste, with consumer electronics making up about 40 percent of the lead. But computers and other large pieces of electronic equipment are not the only culprits adding to this particular waste stream. Cell phones are playing a larger part in the generation of waste materials. On average, cellular phones are used only 18 months before they are discarded and by 2005, about 130 million cell phones will be retired. Most, if not all of these will eventually enter the waste stream. Similar problems are also posed by other small electronic devices such as pagers, pocket personal computers, MP3 players and personal digital assistants. Because these devices are small, it might appear that their environmental impact would also be small, but the volume of material makes these items a significant concern. Because of the concern about the effects of eWaste on our health, our environment and that of other nations where this material is often exported, the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has issued guidelines to help encourage people to reuse and recycle old electronic equipment. The Guidelines for Materials Management have been established as a framework for EPA’s “Plug-In to eCycling” campaign. Campaign partners will test the guidelines to determine the best methods for safely managing used electronic equipment. Partners in the eCycling initiative include manufacturers, retailers, government agencies, and nonprofit businesses that help collect, reuse, recycle or refurbish old electronic equipment. Among them are Dell, Envirocycle, Best Buy, Staples, AT&T Wireless and the Recycle America Alliance. The guidelines apply to Plug-In partners, who through contracts or other arrangements utilize reuse, recycling or disposal facilities. The guidelines also spell out partner responsibilities. The guidance applies to designated materials that are directed for reuse or refurbishment. The materials include batteries, mercury and PCB-containing lamps and devices, circuit boards (unless they are contained in hand-held electronic equipment and cathode tubes) and CRT glass (both of which are adequately processed for use as industrial feedstock prior to reuse). This materials list only applies to electronic equipment that has been prescreened to meet legitimate reuse or recycling specifications and includes: monitors, televisions, CRT bulbs, laptops, printers and cell phones. The guidelines ensure that all items are packaged correctly to preserve used equipment for reuse with manifest records that track equipment from each destination. The guidance suggests that reuse is the preferred management option for old electronic equipment, followed by recycling, with landfilling or incineration understandably being the least desirable method. The guidance document states that where incineration or landfilling is unavoidable, the Plug-In partner should ensure that “consideration is first given to whether the waste has value for energy recovery”. The devices may be small, but the volume of material makes personal items a significant concern The guidelines call for “due diligence” of Plug-In partners when considering disposal of electronics. The level of due diligence should equal the risk of handling the materials as well as fulfilling waste management goals. It is recommended that steps for reuse and recycling focus on used electronic equipment that, if mismanaged, is likely to present hazards to human health or the environment. Partners are asked to provide written evidence that wastes are managed safely at facilities that are fully licensed for treatment and disposal. This would include compliance with all federal and state requirements pertaining to the transport, processing and managing of electronic products and components. However, EPA acknowledges that exporting eWaste is a problem because large portions of obsolete electronics are shipped out of the country. Between 50 percent and 80 percent of the electronic waste collected in the United States for recycling is sent to China, India, Pakistan or other developing countries. Although it is referred to as recycling, it is often viewed as another form of disposal. Electronics manufacturers, environmental groups and legislators agree that more needs to be done on the front-end of an electronic product’s life to prepare for its disposal on the back-end. Representatives from various stakeholders groups have agreed to work with EPA toward creating a financing system that will include the cost of managing used electronic equipment in the overall purchase price of these products. A copy of EPA’s Plug-In to eCycling’s Guidelines for Materials Management is available on the Internet at http://www.epa.gov/epaoswer/osw/conserve/plugin/guide.pdf. On the Horizon . . . ✔ Monday, October 18, 12 noon, location to be announced – Environmental Issues Forum. The Pennsylvania Hardwoods Development Council will make a presentation on the council's activities and the hardwood industry. The Pennsylvania WoodMobile traveling educational exhibit will also be available for visits during the day. Environmental Issues Forums are open to the public. Please call the committee office at (717) 787-7570 if you would like to attend. Visit our website (http://jcc.legis.state.pa.us) or check future editions of the Environmental Synopsis for upcoming events. Committee Chronicles . . . Scenes from the dedication ceremonies at the new Raphael J. Musto Environmental Education and Visitor Center at the Nescopeck State Park. Check out the Chairman’s Corner for more information on this tribute to the vice-chairman of the Joint Conservation Committee — Sen. Raphael J. Musto (D-14). Sen. Musto, who is also Democratic chairman of the Senate Environmental Resources and Energy Committee, is the author of the “Environmental Education Act.” During his tenure on the Joint Committee, he has led the way on numerous environmental studies and reports, many of which have resulted in positive legislative advances in the area of grayfields, forestry, and water and sewer infrastructure and safety, for example. Department of Conservation and Natural Resources (DCNR) Secretary Michael DiBerardinis acknowledged Sen. Musto’s contributions in his remarks. “This magnificent facility is a direct result of Sen. Musto’s vision, persistence and leadership,” he said. “He cares deeply about the natural resources across his state. He is recognized as a leader in environmental education. It, therefore, is so fitting that the building should bear his name.” “I am very grateful to be honored by having this building named after me in a park that means so much to so many.” Sen. Raphael J. Musto The $1.5 million center will serve as the hub of activities at the 3,500 acre park. It will house extensive environmental education programs servicing area school districts and communities, visitor services and staff offices. Staff will use the center to offer DCNR’s Watershed Education Program to area high schools, teachers and other groups. Visiting biologists, college students and researchers are expected to use the park as a natural outdoor laboratory. In addition to the new center’s facilities, the park offers nine-acre Lake Frances, more than 200 acres of wetlands, six miles of high quality trout stream in Nescopeck Creek and 20 miles of hiking and cross-country ski trails. The park is well known to Sen. Musto, who years ago united opposition to flooding much of the area with a dam, recognizing the park’s unique aspects and local citizens’ desire for an alternative use. In remarks at the dedication, where he was accompanied by his wife Frances and grandson Nicholas – a regular angler at the park, Musto commented, “Long ago, myself and others in neighboring communities recognized the potential here for yet another first-rate state park – the assets of this tract are all around us. DCNR has worked closely with the local community, sportsmen and conservation organizations to create a park suited to the region’s needs. I consider it the highest honor to have my name affixed to a building that will better help its visitors protect and enhance this park and other natural resources across the state.” The Joint Committee is honored to count Sen. Musto among its members and officers and thanks him for his contributions toward improving Pennsylvania’s parks and environmental quality.	<urn:uuid:f2f99a6c-3d1f-4116-a164-c52d8c5faab7>	CC-MAIN-2017-26	http://jcc.legis.state.pa.us/resources/ftp/documents/newsletters/Environmental%20Synopsis%20-%20August%202004.pdf	2017-06-29T03:42:39Z	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-26/segments/1498128323864.76/warc/CC-MAIN-20170629033356-20170629053356-00485.warc.gz	214,531,033	5,106	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.996809	eng_Latn	0.9981	[ "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn" ]	false	rolmOCR	[ 1584, 5213, 9317, 14201, 18610, 23837, 24764, 27479 ]	[ 2.4375, 1.640625 ]	2	0
Huron HOUSING STUDY March 2013 An analysis of the overall housing needs of the City of Huron and the Town of Alpena Community Partners Research, Inc. 1011 Newhall Drive Faribault, MN 55021 \| Section \| Page \| \|----------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Introduction \| 2 \| \| Demographic and Projection Data \| 4 \| \| Existing Housing Data \| 33 \| \| Rental Housing Inventory \| 42 \| \| Employment and Local Economic Trends Analysis\| 55 \| \| Findings and Recommendations \| 60 \| \| Agencies and Resources \| 112 \| Introduction Overview Local elected and public officials are often held responsible for conditions and circumstances over which they have limited control. This is particularly true of housing. Most of the housing units in Huron, Alpena and Beadle County are privately owned and were constructed with private funds. On an increasing scale, however, the public is demanding that public officials control what happens in this largely private housing market by eliminating blight, protecting individual investments, and generating new housing growth to meet economic development needs. Community Partners Research, Inc., was hired by the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority to conduct a study of the housing needs and conditions in the City of Huron and the Town of Alpena. Goals The multiple goals of the study include: - Provide updated demographic data including the 2010 Census - Provide an analysis of the current housing stock and inventory - Determine gaps or unmet housing needs - Examine future housing trends that the area can expect to address in the coming years - Provide a market analysis for housing development - Provide housing recommendations and findings Methodology A variety of resources were utilized to obtain information for the Housing Study. Community Partners Research, Inc., collected and analyzed data from December 2012 through February 2013. Data sources included: - U.S. Census Bureau and the American Community Survey - Records and data from the City of Huron and Beadle County - South Dakota State Data Center - Interviews with City officials, community leaders, housing stakeholders, etc. - Area housing agencies - State and Federal housing agencies - Rental property owner surveys - Housing condition surveys Limitations This Housing Study represents an analysis performed with the data available at the time of the Study. The findings and recommendations are based upon current solutions and the best available information on future trends and projections. Significant changes in the area’s economy, employment growth, federal or State tax policy or other related factors could change the conclusions and recommendations contained in this Housing Study. This study was prepared by: Community Partners Research, Inc. 1011 Newhall Drive Faribault, MN 55021 (507) 838-5992 email@example.com # Section Table of Contents \| Topic \| Page \| \|----------------------------------------------------------------------\|------\| \| Demographic Data Overview \| 5 \| \| Population Data and Trends \| 6 \| \| Population by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 \| 7 \| \| Population Projections \| 9 \| \| Household Data and Trends \| 10 \| \| Household by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 - Huron and Beadle County \| 11 \| \| Household by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 – Alpena \| 13 \| \| Average Household Size \| 14 \| \| Household Projections \| 15 \| \| Household Projections by Age \| 16 \| \| Households by Type \| 18 \| \| Housing Tenure \| 19 \| \| Household Changes by Housing Tenure \| 20 \| \| Tenure by Age \| 21 \| \| Tenure by Household Size \| 22 \| \| 2011 Income Data \| 23 \| \| Household Income Distribution \| 25 \| \| Huron Income Distribution by Tenure \| 26 \| \| 2011 Estimated Income and Housing Costs – Renters \| 28 \| \| 2011 Estimated Income and Housing Costs – Owners \| 29 \| \| Racial and Ethnic Population Trends \| 30 \| \| Minority Households by Race/Ethnicity \| 31 \| \| Household Tenure by Race/Ethnicity \| 32 \| Demographic Data Overview Sources of Data The following pages contain demographic data obtained from a variety of local, state and national sources for Huron, Alpena and Beadle County. At the time research was completed for this Study, the 2010 Census information was available. However, the 2010 Census was more limited in scope than in the past. As a result, some of the demographic variables, such as income and housing cost information, were not available. To supplement the decennial Census, the Census Bureau has created the American Community Survey, an annual sampling of households. The American Community Survey provides detailed demographic characteristics, replacing information once collected by the decennial Census. However, because the American Community Survey is based on sampling data, there is a margin of error that exists for each estimate. The following tables incorporate the 2010 Census data, when available, or the 2011 American Community Survey data. The frequency of American Community Survey estimates varies depending on the size of the jurisdiction. For most jurisdictions in South Dakota, the 2011 estimates were derived from sampling that was done over a five-year period, between 2007 and 2011. Unless otherwise noted, the American Community Survey estimates are based on the five-year survey data. Population Data and Trends Table 1 Population Trends - 1980 to 2010 \| \| 1980 Population \| 1990 Population \| 2000 Population \| % Change 1990-2000 \| 2010 Population \| % Change 2000-2010 \| \|----------------\|------------------\|------------------\|------------------\|--------------------\|------------------\|--------------------\| \| Huron \| 13,000 \| 12,448 \| 11,893 \| -4.5% \| 12,592 \| 5.9% \| \| Alpena \| 288 \| 251 \| 265 \| 5.6% \| 286 \| 7.9% \| \| Beadle County \| 19,125 \| 18,253 \| 17,023 \| -6.7% \| 17,398 \| 2.2% \| Source: U.S. Census - The 2010 U.S. Census Bureau’s population data was released in March 2011. Huron, Alpena and Beadle County all gained population from 2000 to 2010. - Huron’s population was 12,592 in 2010. This is a 699-person increase since 2000, which is a population gain of 5.9%. - Beadle County’s population was 17,398 in 2010. This is a 375-person increase since 2000, which is a population gain of 2.2%. - Alpena’s population was 286 in 2010. This is a 21-person increase since 2000, which is a population gain of 7.9%. - Huron and Beadle County experienced population decreases in the 1990s. Huron’s population decreased by 555 people and Beadle County’s population decreased by 1,230 people. Alpena’s population increased by 14 people from 1990 to 2000. - Huron’s population is primarily White and non-Hispanic. At the time of the 2010 Census, approximately 89% of the City’s residents identified their race White, however, approximately 5% were Asian, 2% were Black or African American, 2% were American Indian and 4.4% were in the Other Race category. Approximately 10% of Huron’s population is Hispanic or Latino. - Approximately 24% of Alpena’s population is Hispanic or Latino. - According to the Census Bureau, 317 Huron residents live in group quarters. Population by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 The release of demographic information from the 2010 Census allows for some analysis of the changing age patterns for Huron and Beadle County. The following table compares population by age in 2000 and 2010, along with the numeric changes. \| Age \| Huron 2000 \| Huron 2010 \| Change \| Beadle County 2000 \| Beadle County 2010 \| Change \| \|---------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|-------------------\|--------------------\|--------\| \| 0-14 \| 2,218 \| 2,540 \| 322 \| 3,349 \| 3,467 \| 118 \| \| 15-19 \| 892 \| 799 \| -93 \| 1,322 \| 1,147 \| -175 \| \| 20-24 \| 759 \| 803 \| 44 \| 936 \| 997 \| 61 \| \| 25-34 \| 1,182 \| 1,561 \| 379 \| 1,630 \| 2,013 \| 383 \| \| 35-44 \| 1,722 \| 1,314 \| -408 \| 2,575 \| 1,813 \| -762 \| \| 45-54 \| 1,568 \| 1,838 \| 270 \| 2,353 \| 2,705 \| 352 \| \| 55-64 \| 1,054 \| 1,501 \| 447 \| 1,563 \| 2,250 \| 687 \| \| 65-74 \| 1,086 \| 929 \| -157 \| 1,555 \| 1,349 \| -206 \| \| 75-84 \| 962 \| 831 \| -131 \| 1,238 \| 1,102 \| -136 \| \| 85+ \| 450 \| 476 \| 26 \| 502 \| 555 \| 53 \| \| Total \| 11,893 \| 12,592 \| 699 \| 17,023 \| 17,398 \| 375 \| Source: U.S. Census Population Change by Age Between 2000 and 2010 - Net Change in Huron - Net Change in Beadle County For many years, demographic analysts have been talking about the impact that is occurring as the large “baby boom” generation moves through the aging cycle. This trend has been evident in Huron and Beadle County. Between 2000 and 2010, Huron had a net gain of 717 people and Beadle County had a gain of 1,039 people in the age ranges between 45 and 64 years old. In 2010, nearly all of the baby boomers were within these age ranges. The aging of the baby boomers, as reflected in the numeric net gain in the 55 to 64 year old age group, was the largest change within any of the defined age cohorts. The City and County also had an increase of older senior citizens, age 85 and older. There was a gain of 26 people in Huron and a gain of 53 people in Beadle County in the age 85 or older age range. However, Huron and Beadle County had population losses in the 65 to 84 age ranges. There was a loss of 288 people in Huron and a loss of 342 people in Beadle County in the 65 to 84 age ranges. The aging trends present in Huron in 2010 can be traced back over the previous decades to see the movement of the baby boom generation over the last 20 years in Beadle County. Population Projections The following table presents population projections using two different sources. The South Dakota State Data Center has issued preliminary population projections to the year 2030 for Beadle County. The following table shows the Data Center projection for 2015. The other set of projections has been calculated by Community Partners Research, Inc., and these are based on past patterns of population change. The 20-year growth trend is based on the rate of change between 1990 and 2010, using the 1990 and 2010 Census. The 10-year growth trend uses the same methodology, but calculates an annual growth rate from 2000 to 2010. \| Table 3 Population Projections Through 2015 \| \|---------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2010 Population Census \| 2015 Projection from 10-year trend \| 2015 Projection from 20-year trend \| 2015 Projection State Data Center \| \| Huron \| 12,592 \| 12,962 \| 12,665 \| N/A \| \| Alpena \| 286 \| 297 \| 296 \| N/A \| \| Beadle County \| 17,398 \| 17,590 \| 17,194 \| 17,584 \| Source: Community Partners Research, Inc.; U.S. Census; State Data Center - The growth projections based on 10-year and 20-year growth trends show population gains from 2010 to 2015 for Huron and Alpena. The State Data Center also projects population gains for Beadle County. - The 10-year and 20-year growth trend population projections for Huron estimate an increase of 73 and 370 people by 2015. The population projections for Alpena estimate an increase of 10 to 11 people from 2010 to 2015. - Beadle County’s population based on the 10-year growth trend estimates a gain of 192 people. However, the population based on the 20-year growth trend estimates a loss of 204 people. The State Data Center projects a gain of 186 people from 2010 to 2015. The discrepancy in the 10-year and 20-year growth trend projections is the result of the substantial population loss Beadle County experienced in the 1990s. The 2010 U.S. Census Bureau household data was released in March 2011. Huron and Beadle County gained households and Alpena had a slight loss in households from 2000 to 2010. Huron had 5,418 households in 2010. This is an increase of 145 households since 2000, which is a household gain of 2.7%. Alpena had 110 households in 2010. This is a loss of three households, which is a household decrease of 2.7%. Beadle County had 7,276 households in 2010. This is a gain of 36 households, which is a household increase of 0.5%. Huron and Alpena experienced household gains during the 1990s. Both Huron and Alpena had an increase of 15 households from 1990 to 2000. Beadle County experienced a loss of 101 households from 1990 to 2000. Household by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 in Huron and Beadle County The 2010 Census allows for some analysis of Huron and Beadle County’s changing age patterns. The following table compares households by age of householder in 2000 and 2010, along with the numeric changes. \| Age \| Huron 2000 \| Huron 2010 \| Change \| Beadle County 2000 \| Beadle County 2010 \| Change \| \|---------\|------------\|------------\|--------\|-------------------\|--------------------\|--------\| \| 15-24 \| 446 \| 365 \| -81 \| 494 \| 415 \| -79 \| \| 25-34 \| 643 \| 828 \| 185 \| 848 \| 1,025 \| 177 \| \| 35-44 \| 967 \| 739 \| -228 \| 1,421 \| 992 \| -429 \| \| 45-54 \| 940 \| 1,090 \| 150 \| 1,360 \| 1,543 \| 183 \| \| 55-64 \| 628 \| 930 \| 302 \| 922 \| 1,352 \| 430 \| \| 65-74 \| 697 \| 598 \| -99 \| 979 \| 846 \| -133 \| \| 75-84 \| 689 \| 563 \| -126 \| 888 \| 742 \| -146 \| \| 85+ \| 253 \| 305 \| 52 \| 298 \| 361 \| 63 \| \| Total \| 5,263 \| 5,418 \| 155 \| 7,210 \| 7,276 \| 66 \| Source: U.S. Census Consistent with the population by age data presented earlier, the household patterns show most of the net change occurring in the baby boomer age groups. For both Huron and Beadle County, the largest net growth in households occurred in the 10-year age group between 55 and 64 years old. For Huron there was an increase of 302 households in the 55 