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http://www.politicalaffairs.net/anne-braden-the-south-s-rebel-without-a-pause/
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Anne Braden: The South's rebel without a pause
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Regarding southern white resistance to white supremacy, the story of Anne Braden is perhaps one of the most important contemporary depictions of it all. In fact, with respect to activism overall in the South, it was in 2005 and 2006 that we in the South lost three giants in the civil rights movement who knew each other and whose life's work intersected. First we lost Rosa Parks in October 2005, then Coretta Scott King in January 2006, and on March 6, 2006 Anne Braden died in Louisville, Kentucky at the age of 81. Her biographer Cate Fosl has wisely said about Anne, "Hers has been among the most forceful and persistent of white voices for racial equality in modern U.S. history." Fosl's "Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and The Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South" is an invaluable history of our Southern civil rights movement.
Upon meeting Anne in 1957, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. said that she was "the most amazing white woman" for her dedication to civil rights. I recall in the interview by CSPAN's Brian Lamb of Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), shortly before he died, Toure mentioning the importance of Anne's work in the 1960's. When Anne and her husband Carl were being maligned as communists during the height of the 1960's the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham fame told us at a gathering in the 1990's that in no way would he or did he abandon Anne. Cries of "communism", he said, were always the ploy in an attempt to destabilize effective work for justice.
One of the many newspaper clippings about Anne at her funeral in Louisville described her in bold print as "A Rebel Without a Pause." That was Anne to be sure. The fact is, she never shied away from anything that would advance justice in the South and she never let anyone else pause either. This defiance on her part was always on the surface and always expressed. In the 1950's she and her husband Carl joined the staff of the civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). As a journalist, Anne wrote for SCEF's newspaper the "Southern Patriot". In a revealing 1962 "Southern Patriot" article entitled "Don't Waste a Stamp" Anne addressed potential funders of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Many across the country were concerned about the increasing violence in the south and wanted to encourage these young activists to leave. Anne wrote:
While I was in Southwest Georgia, one of the two cars used by the student registration workers broke down. They managed to get it fixed, but the prospects were dim.
And even two cars as not enough - not for 10 or more students to canvass over three counties and planning soon to expand into more. Food these students can sometimes manage without. Cars are essential.
Thinking of their situation, you probably feel like writing them a letter urging them to get out of Georgia before they are killed. But I tell you this would be a waste of a stamp. They won't leave. So instead, why not use your stamp to send a check to help buy another car?
Students in Mississippi have the same problem. One SNCC field secretary told me he is assigned to cover a 45 square-mile area populated by 28,000 Negroes. And he has no car at all. So sometimes he travels by mule, literally" (1962, Southern Patriot)..
Like hundreds of white and black activists throughout the South and the country, I am honored to acknowledge that I am one of her "white" step-children. Anne seemed to have her fingers on the pulse of activism throughout the entire South. She called upon countless numbers of us on a consistent basis to help her on a project or someone else in the region that needed assistance
Sometimes we didn't know what was happening behind the scenes. Only the week after she died did I discover, after a phone call from Nick Mottern in New York, that it was Anne who advised national organizers of the Africa Peace Tour that I organize the tour in the southeast in the 1987. Organizing the tour in seven states helped me considerably in subsequent work against apartheid and learning more about the southern region and its activists. Anne knew this would happen of course! Then she would draw upon those contacts and expertise for intensification and expansion of the work. I remember in the 1980's when I was in an Atlanta hospital for a major operation, just out of the recovery room, and the phone rings. It was Anne. Somehow she tracked me down from Louisville. Anne said "Heather, you're just out of the operating room? I'm so sorry but I need this important information." So, while I could hardly hold on to the phone, for some 30 minutes we talked about an upcoming major demonstration in the South to address the horrors of white supremacy. But that was Anne. None of us who worked with her would even think about not helping her with whatever she needed. I would venture to say that most of us felt honored that she even thought to call us for advice or information.
I was also fortunate to serve on the board of the "Southern Organizing Committee for Racial and Economic Justice" (SOC) that Anne co-chaired along with Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth. The organization was one of the few that provided the opportunity for us to think and act regionally and to make the essential connections of the myriad of issues we faced. From the 1980's and on the meetings were always filled with a diversity of black, white and eventually Latino activists in the region.
We would sit for hours in New Orleans, Montgomery or Birmingham to strategize on various issues, activities and mistakes we've made then and in the past. We would also listen, learn and occasionally join in while the legendary leaders in our midst discussed and analyzed the dynamics of white supremacy, racial politics generally and labor challenges in the South. Anne was never without offering a lengthy epistle about anything until the wee hours of the night along with her ever present cigarettes! These sessions were often both grueling and enlightening. They were not only a history lesson but also a socialization process into the tactics of southern civil rights activism and Anne understood the importance of this. She wanted to pass this information on to all of us and to keep the momentum going at every conceivable juncture. The meetings were a roll call of southern leaders and activists the likes of Reverend C.T. Vivian, Jack O'Dell, Gwen Patton, Virginia Durr, Reverend Fred Taylor, Reverend James Orange, Connie Tucker, John Zippert, Jackie Ward, Reverend Ben Chavis, Charlie Orrock, Ann Romaine, Damu Smith, Jim Dunn, Judy Hand, Scott Douglas, Ron Chisholm, Spiver Gordon, Pat Bryant, Tirso Moreno and countless others.
I remember a few years ago when Anne was to receive yet another award - this time from the Fund for Southern Communities. We watched as the small, frail, yet powerful Anne walked to the front of the crowded Sisters Chapel at Spelman College in Atlanta to receive the award. In what was vintage Anne, she told the crowd that while she appreciated the award it surprises her that she would be acknowledged in this way and that she always expects, instead, to get arrested!