to 64 year age range and Beadle County had an increase of 430 households. Household Change by Age Between 2000 and 2010 - Net Change in Huron - Net Change in Beadle County Huron and Beadle County had an overall decrease in the number of households age 44 and younger. In 2010, Huron had 124 fewer households and Beadle County had 331 fewer households in the age groups less than 45 years old, than in the year 2000. For Huron and Beadle County there was an overall increase in the number of older senior-headed households. From 2000 to 2010, Huron gained 52 households and Beadle County gained 63 households, age 85 and older. However, Huron had a household decrease of 225 households and Beadle County had a 279 household decrease in the 65 to 84 age ranges from 2000 to 2010. As with the longer-term patterns for population, it is possible to track the progression of the baby boomer households over the past 30 years in Beadle County, using Census information for households by the age of householder. Household by Age Trends: 2000 to 2010 - Alpena The 2010 Census allows for some analysis of Alpena’s changing age patterns. The following table compares households by age of householder in 2000 and 2010, along with the numeric changes. \| Age \| 2000 \| 2010 \| Change \| \|---------\|------\|------\|--------\| \| 15-24 \| 8 \| 4 \| -4 \| \| 25-34 \| 12 \| 22 \| 10 \| \| 35-44 \| 23 \| 15 \| -8 \| \| 45-54 \| 22 \| 22 \| 0 \| \| 55-64 \| 20 \| 22 \| 2 \| \| 65-74 \| 13 \| 13 \| 0 \| \| 75-84 \| 13 \| 9 \| -4 \| \| 85+ \| 2 \| 3 \| 1 \| \| Total \| 113 \| 110 \| -3 \| Source: U.S. Census - Alpena gained 10 households in the 25 to 34 age range and only two households in the 45 to 64 baby boomer age ranges from 2000 to 2010. - Alpena had a loss of four households in the 15 to 24 and 75 to 84 age ranges, and a loss of eight households in the 35 to 44 age range. Average Household Size The following table provides decennial Census information on average household size. \| Table 7 Average Number of Persons Per Household: 1980 to 2010 \| \|-------------------------------------------------------------\| \| \| 1980 Census \| 1990 Census \| 2000 Census \| 2010 Census \| \| Huron \| 2.42 \| 2.29 \| 2.18 \| 2.27 \| \| Alpena \| 2.67 \| 2.56 \| 2.35 \| 2.60 \| \| Beadle County \| 2.56 \| 2.43 \| 2.30 \| 2.31 \| Source: U.S. Census From 1980 to 2000, household formation had been occurring at a different rate than population change in recent decades due to a steady decrease in average household size. This was caused by household composition changes, such as more single person and single parent families, fewer children per family, and more senior households due to longer life spans. However, from 2000 to 2010, Huron, Alpena and Beadle County reversed the trend and had an increase in average household size. In Huron, the average household size increased from 2.18 persons per household in 2000 to 2.27 persons in 2010, and Alpena’s household size increased from 2.35 to 2.60 persons. Beadle County’s average household size increased slightly from 2.30 in 2000 to 2.31 in 2010. Household Projections The following table presents household projections for Huron, Alpena and Beadle County using two different calculation methods. Both of these calculations have been generated by Community Partners Research, Inc., and are based on the rate of change that was present between 2000 and 2010, and between 1990 and 2010. \| Table 8 Household Projections Through 2015 \| \|-------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2010 Census \| 2015 Projection from 10-year trend \| 2015 Projection from 20-year trend \| \| Huron \| 5,418 \| 5,492 \| 5,458 \| \| Alpena \| 110 \| 109 \| 113 \| \| Beadle County \| 7,276 \| 7,294 \| 7,260 \| Source: U.S. Census; Community Partners Research, Inc. - Based on 10-year and 20-year growth trends, Huron is expected to increase by 40 to 74 households. - Alpena’s household projections range from a loss of one household to a gain of three households from 2010 to 2015. - Beadle County household projections based on 10-year and 20-year growth trends estimate a range of a loss of 16 households to a gain of 18 households from 2010 to 2015. Household by Age Projections: 2010 to 2015 With the release of the 2010 Census, a new benchmark has been established for Beadle County age-related statistics. In the following table, Community Partners Research, Inc., has generated age-based household projections for Beadle County to the year 2015. The first set of age-based projections has been extrapolated from preliminary population forecasts that have just been issued by the South Dakota State Data Center. They have been converted into households using past calculations on the average household size that has existed within specific age ranges. The second set of projections was created by Community Partners Research, Inc., by trending forward past retention rates within defined age cohorts, and assuming that these past patterns are reasonable predictors of future age-based population changes. Both sets of projections assume that historical patterns will continue into the near-future, especially related to household formation and household size within specific age groups. If the County’s population changes at a rate that is different than past patterns would suggest, traditional age-based forecasts could be altered. \| Age Range \| 2010 Census \| Extrapolated from State Data Center \| Community Partner Research \| \|-----------\|-------------\|------------------------------------\|----------------------------\| \| \| \| 2015 Projection \| Change from 2010 \| 2015 Projection \| Change from 2010 \| \| 15-24 \| 415 \| 424 \| 9 \| 398 \| -17 \| \| 25-34 \| 1,025 \| 1,035 \| 10 \| 1,005 \| -20 \| \| 35-44 \| 992 \| 964 \| -28 \| 1,109 \| 117 \| \| 45-54 \| 1,543 \| 1,263 \| -280 \| 1,315 \| -228 \| \| 55-64 \| 1,352 \| 1,554 \| 202 \| 1,448 \| 96 \| \| 65-74 \| 846 \| 976 \| 130 \| 1,032 \| 186 \| \| 75-84 \| 742 \| 675 \| -67 \| 696 \| -46 \| \| 85+ \| 361 \| 511 \| 150 \| 319 \| -42 \| \| Total \| 7,276 \| 7,402 \| 126 \| 7,322 \| 46 \| Source: U.S. Census; Community Partners Research, Inc. While the two projection methods do yield some differences for the age-based forecasts, in general terms they offer a somewhat similar expectation through the year 2015. The relative similarity becomes more evident when viewed as a line chart showing the progression from 2010 to 2015. The projections from the State Data Center tend to be more optimistic for the number of younger households age 15 to 24. The extrapolation from the State Data Center indicates a probable gain of nine households within this younger adult group while Community Partners Research, Inc., projects a loss of 17 households. The two projection methods are reasonably similar in the 45 to 84 age ranges. The Community Partners Research, Inc. projection shows a net loss of 15 households in the age ranges between 45 and 84 years old, while the Data Center extrapolation shows a net gain of eight households. The extrapolated projections from the Data Center show strong growth among households age 85 and older, with a probable gain of 150 households, compared to a loss of 42 households under the Community Partners Research, Inc., projection. It is the analysts’ opinion that to achieve the growth in older seniors that the Data Center projects, Beadle County would need to attract older people from outside the immediate area. Community Partners Research, Inc., is more optimistic in the 35 to 44 age range. Community Partners Research, Inc., projects a gain of 117 households and the Data Center projects a loss of 28 households. Households by Type The 2010 Census can be compared to statistics from 2000 to examine changes in household composition. The following table looks at household trends within the City of Huron. \| Table 10 Huron Household Composition - 2000 to 2010 \| \|-----------------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2000 Census \| 2010 Census \| Change \| \| Family Households \| \| \| \| \| Married Couple with own children \| 995 \| 888 \| -107 \| \| Single Parent with own children \| 395 \| 533 \| 138 \| \| Married Couple without own children \| 1,456 \| 1,520 \| 64 \| \| Family Householder without spouse \| 203 \| 238 \| 35 \| \| Total Families \| 3,049 \| 3,179 \| 130 \| \| Non-Family Households \| \| \| \| \| Single Person \| 1,962 \| 1,957 \| -5 \| \| Two or more persons \| 252 \| 282 \| 30 \| \| Total Non-Families \| 2,214 \| 2,239 \| 25 \| Source: U.S. Census Between 2000 and 2010, Huron experienced gains in the total number of family households. The family household gains were due to a net increase in the number of married couples without children, single parent families with children and family householders without a spouse. The City did have a net decrease in married couples with children. The City also had a net increase in “non-family” households. This was due to an increase in two or more person households. There was a decrease in single person households. Housing Tenure The 2010 Census provided an updated look at housing tenure patterns. The following tables examine overall tenure rates, along with the changes that have occurred since 2000. \| \| Number of Owners \| Percent of all Households \| Number of Renters \| Percent of all Households \| \|----------------------\|------------------\|---------------------------\|-------------------\|---------------------------\| \| Huron \| 3,248 \| 59.9% \| 2,170 \| 40.1% \| \| Alpena \| 77 \| 70.0% \| 33 \| 30.0% \| \| Beadle County \| 4,813 \| 66.1% \| 2,463 \| 33.9% \| \| State \| - \| 68.1% \| - \| 31.9% \| Source: U.S. Census According to the 2010 Census, the ownership tenure rate in the two cities and Beadle County was above 59%. Beadle County’s ownership rate was 66.1% in 2010, Huron’s was 59.9% and Alpena’s ownership rate was 70.0%. Housing Tenure in 2010 - Huron: 59.9% Owners, 40.1% Renters - Alpena: 70% Owners, 30% Renters - Beadle County: 66.1% Owners, 33.9% Renters - State: 68.1% Owners, 31.9% Renters Household Changes by Housing Tenure Table 12 Households by Housing Tenure - 2000 to 2010 \| Tenure \| Huron \| Beadle County \| \|--------\|----------------\|---------------\| \| \| 2000 \| 2010 \| Change \| 2000 \| 2010 \| Change \| \| Owners \| 3,311/62.9% \| 3,248/59.9% \| -63 \| 4,891/67.8% \| 4,813/66.1% \| -78 \| \| Renters \| 1,952/37.1% \| 2,170/40.1% \| 218 \| 2,319/32.2% \| 2,463/33.9% \| 144 \| \| Total \| 5,263/100% \| 5,418/100% \| 155 \| 7,210/100% \| 7,276/100% \| 66 \| Source: U.S. Census Huron’s ownership tenure rate decreased over the last decade, from 62.9% in 2000 to 59.9% in 2010. For Beadle County, there was also a decrease in the rate of owner households between 2000 and 2010. The ownership tenure rate decreased from 67.8% in 2000 to 66.1% in 2010. Tenure by Age of Householder The 2010 Census provided information on the tenure distribution of households within each defined age range. The following table examines the number and percentage of renters and owners in each age group in the City of Huron. \| Age \| Owners Number \| Percent within age \| Renters Number \| Percent within age \| \|-----------\|---------------\|--------------------\|----------------\|--------------------\| \| 15-24 \| 89 \| 24.4% \| 276 \| 75.6% \| \| 25-34 \| 370 \| 44.7% \| 458 \| 55.3% \| \| 35-44 \| 424 \| 57.4% \| 315 \| 42.6% \| \| 45-54 \| 722 \| 66.2% \| 368 \| 33.8% \| \| 55-64 \| 696 \| 74.8% \| 234 \| 25.2% \| \| 65-74 \| 438 \| 73.2% \| 160 \| 26.8% \| \| 75-84 \| 371 \| 65.9% \| 192 \| 34.1% \| \| 85+ \| 138 \| 45.2% \| 167 \| 54.8% \| \| Total \| 3,248 \| 59.9% \| 2,170 \| 40.1% \| Source: U.S. Census Within the defined age ranges, typical tenure patterns were present, with households at the lowest and highest ends of the age spectrum showing greater preference for rental housing, while middle-aged adult households were primarily home owners. Over 75% of the households age 24 and younger rented their unit, and approximately 55% of households age 85 and older were renters. Home ownership rates for each of the 10-year age cohorts between 35 and 84 years old were above 57%. Tenure by Household Size The 2010 Census did provide information on housing tenure by household size. This can be compared to 2000 Census information to better understand trends for housing unit needs. The following table provides information for Huron. \| Household Size \| Owners \| Renters \| \|----------------\|--------------\|-------------\| \| \| 2000 \| 2010 \| Change \| 2000 \| 2010 \| Change \| \| 1-Person \| 816 \| 867 \| 51 \| 1,146 \| 1,090 \| -56 \| \| 2-Person \| 1,366 \| 1,367 \| 1 \| 417 \| 448 \| 31 \| \| 3-Person \| 451 \| 422 \| -29 \| 181 \| 254 \| 73 \| \| 4-Person \| 451 \| 331 \| -120 \| 115 \| 181 \| 66 \| \| 5-Person \| 167 \| 168 \| 1 \| 62 \| 111 \| 49 \| \| 6-Person \| 41 \| 63 \| 22 \| 17 \| 42 \| 25 \| \| 7-Persons+ \| 19 \| 30 \| 11 \| 14 \| 44 \| 30 \| \| Total \| 3,311 \| 3,248 \| -63 \| 1,952 \| 2,170 \| 218 \| Source: U.S. Census - From 2000 to 2010, there was a decrease in the number of owner households and an increase in the number of renter households in Huron. There was an increase of 51 owner households with one household member, and a decrease of 149 owner households with three or four household members. There was an increase of 35 owner households with five or more people. - There was a decrease of 56 renter households with one person. There was a gain of 170 households with four or more people. - Approximately 71% of the renter households in Huron are one or two person households. 2011 Income Data The 2010 Census did not collect information on household income. However, estimates are available at the city and county level through the 2011 American Community Survey. Household income represents all independent households, including people living alone and unrelated individuals together in a housing unit. Families are two or more related individuals living in a household. \| Table 15 Median Household Income - 2000 to 2011 \| \|-----------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2000 Median \| 2011 Median \| % Change \| \| Huron \| $29,097 \| $37,940 \| 30.4% \| \| Alpena \| $35,455 \| $44,286 \| 24.9% \| \| Beadle County \| $30,510 \| $40,455 \| 32.6% \| \| South Dakota \| $35,271 \| $46,369 \| 31.5% \| Source: U.S. Census; 2011 ACS 5-year survey \| Table 16 Median Family Income - 2000 to 2011 \| \|---------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2000 Median \| 2011 Median \| % Change \| \| Huron \| $40,234 \| $57,899 \| 43.1% \| \| Alpena \| $38,000 \| $43,929 \| 15.6% \| \| Beadle County \| $40,596 \| $57,909 \| 42.6% \| \| South Dakota \| $43,237 \| $58,958 \| 36.4% \| Source: U.S. Census; 2011 ACS 5-year survey The American Community Survey shows income information for Huron, Alpena and Beadle County. Both the median household incomes and the median family incomes for all three jurisdictions were below the respective medians for the State of South Dakota. The rate of income growth for Alpena lagged behind the Statewide growth rate over the last decade. However, Huron and Beadle County’s family income grew at a faster rate than the State’s growth rate. Generally, family household incomes tend to be much higher than the overall household median, as families have at least two household members, and potentially more income-earners. However, Alpena’s household income was actually higher than its family income in 2011. Using the commonly accepted standard that up to 30% of gross income can be applied to housing expenses without experiencing a cost burden, a median income household in Huron could afford approximately $948 per month for ownership or rental housing in 2011. However, renter households tend to be below the overall median, while owner households tend to be above the overall median level. Huron Household Income Distribution The 2011 American Community Survey household income estimates for the City of Huron can be compared to the same distribution information from 2000 to examine changes that have occurred over the past decade. Table 17 Huron Household Income Distribution - 2000 to 2011 \| Household Income \| Number of Households 2000 \| Number of Households in 2011 \| Change 2000 to 2011 \| \|---------------------------\|---------------------------\|------------------------------\|---------------------\| \| $0 - $14,999 \| 1,235 \| 795 \| -440 \| \| $15,000 - $24,999 \| 1,033 \| 831 \| -202 \| \| $25,000 - $34,999 \| 847 \| 874 \| 27 \| \| $35,000 - $49,999 \| 826 \| 919 \| 93 \| \| $50,000 - $74,999 \| 870 \| 738 \| -132 \| \| $75,000 - $99,999 \| 310 \| 721 \| 411 \| \| $100,000+ \| 152 \| 553 \| 401 \| \| Total \| 5,273 \| 5,431 \| 158 \| Source: 2000 Census; 2011 ACS According to income estimates contained in the 2011 American Community Survey, household incomes have improved in Huron. When compared to the 2000 Census (1999 income), the number of households with an income of $75,000, or more, increased by 812 households. Conversely, there was a decrease of 642 households with an income less than $25,000. Huron Income Distribution by Housing Tenure The 2011 American Community Survey provides income estimates by owner and renter status. The following table examines income distribution within the City of Huron. The American Community Survey is an estimate, based on limited sampling data, and there are some differences when compared to the 2010 Census. For total households, the American Community Survey reported 113 more households than the Census. The American Community Survey estimated 118 more owner households than the Census, and five fewer renter households. Since owner households tend to have higher incomes than renters, the over-weighting of owners in the estimate probably results in some higher totals in the higher income ranges. \| Household Income \| Number of Owner Households \| Number of Renter Households \| Total Households \| \|---------------------------\|----------------------------\|-----------------------------\|------------------\| \| $0 - $14,999 \| 210/26.4% \| 585/73.6% \| 795 \| \| $15,000 - $24,999 \| 278/33.5% \| 553/66.5% \| 831 \| \| $25,000 - $34,999 \| 404/46.2% \| 470/53.8% \| 874 \| \| $35,000 - $49,999 \| 681/74.1% \| 238/25.9% \| 919 \| \| $50,000 - $74,999 \| 600/81.3% \| 138/18.7% \| 738 \| \| $75,000 - $99,999 \| 700/97.1% \| 21/2.9% \| 721 \| \| $100,000+ \| 493/89.2% \| 60/10.8% \| 553 \| \| Total \| 3,366/62.0% \| 2,065/38.0% \| 5,431 \| Source: 2011 American Community Survey Huron Household Income Distribution by Tenure in 2011 - $100,000+ - $75,000-$99,999 - $50,000-$74,999 - $35,000-$49,999 - $25,000-$34,999 - $15,000-$24,999 - Less than $15,000 Number of Owner Households Number of Renter Households Income and housing tenure are often linked for most households, with home owners generally having higher annual income levels, and renters having lower incomes. In 2011, approximately 78% of all renter households in Huron had an annual income below $35,000. At 30% of income, these households would have $875, or less, that could be applied to monthly housing costs. Conversely, most owner households had a substantially higher income level. Approximately 53% of all owner households had an annual income of $50,000 or more. At 30% of income, an owner could afford $1,364 or more per month for housing costs. 2011 Estimated Income and Housing Costs - Renters The American Community Survey also collected information on housing costs. The following table provides data on the number of renter households that are paying different percentages of their gross household income for housing in the City of Huron. \| Percentage of Household Income for Housing Costs \| Number of Renter Households 2011 \| Percent of All Renter Households 2011 \| \|--------------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------\|--------------------------------------\| \| 0% to 19.9% \| 748 \| 36.2% \| \| 20% to 29.9% \| 594 \| 28.8% \| \| 30% to 34.9% \| 123 \| 6.0% \| \| 35% or more \| 517 \| 25.0% \| \| Not Computed \| 83 \| 4.0% \| \| Total \| 2,065 \| 100% \| Source: 2011 American Community Survey Based on the more recently released tenure information from the 2010 Census, the 2011 American Community Survey did underestimate the number of renter households in Huron by 4.8%. However, the estimates on housing cost burden are the best available information on income and expenses for housing. According to the American Community Survey, approximately 31% of all renters in the City were paying 30% or more of their income for rent. The large majority of these households were actually paying 35% or more of their income for housing. Federal standards for rent subsidy programs generally identify 30% of income as the maximum household contribution. When more than 30% of income is required, this is often called a “rent burden”. When more than 35% is required, this can be considered a “severe rent burden”. Many of the renter households with a housing cost burden had an annual household income below $20,000. To avoid a cost burden, these lower income households would have needed a unit with a gross month rent of $500 or less. 2011 Estimated Income and Housing Costs - Owners The American Community Survey also provided housing cost estimates for owner-occupants. The following table provides estimates of the number of households in the City of Huron that are paying different percentages of their gross household income for housing costs. \| Percentage of Household Income for Housing Costs \| Number of Owner Households 2011 \| Percent of All Owner Households 2011 \| \|--------------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------\|--------------------------------------\| \| 0% to 19.9% \| 2,258 \| 67.1% \| \| 20% to 29.9% \| 718 \| 21.3% \| \| 30% to 34.9% \| 94 \| 2.8% \| \| 35% or more \| 282 \| 8.4% \| \| Not Computed \| 14 \| 0.4% \| \| Total \| 3,366 \| 100% \| Source: 2011 ACS The 2010 American Community Survey overestimated the number of owner households in the City by approximately 3.6%. However, this source still represents the best available information on income compared to housing costs. Most owner-occupants, which would include households with and without a mortgage, reported paying less than 20% of their income for housing. However, more than 11% of all home owners reported that they paid more than 30% of their income for housing. Most of these households were paying more than 35% of income for housing costs. Racial and Ethnic Population Data The following table compares racial and ethnic minority populations in Huron from 2000 to 2010. The data was obtained from the decennial U.S. Census. \| Table 21 Racial/Ethnic Population Trends – 2000 to 2010 \| \|--------------------------------------------------------\| \| Race \| 2000 Population \| 2010 Population \| % Change \| \| White \| 11,408 \| 10,937 \| -4.1% \| \| Black/African American \| 114 \| 132 \| 15.8% \| \| Native American \| 153 \| 153 \| 0% \| \| Asian/Pacific Islander \| 53 \| 635 \| 1098.1% \| \| Other Race/Two or More Races \| 165 \| 735 \| 345.5% \| \| Total All Races \| 11,893 \| 12,592 \| 5.9% \| \| Ethnicity \| \| \| \| \| Hispanic/Latino \| 143 \| 1,234 \| 769.2% \| \| Not Hispanic/Latino \| 11,750 \| 11,358 \| -3.3% \| \| Total Ethnicity \| 11,893 \| 12,592 \| 5.9% \| Source: U.S. Census - Over the last decade, the City’s White population decreased in size by 4.1%. However, growth in racial and ethnic minority populations resulted in overall population growth for the City. - The largest increase by race occurred among people identifying themselves as Asian. This group increased from only 53 people in the year 2000, to 635 people by the year 2010. Presumably, many of the Karen immigrants would identify themselves as Asian for race. Since the 2010 Census, it is estimated that as many as 20 to 30 Karen immigrants have moved to Huron monthly. It is estimated that 1,600 to 1,800 Karen immigrants are currently living in Huron. - There was also a large increase in people identifying themselves as “other race”, or “two or more races” on the Census form. Combined, these groups increased in size by more than 345%. - The City’s Hispanic/Latino population also increased substantially, from 143 people in the year 2000, to 1,234 people in 2010. Minority Households by Race/Ethnicity Over the last decade, Huron has increasingly attracted minority residents, some of whom are international immigrants. The following table provides some basic information from the 2000 and 2010 Census about households by race and by ethnicity. \| Table 22 Households by Race/Ethnicity - 2000 to 2010 \| \|-----------------------------------------------------\| \| \| 2000 Households \| 2010 Households \| % Change 2000 to 2010 \| \| Race \| \| \| \| \| White \| 5,111 \| 4,985 \| -2.5% \| \| Black/African American \| 45 \| 47 \| 4.4% \| \| Native American/Alaskan \| 37 \| 56 \| 51.4% \| \| Asian/Pacific Islander \| 25 \| 138 \| 452.0% \| \| Other Race/Two or More Races \| 45 \| 192 \| 326.7% \| \| Total \| 5,263 \| 5,418 \| 2.9% \| \| Ethnicity \| \| \| \| \| Hispanic/Latino \| 49 \| 375 \| 665.3% \| \| Non-Hispanic/Latino \| 5,214 \| 5,043 \| -3.3% \| \| Total \| 5,263 \| 5,418 \| 2.9% \| Source: U.S. Census; Community Partners Research, Inc. - Although the large majority of Huron’s households are White, and not Hispanic/Latino for ethnicity, the number of White households has been decreasing. Conversely, household growth from racial and ethnic minority groups has been occurring over the last decade. - On a percentage basis, Asian/Pacific Islander households represented the fastest growth among racial groups, up by 452% between 2000 and 2010. Substantial growth also occurred among households defining themselves as “other race” or “two or more races” on the Census form. - The City also added 326 Hispanic/Latino households, an increase of more than 665% between 2000 and 2010. Household Tenure by Race/Ethnicity The following table presents minority household tenure information for the City of Huron from the 2010 Census. \| Race/Ethnicity \| Owner Households \| Renter Households \| \|----------------\|------------------\|-------------------\| \| \| Number \| Percent \| Number \| Percent \| \| Race \| \| \| \| \| \| White \| 3,176 \| 63.7% \| 1,809 \| 36.3% \| \| Black/African American \| 12 \| 25.5% \| 35 \| 74.5% \| \| Native American/Alaskan \| 7 \| 12.5% \| 49 \| 87.5% \| \| Asian/Pacific Islander \| 16 \| 11.6% \| 122 \| 88.4% \| \| Other Race/Two or More Races \| 37 \| 19.3% \| 155 \| 80.7% \| \| Total \| 3,248 \| 59.9% \| 2,170 \| 40.1% \| \| Ethnicity \| \| \| \| \| \| Hispanic/Latino, any race \| 68 \| 18.1% \| 307 \| 81.9% \| Source: U.S. Census; Community Partners Research, Inc. - Home ownership rates among some of the racial/ethnic minority groups are relatively low when compared to White households. - The lowest rate of home ownership was in the Asian/Pacific Islander community, with an ownership rate of less than 12%. Many of these households may be recent Karen immigrants. - The home ownership rate for Hispanic/Latino households was below 19% in 2010. ### Occupancy Status of Housing Units - 2010 \| \| Occupied Units \| Vacant Units \| \|----------------\|---------------\|--------------------\| \| \| Owner \| Renter \| For Rent \| For Sale \| Seasonal Use \| Other Vacant \| \| Huron \| 3,248 \| 2,170 \| 298 \| 64 \| 16 \| 227 \| \| Alpena \| 77 \| 33 \| 2 \| 3 \| 4 \| 5 \| \| Beadle Co. \| 4,813 \| 2,463 \| 337 \| 82 \| 206 \| 403 \| Source: U.S. Census - In 2010, according to the U.S. Census, there were 206 seasonal housing units in Beadle County, including 16 units in Huron. - There were 822 vacant housing units in Beadle County in 2010 in addition to the seasonal units, including 589 units in Huron. - There were 10 vacant housing units and four seasonal units in Alpena in 2010 according to the U.S. Census. Existing Home Sales - Huron This section examines houses that have been sold in Huron in 2010, 2011 and 2012. It is important to note that although a large number of houses have sold, it is a small percentage of all houses in Huron, and may not be an accurate indicator of overall home values in the City. However, this sample does provide some insight into those units that are turning-over in a given year. This table primarily reflects existing home sales. New construction sales activity would generally not be recorded in the data that was used for this analysis. \| Table 25 Huron Median Value of Residential Sales – 2010 to 2012 \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Calendar Year \| Number of Good Sales \| Median Sale Price \| \|----------------\|----------------------\|-------------------\| \| 2010 \| 203 \| $82,000 \| \| 2011 \| 219 \| $83,000 \| \| 2012 \| 169 \| $90,000 \| Source: Beadle County Assessor; Community Partners Research, Inc. - From 2010 to 2012, there were 591 residential sales of single family houses in Huron that were considered to be “arms length” transactions, according to the County’s Director of Equalization. Sales that are not “arms length” include, but are not limited to, sales between relatives, forced sales and foreclosures, and estate transfers that are not available on the open market. Only the “arms length” transactions have been reviewed for this study. - In 2010, there were 203 residential sales in Huron. The median sales price was $82,000. The highest valued sale was for $445,000 and the lowest valued sale was for $10,900. - In 2011, there were 219 residential sales in Huron. The median sales price was $83,000. The highest valued sale was for $253,000 and the lowest valued sale was for $5,000. - In 2012, there were 169 residential sales in Huron. The median sales price was $90,000. The highest valued sale was for $425,000 and the lowest valued sale was for $6,000. Existing Home Sales - Alpena This section examines houses that have been sold in Alpena from 2010 through 2012. It is important to note that the number of houses that have sold is limited, and may not be an accurate indicator of overall home values in the City. However, this sample does provide some insight into those units that are turning-over in a given year. This table primarily reflects existing home sales. New construction sales activity would generally not be recorded in the data that was used for this analysis. \| Table 26 Median Value of Residential Sales – 2010, 2011 and 2012 \| \|---------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Alpena \| Number of Good Sales \| Median Sale Price \| Average Sale Price \| \|--------\|----------------------\|------------------\|--------------------\| \| \| 11 \| $26,000 \| $32,700 \| Source: County Assessor; Community Partners Research, Inc. - For the three-year sales period from 2010 through 2012, there were 11 improved residential sales of single family houses in Alpena that were considered to be “arms length” transactions, according to the County’s Director of Equalization. Sales that are not “arms length” include, but are not limited to, sales between relatives, forced sales and foreclosures, and estate transfers that are not available on the open market. Only the “arms length” transactions have been reviewed for this study. - The median sales price for the residential sales in Alpena was $26,000 and the average sales price was $32,700. - The highest valued sale in Alpena for 2010 through 2012 was for $79,500 and the lowest valued sale was for $7,000. Huron Housing Condition Community Partners Research, Inc. representatives conducted a visual ‘windshield’ survey of 776 single family/duplex houses in four Huron neighborhoods. These neighborhoods were surveyed because they contain some of the oldest houses in the City, a high percentage of rental units, and a significant number of houses judged to be substandard and dilapidated. The boundaries of the two neighborhoods are: Neighborhood No. 1: South - 3rd St., North - Market St., East - Illinois Ave., West - Wyoming Ave. Neighborhood No. 2: South - 3rd St. SE, North - Market St., East - Simmons Ave., West - Dakota Ave. Neighborhood No. 3: South - 9th St. SE, North - 3rd St. SE, East - Lawnridge Ave., West - Idaho Ave. Neighborhood No. 4: South - 3rd St. SW, North - Old Hwy 14, East - Lincoln Ave., West - Rushmore Ave. Houses that appeared to contain three or more residential units were excluded from the survey. Houses were categorized in one of four levels of physical condition, Sound, Minor Repair, Major Repair, and Dilapidated as defined below. The visual survey analyzed only the physical condition of the visible exterior of each structure. Exterior condition is assumed to be a reasonable indicator of the structure’s interior quality. Dilapidated was the lowest rating used. Dilapidated houses need major renovation to become decent, safe and sanitary housing. Some Dilapidated properties may be abandoned and may be candidates for demolition and clearance. Major Rehabilitation is defined as a house needing multiple major improvements such as roof, windows, sidings, structural/foundation, etc. Houses in this condition category may or may not be economically feasible to rehabilitate. Minor Repair houses are judged to be generally in good condition and require less extensive repair, such as one major improvement. Houses in this condition category will generally be good candidates for rehabilitation programs because they are in a salable price range and are economically feasible to repair. Sound houses are judged to be in good, ‘move-in’ condition. Sound houses may contain minor code violations and still be considered Sound. \| Table 27 Windshield Survey Condition Estimate - 2012 \| \|-----------------------------------------------------\| \| Neighborhood No. \| Sound \| Minor Repair \| Major Repair \| Dilapidated \| Total \| \|------------------\|-------\|--------------\|--------------\|------------\|-------\| \| Neighborhood No. 1 \| 13/8.5% \| 42/27.4% \| 72/47.1% \| 26/17.0% \| 153 \| \| Neighborhood No. 2 \| 4/6.0% \| 16/24.3% \| 31/47.0% \| 15/22.7% \| 66 \| \| Neighborhood No. 3 \| 75/18.8% \| 137/34.4% \| 130/32.7% \| 56/14.1% \| 398 \| \| Neighborhood No. 4 \| 32/20.1% \| 45/28.3% \| 59/37.1% \| 23/14.5% \| 159 \| \| Total \| 124/16.0% \| 240/30.9% \| 292/37.6% \| 120/15.5% \| 776 \| Source: Community Partners Research, Inc. - The existing housing stock in the four designated Huron neighborhoods is in fair condition. Approximately 31% of the houses in the four neighborhoods need minor repair and 38% need major repair. Approximately 16% are sound, with no required improvements. - Approximately 120 houses in the four neighborhoods are dilapidated and possibly beyond repair. Alpena Home Condition Community Partners Research, Inc. representatives conducted a visual ‘windshield’ survey of the 111 single family/duplex houses and eight mobile homes in Alpena. Houses that appeared to contain three or more residential units were excluded from the survey. Houses and mobile homes were categorized in one of four levels of physical condition, Sound, Minor Repair, Major Repair, and Dilapidated as defined below. The visual survey analyzed only the physical condition of the visible exterior of each structure. Exterior condition is assumed to be a reasonable indicator of the structure’s interior quality. Dilapidated was the lowest rating used. Dilapidated houses and mobile homes need major renovation to become decent, safe and sanitary housing. Some Dilapidated properties may be abandoned and may be candidates for demolition and clearance. Major Rehabilitation is defined as a house or mobile home needing multiple major improvements such as roof, windows, sidings, structural/foundation, etc. Houses and mobile homes in this condition category may or may not be economically feasible to rehabilitate. Minor Repair houses and mobile homes are judged to be generally in good condition and require less extensive repair, such as one major improvement. Houses and mobile homes in this condition category will generally be good candidates for rehabilitation programs because they are in a salable price range and are economically feasible to repair. Sound houses and mobile homes are judged to be in good, ‘move-in’ condition. Sound houses and mobile homes may contain minor code violations and still be considered Sound. \| Table 28 Windshield Survey Condition Estimate - 2012 \| \|-----------------------------------------------------\| \| \| Sound \| Minor Repair \| Major Repair \| Dilapidated \| Total \| \|----------\|---------\|--------------\|--------------\|-------------\|-------\| \| Single family homes/ duplexes \| 22/19.8% \| 29/26.1% \| 35/31.6% \| 25/22.5% \| 111 \| \| Mobile homes \| 2/25% \| 3/37.5% \| 3/37.5% \| 0/0% \| 8 \| \| Total \| 24/20.2% \| 32/26.9% \| 38/31.9% \| 25/21.0% \| 119 \| Source: Community Partners Research, Inc. The existing housing stock in Alpena is in fair condition. Approximately 27% of the houses and mobile homes in the City need minor repair and 32% need major repair. Approximately 20% are sound, with no required improvements. Twenty-five houses were rated as dilapidated and possibly beyond repair. Building Permit Trends The following table identifies the units that have been issued a building permit from 1999 to 2012. This information was obtained from the City of Huron. \| Year \| Single Family \| Two-unit Structures \| Three/Four-unit Structures \| 5+ unit Structures \| Total Units \| \|------\|---------------\|---------------------\|----------------------------\|--------------------\|-------------\| \| 2012 \| 12 \| 8 \| 4 \| 0 \| 24 \| \| 2011 \| 14 \| 2 \| 0 \| 38 \| 54 \| \| 2010 \| 20 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 20 \| \| 2009 \| 17 \| 8 \| 0 \| 0 \| 25 \| \| 2008 \| 12 \| 2 \| 0 \| 46 \| 60 \| \| 2007 \| 13 \| 2 \| 0 \| 0 \| 15 \| \| 2006 \| 20 \| 2 \| 0 \| 0 \| 22 \| \| 2005 \| 31 \| 4 \| 4 \| 0 \| 39 \| \| 2004 \| 15 \| 6 \| 0 \| 26 \| 47 \| \| 2003 \| 9 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 9 \| \| 2002 \| 22 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 22 \| \| 2001 \| 17 \| 0 \| 0 \| 10 \| 27 \| \| 2000 \| 17 \| 0 \| 0 \| 0 \| 17 \| \| 1999 \| 17 \| 0 \| 36 \| 32 \| 85 \| \| TOTAL\| 236 \| 34 \| 44 \| 152 \| 466 \| Source: City of Huron; U.S. Census Bureau; Community Partners Research, Inc. - Based on City and Census Bureau reports, 466 units were constructed in Huron from 1999 to 2012. This included 236 single family homes, 34 units in duplexes, 36 units in 4-plexes and 152 units in multifamily buildings. According to the Huron building official, approximately five housing units are demolished annually. - New single family home construction has been relatively stable over the 13-year period. The largest number of homes constructed was in 2005 when 31 single family homes were built, followed by 2002 when 22 homes were built. Pheasant Run Apartments, a 38-unit tax credit project was constructed in 2011. Lampe Estates, a 40-unit market rate project, was constructed in 2009. Manor Apartments, a 26-unit supportive housing project was constructed in 2004. The Center for Independence constructed a 10-bed congregate living facility for people with developmental disabilities in 2001. In 1999, Field Estates, a 48-unit market rate project and Donnie Wahl Apartments, a 20-unit supportive housing project, were constructed. Rental Housing Data Census Bureau Rental Inventory According to the 2010 U.S. Census, there were 2,170 occupied rental units and 307 unoccupied rental units in Huron, for a total estimated rental inventory of 2,477 units. The City’s rental tenure rate was 40.1%, above the Statewide rental rate of 31.9% in 2010. At the time of the 2000 Census, Huron had 1,952 occupied rental units, and at least 368 vacant rental units, for a total estimated rental inventory of 2,320 units. The rental tenure rate in 2000 was 37.1%. Based on a Census comparison, the City gained 218 renter-occupancy households, and approximately 157 rental units during the last decade. In 2010, Alpena had 33 occupied rental units and two unoccupied rental units, for a total estimated rental inventory of 35 rental units. In 2000, Alpena had 23 occupied rental units and two unoccupied rental units for a total of 25 rental units. Alpena gained 10 renter-occupancy households and 10 rental units from 2000 to 2010. Rental Housing Survey As part of this housing study, a telephone survey was conducted of multifamily projects in the City of Huron. The survey was primarily conducted during the months of January and February 2013. There are no multifamily rental projects in Alpena, thus, no rental survey was conducted in Alpena. Emphasis was placed on contacting properties that have four or more units. For the purposes of planning additional projects in the future, multifamily properties represent the best comparison of market potential. Information was tallied separately for different types of rental housing, including market rate units, subsidized housing, senior housing with services and housing for people with disabilities. There were 1,175 housing units of all types that were contacted in the survey. This total would represent more than 47% of the City’s total rental housing units. Based on our research, all of the subsidized, tax credit and senior with services rental projects were surveyed. A high percentage of market rate multifamily projects were also contacted. We also surveyed facilities for people with developmental disabilities that have a congregate living environment. The units that were successfully contacted include: - 568 market rate units - 407 federally subsidized units - 68 senior with services units - 38 tax credit units - 144 units/beds for renters with special needs The findings of the survey are provided below. Market Rate Summary Information was obtained on 568 market rate rental units. A total of 373 rental units surveyed are in 13 multifamily buildings. A total of 195 rental units surveyed are in single family homes, duplexes and small apartment buildings. Unit Mix The bedroom mix of surveyed units in the market rate multifamily projects is: - Efficiency – 24 (6.4%) - One-bedroom – 174 (46.6%) - Two-bedroom – 133 (35.7%) - Three-bedroom – 42 (11.3%) - Four-bedroom – 0 (0%) The larger multifamily market rate projects have no four-bedroom units, however, there are rental single family homes and duplexes that have four-bedroom units, although, the number of four-bedroom units is minimal. Occupancy / Vacancy Within the market rate multifamily segment there were 36 vacant units of the 550 units used in the occupancy calculation. Approximately 81% of the vacancies were in efficiency or one-bedroom units. This represents a vacancy rate of 7.7%. Eight of the vacancies were in Fairlane Apartments, which recently converted from subsidized to market rate rental housing. The owner of Townhouse Apartments reported 15 vacancies in March, although as recently as February 1st, these units were occupied. Lampe Estates, which is the newest market rate rental project in the City of Huron, reported six vacancies. Nine of the 13 market rate rental projects reported no vacancies. Rental Rates Rental units may include the primary utility payments within the contract rent, or the tenant may be required to pay some utilities separately, in addition to the contract rent. In the following summary, Community Partners Research, Inc., has attempted to estimate the gross rents being charged, inclusive of an estimate for tenant-paid utilities. The lowest and highest gross rents have been identified, as reported in the telephone survey. Since the highest and lowest ends of the rent range do not vary greatly, they also tend to represent the prevailing rents for the community. \| Unit Type \| Identified Gross Rent Range \| \|---------------\|----------------------------\| \| Efficiency \| $350-$400 \| \| One-bedroom \| $380-$650 \| \| Two-bedroom \| $470-$925 \| \| Three-bedroom \| $900-$960 \| There are efficiency units in only one multifamily market rate project that we surveyed. The only multifamily rental projects that we surveyed with three-bedroom units are Field Estates, Lampe Estates and Townhouse Apartments. No multifamily projects that we surveyed have four-bedroom units. Tax Credit Summary There are two tax credit projects in the City of Huron. Pheasant Run Apartments was constructed in 2012 and opened for occupancy in May 2012. Pheasant Run Apartments has 19 two-bedroom and 19 three-bedroom units for a total of 38 units. Rents range from $411 to $620 for a two-bedroom unit and $466 to $690 for a three-bedroom unit. Rents vary based on the tenant’s income. Tenants must be below 60% of median income to qualify to rent a unit. Rental rates are structured based on 40%, 50% or 60% of median income. It should be noted that income guidelines for the tax credit program may be different from those used for federal subsidized housing programs. The manager reported that the units usually are fully occupied, but recently there were three vacancies. However, the manager is in the process of leasing the vacant units, thus, the project will again be fully occupied. The second tax credit project is Riverstone Townhomes. Riverstone Townhomes was previously Southgate Apartments and was originally developed through the USDA