Anne was not unlike many white southern women and men in the civil rights movement who were essentially kicked out of their family when they declared their commitment to racial justice. She told me once that however painful the loss of family might be, the experience of battling white supremacy can be liberating. She said a few years ago that once we as whites have wrenched ourselves as much as possible from the horrible burden and shackles of white supremacy, we are finally free.
But Anne also insisted, of course, that the responsibility of whites goes far beyond "examining our souls". In a January/February 2006 Fellowship of Reconciliation article, entitled "Finding Another America" she expressed that in a practical sense relatively little, if any, progress toward justice in America could be made until racism is confronted. She said, "It is certainly true that our society faces many life-and-death issues. But we can't deal effectively with any of these problems until we mount an aggressive offense against racism. This is not only morally right; it's a practical matter. As long as our society can dump its problems on people of color it will not seek or find real solutions." In a discussion she and I once had about the South African Freedom Charter and whether we need something like that in the United States, I remember her saying that we already have in place much that is not adhered to. She said "There's nothing wrong for example, with the 'U.S. Bill of Rights' - we just need to implement what it says." This was typical Anne who appropriately acknowledged that the U.S. has much rhetoric about justice along with official documents to that effect, that, given it's white supremacist orientation, is simply not applied.
After her death in 2006, the following brief and informative encapsulation of Anne's history was provided by the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and the Carl Braden Memorial Center.
"Braden catapulted into national headlines in mid-1954 when she and her husband Carl Braden were indicted for sedition for their leadership in desegregating a Louisville, Kentucky suburb. Their purchase of a house in an all-white neighborhood on behalf of African Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade violated Louisville's color line and provoked violence against both families, culminating with the dynamiting of the house in June of 1964. A subsequent grand jury investigation concentrated not on the neighborhood's harassment of the Wades, but looked to the Braden's supposedly communistic intentions in backing the purchase, and they were indicted for sedition that Fall. The couple's sedition case made national news and earned them the ire of segregationists across the South, which was reeling from the U.S. Supreme Court's condemnation of school segregation in its Brown ruling earlier that Spring. Only Carl was convicted, and that conviction was later overturned. The sedition charges left the Bradens pariahs, branded as radicals and "reds' in the Cold-War South, and they became fierce civil libertarians who openly espoused left-wing social critiques but would never either embrace nor disavow the Communist Party publicly because they felt that to do so accepted the terms of the 1950's anti-communist "witch hunts."
Anne Braden's memoir of the case, "The Wall Between", was published in 1958, becoming one of the few accounts of its era to probe the psychology of white southern racism from within. Their case also introduced the Bradens to the civil rights movement blossoming farther south, in which white allies were few and far between.
The Bradens soon joined the staff of a regional civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), and began traveling the region to solicit greater white support for the movement. As the 1960s dawned, Anne Braden became a mentor and role model to younger southern students who joined the movement a role she maintained for the rest of her life. Although she was suspect in some circles, Braden publicized and supported the student sit-ins in the pages of SCEF's Southern Patriot newspaper, which she edited, and she encouraged a broader vision of social change that would include peace and justice. She was also instrumental in Louisville's Open Housing movement in the later sixties, and among the leading white voices who helped to bring peace to the turbulent second generation of school desegregation, in which busing brought open violence to Louisville and other cities in the mid-1970's.
After Carl Braden's untimely death in 1975, Anne Braden remained a central proponent of racial justice in Louisville and across the South, eventually evolving from pariah to heroine. Braden's primary message was the centrality of racism in the U.S. social fabric, but she constantly stressed that civil rights activism was as much whites' responsibility as it was that of people of color.
In speeches delivered in the nearly six decades of her activism, Braden would frequently reflect on her odyssey from segregationist youth to anti-racist advocate: a process she called "turning myself inside out." Reared in a middle class, pro-segregation family, Braden changed as a young reporter covering the emerging civil rights movement in 1947 Alabama, where she had observed two separate and unequal systems of justice meted out in the Birmingham courthouse. She subsequently left the supposed neutrality of mainstream journalism to apply her considerable journalistic talents to the aid of African Americans in their quest to end segregation. Her efforts against southern racism, her friend and fellow activist Angela Davis reflected, "enabled vast and often spectacular social changes, that most of her contemporaries during the 1950s would never have been able to imagine."
The documentation about Anne Braden's remarkable activism is revealed in the 2012 film appropriately entitled "Anne Braden: The Southern Patriot".
HEATHER GRAY is the producer of "Just Peace" on WRFG-Atlanta 89.3 FM covering local, regional, national and international news. She lives in Atlanta, Georgia and can be reached at hmcgray@earthlink.net.
Photo: Anne Braden Wikipedia
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https://www.wyso.org/local-and-statewide-news/2021-10-25/remembering-civil-rights-advocate-anne-braden
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en
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Rediscovered Radio Encore: Remembering civil rights advocate Anne Braden
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2021-10-25T00:00:00
|
In this encore edition of Rediscovered Radio, we have a story about a white Kentucky woman named Ann McCarty Braden who fought racism in this country for more than sixty years.In the early 1980s, Braden visited Ohio, and Rediscovered Radio producer Jocelyn Robinson found an interview with her in the WYSO Audio Archives.
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WYSO
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https://www.wyso.org/local-and-statewide-news/2021-10-25/remembering-civil-rights-advocate-anne-braden
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In this encore edition of Rediscovered Radio, we have a story about a white Kentucky woman named Ann McCarty Braden who fought racism in this country for more than sixty years.
In the early 1980s, Braden visited Ohio, and Rediscovered Radio producer Jocelyn Robinson found an interview with her in the WYSO Audio Archives.
In 1983 Ronald Reagan was in the White House, the economy was still reeling from recession, and the Cold War was intensifying. 20 years had passed since Reverend Martin Luther King Jr’s historic “I Have a Dream” speech. Civil rights activist Anne Braden came to Yellow Springs on behalf of the anniversary March on Washington for Jobs Peace and Freedom, planned for August 27th.
"The concept, I think, behind the way this march developed was that the vision of a humane and moral society that was projected by the civil rights movement needed to be lifted up before this country again to address several basic issues," said Braden in a 1983 interview with WYSO.
"There’s the question of the effort to turn back the clock on civil rights which has been going on we think since the late 60s and early 70s, it did not start with Reagan, people began to try to turn that clock back, and it’s been consolidated under Reagan, so that you’ve really got people trying to push us back a hundred years in the field of human rights. The economy is falling apart and people don’t have jobs and people are hungry and so forth, and that we’re standing on the brink of nuclear destruction, and all those things come together because the whole concept of white domination and racism that permeates our society, also permeates our foreign policy. We’ve got people running the country that think white people are supposed to run the world."
Who was this woman who spoke so directly to racial justice and white people’s roles in the struggle? She was radical. Sixty years ago, Anne Braden and her husband Carl were tried for sedition after buying a home for a black family in an all white Louisville suburb.
"Anne Braden is probably best known in American history for being named as one of only of six white southerners that Dr. King called by name in his 1963 Letter from the Birmingham Jail as a white ally on whom he could rely," says Dr. Cate Fosl, Braden's biographer and Director of the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville.
"There were not so many in that generation, born in the 1920s, raised during the Depression, came of age during World War II and in the case of Anne Braden, really sort of made a break with her background and really joined her life to the cause of the struggle against racial segregation and the struggle for civil rights and human rights."
Back in ’83, it was coalition-building with a local human rights organization that brought Braden to Yellow Springs. Help Us Make A Nation, better known as HUMAN, was founded by Jim Dunn, a sociology professor at Antioch College in the 1970s. Diana Dunn, Jim’s widow, continues this work through the People’s Institute for Survival and Beyond, based in New Orleans. She remembers Anne Braden’s influence as key.
"There were not a lot of whites who understood race or racism, and I didn’t have support in the white community. I was working mostly with black people at that time. And I desperately needed white people who understood race and racism and was very fortunate that I met Anne Braden early on, and she definitely became my mentor," says Dunn.
Yellow Springs resident Mike Miller was also there when Anne Braden came to join forces with HUMAN. A Vietnam vet and Antioch graduate who majored in community organizing, Miller spoke to the continued need for anti-racist, human rights work.
"It’s very comfortable for a lot of people to say that all that racism stuff got fixed in the 50's or the 60's or the 70's or whenever, but it’s not fixed at all. All you have to do is just pay attention and see what color people are who are most disenfranchised. And that’s all, that’s all it takes. If you pay attention to that, there’s no question, there’s no mystery. What can you do? There’s so much you can do. I can make a difference. I can do it because I feel empowered. I think that’s what Anne Braden was so good at, in her homespun Braden way, able to just speak truthfully and honestly and get people to go home thinking, you know, I can make a difference.”
Anne Braden passed away in 2006 at age 81.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anne_Braden
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This article is about the activist. For the Flobots song named after her, see Fight with Tools. For the author and elocutionist, see Anna Braden.
American civil rights activist, journalist, and educator (1924–2006)
External videos "Anne Braden: Southern Patriot", California Newsreel A Riveting Biography of a Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden – Civil Rights (2003)
Anne McCarty Braden (July 28, 1924 – March 6, 2006) was an American civil rights activist, journalist, and educator dedicated to the cause of racial equality.[1] She and her husband bought a suburban house for an African American couple during Jim Crow. White neighbors burned crosses and bombed the house. During McCarthyism, Anne was charged with sedition. She wrote and organized for the southern civil rights movement before violations became national news. Anne was among nation's most outspoken white anti-racist activists, organizing across racial divides in environmental, women's, and anti-nuclear movements.
Background
[edit]
Born in Louisville, Kentucky, on July 28, 1924, to Gambrell N. McCarty & Anita D. (Crabbe) McCarty and raised in rigidly segregated Anniston, Alabama, Braden grew up in a white, middle-class family that accepted southern racial mores wholeheartedly.[2] A devout Episcopalian, Braden was bothered by racial segregation, but never questioned it until her college years at Randolph-Macon Woman's College in Lynchburg, Virginia. As she grew older she experienced what has been framed as a "racial conversion narrative",[3] "a conversion of almost religious intensity" "turning myself inside out and upside down".[4] The experience that so affected her, in 1946, was witnessing a march of black veterans to the Birmingham courthouse, led by Louis Burnham of the Southern Negro Youth Congress, demanding the right to vote; with Braden covering the story as a reporter for the Birmingham News.[5]
After working on newspapers in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama, Anne Braden returned to Kentucky as a young adult to write for The Louisville Times. She became a supporter of the Civil Rights Movement at a time when it was unpopular among southern whites.
Either you find a way to oppose the evil, or the evil becomes part of you and you are a part of it, and it winds itself around your soul like the arms of an octopus... If I did not oppose it, I was... responsible for its sins.