Rural Development Program. In 2012, Riverstone Townhomes was renovated utilizing the Tax Credit Program. Tenants pay 30% of income for rent. The manager reports two vacancies, a two-bedroom and a three-bedroom unit. Because Riverstone Townhomes is also a Rural Development Project, we have included this project with the subsidized rental projects. Subsidized Summary The research completed for this Study identified 12 subsidized projects providing rental opportunities for lower income households. These projects have a combined 407 units. Six of the projects are general occupancy housing with 250 units and six projects are senior/disabled occupancy with 157 units. The subsidized projects were developed in Huron with USDA Rural Development funds or HUD Section 8 funds. Rental Rates The City’s subsidized units have access to project-based rent assistance. These units charge rent based on 30% of the tenant’s household income. The subsidized projects have a market rent. Tenants do not pay more than the market rent. However, a very high percentage of tenants in the subsidized projects pay less than the market rent as 30% of their income is less than the market rent. Unit Mix The bedroom mix breakdown for subsidized housing in Huron is as follows: - 12 efficiencies (2.9%) - 237 one-bedroom (58.3%) - 112 two-bedroom (27.5%) - 46 three-bedroom (11.3%) There are no four-bedroom units in the 12 subsidized projects. Occupancy / Vacancy There were 29 unoccupied units that were identified in the subsidized projects, which is a 7.1% vacancy rate. Five of the vacancies were in efficiency units, 16 of the vacancies were in one-bedroom units, six were in two-bedroom units and two vacancies were in three-bedroom units. All but one of the 12 subsidized projects reported vacancies. Bluebird Apartments, an eight-unit senior project, reported no vacancies. Subsidized Housing Gains/Losses Federal subsidy sources for low income rental housing have been very limited for the past few decades. Most subsidized projects were constructed in the 1960, 1970s and 1980s. Some of these older projects may have completed their compliance requirements and have the opportunity to leave their subsidy program and convert to conventional rental housing. At this time, we are not aware of any projects that are considering opting out of their subsidy programs. However, Fairlane Apartments was a 48-unit senior/disabled HUD/SDHDA rental project, with 24 efficiency and 24 one-bedroom units. The project’s contract expired May 31, 2012, and the project left the subsidy program to become a market rate project. Housing Choice Vouchers In addition to subsidized rental projects, Huron and Beadle County households have access to the Housing Choice Voucher Program. The Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority administers the Housing Voucher Program and has authorization for approximately 251 Vouchers, but actual utilization has typically been around 214 households. The Housing Choice Voucher Program provides portable, tenant-based rent assistance to lower income households. The program requires participating households to contribute from 30% to 40% of their adjusted income for rent, with the rent subsidy payment making up the difference. Tenants may lease any suitable rental unit in the community, provided that it passes a Housing Quality Standards inspection, and has a reasonable gross rent when compared to prevailing rents in the community. Senior Housing with Services Huron has two senior with services projects with a total of 68 beds. One facility is State licensed as an Assisted Living Center, and the other is registered as a Residential Living Center. Stone Brooke Suites has 49 licensed assisted living beds in single and double suites. The facility offers meals, laundry, bathing, medication supervision, housekeeping, etc. Rent and fees vary based on the level of services. Currently, the facility has no vacancies and there is a waiting list. Countryview Estates is registered as a Residential Living Center and has 19 beds in single and double suites. The facility has no vacancies and maintains a waiting list. Rent and fees for services are based on the level of services and the size of the suite. Supportive Housing for People with Mental Illness and/or Developmental Disabilities Huron has four rental projects for people with special needs. There is a total of 76 units in the four projects. Danny Wahl Apartments and Manor Apartments are supportive housing units for individuals with mental illness. Danny Wahl Apartments has 14 one-bedroom and six two-bedroom units. Manor Apartments has 26 one-bedroom units. There are no vacancies in either project. Tenants pay 30% of their income in both projects. Community Counseling Services has a 23-unit rental project with one efficiency and 22 one-bedroom units, for individuals with mental illness. The project was developed with USDA Rural Development funds. The project has no vacancies. The Center for Independence owns and manages eight rental facilities for people with developmental disabilities. The eight facilities include congregate style living facilities and apartment buildings. There is a total of 67 units/beds in the eight facilities. Currently, there are no vacancies and there is a waiting list. Tenants pay rent based on their income. \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|-----------------------\|------------------------------\|---------------\|-------------------\|----------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Market Rate \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Regency Apartments \| 12 - 2 bedroom 12 total units \| $750 + utilities \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Market rate 12-unit project. Manager reports no vacancies and excellent occupancy. Rent is $750 plus utilities. \| \| Huron Arms Apartments \| 4 - 1 bedroom 14 - 2 bedroom 18 total units \| $370 $530-$550 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Market rate 18-unit project constructed in 1972. Rent includes water, sewer, heat and garbage. Manager reports no vacancies. \| \| Fairlane Apartments \| 24 - efficiencies 24 - 1 bedroom 48 total units \| $400 $485 \| 8 vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Fairlane Apartments was previously a subsidized project, but is currently market rate. Rent includes all utilities. Manager reports eight vacancies. \| \| Buehls Apartments \| N/A \| N/A \| N/A \| N/A \| Would not participate in survey. \| \| Field Estates \| 28 - 2 bed/1 bath 4 - 2 bed/2 bath 8 - 3 bed/1 story 8 - 3 bed/2 story 48 total units \| $762 $782 $832 $812 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Field Estates is a 49-unit market essential function bond project owned and managed by the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority. The project was constructed in two phases in 1997 and 1998. Project is townhome style units. Units have attached garages. All 3-bedrooms have 2 bathrooms. Tenants pay all utilities. The project is fully occupied. \| \| Lampe Estates \| 20 - 2 bedroom 20 - 3 bedroom 40 total units \| $690 $760 \| Six vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Lampe Estates is a 40-unit market rate essential function bond project owned and managed by the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority. The 40 units are in eight five-unit buildings. Tenants pay all utilities. Currently, there are six vacancies. \| \| Cloverleaf Apartments \| 16 - 1 bedroom 16 total units \| $475 \| 2 one-bdrm vacancies \| Mostly singles \| Older market rate apartment building with 16 one-bedroom units. Rent includes all utilities and cable. Manager reports two vacancies. \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|-----------------------\|------------------------------\|---------------\|-------------------\|------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Market Rate \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Revere & Admiral \| 22 - 2 bedroom 22 total units \| $420-$450 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Revere and Admiral Apartments are two 11-unit buildings built in the 1950s. Rent includes heat, water, sewer and garbage. Manager reports no vacancies and the units are usually fully occupied. \| \| Apartments \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Woodrow Wilson \| 11 - 1 bedroom 5 - 2 bedroom 16 total units \| $485-$550 $600-$720 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Woodrow Wilson Apartments has 16 units and is approximately 15 years old. Currently, there are no vacancies. Rent includes water, sewer and garbage. \| \| Apartments \| \| \| \| \| \| \| J & J Rentals \| 6 - 1 bedroom 6 total units \| $280 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| J & K is a six-unit project. Manager reports no vacancies. \| \| Wilcox Properties \| Approx. 100 units of all sizes in single family, duplexes, 3 and 4-plexes, etc. 100 units \| Varies based on size and type of units \| Two vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Manager reports that Wilcox Properties includes a large variety of units in a variety of building types. There is also a wide range of rents. Manager reports that the units have very high occupancy rates and there is a high demand for rental units. \| \| Townhouse Apartments \| 74 - 1 bedroom 6 - 3 bedroom 80 total units \| $350-$480 N/A \| 15 vacant units \| Mix of tenants \| Project includes 80 rental units in 11 buildings. Owner reported that no vacancies existed on Feb. 1st, but 15 vacancies existed in early March. Twenty-nine current tenants have rent assistance Vouchers. Rent includes utilities. \| \| Belmont Estates \| 24 - 1 and 2 bed. 24 total units \| Varies \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Belmont Estates is a 24-unit market rate project with one- and two-bedroom units. Currently, there are no vacancies. \| \| Dakota Rentals \| Approx. 95 units - almost all single family homes 95 total units \| Varies \| 3 two- bdrm vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Dakota Rentals manages approximately 95 units, most of which are single family homes. Manager reports three vacant two-bedroom units. \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|-----------------------\|------------------------------\|---------------\|-------------------\|-----------------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Market Rate \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Huron Towers Apartments \| 17 - 1 bedroom 3 - 2 bedroom 20 total units \| $525 $625 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Huron Tower Apartments are the renovated upper floors of a building owned by the hospital. The renovation was undertaken in 1986. Currently, there are no vacancies. Rent includes all utilities. \| \| Nightingale Apartments \| 10 - 1 bedroom 13 - 2 bedroom 23 total units \| $490 $540 \| No vacancies and a waiting list \| Primarily seniors, but also several younger people \| Twenty-three units in seven buildings including five 4-plexes, one duplex and one single family home. Units were constructed in the early 1990s. Rent includes utilities. Owner reports no vacancies and a waiting list. \| \| Subsidized \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Tamarac Apartments \| 55 - 1 bedroom 8 - 2 bedroom 4 - 3 bedroom 67 total units \| $522 max. $649 max. $820 max. 30% of income \| 1 two-bdrm vacancy \| General occupancy \| HUD Section 8 project. Two buildings with a total of 67 units. Currently, there is one two-bedroom vacancy. Manager reports much higher occupancy rate than in the past. No tenants are paying market rent at this time, all tenants are paying 30% of income. \| \| Courtyard Apartments I & II \| 40 - 1 bedroom 2 - 2 bedroom 42 total units \| $627 max. $722 max. 30% of income \| 4 one-bdrm vacancies \| Senior/Disabled \| Rural Development Senior/Disabled Project with 42 units. Tax credit units were also utilized to construct the project. Project includes two buildings constructed in 1991 and 1995. Rent includes water, sewer and trash. Manager reports four one-bedroom vacancies. There have been a few vacancies for several months. \| \| Huron Apartments \| 15 - 1 bedroom 44 - 2 bedroom 59 total units \| $432 max. $464 max. 30% of income \| 2 two-bdrm vacancies \| General occupancy \| Rural Development general occupancy with 59 units. Rent includes water, sewer and trash. Manager reports two vacancies and the project has had ongoing vacancies. \| \| Campus Apartments \| 12 - Efficiency 10 - 1 bedroom 22 total units \| $660 max. $701 max. 30% of income \| 5 Efficiency & 1 one-bdrm vacancy \| Senior/Disabled \| Rural Development senior disabled project with 12 efficiency and 10 one-bedroom units. Units are in the Senior Center Building. Manager reports six vacancies. \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|-----------------------\|------------------------------\|--------------------\|-------------------\|------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Lincoln Square \| 12 - 1 bedroom 8 - 2 bedroom \| $518 max. $548 max.\| 1 one-bdrm vacancy\| General occupancy\| Rural Development general occupancy project with 20 units. Manager reports one vacant one-bedroom unit. Tenants pay 30% of income with a maximum rent of $518 for a two-bedroom unit. \| \| Apartments \| 20 total units \| 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Riverstone Townhomes \| 16 - 2 bedroom 8 - 3 bedroom\| $586 max. $820 max.\| 1 two-bdrm & 1 three-bdrm vacancy \| General occupancy \| Riverstone Townhomes was constructed in 1978 and was renovated in 2012 utilizing tax credits. Was previously Southgate Apartments, but name was changed to Riverstone Townhomes. Manager reports one vacant two-bedroom and one vacant three-bedroom unit. \| \| \| 24 total units \| 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Granda Courts \| 18 - 1 bedroom 18 total units\| $518 max. 30% of income \| 1 one-bedroom vacancy \| Senior/Disabled \| Granda Courts is an 18-unit Section 8 project constructed in 1976. Manager reports one vacant unit. Maximum rent is $518. \| \| Dakota Plaza Apartments\| 40 - 1 bedroom 11 - 2 bedroom\| $430 max. $465 max.\| 1 one-bdrm & 1 two-bdrm vacancy \| Senior/Disabled \| Rural Development project with 51 units. Manager reports two vacancies, but the project is usually fully occupied. Base rent is $430 for a one-bedroom unit and $465 for a two-bedroom unit. \| \| \| 51 total units \| 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Colonial Apartments \| 17 - 1 bedroom 17 - 2 bedroom\| $527 max. $618 max.\| 5 one-bdrm & 1 two-bdrm vacancies \| General occupancy \| Section 8 subsidized project constructed in 1973. Currently, there are five vacant one-bedroom units and one vacant two-bedroom unit. Manager reports that four tenants have moved out in the past two weeks. \| \| \| 16 - 3 bedroom 50 total units\| $769 max. 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Park Square Apartments \| 10 - 1 bedroom 2 - 2 bedroom\| $557 max. $577 max.\| 1 three-bdrm vacancy \| General occupancy \| Rural Development general occupancy project with 30 units including 10 one-bedroom, two two-bedroom and 18 three-bedroom units. Manager reports one three-bedroom vacancy. \| \| \| 18 - 3 bedroom 30 total units\| $622 max. 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|--------------------\|------------------------------\|-----------------------\|-------------------\|----------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Subsidized \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Ohio Estates \| 12 - 1 bedroom \| $685 max. \| 3 one-bdrm \| Senior/Disabled\| Rural Development USDA/Section 8 project constructed in 1984. Manager reports three vacancies, but the units are usually fully occupied. Rent includes utilities. \| \| \| 4 - 2 bedroom \| $710 max. \| vacancies \| \| \| \| \| 16 total units \| 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Bluebird Apartments\| 8 - 1 bedroom \| $658-$865 \| No vacancies \| Seniors \| Bluebird Apartments is a Rural Development 515 Senior Project. Tenants without rent assistance would not pay less than basic or more than market rents listed. Manager reports no vacancies. \| \| \| 8 total units \| 30% of income \| \| \| \| \| Tax Credit \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Pleasant Run \| 19 - 2 bedroom \| $411-$620 \| No vacancies \| Mix of tenants \| Pheasant Run is a 38-unit tax credit project that opened for occupancy in May. Tenants must be at 60% of median income or less. Rents vary based on if tenant is 40%, 50% or 60% of median income. Units include two baths. Units were all full, but recently had three vacancies, but manager is in the process of leasing the vacant units, thus, there will be no vacancies. \| \| Apartments \| 19 - 3 bedroom \| $466-$690 \| \| \| \| \| \| 38 total units \| \| \| \| \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|--------------------\|------------------------------\|-----------------------\|-------------------------\|------------\|----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Senior Housing with Services \| \| \| \| \| \| \| Stoney Brooke Suites \| 49 beds in single and double occupancy suites \| Varies based on services \| No vacancies, waiting list \| Seniors \| Stoney Brooke Suites is a 49-bed Assisted Living Center. Facility provides meals, housekeeping, bathing, activities, etc. Rent and fees are based on level of services. Staff reports no vacancies and a waiting list. \| \| Countryview Estates \| 49 beds in single and double occupancy suites \| Varies based on services \| No vacancies, waiting list \| Seniors \| Countryview Estates is a 19-bed Residential Living Center. The facility can provide meals, housekeeping, bathing, activities, etc. Rent and fees are based on level of services. Staff reports no vacancies and a waiting list. \| \| Name \| Number of Units /Bedroom Mix \| Rent \| Vacancy/Wait List \| Tenant Mix \| Comments \| \|-------------------------------------------\|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\|-----------------------\|-------------------\|--------------------------\|--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------\| \| Community Counseling Services \| 1 - Efficiency<br>22 - 1 bedroom<br>23 total units \| N/A \| No vacancies \| Special needs \| Rural Development project with 23 units. \| \| Danny Wahl Apartments \| 14 - 1 bedroom<br>6 - 2 bedroom<br>20 total units \| 30% of income \| No vacancies \| Supportive housing \| Danny Wahl Apartments is a 20-unit supportive housing project. Manager reports full occupancy. Tenants utilized housing Vouchers, thus, rent is 30% of income. \| \| Manor Apartments \| 26 - 1 bedroom<br>26 total units \| 30% of income \| No vacancies \| Supportive housing \| Manor Apartments is a supportive housing project with 26 one-bedroom units. Manager reports no vacancies. Tenants utilize housing Vouchers, thus, rent is 30% of income. \| \| Center for Independence * Eight homes & apt. buildings - 1820 & 1895 Meadowlark Ln - 1450 & 1600 Lincoln Ave SW - 109 7th St NW - 1010, 1030 & 1070 15th St SW \| * 49 bedrooms in homes that have congregate living * 18 one-bedroom units and one two-bedroom unit in buildings that have rental units 67 total units/beds \| Rent is based on the tenant’s income \| No vacancies and an eight-person waiting list \| People with developmental disabilities \| The Center for Independence has constructed, owns and manages eight rental facilities for people with developmental disabilities. The rental facilities were constructed from 1980 to 2004. Five facilities are residential homes that have congregate style housing. The homes have bedrooms with shared common areas. There are a total of 41 bedrooms in the five residential homes. Two facilities are apartment buildings. One building has eight one-bedroom units and one building has six one-bedroom units and one two-bedroom unit. One facility has eight bedrooms and congregate style housing on the first floor and four one-bedroom apartments on the second floor. Two of the residential facilities are USDA Rural Development projects and two facilities are Section 8 projects. Tenants pay a percentage of their income for rent. Some of the tenants have a Housing Choice Voucher. The facilities are all fully occupied and there is an eight-person waiting list. \| Source: Community Partners Research, Inc. Employment and Local Economic Trends Analysis While many factors influence the need for housing, employment opportunities represent a predominant demand generator. Without jobs and corresponding wages, the means to pay for housing is severely limited. Employment opportunities may be provided by a broad range of private and public business sectors. Jobs may be available in manufacturing, commercial services, agriculture, public administration, and other industries. The type of employment, wage level, and working conditions will each influence the kind of housing that is needed and at what level of affordability. The City of Huron has experienced significant job growth in recent years and continues to pursue economic development opportunities. While working on attracting new businesses, the City has also concentrated on existing businesses and has tried to facilitate job expansion in the community. Employment information for Huron is available at the County level and the following table displays data for all of Beadle County. \| Year \| Labor Force \| Employed \| Unemployed \| Unemployment Rate - County \| Unemployment Rate - SD \| Unemployment Rate - US \| \|------\|-------------\|----------\|------------\|----------------------------\|------------------------\|------------------------\| \| 2000 \| 9,105 \| 8,860 \| 245 \| 2.7% \| 2.7% \| 4.0% \| \| 2001 \| 9,300 \| 8,985 \| 315 \| 3.4% \| 3.1% \| 4.7% \| \| 2002 \| 9,110 \| 8,745 \| 365 \| 4.0% \| 3.3% \| 5.8% \| \| 2003 \| 9,075 \| 8,690 \| 385 \| 4.2% \| 3.5% \| 6.0% \| \| 2004 \| 8,910 \| 8,565 \| 345 \| 3.9% \| 3.7% \| 5.6% \| \| 2005 \| 8,865 \| 8,495 \| 370 \| 4.2% \| 3.7% \| 5.1% \| \| 2006 \| 9,040 \| 8,770 \| 270 \| 3.0% \| 3.1% \| 4.6% \| \| 2007 \| 9,380 \| 9,145 \| 235 \| 2.5% \| 2.9% \| 4.6% \| \| 2008 \| 9,625 \| 9,390 \| 235 \| 2.5% \| 3.1% \| 5.8% \| \| 2009 \| 9,660 \| 9,290 \| 370 \| 3.8% \| 4.8% \| 9.3% \| \| 2010 \| 9,835 \| 9,430 \| 405 \| 4.1% \| 4.6% \| 9.6% \| \| 2011 \| 9,660 \| 9,600 \| 360 \| 3.6% \| 4.6% \| 8.9% \| \| 2012 \| 10,007 \| 9,663 \| 344 \| 3.4% \| 4.4% \| 8.1% \| Source: South Dakota Department of Labor Beadle County has experienced some fluctuations in labor statistics, but over a longer time period, there