— Anne Braden[4]
While working at The Louisville Times, Anne met fellow newspaperman Carl Braden, a left-wing trade unionist. The couple married in 1948. Both were deeply involved in the civil rights cause and the subsequent social movements it prompted from the 1960s to the 1970s.[citation needed]
Career
[edit]
Early activism
[edit]
In 1948, Anne and Carl Braden immersed themselves in Henry Wallace's run on the Progressive Party for the presidency. Soon after Wallace's defeat, they left mainstream journalism to apply their writing talents to the interracial left wing of the labor movement through the FE (Farm and Equipment Workers) Union, representing Louisville's International Harvester employees.[6]
Even as the postwar labor movement splintered and grew less militant, civil rights causes heated up. In 1950, Anne Braden spearheaded a hospital desegregation drive in Kentucky. She endured her first arrest in 1951 when she led a delegation of southern white women organized by the Civil Rights Congress to Mississippi to protest the execution of Willie McGee, an African American man convicted of the rape of a white woman, Willette Hawkins.[6]
Wade case
[edit]
In 1954, Andrew and Charlotte Wade, an African American couple who knew the Bradens through association, approached them with a proposal that would drastically alter all lives involved.[2] Like many other Americans after World War II, the Wades wanted to buy a house in a suburban neighborhood. Because of Jim Crow housing practices, the Wades had been unsuccessful for months in their quest to purchase a home on their own. The Bradens, not wavering in their support for African American civil rights, agreed to purchase the home for the Wades.[6]
On May 15, 1954, Wade and his wife spent their first night in their new home in the Louisville suburb of Shively, Kentucky. Upon discovering that black people had moved in, white neighbors burned a cross in front of the house, shot out windows, and condemned the Bradens for buying it on the Wades' behalf. The Wades moved in two days before the U.S. Supreme Court's landmark condemnation of public schools' racial segregation policy in Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas. Six weeks later, amid constant community tensions, the Wades' new house was dynamited one evening while they were out.[6]
While Vernon Bown (an associate of the Wades and the Bradens) was indicted for the bombing, the actual bombers were never sought nor brought to trial. McCarthyism affected the ordeal. Instead of addressing the segregationists' violence, the investigators alleged that the Bradens and others helping the Wades were affiliated with the Communist Party, and made that the main subject of concern. White supremacists who were pro-segregation at the time charged that these alleged Communists had engineered the bombing to provide a cause célèbre and fund-raising opportunity, but this was never proven.[7]
Nonetheless, in October 1954, Anne and Carl Braden and five other whites were charged with sedition.[7] After a sensationalized trial, Carl Braden—the perceived ringleader—was convicted of sedition and sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment. As Anne and the other defendants awaited a similar fate, Carl served eight months, but got out on $40,000 bond after a U.S. Supreme Court decision (Pennsylvania v. Nelson in 1956) invalidated state sedition laws (Steven Nelson had been arrested under the Pennsylvania Sedition Law but the federal Smith Act superseded it). All charges were dropped against Braden, but the Wades moved to the traditionally black west Louisville.[8]
Southern Conference Educational Fund
[edit]
Blacklisted from local employment, the Bradens took jobs as field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), a small, New Orleans-based civil rights organization whose mission was to solicit white southern support for the beleaguered southern civil rights movement.[2] In the years before southern civil rights violations made national news, the Bradens developed their own media, both through SCEF's monthly newspaper, The Southern Patriot, and through numerous pamphlets and press releases publicizing major civil rights campaigns.
Her 1958 book The Wall Between[7] helped place the Bradens among the civil rights movement's most dedicated white allies.
Anne Braden and her husband Carl were two of the most hated people of the 1950s and 1960s by the powers-that-were in the American south. As whites of impeccable southern credentials, they gave lie to the myth that all southern whites opposed the civil rights movement—and that drove the racists wild.—David Nolan[9]
Carl Braden died suddenly of a heart attack on February 18, 1975. After Carl's death, Anne Braden remained among the nation's most outspoken white anti-racist activists. She instigated the formation of a new regional multiracial organization, the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOC), which initiated battles against environmental racism. She became an instrumental voice in the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition of the 1980s and in the two Jesse Jackson presidential campaigns, as well as organizing across racial divides in the new environmental, women's, and anti-nuclear movements that sprang up in that decade.
In 1977, Braden became an associate of the Women's Institute for Freedom of the Press (WIFP).[10] WIFP is an American nonprofit publishing organization. The organization works to increase communication between women and connect the public with forms of women-based media.
In 2005, she joined Louisville antiwar demonstrations in a wheelchair.[11] She cofounded the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and continued involvement in local activism addressing modern concerns of police brutality, environmental racism, and LGBT rights.[11]
Personal life and death
[edit]
In 1948, she married fellow newspaperman Carl Braden, a left-wing trade unionist.[12]
The Bradens had three children: James, a Rhodes Scholar and a 1980 graduate of Harvard Law School where he was editor of the Harvard Law Review;[13] Anita, born in 1953, who died of a pulmonary disorder at age 11, and Elizabeth, born in 1960, who has worked as a teacher in many countries around the world, serving as of 2006 in that capacity in rural Ethiopia.[citation needed]
Anne Braden died on March 6, 2006, at Jewish Hospital in Louisville[14] and was buried at Eminence Cemetery in Eminence, Kentucky. Only three days earlier, she had completed a proposal for a local activist summer camp.[11] She was remembered by many in the civil rights movement, including Ira Grupper, Dorie Ladner, David Nolan, Efia Nwangaza, and Gwendolyn Patton.[15]
Awards
[edit]
Braden received the American Civil Liberties Union's first Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty in 1990 for her contributions to civil liberties.[16] As she aged, her activism focused more on Louisville, where she remained a leader in anti-racist drives and taught social justice history classes at University of Louisville and Northern Kentucky University.[17]
Legacy
[edit]
After her death, the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research was established at the University of Louisville in November 2006 and was officially opened on April 4, 2007. The institute focuses on social justice globally, but concentrates on the southern United States and the Louisville area.[18]
The alternative hip hop group Flobots paid tribute with the song "Anne Braden" on their 2007 album Fight With Tools. The track includes several audio samples of Anne Braden, describing her life and thoughts on race in her own words.[19]
Works
[edit]
In 1958 Anne wrote The Wall Between, a memoir of their sedition case.[7] One of the few books of its time to unpack the psychology of white southern racism from within, it was praised by human rights leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr. and Eleanor Roosevelt, and became a runner-up for the National Book Award.
From the 1980s into the 2000s, Braden wrote for Southern Exposure, Southern Changes, and the National Guardian and Fellowship.
Braden, Anne (1958). The wall between. New York: Monthly Review Press.
Braden, Anne (1964). House Un-American Activities Committee: Bulwark of Segregation. Los Angeles, California: National Committee to Abolish the House Un-American Activities Committee.[20]
Braden, Anne (1981). "Preface". In Reed, David (ed.). Education for building a people's movement. Boston, MA: South End Press.
Braden, Anne (June 30, 1965). "The Southern Freedom Movement in Perspective". Monthly Review. 17 (3): 1. doi:10.14452/MR-017-03-1965-07_1.
Anne Braden : Southern Patriot (1924-2006) Directed by Anne Lewis and Mimi Pickering; Peter Pearce - camera; Dirk Powell - score; Appalshop Film & Video,; California Newsreel (Firm). San Francisco, Calif. : California Newsreel, [2012].
Archives
[edit]
Anne Braden papers, 1920s–2006, University of Louisville Libraries
Braden (Anne McCarty) papers, 1920s–2006 1970s–2006 at the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center
Carl and Anne Braden papers at the University of Kentucky Special Collections Research Center
Anne Braden Oral History Project, Louie B. Nunn Center for Oral History, University of Kentucky Libraries, Lexington, Kentucky
Anne Braden papers, The Civil Rights History Project: Survey of Collections and Repositories, Library of Congress
Southern Conference Educational Fund Records, L1991-13, Southern Labor Archives. Special Collections and Archives, Georgia State University, Atlanta, Georgia
SNCC Digital Gateway: Anne Braden, Documentary website created by the SNCC Legacy Project and Duke University, telling the story of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee & grassroots organizing from the inside-out
See also
[edit]
History of Louisville, Kentucky
List of people from the Louisville metropolitan area
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Civil Rights Struggle, 1954/Wades: Open Housing Pioneers
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Historical Marker #2254 in Louisville notes the location of the Wade home, which was bombed in the summer of 1954 after an African American family attempted to live in an all-white neighborhood.
By the early 1950s, Louisville had integrated much of its public places. Unfortunately, however, equal housing opportunities were not as progressive or successful. One case that made national headlines provides an example of how reactionary some white Louisvillians were to racial change.
The family...
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Text
Historical Marker #2254 in Louisville notes the location of the Wade home, which was bombed in the summer of 1954 after an African American family attempted to live in an all-white neighborhood.
By the early 1950s, Louisville had integrated much of its public places. Unfortunately, however, equal housing opportunities were not as progressive or successful. One case that made national headlines provides an example of how reactionary some white Louisvillians were to racial change.
The family of Andrew Wade, an African American Korean War veteran, benefitted from the friendship and assistance of Anne and Carl Braden when they sought to purchase a home in Louisville. The white Bradens were committed to racial integration and equal opportunity. The idea was for the Bradens to purchase the house since they were white and then transfer the title to the Wades. Finally a home was selected and purchased in a traditionally-white section of the city.
When the Wades moved into the home in May 1954, a neighborhood furor erupted. The home was shot at and a cross was burned in the yard. This incident coincided with the Supreme Court’s decision in the "Brown v. the Board of Education" case. This landmark decision, handed down just two days after the Wades moved in, sought to integrate the nation’s public schools "with all deliberate speed." This decision only added to the racial tension in Louisville.
The situation deteriorated further when, on June 27, the house was bombed. Some thought it was planned by the Bradens as part of communist plot. That theory proved powerful when the Bradens and several others were indicted on criminal conspiracy charges. Carl Braden was tried and convicted under a state sedition law. He served seven months before the state revoked the law he was convicted under. Charges against Braden and the others indicted were dropped in 1956.
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Anne & Carl Braden - SNCC Digital Gateway
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The Bradens had a tumultuous history of fighting for racial justice in the South that gained them respect in SNCC.
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SNCC Digital Gateway
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https://snccdigital.org/people/anne-carl-braden/
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Anne & Carl Braden
Anne Braden: July 28, 1924 – March 6, 2006
Raised in Anniston, Alabama
Carl Braden: June 24, 1914 – February 8, 1975
Raised in Louisville, Kentucky
The sit-in movement spread like wildfire throughout the South in early 1960, including Louisville, Kentucky, where Anne and Carl Braden were celebrating the birth of their third child. Anne saw the student activism as “the beginning of a new day” and a refreshing departure from the legalism that tended to dominate the Movement during the forties and fifties. Though a new mother, she spent as much time as she could corresponding with her movement friends, including Ella Baker, whom the Bradens had befriended in Birmingham during the 1950s.