has been growth in the size of the labor force. Between 2000 and 2012, the labor force increased by 902 people, or 9.9%. While the County appears to have been impacted by the national recession, this impact has been minor. In 2010, the unemployment rate did reach 4.1%, but by 2012, it was back down to only 3.4%. The year 2012 represented a new high for the size of the labor force and the size of the employed work force. Throughout the time period reviewed, the unemployment rate in the County has stayed low, and has been below the Statewide rate for each year since 2006. The Statewide unemployment rate has consistently remained well below the national average. Labor market information is also available at the City level, but only from 2006 forward. In 2012, approximately 73% of the available labor force and the employed workforce in the County are based in the City of Huron. \| Year \| Labor Force \| Employed \| Unemployed \| Unemployment Rate - City \| Unemployment Rate - SD \| Unemployment Rate - US \| \|------\|-------------\|----------\|------------\|--------------------------\|------------------------\|------------------------\| \| 2006 \| 6,330 \| 6,130 \| 200 \| 3.1% \| 3.1% \| 4.6% \| \| 2007 \| 6,555 \| 6,380 \| 175 \| 2.7% \| 2.9% \| 4.6% \| \| 2008 \| 6,825 \| 6,650 \| 175 \| 2.5% \| 3.1% \| 5.8% \| \| 2009 \| 6,740 \| 6,460 \| 280 \| 4.2% \| 4.8% \| 9.3% \| \| 2010 \| 7,150 \| 6,840 \| 310 \| 4.3% \| 4.6% \| 9.6% \| \| 2011 \| 7,225 \| 6,965 \| 260 \| 3.6% \| 4.6% \| 8.9% \| \| 2012 \| 7,265 \| 7,009 \| 256 \| 3.5% \| 4.4% \| 8.1% \| Source: South Dakota Department of Labor Between 2006 and 2012, the available labor force in Huron increased by 935 people, or 14.8%. During this same time, the employed work force grew by 879 people, or 14.3%. With the available labor force growing at a slightly faster rate than the employed work force, Huron has seen a gradual rise in the unemployment rate, from 3.1% in 2006, to 3.5% in 2012, but the City’s rate still remains very low by comparative standards. The year 2012 represented a highpoint for employment statistics in Huron. The available labor force and the employed resident work force both reached their highest levels for the time period reviewed. Average Annual Wages by Industry Sector The following table shows the annual employment and average annual wages by major employment sector in 2011, the last full year of data. It is important to note that the major employment sectors listed do not represent all employment in the County. This information is for all of Beadle County. \| Industry \| 2011 Employment \| 2011 Average Annual Wage \| \|-----------------------------------------------\|-----------------\|--------------------------\| \| Total All Industry \| 8,374 \| $32,917 \| \| Natural Resources, Mining \| 163 \| $39,034 \| \| Construction \| 331 \| $38,813 \| \| Manufacturing \| 1,798 \| $35,360 \| \| Trade, Transportation, Utilities \| 1,860 \| $33,267 \| \| Information \| 101 \| $23,194 \| \| Financial Activities \| 427 \| $40,485 \| \| Professional and Business Services \| 301 \| $35,885 \| \| Education and Health Services \| 1,239 \| $31,649 \| \| Leisure and Hospitality \| 722 \| $10,502 \| \| Other Services \| 193 \| $24,783 \| \| Government \| 1,239 \| $39,527 \| Source: South Dakota Department of Labor The average weekly wage for all industry in 2011 was $32,917, up 3.1% from the average annual wage in 2010. The highest paying wage sectors were Financial Activities, and Government, with average annual wages of $40,485, and $39,527, respectively. The lowest paying wage sector was Leisure and Hospitality, with an average annual wage of only $10,502. Major Huron Employers The South Dakota Department of Labor provided the following list of the largest employers in Huron. All of these are believed to employ more than 100 people. - Dakota Provisions Processing Plant - U.S. Government - Huron Public Schools - Huron Regional Medical Center - Center for Independence - Wal-Mart - Sunquest Healthcare - Terex Manufacturing - Trussbilt, Inc. - SD State Government - Coborn’s Superstore - City of Huron - Northwestern Corporation - Our Home, Inc. Source: Labor Market Information Center There may be additional large employers in the community that are not listed on the State website. Commuting Patterns of Area Workers Only limited information is available on area workers that commute for employment. The best information is from the 2011 American Community Survey, and has been examined for Huron. This table only examines people that commuted, and excludes people that work at home. \| Table 34 Commuting Times for Residents - 2011 \| \|-----------------------------------------------\| \| Travel Time \| Number/Percent \| \| Less than 10 minutes \| 3,338 / 54.8% \| \| 10 to 19 minutes \| 1,832 / 30.1% \| \| 20 to 29 minutes \| 461 / 7.6% \| \| 30 minutes + \| 462 / 7.6% \| \| Total \| 6,093 \| Source: 2011 American Community Survey 5-year estimates The large majority of Huron residents were commuting less than 20 minutes to work in 2011. Overall, nearly 85% of residents commuted 19 minutes or less to work. However, nearly 8% did commute 30 minutes or more. Findings on Growth Trends As part of this Study, Community Partners Research, Inc., has examined growth patterns for the City of Huron, the Town of Alpena and Beadle County over the past few decades. These historic growth trends have then been used as a basis for projecting future demographic changes in the area. Huron and Beadle County’s population decreased in the 1990s, but gained population from 2000 to 2010. From 1990 to 2000, Huron’s population decreased by 555 people and Beadle County’s population decreased by 1,230 people. From 2000 to 2010, Huron’s population increased by 699 people and Beadle County’s population increased by 375 people. The City of Huron gained 15 households from 1990 to 2000 and gained 145 households from 2000 to 2010. Beadle County lost 101 households from 1990 to 2000 and gained 36 households from 2000 to 2010. The Town of Alpena gained 14 people and 15 households from 1990 to 2000. From 2000 to 2010, Alpena added 21 people and lost three households. Findings on Projected Growth The projections for Huron, Alpena and Beadle County calculated by Community Partners Research, Inc., from past growth trends reflect the patterns of recent decades. Using the past trends to form a range, Community Partners Research, Inc., projects that Huron’s population will increase by 73 to 370 people between 2010 and 2015. The household projection expects a gain of 40 to 74 households from 2010 to 2015. Alpena is expected to add 10 to 11 people and Alpena’s household count is projected to remain stable with a range of a loss of one household to a gain of three households. The 20-year trend projections for all of Beadle County expect a loss of 204 people from 2010 to 2015, however, the 10-year trend projections estimate a gain of 192 people from 2010 to 2015. The forecasts used for this Study expect a range of a loss of 16 households to a gain of 18 households in Beadle County from 2010 to 2015. It is our opinion, that the 10-year trend projections, which estimate population and household growth, are the most realistic. Summary of Beadle County Growth Projections by Age The Demographic section of this Study presented Beadle County projection information on anticipated changes by age group over the next few years. This information can be informative in determining the housing changes that may be needed due to age patterns of the area population. The following approximate ranges show the expected net change in the number of Beadle County households in each 10-year age cohort between 2010 and 2015. The first column shows the projections based on State Data Center data and the second column shows projections based on Community Partners, Inc. calculations. In general terms, most of the projected net growth to the year 2015 will occur among people in the 55 to 74 age ranges. This would largely reflect the aging “baby boomers”, nearly all of whom will be age 55 or older by the year 2015. From 2010 to 2015, Beadle County is projected to gain 232 to 282 households in the 55 to 74 year old age ranges. There is a difference in the State Data Center and Community Partners Research, Inc. projections for the 15 to 34 and 85 and over age ranges. The State Data Center projects household increases for these age ranges and Community Partners Research, Inc., is projecting losses. Also, Community Partners Research, Inc., is projecting a 117 household gain in the 35 to 44 age range but the State Data Center is projecting a loss of 28 households. While projections can be informative in planning for change, it is important to note that they may be altered in the future. To the extent that Huron and Beadle County can continue to attract in-migration, the demographic profile of future residents may not always match historical patterns, and it is possible that more young adults will move to the area. \| Age Range \| Projected Change in Households \| \|-----------\|-------------------------------\| \| \| 2010 to 2015 \| \| 15 to 24 \| 9 to -17 \| \| 25 to 34 \| 10 to -20 \| \| 35 to 44 \| -28 to 117 \| \| 45 to 54 \| -280 to -228 \| \| 55 to 64 \| 202 to 96 \| \| 65 to 74 \| 130 to 186 \| \| 75 to 84 \| -67 to -46 \| \| 85 and Older \| 150 to -42 \| Findings on Unit Demand by Type of Housing Based on the household by age projections presented earlier, the changing age composition of Beadle County’s population through the five-year projection period will have an impact on demand for housing. Age 24 and Younger – The projections used for this Study expect a range of a small loss of 17 households to a gain of nine households in the 15 to 24 age range through the year 2015. Past tenure patterns indicate that as many as 73% of these households in Beadle County will rent their housing. A relatively stable number of households in this age range should mean that rental demand from younger households will remain relatively unchanged during the projection period. 25 to 34 Years Old – The projections show a range in this age cohort Countywide, from a loss of 20 households to a gain of 10 households by 2015. Within this age range households often move from rental to ownership housing. The ownership rate among these households in Beadle County was nearly 52% in 2010. A stable number of households within this age range will mean no change in demand for both first-time home buyer and rental opportunities. 35 to 44 Years Old – This 10-year age cohort has a projected range of a gain of 117 households to a loss of 28 households between 2010 and 2015 in Beadle County. In the past, this age group has had a high rate of home ownership in Beadle County, at approximately 74%. Households within this range often represent both first-time buyers and households looking to trade-up in housing, selling their starter home for a more expensive house. Demand from this age cohort would have some impact on overall demand for owner-occupied housing. 45 to 54 Years Old – By 2015, this age cohort will represent the front-end of the “baby bust” generation that followed behind the baby boomers. This age group represents a much smaller segment of the population than the baby boom age group. For Beadle County, the projections show a loss of 228 to 280 households in this range. This age group historically has had a high rate of home ownership, approximately 70% in Beadle County in 2010, and will often look for trade-up housing opportunities. With a household decrease in this age group, there will be a decrease in the demand for trade-up housing. 55 to 64 Years Old – This age range is part of the baby boom generation. The projections show an expected increase of 96 to 202 additional households in this 10-year age range by the year 2015 in the County. This age range has traditionally had a high rate of home ownership in Beadle County, at approximately 80% in 2010. Age-appropriate housing, such as town house or twin home units, is often well suited to the life-cycle preferences of this age group, as no maintenance/low maintenance housing has become a popular option for empty-nesters. 65 to 74 Years Old – Relatively strong household growth is expected Countywide within this age range, with the projections showing an increase of 130 to 186 households by the year 2015. While this group will begin moving to life-cycle housing options as they age, the younger seniors are still predominantly home owners. At the time of the 2010 Census, approximately 79% of households in this age range owned their housing in Beadle County. Once again, preferences for age-appropriate units should increase from household growth within this age cohort. 75 to 84 Years Old – There is a projected loss of 46 to 67 households in Beadle County in this age range between 2010 and 2015. In the past, households within this 10-year age range have had a relatively high rate of home ownership, at approximately 71% in Beadle County. While this is likely to continue, an expansion of other housing options for seniors, including high quality rental housing, should appeal to this age group. In most cases, income levels for senior households have been improving, as people have done better retirement planning. As a result, households in this age range may have fewer cost limitations for housing choices than previous generations of seniors. 85 Years and Older – A wide range of the loss of 42 households to the gain of 150 households is projected from the State Data Center and Community Partners Research, Inc. among older seniors. Historic home ownership rates in this age group in Beadle County have been relatively low, at approximately 51% in 2010. Seniors in this age range often seek senior housing with services options. These demographic trends will be incorporated into the recommendations that follow later in this section. Huron – Strengths and Barriers for Housing Development Strengths for Housing Development The following strengths of the community were identified through statistical data, local interviews, research and on-site review of the local housing stock. - Huron is the regional center for the area - Huron is the regional center serving Beadle County and portions of surrounding counties. The City provides employment opportunities, retail/service options, government services, health and professional services, and cultural amenities to a large surrounding trade area. Huron’s role as a regional center has resulted in population and household growth over the last decade. - Affordable housing stock - The City has a large stock of affordable, existing houses. Our analysis shows that the City’s median home value is approximately $90,000. This existing stock, when available for sale, provides an affordable option for home ownership. - Increasingly diverse housing stock - The City has a good mix of housing options, including a large number of rental housing units for both lower income and market rate households. The City also has town houses, twin homes, condominium units and several senior with services options. - Adequate land for development - The City has adequate land available for residential development. - Household growth for the City - Over the past decade, the City has sustained household growth and the City is projected to continue to grow in the future. - Diverse economy - The City of Huron has a diverse economy with industries, agriculture, etc. The City also has several large employers. The Greater Huron Development Corporation continues to promote economic diversity. - Desirable location for seniors and retirees - Huron is an attraction for seniors as a retirement location. As the provider for the region’s health, retail and government services, the City has amenities that are attractive for seniors as they age. Active housing developers in the City - Huron has housing developers that are willing to invest in housing projects in the community. Developers have been active in subdivision development, rental housing, attached ownership housing and single family development. Housing agencies - The Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority and James Valley Housing, Inc., have been very active in housing and have developed an excellent reputation in the housing field. State, federal, nonprofit funds - The City and local housing agencies have leveraged local funds for housing activities over the years with other resources including state, federal and nonprofit funds. This experience in obtaining funds, and the City’s track record in appropriately utilizing the funds, will continue to serve the City well when seeking funds in the future. School system - The City has an excellent public K-12 school system. Ethnic and cultural diversity - Over the past several decades, the City has become very diversified with many immigrants locating in Huron. Infrastructure - The City’s public utilities and infrastructure are in good condition and can facilitate future expansion. Commercial development - Huron’s commercial districts are adequate to meet daily needs and new commercial development is ongoing. Health facilities - The City has excellent health care systems that serve the region. Available lots - The City currently has available lots for housing of all types. Recreational Opportunities - Huron has many recreational opportunities. Currently, the City is creating a multimillion dollar ‘state of the art’ water park. Barriers or Limitations to Housing Activities Our research also identified the following barriers or limitations that hinder or prevent certain housing activities in the City of Huron. - Age and condition of the housing stock - While the existing stock is very affordable, some of the housing is in need of improvements to meet expectations of potential buyers. Also, there are a large number of vacant and/or dilapidated homes in Huron. - Low rent structure - The City’s rent structure is low, which makes it difficult to construct new rental housing. - Value gap deters new owner-occupied construction - Based on market values for 2012 residential sales, we estimate that the median priced home in Huron is valued at approximately $90,000. This is below the comparable cost for new housing construction, which will generally be above $150,000 for a stick built home with commonly expected amenities. This creates a value gap between new construction and existing homes. This can be a disincentive for any type of speculative building and can also deter customized construction. - Low paying jobs - Although Huron has a strong, diverse economy, some jobs are at the lower end of the pay scale and the employees with these jobs have very limited housing choices. - Staff capacity limitations - Although the City has access to several housing agencies, it is very difficult to develop and implement housing initiatives with limited staff resources. - Subdivision Financial Stability - Two new subdivisions in Huron have had financial problems, which has made it difficult to fully develop the subdivisions with infrastructure, to sell lots and to build homes or rental units in these subdivisions. Huron – Recommendations and Opportunities Recommendations, Strategies and Housing Market Opportunities Based on the research contained in this Study and the housing strengths and barriers identified above, we believe that the following recommendations are realistic options for Huron. They are based on the following strategies: - Focus heavily on the preservation, maintenance and improvement of the housing stock that already exists - While some housing construction will occur in coming years, most of the housing opportunities will continue to be provided by the housing stock that is already on the ground. This is especially important for affordable housing opportunities, as it will almost always be less expensive to offer an affordable unit through rehabilitation versus new construction. Units that are lost due to deterioration and obsolescence cannot be replaced for a similar price. Evidence suggests that the majority of the existing stock is generally being well maintained, however, a significant percentage of housing needs repair. Emphasis on continued improvement will be important to meet future housing needs. - Develop life cycle housing - It is vital for a community that serves as a regional center to provide housing opportunities for all ages and household types. These housing opportunities enable a community to thrive, and allow households to live in the community throughout their lives. - Promote new construction - New construction provides housing opportunities, stimulates the economy and upgrades the community’s housing stock. Both new owner-occupied single family homes and rental units are needed to provide households in Huron with housing options and to assure a healthy housing stock into the future. - Promote home ownership - Home ownership is the preferred option for most households. Home ownership assists in creating community stability and commitment to the community. There are many younger families that are renting their housing. These households may be interested in home ownership, if an affordable opportunity is available. - Prioritize community housing goals - Many of the recommendations in the Study will require staff-intensive efforts. The City and housing agencies should prioritize its housing goals and establish a plan to achieve its goals. It is very difficult to meet all of the objectives as the balance of the objectives are very sensitive. An overly aggressive or overly passive approach to any of the objectives can cause problems in achieving the other objectives. For example, overbuilding new rental housing units could lead to vacancy problems in older, less marketable units in the community, causing these units to deteriorate in quality. The recommendations of this section attempt to provide a balanced approach to addressing the housing needs of Huron. Summary of Findings/Recommendations The findings/recommendations for the City of Huron and the Town of Alpena have been formulated through the analysis of the information provided in the previous sections and include a total of 23 recommendations divided into the following five categories: - Rental Housing Development - Home Ownership - Single Family New Construction - Housing Rehabilitation - Other Housing Initiatives The findings/recommendations for each category are as follows: ### Findings and Recommendations for the City of Huron #### Rental Housing Development 1. Develop 77 to 82 general occupancy market rate rental units 2. Develop 36 to 40 subsidized/tax credit rental