The Bradens had a tumultuous history of fighting for racial justice in the South that gained them respect in SNCC. Both were white southerners but of divergent backgrounds and dispositions. Carl was raised in a blue-collar, socialist-minded family and had spent time as a union organizer and labor reporter before working at the Louisville Times. Anne described Carl as “ruggedly individualistic;” he was known for his confrontational style and directness of speech. Anne on other hand was raised in a middle-class family from Anniston, Alabama and went to school at Randolph-Macon College in Danville, Virginia. She worked as a newspaper reporter in Anniston and Birmingham before she too joined the Louisville Times staff in 1947. The two married in 1948 and became a team dedicated to racial and economic justice in the South. Anne described her time with the Times as a transformative experience as she was exposed to an undercurrent of political dissent in Louisville. As she covered news in the city’s Black community and labor circles, she “came to identify with the oppressed instead of the oppressor, which transformed [her] entire worldview.” She began the process of “turning herself inside out” and with that came an unfaltering dedication to Black Freedom Struggle.
In 1954, just before the Brown vs. Board decision, the Bradens bought a house in an all-white Louisville suburb for Black World War II veteran Andrew Wade and his young family. The Wades had been trying to buy a house for months but were consistently denied because of race. They sought and gained the Bradens’ help. The Black couple’s occupancy of the house was immediately met with violence of all sorts. Whites threw rocks through the front windows, shot into the house, and burned a cross on their property. The South End Savings and Loans demanded foreclosure on the mortgage loan for the house. In this era of red-baiting, the purchase was called a Communist plot, and the two Bradens were charged with sedition under a World War I-era statute. Carl was sentenced to eight months in prison.
The couple struggled to find work without success after the sedition case until they joined the staff of Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF) in 1957. Carl and Anne acted as joint field workers, supporting civil rights movements in Birmingham, Mississippi, Tennessee, and other places in the South. The couple also worked hard to drum up white civil rights activism. SCEF was one of the few white organizations attempting to organize across racial lines.
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Anne Braden Knocked Down the Walls Between Us – Women's eNews
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May 10, 1954: Anne Braden Buys a House and Brings Down the Sky
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Women's eNews
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(WOMENSENEWS)–
She was an educated white Southerner well schooled in traditional ladyhood who saw her privilege as a prison.
Anne Braden’s working-class husband, Carl, was, like her, a newspaper reporter in Louisville, Ky. By 1954, the Bradens, six years married with one child, were a team working for social justice in a very inhospitable place and time. The South was frozen in legal racial segregation and any attempts at change were smeared as Communist-inspired, inflaming white supremacists even more. So it was no small act of courage for Anne and Carl to say yes when Andre Wade IV, a black veteran of World War II, came looking for white people to front his purchase of a house in a “restricted” area.
Reprisals were swift and violent. Wade’s family faced a vicious campaign that included a rock thrown through a window bearing a note with “Nigger, get out,” a cross-burning and dynamite. The ruse uncovered, the Bradens were hauled into court as “subversives,” charged with sedition. Whatever her political ideas were before this event, the trial that September propelled Anne Braden into lifelong activism. The focus of the case slipped away from racially segregated housing or violence against the Wade family toward what the Bradens read and the organizations they belonged to.
She resisted vehemently, attacking the court’s right to inquire into such private issues and making the first of many stands for civil liberties. In her deeply sexist society she wrote later, “The woman was considered not as dangerous”; only Carl got jail time when they were convicted. He served seven months of his 15-year sentence, but the legal wrangling continued for years until the law was overturned.
“The Wall Between,” Anne’s political memoir about the Wade case, was nominated for a National Book Award in 1958.
She never wrote another book, but as years passed, her journalistic gifts were put to use editing a church-sponsored magazine where a rising civil rights movement ignored by mainstream media was chronicled. A close friend of Martin Luther King Jr. and organizer Ella Baker, she witnessed the field plowed by a few in the 1950s become a mass movement in the 1960s. Refusing to be chased from her Louisville home, she lived with danger and threats, shunned by her neighbors, criticized by her family.
In 1975 Carl died, but the small-framed, gray-haired 50-year-old kept going strong, a fixture and a feature at every rally for every good cause, from strip mining to gay rights, for three more decades. She died in March this year.
Louise Bernikow is the author of seven books and numerous magazine articles. She travels to campuses and community groups with a lecture and slide show about activism called “The Shoulders We Stand On: Women as Agents of Change.” She can be reached at louise@womensenews.org.
Women’s eNews welcomes your comments. E-mail us at editors@womensenews.org.
KET–
“Living the Story: The Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky”:
http://www.ket.org/civilrights/bio_braden.htm
Democracy Now–
“Activists Detail Voter Intimidation History”:
http://archive.webactive.com/webactive/pacifica/demnow/dn981103.html
Common Dreams–
Anne Braden, Longtime Activist for Civil Rights, Racial Tolerance Dies:
http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/0308-01.htm
Note: Women’s eNews is not responsible for the content of external Internet sites and the contents of Web pages we link to may change without notice.
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Carl Braden Memorial Center, Inc., Upcoming Events in
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Check out the event calendar for Carl Braden Memorial Center, Inc. in Louisville, along with artist, ticket and venue information, photos, videos, and address.
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Collection: Anne McCarty Braden papers
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Anne McCarty was born on July 28, 1924, in Louisville, Kentucky, but spent most of her childhood in rigidly-segregated Anniston, Alabama, raised by middle-class parents who were firm believers in racial hierarchy. A devout Episcopalian, she studied literature and journalism at a Virginia women's college, then worked as a newspaper reporter in postwar Alabama, where she was repelled by its blatantly discriminatory justice system. Returning to the border city of her birth, she joined the staff of the Louisville Times in 1947. Covering civil rights causes and meeting radical reformers for the first time, she experienced a dramatic political transformation. She met and in 1948 married fellow newspaperman and labor editor Carl Braden, a leftist trade unionist. Becoming an activist team, the Bradens left mainstream journalism to apply their writing talents to the interracial left wing of Louisville's labor movement.
The Bradens may have remained local activists had it not been for their agreeing in 1954 to the request of an African American friend, Andrew Wade, that they act as "fronts" for his family to purchase a home in Louisville's segregated suburbs. When the Wades moved in, white neighbors burned a cross in front of the new house, shot out windows, and condemned the Bradens for buying it. Six weeks later, the Wades' new home was dynamited. This act of housing desegregation turned into a local variation of the anticommunist hysteria known nationally as "McCarthyism." The investigation shifted from segregationist violence to the alleged Communist Party affiliations of those who had supported the Wades. In October 1954 Anne and Carl Braden and five other whites were charged with sedition, and Carl Braden, as the perceived ringleader, was sentenced to 15 years in prison. Anne was never tried and the conviction was later overturned, but the Wades lost their home and never saw its bombers prosecuted. The Bradens were left penniless and reviled regionally as "reds."
Blacklisted locally, they took jobs in 1957 as field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), a New Orleans-based civil rights organization whose mission was to solicit white southern support for the African American freedom movement. For 16 years, Anne Braden edited SCEF's monthly newspaper, The Southern Patriot, also publicizing civil rights campaigns through press releases and articles for other small journals. Although their radical politics marginalized them among many of their own generation, the Bradens were reclaimed by younger activists of the 1960s as civil libertarians who connected racism to war and poverty. After her husband's death in 1975, Anne Braden remained until her own death on March 6, 2006, among the U.S.'s most outspoken white anti-racist activists and writers.
Her 1958 memoir of her sedition case, The Wall Between, was one of the few books of its time to unpack the psychology of white southern racism from within. A runner-up for the National Book Award soon after its release, it resulted in her becoming one of only six white writers commended by Rev. Martin Luther King Junior in his 1963 "Letter from Birmingham Jail" as anti-segregationists. Persisting in spite of her radical reputation, Braden was later instrumental in organizing across racial divides in the new environmental and anti-nuclear movements that sprang up in the 1970s-80s. Her widely-reproduced "Letter to White Southern Women" cautioned the women's liberation movement to act against racism. In 1990--no longer a pariah-- she received the first-ever Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty from the American Civil Liberties Union.
In the final decade of her life, her activism centered more on Louisville, mainly through the Kentucky Alliance against Racism and Political Repression. After 1996 she also taught social justice history classes at Northern Kentucky University and, in the final three years of her life, at the University of Louisville. Anne Braden died on March 6, 2006.
-- Catherine Fosl - Director, Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research
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HISTORICAL MARKERS, (page 1) – Page 1000
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(PLAY VIDEO) The historical marker for Emma Guy Cromwell (#2167) is located at 122 West State St., Frankfort, Kentucky. The first woman in Kentucky elected to statewide office, Cromwell was elected Sec. of state in 1923. She held many political positions during a long career. Chosen state librarian in 1896 by legislature; was elected treasurer in 1927. Served as dir. of state parks, dir. of archives & state librarian. A political pioneer, Cromwell encouraged women to follow her in “bla[ing] a trail for a new day for women when they can stand side by side with men in governing our great country.” She called Simpson, Allen, and Warren counties “home” but lived her adult life in Frankfort, where she died, July 19,1952. READ MORE AND SEE A MAP LOCATING THE EMMA GUY CROMWELL MARKER.
(PLAY VIDEO) The historical marker for Mary Elliott Flanery (#2136) is located at 2716 Panola St. in Catlettsburg, Kentucky. The first woman elected to Kentucky legislature, 1921. Mary E. Flanery elected to House of Representatives from Boyd County. She had worked for woman suffrage; was concerned with marriage and divorce laws and educational reform. At her death, 1933, a bronze marker was placed at her seat, No. 40, in house chamber. See over. Presented by The Democratic Woman’s Club of Ky. Mary Elliott Flanery – Mary E. Flanery was a journalist, suffragist, and politician. Born 1867 in Carter Co. (now Elliott Co.), she wrote for Ashland Daily Independent, 1904-26; also taught in Elliott and Carter counties. Chosen in 1924 as delegate to the Democratic National Convention, New York City. In addition to public life, she and her husband reared five children. Buried at Ashland Cemetery.
The historical marker for Mary Ingles (#163) is located at Silver Grove, KY 8 at Oak St. in Campbell County, Kentucky. Said to have been first white woman in Kentucky. Captured by Indians in Virginia, July 1755, and taken to Ohio. Later she escaped a salt-making party at Big Bone Lick and made her way across the Kentucky wilderness back to Virginia.
(PLAY VIDEO) The historical marker for Anna Mac Clarke (#1970) is located on the courthouse lawn in Lawrenceburg, Kentucky. This Lawrenceburg native was one of the first black women in Kentucky to enlist during World War II. She joined Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps in 1942, and was commissioned a 1st Lieutenant the next year in newly named Women’s Army Corps. While stationed at Douglas Air Field, Arizona, she led fight to desegregate base theater. Presented by Kentucky African American Heritage Commission. Anna Mac Clarke (1919-44) – A 1937 graduate of Lawrenceburg’s Colored High School, Clarke earned B.A. from Ky. State College. After army enlistment, she became only African American in 15th Officer Training Class at Ft. Des Moines, Iowa. In 1943, she was first black WAAC assigned to duty with an all-white company as platoon commander (4th Co., 3rd Regt.). Buried Woodlawn Hills Cem., Stringtown.