units 3. Support the development of 38 to 47 senior housing with services units 4. Develop a mixed-use downtown commercial/housing project 5. Continue to utilize the Housing Choice Voucher Program #### Home Ownership 6. Utilize and promote all programs that assist with home ownership 7. Develop a local down payment assistance program #### New Construction 8. Monitor lot availability and development 9. Develop a 14 to 16 lot affordable subdivision 10. Promote townhouse and twin home development 11. Coordinate with agencies/nonprofits that develop affordable housing 12. Develop home ownership and new construction marketing programs ## Findings and Recommendations for the City of Huron ### Housing Rehabilitation 13. Promote rental housing rehabilitation programs 14. Promote owner-occupied housing rehabilitation programs 15. Develop a neighborhood revitalization program 16. Develop and implement a Rental Inspection Program 17. Develop a Purchase/Rehabilitation Program ### Other Housing Initiatives 18. Continue employer involvement in housing programs 19. Acquire and demolish dilapidated structures 20. Develop a City of Huron New Construction Incentive Program 21. Develop mobile home programs 22. Create a plan and continue coordination among housing agencies 23. Address racial and ethnic minority housing issues Huron - Recommendations Rental Housing Development Rental Housing Development Overview: In recent decades it has been difficult to produce new rental housing units that are viewed as “affordable” when compared to existing rental housing. A number of factors, including federal tax policy, state property tax rates, high construction costs and a low rent structure, have all contributed to the difficulty in developing rental housing in most South Dakota communities. From 1999 to 2012, based on City of Huron data, approximately 158 rental units were constructed in Huron. The 158 rental units include market rate general occupancy, tax credit and units for special need’s populations. In addition to the new rental units, it is estimated that approximately 70 single family homes were converted from owner-occupied to rental use between 1999 and 2012. Demand for new rental housing is typically generated from three factors: - Growth from new households - Replacement of lost units - Pent-up demand from existing households Our household projections for Huron expect continued household growth, although some of this growth will result in demand for owner-occupied housing. From 2010 to 2015, it is projected that there will be a 74-household gain in Huron. Approximately 40% of these households will be rental households, thus, there will be a demand of approximately 30 additional rental units over the next five years. Demand created by replacement of lost units is more difficult to determine, but the best available evidence suggests that the City will lose as many as seven units per year. As a result, approximately 35 additional units will be needed over the next five years to replace lost units. In some cases, this unit replacement will be necessary as existing units are removed from the inventory through demolition or conversion. In other cases, this replacement is appropriate due to the deteriorating condition of older, substandard rental housing that should be removed from the occupied stock. Pent-up demand also exists. As part of this study, a rental survey was conducted. A total of 1,175 rental units in 37 multifamily buildings were contacted. Information was also obtained on single family homes, duplexes and small rental buildings. The survey found a 7.7% vacancy rate in general occupancy market rate units, a 7.1% vacancy rate in subsidized units, a 0% vacancy rate in tax credit units and a 0% vacancy rate in the senior with services projects. Based on this information and interviews with stakeholders, we are estimating that there is a demand for approximately 16 to 20 additional subsidized/tax credit rental units, 32 to 37 market rate units and 38 to 47 senior with services units in Huron over the next five years. These three demand factors show a need for 151 to 169 rental units over the next five years. Based on the factors stated above, we recommend the development of the following new rental units over the next five years from 2013 to 2018. With limited exceptions, Huron would be the preferred location for these future projects. - General Occupancy Market Rate 77-82 units - Subsidized/Tax Credit 36-40 units - Senior with Services 38-47 units - Total 151-169 units 1. Develop 77 to 82 general occupancy market rate rental units Findings: Approximately 76% of the rental housing in the City of Huron can be classified as general occupancy market rate housing. These units are free of any specific occupancy restrictions such as financial status, age, or student enrollment. Market rate housing does not have any form of rent controls, other than those imposed by the competitive marketplace. The entire rental inventory in the City includes approximately 2,477 total units in 2010. We believe that approximately 1,891 of these units are best described as market rate rental housing. As part of the research for this Study, we contacted 550 market rate units. We found 36 vacant units for a vacancy rate of 7.7%, which is above a healthy market range of 3% to 5%. Twenty-nine of the 36 vacancies were in three rental projects. Nine of the 13 market rate rental projects surveyed had no vacancies. Also, 29 of the 36 vacant units were in efficiency or one-bedroom rentals. A Housing Study was conducted in 2009 and the vacancy rate for market rate units was reported to be 0.8%. There is a fairly wide variation in rental rates in the market rate segment in the City of Huron. The prevailing rent range for an efficiency apartment is $350 to $400 and up to $900 to $960 for a three-bedroom unit. From 2000 to 2012, only one market rate rental project was constructed. The Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority constructed a 40-unit project in 2009. Also, it is estimated that approximately 70 single family homes have converted from owner-occupied to rental units partially due to the downturn in the economy. Recommendation: As stated earlier in this section, rental housing demand is based on household growth, pent-up demand and replacement of housing units that have been demolished or converted. Based on this combination of demand generators, we believe that it is reasonable to plan for production of between 77 to 82 market rate rental units over the next five years. This includes the market rate rental projects that may be in the planning phase. Based on our research, there is a significant need for larger rental units, thus, the majority of the new units constructed over the next five years should be two, three and four-bedroom units. Townhome style units or high quality apartment buildings are both options in addressing the need for market rate units. The projects, to be successful, should have ‘state of the art’ amenities. It would be advantageous for new units to be constructed in smaller project phases. This strategy allows the new units to be absorbed into the market. There are two market rate rental segments in Huron. One segment is seeking a high quality unit and can afford a higher rent. The second segment is seeking workforce housing and a more modest rent. This segment may not qualify for subsidized or tax credit rental units, but affordability is still an issue. There is a need to construct both types of market rate rental housing. There is a wide rent range in the following table reflecting the two segments. To construct the workforce housing and charge affordable rents, land donations, financial assistance, tax increment financing and other resources may be needed. ### Recommended unit mix, sizes and rents for the Huron Market Rate Housing Units: \| Unit Type \| No. of Units \| Size/Sq. Ft. \| Rent \| \|---------------\|--------------\|----------------\|------------\| \| One Bedroom \| 10-11 \| 800 - 900 \| $600 - $800\| \| Two Bedroom \| 38-40 \| 1,000 - 1,100 \| $650 - $975\| \| Three Bedroom \| 21-22 \| 1,150 - 1,250 \| $700 - $1,050\| \| Four Bedroom \| 8-9 \| 1,350 - 1,500 \| $900 - $1,200\| \| Total \| 77-82 \| \| \| Note: The recommended rents are gross rents including all utilities. The rents are quoted in 2013 dollars. 2. Develop 36 to 40 Subsidized/Tax Credit Rental Housing Units Findings: Huron has a good supply of subsidized multifamily rental units and a limited supply of tax credit units. The supply of subsidized units is adequate to address Huron’s needs, however, we are projecting a need for 36 to 40 tax credit units over the next five years. The City of Huron has 13 project-based subsidized/tax credit developments with a combined 445 units. Subsidies have been provided by USDA Rural Development, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) and through the South Dakota Housing Development Authority. The breakdown of the 13 rental projects is as follows: - Six subsidized general occupancy projects with 250 units - Six subsidized senior/disabled projects with 157 units - One general occupancy tax credit project with 38 units All of the city’s subsidized units serve low income people and charge rent based on 30% of the tenant’s household income. In some cases, tenant households pay 30% of income, but not less than a basic rent level established for the unit. In these cases, it is possible that a very low income household pays more than 30% of income, if the basic rent was higher. There is also a market rent and tenants don’t pay more than the market rent. The rents for the tax credit project are $411 to $620 for a two-bedroom unit and $466 to $690 for a three-bedroom unit. In addition to these subsidized projects, Beadle County has funding authorization for approximately 251 Housing Choice Vouchers. Voucher assistance is issued to income-eligible households for use in suitable, private market rental housing units. With the assistance, a household pays approximately 30% of their income for rent, with the program subsidy paying any additional rent amounts. Most of the Vouchers are being utilized within the City of Huron. Despite the existing supply of subsidized units in Huron, the 2010 Census still identified that approximately 640 renter households in Huron reported a housing cost burden, with 30% or more of their income going to housing costs. A majority of these households were actually paying 35% or more of their income for housing, which is defined as a severe cost burden. Our rental survey found 29 vacancies in the subsidized projects, which represented a vacancy rate of 7.1%. All but one of the subsidized projects had vacancies. The 38-unit tax project reported no vacancies. The greatest need for tax credit units is for three and four-bedroom units. The City of Huron has 378 renter households with four or more people. This is an increase of 170 households from 2000 and 2010. This number is high when compared with other cities. Many of these households are renter households and need three or four-bedroom units. Currently, there are only 54 subsidized/tax credit three-bedroom units and no four-bedroom units in Huron. Recommendation: We recommend the development of 36 to 40 tax credit rental housing units for moderate income households. Tax credit projects utilize the federal low income housing tax credit program. Tax credits alone do not produce ‘deep subsidy’ rental units that can serve very low income households, but tax credits do provide a ‘shallow subsidy’ that allows for the construction of units that can serve households at or below 60% of the median income established for the County. When other resources are combined with tax credits, even lower income households can be served. If tax credit units are constructed, we strongly recommend that the rents are at or below the fair market rents for Housing Vouchers, thus, a low income household in a tax credit unit can apply for a Housing Voucher, which will enable the household to pay 30% of their income for their unit. We recommend that at least 75% of the tax credit units constructed over the next five years should have three-bedrooms or four-bedrooms and be constructed as town home style units. The City of Huron should work with a private developer or area housing agency to apply for tax credits and to develop a tax credit project. The City could assist with lowering rents by providing Tax Increment Financing and/or land at a reduced cost. 3. Support the development of 38 to 47 additional senior with services units Findings: The City of Huron currently has two senior with services projects with a total of 68 beds. One project, Stoney Brooke Estates, has 49 units and is licensed as an Assisted Living Center. The other project, Countryview Estates, has 19 beds and is registered as a Residential Living Center. The research for this Study did not identify any dedicated beds/units in Huron for people needing specialized memory care housing. However, both nursing homes do house people with memory loss issues, and it is probable that other senior housing facilities also have some residents with less severe memory loss issues. Currently, there are no vacancies in the two projects that offer senior housing with services, and both facilities have a waiting list. Stoney Brook Estates is planning a small expansion of approximately eight assisted living beds. Recommendation: Using 2010 Census data for Beadle County, there are 1,637 senior citizens age 75 and above that are not currently in a nursing home and are part of the potential market for senior with services units. Based on our previous research in other communities, approximately 6.5% to 7% of seniors over the age of 75 will need senior with services housing, thus, there is potential demand for 106 to 115 senior with services beds in Beadle County. Currently, there are 68 beds in Huron providing senior housing with some level of services, therefore, there is potential demand for 38 to 47 additional beds. This could include a mix of assisted living, lighter services housing and specialized memory care units. This recommendation is intended to provide general guidance and to identify the need for additional senior with services beds/units in Huron and Beadle County. We support the current expansion of assisted living that is being proposed. We also recommend that prior to developing additional senior with services beds/units that a comprehensive analysis is undertaken to determine the appropriate mix of light services, assisted living and memory care units/beds that are needed at the time the development is proposed. 4. Develop a Downtown Mixed-Use Commercial/Housing Project Findings: The City of Huron has an active downtown area. A mixed-use rental housing/commercial project could complement the City’s ongoing efforts to maintain a vibrant downtown. There should be sensitivity to the timing of the project and type of commercial tenants the project will have, to assure the project is an asset to the downtown. New mixed use projects have been developed in several cities comparable to the size of Huron. Some of these projects were developed because of market demand while others were developed to enhance the downtown, to introduce a new product to the market and to serve as a catalyst for downtown redevelopment. Recommendation: We recommend the development of a mixed-use building in the downtown Huron area. There are several potential sites in the downtown area for a mixed-use project. We recommend commercial space on the first floor and 20 to 24 rental units on the second and third floors. Prior to construction, a portion of the commercial space should be leased to an anchor tenant who would complement existing downtown businesses and attract people to downtown. The 20 to 24 rental units should be primarily market rate units, but could be mixed income with some moderate income units. The units should be primarily two-bedroom units. Please note that these units are not in addition to the units recommended in the first and second recommendations of this section. If a mixed use building was constructed, the number of units recommended previously should be reduced. Ideally, a private developer would construct and own the building. The City may have a role in the project by providing TIF or other local funds and land at a reduced price. 5. Continue to utilize the Housing Choice Voucher Program Findings: The Housing Choice Voucher Program provides portable, tenant-based rent assistance to lower income renter households. The program requires participating households to contribute from 30% to 40% of their adjusted income for rent, with the rent subsidy payment making up the difference. Tenants may lease any suitable rental unit in the community, provided that it passes a Housing Quality Standards inspection, and has a reasonable gross rent when compared to prevailing rents in the community. Although the federal government provides almost no funding for subsidized housing construction, it has provided new Housing Choice Voucher allocations over the last two decades. Because of the flexibility offered through the program, eligible households often prefer the portable rent assistance to other forms of subsidized housing that are project-based, and can only be accessed by living in a specific rental development. The Housing Choice Voucher Program is administered in Beadle County by the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority. Based on available funding, the Huron HRA has the ability to issue approximately 251 Vouchers. Currently, the majority of the Vouchers are being utilized in the City of Huron. Recommendation: From a practical standpoint, the Housing Choice Voucher Program is the single best way that Huron and Beadle County can provide affordable housing. Although current funding for this program is very limited and it is difficult to even fund currently allocated Vouchers, we encourage the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority to apply for Vouchers when available and as needed. Huron – Home Ownership Recommendations Home Ownership Recommendations Findings: Expanding home ownership opportunities is one of the primary goals for most cities. High rates of home ownership promote stable communities and strengthen the local tax base. The median owner-occupied home value in Huron is estimated to be $90,000. In Alpena the median home value is estimated to be $26,000. With approximately 50% of the homes in Huron and almost all of the homes in Alpena valued less than $90,000, Huron and Alpena have a good market for first time home buyers and households seeking moderately priced homes. Our analysis of Huron demographic trends shows strong population growth over the next five years in the 55 to 74 age ranges. While most households in these age ranges already own their housing, this group represents a strong potential market for ‘trade-up’ housing. Increasingly, the older age ranges within this group look for lower maintenance housing options, such as twin homes or town house developments. The strong growth in the 55 to 74 age range, however, is offset somewhat by expected household losses in the 45 to 54 age range. The number of households in the 35 to 44 age range is expected to increase in Huron and Beadle County. While some of these households already own their housing, those households that have not been able to achieve the goal of home ownership, may need the assistance of special programs to help them purchase their first home and will be seeking affordable homes. The 25 to 34 age range is projected to remain relatively stable from 2010 to 2015. Households in this age range are typically first-time home buyers. To assist in promoting the goal of home ownership, the following activities are recommended. 6. Utilize and promote all programs that assist with home ownership Findings: We believe that affordable home ownership is one of the issues facing Huron and Alpena in the future. Home ownership is generally the preferred housing option for most households and most communities. There are a number of strategies and programs that can be used to promote home ownership programs, and can assist with this effort. First time home buyer assistance, down payment assistance, low interest loans and home ownership counseling and training programs can help to address affordable housing issues. The Cities have a supply of houses that are priceeligible for these assistance programs. The home value estimates used in this study indicate that a large majority of the existing stock currently is valued under the purchase price limits for the first-time home buyer assistance programs. While these individual home ownership assistance programs may not generate a large volume of new ownership activity, the combination of below market mortgage money, home ownership training, credit counseling, and down payment assistance may be the mix of incentives that moves a potential home buyer into home ownership. James Valley Housing, Inc., has been working with regional housing agencies and the South Dakota Housing Development Authority to implement first time home buyer and down payment assistance programs. Recommendation: James Valley Housing, Inc., and local financial institutions should continue to work with regional housing agencies and the South Dakota Housing Development Authority to utilize all available home ownership assistance programs. Private and nonprofit agencies should also be encouraged to provide home ownership opportunities. Funding sources for home ownership programs may include USDA Rural Development, the South Dakota Housing Development Authority, and the Federal Home Loan Bank. 7. Develop a local down payment assistance program Findings: One of the identifiable barriers preventing low and moderate income households from owning a home is the inability to save money for down payment and closing costs. This is especially true now that lending institutions have tightened their lending criteria and some conventional loans require a lower loan-to-value ratio. There are numerous examples of cities and counties that have created a local fund to assist home owners with a down payment assistance program. Under these programs the city or county establishes a loan pool. Eligible applicants are provided a “soft second” loan that can be applied to a home purchase. This down payment/closing cost loan is typically secured against the property, behind the primary mortgage. Repayment can be triggered if the buyer sells the home within a certain period of time, but often the loan is forgiven if the borrower meets the basic program requirements. In other cases, the loan may need to be repaid after a certain period of time, or when the borrower sells or transfers the house in the future. Loans with repayment requirements typically do not accrue interest. The size of the loan is generally $5,000 or less, but depends upon the resources that are available for the loan pool. Recommendation: Local housing agencies may wish to consider the development of a local down payment/closing cost assistance program. A locally-funded program could provide additional assistance or could potentially serve households that do not qualify for SDHDA Down Payment Assistance. Following the collapse of the national housing bubble, and resulting rise in foreclosures, more stringent lending criteria now apply to many conventional mortgage loans, and a larger borrower contribution may be required. To promote home ownership within Huron and Alpena, and to make ownership more achievable, a locally-funded program should be explored. Major local employers, the Federal Home Loan Bank and the South Dakota Housing Development Authority may be potential sources to contribute to the fund. In some communities, recaptured grant funds have also been used to create a loan pool. Huron – New Housing Construction New Housing Construction Findings: Huron has experienced significant single family owner-occupied housing construction. According to City records, from 1999 to 2012, 236 single family were constructed in Huron, which is an average of nearly 17 housing units per year. The peak years for new construction were 2005 when 31 houses were constructed and in 2005 when 22 units were constructed. Although there were peak years, new single family construction has been relatively stable over the past 14 years in Huron. Some additional attached units, such as twin homes or town houses were also built for owner-occupancy but the exact number of these units cannot be determined from annual reports. The attractiveness of the area, the City’s status as a regional center, the City’s amenities and its job creation, should result in the continued construction of new homes annually. Also, there are many attractive residential lot options available for new home construction. Overall household projections for Huron and Beadle County indicate good demand for owner-occupied housing construction. Substantial household growth is anticipated through 2015 among households in the age ranges between 55 and 74 years old. Beadle County is projected to gain 282 to 332 households in the 55 to 74 age ranges from 2010 to 2015. Households in these age ranges tend to be predominantly home owners, and form a market for higher priced, trade-up housing and low maintenance housing such as town homes and twin homes. The number of households in the 35 to 44 year old ranges is also expected to grow through 2015. Many of the households in these age ranges are first time home buyers. However, there is projected to be a loss of 228 to 280 households in the 45 to 54 age range. It is our opinion that if the city, local housing agencies and developers are proactive, 30 to 35 owner-occupied housing units should be constructed in Huron annually over the next five years from 2013 to 2018 to address demand. Our projection for single family housing starts includes homes built in new subdivisions and on infill lots, and includes single family attached housing units, such as twin homes and town houses. The breakdown of our projection of 30 to 35 new owner-occupied housing units annually over the next five years is as follows: - Higher & median price homes: 12-13 homes - Affordable homes: 8-9 homes - Homes on infill lots: 4-5 homes - Twin homes/town homes: 6-8 units - Total: 30-35 units 8. Monitor lot availability and development Findings: As part of this Study, we attempted to identify the inventory of available residential lots for single family housing construction in the City of Huron. Currently, there are approximately 180 lots available in newer subdivisions in Huron. The available inventory includes lots that are currently buildable, as well as lots in the advanced planning stages that could be available for the next construction season. Two subdivisions have had financial problems, which currently limits the availability of lots in these subdivisions. However, we are assuming the financial and legal issues will be resolved and these lots will be available. There are also several miscellaneous infill lots scattered around the city that we did not attempt to count. We also do not know the availability of some of these infill lots. Also, we are promoting the acquisition and demolition of dilapidated houses. Some of the cleared lots may be sites for new construction. Recommendation: We use a standard that a $2\frac{1}{2}$ year supply of lots should be available in the marketplace based on annual lot usage. With projections that 30 to 35 new owner-occupied housing units will be constructed per year, the City should have approximately 75 to 88 residential lots available to meet the expected demand. Part of this demand would be for attached unit construction. With approximately 180 available lots, plus infill lots, the City currently has an adequate number of lots. However, the City should continue to monitor the number of lots that are available to assure there is an adequate number on an ongoing basis and that lots are available for homes in all price ranges. 9. Develop a 14-lot to 16-lot affordable subdivision Findings: Although there is an adequate number of lots available for new home construction over the next several years, lots for new affordable housing are limited. A cluster of lots for governors’ homes, modular homes and modest stick-built homes does not exist in Huron. We are estimating a demand for the construction of eight to nine affordable homes annually in Huron. James Valley Housing, Inc., has constructed 15 homes over the past three years and has a goal to construct 10 affordable homes annually. Recommendation: We are recommending the development of a 14-lot to 16-lot affordable subdivision. The subdivision should include the following: - The subdivision and infrastructure should be planned and developed to accommodate future phases, if land is available. - Total prices should be affordable for low and moderate income households. - The subdivision must be as aesthetically acceptable as possible. - The subdivision should accommodate a variety of home designs. - Financing programs for households should be provided, such as down payment assistance and low interest mortgage programs. - Major employers should be involved in the financing and publicity. - To be successful, the homes must be available to as wide an income range as possible. - A successful subdivision will need the cooperation of local housing agencies, funding agencies, and the City of Huron. We are recommending that a subdivision is developed immediately, in conjunction with the improving economy and the need for lots. We are estimating a four to five-year lot absorption time frame. It may be necessary for the City of Huron, James Valley Housing, Inc., or the Greater Huron Development Corporation to assist a developer, partner with a developer, or to be the developer of a subdivision. Also, if a cluster of lots is available in an existing subdivision for affordable homes, that would be an alternative option to developing a new subdivision. 10. Promote townhouse and twin home development Findings: Huron has experienced limited owner-occupied attached housing development from 1999 to 2012. Many communities over the past decade have seen attached housing take an increasingly large share of new construction. In cities the size of Huron, 30% to 40% of the housing starts are typically twin homes/townhomes. Over the past 14 years, approximately 13% of the owner-occupied housing units constructed in Huron have been attached units such as twin homes/townhomes. Attached housing provides desirable alternatives for empty nesters and seniors to move out of their single family homes, thus, making traditional single family homes available for families. It is estimated that the 55 to 74 age ranges will increase by 282 to 332 households in Beadle County from 2010 to 2015. It is important for the City to offer a range of life-cycle housing options as many of these households will be seeking to downsize into low maintenance housing options. Recommendation: It is our projection that approximately six to eight of Huron’s new owner single family units per year should be twin homes or town houses over the next five years, which is an approximate total of 30 to 40 units during the five-year period. It should be noted that twin home/town home development has been impacted by the downturn in the housing economy, and full recovery of this segment of the market may not occur until later in the five-year time period. We recommend a twin home/town home development and for the development to be successful, the following should be considered: - Senior friendly home designs - Maintenance, lawn care, snow removal, etc. all covered by an Association - Cluster development of a significant number of homes which provides security - Homes at a price that is acceptable to the market The public sector’s role in any owner-occupancy attached housing development may be limited, as the private sector can often meet this housing need if a demand exists. The city’s role should include assuring that adequate land is available for development and that zoning allows for attached housing development. 11. Coordinate with agencies/nonprofits that develop affordable housing Findings: With the difficulty of producing new housing units that are affordable to lower income people, it is important to take advantage of opportunities presented by housing agencies, nonprofit groups and organizations. James Valley Housing, Inc., has constructed 15 affordable homes in Huron over the past three years. There is also a Habitat for Humanity Chapter in Huron. Other local and regional housing agencies and nonprofits may also have the capacity to construct affordable housing in Huron. These sources can help generate new homes for lower income families in Huron. Recommendation: We recommend that the City continue its cooperation with housing agencies and nonprofit organizations that help to produce housing units for lower income ownership. The City may be able to contribute to the project through land donations, TIF, grant writing, or project coordination activities. Additionally, the City should work with James Valley Housing, Inc., other housing agencies and area builders to market Governors homes. 12. Develop home ownership and new construction marketing programs Findings: With the downturn in the housing economy, the competition among cities for households looking to buy or build a home has been greater than past years. Also, some cities have an excess inventory of residential lots, homes for sale, vacant homes and homes in foreclosure. Additionally, households are evaluating the appropriate timing to buy or build a home. As the economy improves, cities that invest in marketing have an advantage. Opportunities to buy or construct a home are sometimes limited because of the lack of information and awareness of financing and incentive programs, homes, lots on the market, local builders, etc. This is especially evident for new households moving into the area. The home buying/home building process can be very intimidating for first-time buyers and builders. It is important for the home buying or home building process to be user-friendly. Recommendation: We recommend the creation of additional marketing materials that describe housing opportunities and financing/assistance programs that are available in Huron. Buying a lot, selecting a builder, obtaining financing and constructing or purchasing a home can be an intimidating process. Often households have not been through this process and do not know where to begin or how to proceed. Pertinent and up-to-date information will encourage and assist households with constructing a home or finding a suitable move-up home. It is recommended that this information be shared with area employers. Human Resources Departments are often willing to provide this information to new hires and as part of recruitment materials. Another possibility for promoting ownership options is to organize a Housing Fair that educates and informs the public on lots, builders, finance programs, etc. The Housing Fair should include developers, builders, lenders, realtors, public agencies, local businesses, etc. Local employers should be contacted to assess their interest and possible participation in the event. These marketing programs do not have to be “city” projects but could possibly be developed by a local civic organization, or the private sector. Huron - Housing Rehabilitation Housing Rehabilitation Findings: Huron and Alpena each have an asset in their existing housing stock. Existing units, both now and into the future, will represent the majority of the affordable housing opportunities. Existing units generally sell at a discount to their replacement value. Units that are not maintained and improved may slip into disrepair and be lost from the housing stock. Efforts and investment in housing rehabilitation activities will be critical to offering affordable housing opportunities and in preventing the deterioration of existing neighborhoods. Housing options for households will largely be met by the existing, more affordable housing stock. As this existing stock ages, more maintenance and repair are required. Without rehabilitation assistance, the affordable stock will shrink, creating an even more difficult affordability situation. The following specific recommendations are made to address the housing rehabilitation needs. 13. Promote rental housing rehabilitation programs Findings: Based on 2010 U.S. Census data, the City of Huron currently has approximately 2,477 rental units and the City of Alpena has 35 rental units. These rental units are in multi-family projects, small rental buildings, duplexes, single family homes and mobile homes. Many of these rental structures could benefit from rehabilitation as many of the rental structures are more than 30 years old and some rental units are in poor condition. The rehabilitation of older rental units can be one of the most effective ways to produce decent, safe and sanitary affordable housing. However, it is often difficult for rental property owners to rehabilitate and maintain their rental properties while keeping the rents affordable for the tenants. Recommendation: Huron, Alpena and local housing agencies should seek funds that can be dedicated to the rehabilitation of rental units. For a rental rehabilitation program to be workable and successful, the funds should to the extent possible, allow for program design flexibility. Potential funding sources include USDA Rural Development, the Federal Home Loan Bank, the South Dakota Housing Development Authority, and local funds. 14. Promote owner-occupied housing rehabilitation programs Findings: The affordability of the existing housing stock in Huron and Alpena will continue to be the major attraction for families that are seeking housing in the area. Investment in owner-occupied housing rehabilitation activities will be critical to offering affordable housing opportunities. Our Huron housing condition survey rated the 776 single family homes in four of the city’s oldest neighborhoods. Our survey found that 240 homes need minor repairs and 292 homes need major repairs. Our Alpena housing condition survey of the 111 single family homes identified 29 homes that need minor repair and 35 homes that need major repairs. Without rehabilitation assistance, there is the potential that the affordable housing stock will shrink in Huron and Alpena. James Valley Housing, Inc., is currently accessing housing rehabilitation programs to assist area households with the rehabilitation of their homes. Grow South Dakota is currently administering the Weatherization Program in the Huron area. Recommendation: We recommend that Huron, Alpena and James Valley Housing, Inc., continue to seek local, state and federal funds to assist in financing housing rehabilitation. USDA Rural Development, the South Dakota Housing Development Authority and the Federal Home Loan Bank, are potential funding sources. Currently, Grow South Dakota and Homes are Possible, Inc., are working with James Valley Housing, Inc., to implement owner-occupied housing rehabilitation programs. Households that meet program requirements are eligible for a deferred loan to rehabilitate their homes. Deferred loans do not have to be paid back if the household lives in the rehabilitated home for a stipulated amount of time after the rehabilitation is completed. We encourage Huron area households to continue to utilize these programs. 15. Develop a Neighborhood Revitalization Program Findings: The City of Huron has several neighborhoods that are on the bubble. These neighborhoods have a significant number of homes that need rehabilitation and a significant number of low/moderate income households. These neighborhoods also have vacant and dilapidated homes. The neighborhoods could deteriorate, or could be revitalized to be strong vital neighborhoods. Recommendation: We recommend that the City of Huron, local housing agencies, and the private housing sector select a neighborhood and develop and implement a Neighborhood Revitalization Program. Redevelopment strategies and opportunities should be identified for the Neighborhood including: - A plan for each parcel in the neighborhood - Owner-occupied rehabilitation - Rental Rehabilitation - Demolition of dilapidated structures - Infill new construction including single family homes and attached housing - Land pooling for larger town home and attached housing projects - Purchase/Rehabilitation Programs that rehabilitate homes and provide home ownership for low/moderate income households - Public projects (streets, utilities, parks, etc.) - Possible rezoning, variances and/or replatting to make areas and parcels more desirable for redevelopment - Programs that encourage energy conservation - Other projects identified through the planning process The Neighborhood Revitalization Plan should include time lines, the identification of a responsible city department or housing agency, funding sources, etc. The program should be evaluated on an ongoing basis as opportunities and potential projects may change priorities. It must be noted that neighborhood revitalization can result in the loss of affordable housing. Redevelopment projects, infill construction and other affordable housing projects in the community should assure that there are overall net gains in the affordable housing stock. After a neighborhood is revitalized, a new neighborhood can be selected for future targeted efforts. 16. Develop and implement a Rental Inspection Program Findings: A Rental Inspection Program can be a valuable tool in improving the quality of the City’s rental housing and assuring safe and sanitary housing. In 2010, there were 2,477 licensed rental units in the City of Huron, many that are more than 25 years old. Neighborhood deterioration, lower property values and unsafe rental units are often prevented when a Rental Inspection Program is successfully implemented. It is our understanding that the City of Huron is currently considering the implementation of a Rental Inspection Program. The need for an ongoing Rental Inspection Program includes the following: Health and Safety - There is a need to provide tenants with safe, sanitary, and standard living conditions and to eliminate life threatening hazards. Age of Housing Stock - Much of the existing rental housing stock is more than 25 years old. - Older housing needs continued rehabilitation and maintenance. - Older housing often has difficulty complying with current codes. Conversions - Many of the rental buildings were originally constructed for uses other than rental housing such as owner-occupied single family homes and commercial use buildings. In conversion, owners often do the work themselves and may have inadequate or faulty mechanical, electrical, plumbing, and heating systems. Also, constructing an apartment in the basement often results in a lack of natural lighting, ventilation and proper access and egress. Trends of Conversions - Many of today’s buyers want more amenities and conveniences, and less maintenance, thus, they are less likely to purchase older homes. Also, there has been an increase in foreclosures. These issues result in the continuation of converting old homes to rental units and magnify the problem. Maintenance Efforts - A large number of landlords are providing standard housing and reinvesting in their rental properties. However, some landlords do not maintain their buildings. Ongoing maintenance is necessary for older housing as buildings with continued deferred maintenance become unsafe and substandard. High Number of Landlords - Huron has a significant number of rental property owners. Many of these landlords do an excellent job; however, some absentee landlords do not reinvest in their properties, and create a need for the program. Neighborhood Stabilization - Rental units need to be maintained to keep the integrity of the neighborhood and stabilize property values. Deferred maintenance, and such things as parked junk cars, trash and debris all have a negative impact on residential neighborhoods. Zoning and Codes - Illegal apartments such as inappropriately constructed basement apartments may be unsafe and a violation of zoning regulations. Coordination - A Rental Inspection Program provides a record of rental units and owners. - The program provides a better opportunity for coordination of city programs and codes. - The program assures that rental units comply with minimum housing standards. Recommendation: We recommend the development and implementation of a Rental Inspection Program to assure that all rental units in Huron comply with housing laws and codes. The Program assures that Huron rental units are safe and sanitary, thus, removing blighted and unsafe conditions. 17. Develop a Purchase/Rehabilitation Program Findings: Huron and Alpena have a large stock of older, lower valued homes, many of which need repairs. Our analysis of recent sales activity indicates that many of the homes in Huron and nearly all of the homes in Alpena are valued under $75,000. As some lower valued homes come up for sale, they may not be attractive options for potential home buyers because of the amount of repair work that is required. Some communities with a stock of older homes that need rehabilitation have developed a purchase/rehabilitation program. Under a purchase/rehabilitation program, the City or a housing agency purchases an existing home that needs rehabilitation, rehabilitates the home, sells the home to a low/moderate income family and provides a mortgage with no down payment, no interest and a monthly payment that is affordable for the family. In many cases, the cost of acquisition and rehab will exceed the house’s after-rehab value, thus, a subsidy is needed. Although a public subsidy may be involved, the cost to rehab and sell an existing housing unit is generally lower than the subsidy required to provide an equally affordable unit through new construction. Recommendation: We recommend that Huron and Alpena work with a housing agency to develop and implement a purchase/rehab program. Attitudinal surveys that we have conducted in other cities have found that purchase/rehabilitation programs are appealing to people who are currently renting their housing. In some similar sized communities, a large majority of survey respondents who were renters indicated an interest in buying a home in need of repair if rehabilitation assistance was available. A purchase/rehabilitation program achieves several goals. The program encourages home ownership, prevents substandard homes from becoming rental properties and rehabilitates homes that are currently substandard. Because a purchase/rehabilitation program can be expensive and its cost effectiveness in some cases may be marginal, it may be advantageous in some cases to directly assist low and moderate income households with purchasing and rehabilitating homes. Local housing agencies and financial institutions could offer some rehabilitation assistance in conjunction with first-time home buyer programs to make the City’s older housing a more attractive option for potential home buyers. Also, USDA Rural Development provides purchase/rehabilitation loans to low and moderate income buyers. Huron – Other Housing Initiatives 18. Continue employer involvement in housing programs Findings: The City of Huron has several large employers and Alpena has one large employer. The connection between economic development and housing availability has become an increasingly important issue as low area unemployment rates dictate the need to attract new workers into the community, many of whom are immigrants from other countries. Although the jobs being created may have good wages for the area, many jobs do not pay wages sufficient for workers to buy or improve their housing. Housing for new employees is a concern for employers. Dakota Provisions has been very active in housing activities. The company was instrumental in the creation of James Valley Housing, Inc., and in the development of the Pheasant Run tax credit rental housing project. The South Dakota Housing Development Authority has developed an employer participation program, known as the Employer Mortgage Assistance Program (EMAP). There are a number of participating employers around the State. This program can assist employees of participating companies with home ownership assistance. Recommendation: We recommend the ongoing effort to involve employers as partners in addressing Huron and Alpena’s housing needs. Several funding sources have finance programs that include employers. Additionally, the funding agencies often view funding applications favorably that include employers in the problem solving process. Employer involvement can include direct assistance to their employees such as a grant, loan, forgivable loan, deferred loan, down payment assistance, loan guarantee, etc. In many cases, employers do not wish to provide assistance to specific employees, but are willing to contribute to an overall city project. 19. Acquire and demolish dilapidated structures Findings: Our housing condition survey of four Huron neighborhoods identified 120 homes that are dilapidated and too deteriorated to rehabilitate. We also identified 292 homes as needing major repair (several of these homes may be too dilapidated to rehabilitate upon a more detailed inspection). There are also homes in other Huron neighborhoods that are dilapidated and beyond repair. Additionally, according to the 2010 U.S. Census, there were approximately 589 homes were vacant in Huron in 2010. There is the threat that these homes may deteriorate to the point of being beyond repair. We identified 25 homes in Alpena that are dilapidated and 35 homes that need major repairs. There were also 10 vacant homes in Alpena at the time of the 2010 Census. Recommendation: We recommend that Huron and Alpena continue to demolish severely dilapidated structures. The communities are enhanced when blighted and dilapidated structures are removed. Also, some of the cleared lots can possibly be utilized for the construction of new affordable housing units. Additionally, the demolition of dilapidated rental structures will upgrade the communities’ rental housing stock. Huron, Alpena and local housing agencies should work with Beadle County to acquire and demolish tax forfeited properties that are dilapidated and beyond repair. ### 20. Develop a City of Huron New Construction Housing Incentive Program Findings: Several cities have developed an incentive program to promote new single family housing development. The City of Huron has residential lots available for new home construction. An incentive program may encourage households to construct a home in Huron. Recommendation: We recommend that the City consider a New Construction Incentive Program to promote new housing construction. Incentives to households that construct a home could include: - Reduced lot prices (offsets provided by the City/HRA/James Valley Housing, Inc.) - Free water and sewer for a period of time - Real estate tax abatement - Permit fee waived - Discounts at area businesses 21. Develop mobile home park improvement programs Findings: The City of Huron has a significant inventory of mobile homes and manufactured housing. According to the American Community Survey estimates there were 230 mobile homes in the City in 2011. This represented nearly 4% of all housing options in Huron, and 5.5% of the single family housing options in the community. The American Community Survey also estimated that more than 70 of the City’s mobile homes were constructed before 1980, and are more than 30 years old. The analysts do recognize that there can be significant variation in the quality and condition between individual mobile home parks. Some of the manufactured home neighborhoods may contain newer units that are in good condition. Recommendation: Addressing the issues created by substandard mobile homes is not easily solved. Some communities have rehabilitated older units, but this is difficult to accomplish because of the type of construction of mobile homes, and it is rarely cost effective. Some communities have established programs that provide for the purchase and removal of substandard mobile home units, provided a newer unit is purchased to replace the acquired dwelling. While this approach can work well in upgrading the stock, it can be expensive, especially if there are a large number of homes in poor condition. With a concentration of mobile home units in several mobile home parks in the community, it may be appropriate for the City to initiate additional programs to improve the quality of mobile homes, even if these programs can only address a few units per year. Some of the innovative programs that have been used in other communities to address mobile home conditions and mobile home park issues include: - Operation Safe Mobile Home Park - Owners of substandard mobile homes are given the option of voluntarily selling their substandard mobile home to the City or a local housing agency for a fixed minimum price. The mobile homes are then removed from the park and demolished/salvaged. The owner can then use the funds from the sale to help purchase a new home. Mobile home dealerships have sometimes participated by buying the salvaged homes. Time of Sale Inspection Program - This inspection program is designed to provide safe living conditions through the identification and elimination of basic life/safety hazards in older mobile homes. Mobile homes are subject to inspection prior to their sale. All identified safety hazards must be corrected before the unit is sold and/or occupied. It is our understanding that Huron does inspect mobile homes prior to a sale. Cooperative/Land Trust - Some mobile home parks have created a cooperative or a land trust which enables the home owners to own the mobile home park land and facilities. This ownership often creates pride which results in a clean, safe park atmosphere. Acquisition of the Mobile Home Park - In some cases, a mobile home park may have a significant number of mobile homes that are vacant or dilapidated and/or have a high percentage of vacant pads. In these situations, it may be advantageous to purchase the park and relocate the remaining tenants. Also, the park may be on land that has a better use. 22. Create a plan and continue coordination among housing agencies Findings: Huron and Alpena need staff resources to plan and implement many of the housing recommendations advanced in this Study. The communities have access to the Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority, James Valley Housing, Inc., Homes are Possible, Inc., Grow South Dakota, USDA Rural Development and the South Dakota Housing Development Authority. These agencies all have experience with housing and community development programs. Recommendation: Huron and Alpena are fortunate to have access to several agencies that can address housing needs. It is our recommendation that the communities work with the housing agencies to prioritize the recommendations of this Study and to develop a plan to comprehensively address the communities’ housing needs. The plan should include strategies, time lines and the responsibilities of each agency. While there has traditionally been a degree of staff interaction between these agencies, it will be important that a coordinated approach be used to prioritize and assign responsibility for housing programs. This approach will reduce duplication, provide coordination and cooperation among agencies and will effectively utilize scarce resources. It will also be important for the communities to look for opportunities to work cooperatively with other area cities to address housing issues. With limited staff capacity, cooperative efforts may be the only way to accomplish certain projects. Cooperative efforts will not only make housing projects more practical, but they will often be more cost-effective and competitive. 23. Address Racial and Ethnic Minority Population Housing Issues Introduction: These findings and recommendations provide updated information on the housing needs of Huron’s and Alpena’s racial and ethnic minority population. Huron’s racial and ethnic minority populations have continued to increase at a substantial rate and there are concerns regarding the racial and ethnic minority population’s ability to obtain affordable, safe and sanitary housing. Findings: The following information is provided in this Section: - Population and household data, school enrollment, employment - Driving forces behind the growth of the minority population - Problems and barriers in securing housing - Strategies in securing housing Population and household data - The City of Huron’s racial and ethnic minority population has grown significantly from 2000 to 2010. The largest racial and ethnic minority populations in Huron are the Asian/Pacific Islander population, the Hispanic/Latino population and the population identified as Other Race/Two or More Races. The population and household growth of these racial and ethnic populations from 2000 to 2010 are as follows: \| Population \| 2000 \| 2010 \| % Change 2000-2010 \| \|-----------------------------\|------\|--------\|--------------------\| \| Asian/Pacific Islander \| 53 \| 635 \| 1,098.1% \| \| Latino/Hispanic \| 143 \| 1,234 \| 769.2% \| \| Other Race/Two or More Races\| 165 \| 735 \| 345.5% \| \| Households \| 2000 \| 2010 \| % Change 2000-2010 \| \|-----------------------------\|------\|--------\|--------------------\| \| Asian/Pacific Islander \| 25 \| 138 \| 452.0% \| \| Latino/Hispanic \| 49 \| 375 \| 665.3% \| \| Other Race/Two or More Races\| 45 \| 192 \| 326.7% \| Local agencies and employers estimate that in 2013, there are approximately 1,600 to 1,800 Karens in the Huron area. School Enrollment - In 2012, the Huron Public School total enrollment was 2,236. Of this total, there were 321 Hispanic/Latino students and 496 Asian students. The Hispanic/Latino students and the Asian students represented approximately 36% of the total school enrollment. Employment - Dakota Provisions and Jack Links Beef Jerky are the largest employers of racial and ethnic minority individuals. However, the minority population continues to diversify and are working for several major employers in the Huron area. Additionally, data indicates that racial and ethnic minority individuals are working in the service industry (clerks, waiters, etc.). Also, several minority-owned businesses have opened in the Huron area over the past several years. Driving Forces Behind the Growth of the Racial and Ethnic Minority Population We identified the major reasons for the continued growth of the racial and ethnic minority population in the Huron area. These reasons include: - Jobs - Jobs continue to be the major reason why racial and ethnic minority individuals locate in the Huron area. Dakota Provisions and Jack Links Beef Jerky are the major employers of minority individuals, however, minority individuals are employed throughout the community and in surrounding communities. - Housing Availability - Although the supply of affordable housing is a problem, the Huron area does have a supply of affordable rental units and affordable housing opportunities do exist. - Existing racial and ethnic minority populations - There are significant Hispanic/Latino and Asian populations in the Huron area. Refugee, immigrant and minority individuals and families are more comfortable locating in a community that already has minority populations as the existing residents provide a support system, information, services, etc. - Embracing diversity/support services - Although some problems exist, Huron and Alpena and their major employers have embraced diversity. Also, Huron has support services and organizations that assist racial and ethnic minority populations. Housing Problems and Barriers Housing barriers were identified that impact racial and ethnic minority households. These barriers include: - Same barriers as other low income households - A significant percentage of racial/ethnic minority households are low income and experience the same barriers as many non-minority households, in finding affordable, standard housing. - Communication - Some racial/ethnic minority individuals cannot speak English which causes communication problems when searching for housing. - Cultural differences - The racial/ethnic minority households have cultural differences, which can conflict with generally accepted standards. For example, the number of people per unit may be acceptable to a minority household, but is considered overcrowding by city housing codes. - Transportation - Transportation is a problem because some racial/ethnic minority individuals do not have vehicles or a driver’s license. - Deposit/Down payment - Many racial/ethnic minority individuals do not have the savings to pay a rent deposit or to make a down payment. - Discrimination - In some cities, there are isolated cases of discrimination by landlords against minority households. Although discrimination does exist, minority households are also denied housing for legitimate reasons such as no credit, no references, etc. - Screening process - Some landlords have a screening process that includes credit checks, criminal background checks, reference requirements, employment requirements, etc. Ethnic and racial minority households often have additional hurdles in that some minority households have no established credit, have no references, may not have proper documentation to be in the country, etc. - Lack of large apartments - Some ethnic/racial minority households have large families that require three, four or five bedroom units. Large apartments are in short supply and are not meeting the demand. Overcrowding – With the lack of affordable housing and some racial/ethnic minority households that are ‘Hard to House’ for the reasons stated in this section, some households are forced to double-up which causes an overcrowded, often unhealthy living environment. Rent Burden – According to the 2010 Census, approximately 31% of the renter households in Huron are paying more than 30% of their income for housing. This is considered a rent burden. It is assumed that some of the households are minority households. Low rates of home ownership – According to the Census, home ownership rates among racial and ethnic minority households are lower than white households. The home ownership rates in 2010 were: - White - 63.7% - Black - 25.5% - Hispanic - 18.1% - Asian - 37.7% - Native American - 12.5% - Other Races/Two or More Races - 19.3% Strategies in Securing Housing Listed below is information on strategies that have been identified to address the housing needs of the racial and ethnic minority population. - Recognizing the impact the ethnic and racial minority population has on the housing market - To address the needs of the ethnic and racial minority population, it must be recognized the impact the minority population has on the overall needs of the communities. Often the minority population is low income, younger in age, need larger units based on family size and are often refugees or immigrants from distant locations. - Employer Involvement - Employer involvement in housing continues to be essential. Dakota Provisions has been very active in housing issues. Employers should continue to be encouraged to take an active role in housing initiatives that address the housing needs of the minority population. - Homeowner and Renter Education Programs - One of the major barriers for the racial and ethnic minority population is the lack of information on how to purchase or rent a home. Currently, Lutheran Social Services is offering renter classes and James Valley Housing, Inc., is offering home ownership classes. - Financial institutions - The financial institutions play a vital role in the ethnic and racial minority population’s opportunity to own a home. Financial institutions should be encouraged to continue to hire minority employees to assist the minority population. - Enforce housing and anti-discrimination laws - Anti-discrimination laws assure that minority populations are protected from discrimination. - Develop three, four and five-bedroom rental units - Large minority households have difficulty finding a rental unit large enough for their families. The need exists to develop rental units with three, four and five bedrooms. The Pheasant Run rental project was recently developed, which has 19 three-bedroom units. - Community education - The City of Huron, housing agencies, schools, the media and employers should continue to educate the community at every opportunity about diversity and the ethnic and racial minority populations. Education usually results in more tolerance and understanding. Conversely, the minority population must continue to educate themselves about the Huron area and continue to integrate into the community. - English-speaking classes - English-speaking classes are offered and ethnic and racial minority individuals should continue to take advantage of these classes. - Training & Education - Employers should continue to provide training and minority individuals should take advantage of this training and also seek other education. Training and education usually results in a better job which means a higher income. A higher income can solve many problems including housing needs. - Work with landlords that provide housing for the minority populations - A number of landlords are providing housing for the ethnic and racial minority populations. The City or local housing agency should meet and communicate with these landlords to address their concerns and determine how the City can work with the landlords to better address the minority population’s housing needs. - Study Recommendations - Finally, it should be noted that all of the recommendations included in this study also pertain to the minority populations. Agencies and Resources The following local, regional and state agencies administer programs or provide funds for housing programs and projects: Huron Housing and Redevelopment Authority PO Box 283 255 Iowa Avenue SE Huron, SD 57350 (605) 352-1520 Contact: Barbara Cook James Valley Housing, Inc. 145 3rd Street SW Huron, SD 57350 (605) 554-0181 Contact: Larry Koral Greater Huron Development Corporation 1705 Dakota Avenue South Huron, SD 57350 (605) 352-0363 Contact: Barry Cranston Grow South Dakota (also known as NESDCAP/NESDEC) 104 Ash Street East Sisseton, SD 57262 (605) 698-7654 Contact: Marcia Erickson Homes are Possible, Inc. (HAPI) 318 South Main Street Aberdeen, SD 57401 (605) 225-4274 Contact: Jeff Mitchell, Executive Director USDA Rural Development 1717 North Lincoln Avenue Pierre, SD 57501 (605) 224-8870, Ext. 4 Contact: Clark Guthmiller, Area Specialist South Dakota Housing Development Authority 3060 East Elizabeth Street Pierre, SD 57501 (605) 773-3181 Contact: Mark Lauseng, Executive Director	<urn:uuid:4190eca0-bd5c-432e-88a6-25651990c226>	CC-MAIN-2022-27	http://www.huronsd.com/assets/file-manager/Moving-to-Huron/Housing-Study-Huron-2013-Final-v2-2.pdf	2022-06-29T04:29:48+00:00	crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103620968.33/warc/CC-MAIN-20220629024217-20220629054217-00344.warc.gz	91,181,236	39,984	eng_Latn	eng_Latn	0.98932	eng_Latn	0.998399	[ "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "unknown", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn", "eng_Latn"...	false	rolmOCR	[ 191, 696, 2453, 3041, 5087, 6425, 8460, 10126, 11297, 13558, 14292, 16177, 17013, 17935, 19252, 20669, 23154, 24671, 26534, 27860, 28656, 30394, 31958, 33966, 34354, 36147, 38248, 38860, 41249, 43145, 45602, 48083, 49404, 50303, 52364, 54042, 5...	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