The historical marker for Enid Yandell (#2133) is located at Jct. 2100 Eastern Parkway & 1400 Cherokee Rd., Louisville, Kentucky. Challenged the role of women in the art world as a renowned sculptor. Born 1869 in Louisville and graduated Cinn. Art Acad. in 1889. Gained prominence sculpting caryatids for Woman’s Building at 1893 World’s Columbian Exposition in Chicago. In 1897, the Tennessee Centennial Exposition chose her to sculpt a 25′ Athena in Nashville. Presented by Ky. Foundation for Women and Enid: Generations of Women Sculptors. Renowned Woman Sculptor – Enid Yandell established studios in N.Y. and Paris. Studied with Rodin and MacMonnies. Inducted into National Sculpture Society in 1899 as one of first women members. She founded Branstock summer art school in Edgartown, Mass. Two noted works in Louisville: Daniel Boone Monument and Hogan’s Fountain. Buried in Cave Hill Cem. Presented by the families of David Yandell Wood and Ian Yandell Henderson.
Historical Marker #1872 in Richmond at Big Hill Avenue recognizes the work of Frances E. Beauchamp, an advocate for prohibition. This Madison Co. native spearheaded the antiliquor crusade in Ky. and was a leading figure in temperance movement nationwide. A protegee of famed Frances E. Willard, Beauchamp lectured on dry cause throughout the country. Among other causes she championed were prison reform and woman suffrage. Prohibition Advocate – Frances Beauchamp was preeminent leader of dry cause in Kentucky. Pres. of Ky. Women’s Christian Temperance Union from 1895 until her death in 1923. She served ten years as chairman of state Prohibition party at a time when women were denied the vote. Largely through Beauchamp’s efforts, a prohibition amendment to Kentucky constitution was adopted in 1919. READ MORE & SEE A MAP LOCATING THE MARKER OF FRANCES E. BEAUCHAMP.
The historical marker for Lucy Furman (#870) is located at Powell Street, Henderson, Kentucky US 41. Author, lecturer, Lucy Furman depicted life of Kentucky mountain people with dignity in books, serials. Born 1870, by age 23 she had been acclaimed for stories in literary magazines. First book in 1897. She worked and taught at Hindman Settlement School, Knott County, Ky., 1907-27. Continued writing. Death, 1958. Books include The Quare Women and The Glass Window.
The historical marker for Jennie C. Benedict (#2142) is located west side of 4th St. between Chestnut and Muhammad Ali, Louisville. Noted chef, caterer, and author was born 1860 in Louisville. She began her career in 1893 and in 1900 opened Benedict’s restaurant and tearoom on South 4th Street. Entrepreneur Benedict was invited to join Louisville Board of Trade, 1903. Best known as creator of “benedictine,” a sandwich spread that remains a Kentucky food specialty. A founder of Louisville’s Business Women’s Club by 1899; published Blue Ribbon Cookbook 1902. As social reformer for women and the poor, Benedict collaborated with Jennie Casseday in founding King’s Daughters & Sons Training School for Nurses at City Hospital; and an infirmary for women.
(PLAY VIDEO) The historical marker for Laura Clay (#1800) is located 9 miles north of Richmond at White Hall, off US 25. Woman’s rights leader, born here, was pres. of Kentucky Equal Rights Association (1888-1912). Daughter of Cassius Marcellus Clay, Laura won coeducational, property, and joint guardianship rights for Kentucky women and held key positions in National American Woman Suffrage Association. Her associates included Susan B. Anthony. Woman suffrage gained by 19th Amendment, 1920. Laura Clay is buried in Lexington. READ MORE & SEE A MAP LOCATING THE LAURA CLAY MARKER.
Born on Jefferson Street in Louisville, Alice Virginia Coffin was one of seven founders of P.E.O., an international philanthropic and educational organization for women. It began as a sorority at the Iowa Wesleyan College, 1869; owns Cottey College in Missouri, and provides monetary assistance for education of women. Miss Coffin designed the P.E.O. seal. Presented by Ky. P.E.O. Chapters. The house is located on Jefferson St., between Preston & Floyd Streets in Louisville. Click here to see a biographical sketch about Ms. Coffin published in 1940.
In 1894, a group of local women established the House of Mercy on this site to provide a home for single pregnant women. In 1921 the home became affiliated with Florence Crittenton Homes, founded by Charles Crittenton in memory of his daughter, Florence, for the purpose of helping women in need. For 118 years, the Florence Crittenton Home helped countless women and girls. Essential social & medical services were provided, with aid from staff, donors, volunteers, schools, churches, hospitals, and government funding. The home closed in 2013. The historical marker is located at 519 W. 4th St., Lexington.
(PLAY VIDEO) Thelma Stovall – Political Life, written by Amy Roe. Historical Marker #2170 in Shelby County recognizes the political achievements of Thelma Stovall, who became the first woman to be elected lieutenant governor of Kentucky in 1975. Stovall was a female pioneer in southern politics. She began her long career serving in the Kentucky House of Representatives, where she served three terms. She was elected secretary of state in 1956, 1964, and 1972, and served as state treasurer in 1960 and 1968. She held those two offices continuously for five consecutive terms, from 1956 to 1975. This practice was known at the time as “musical chairs” office holding, since Kentucky’s constitution prohibited any statewide official from serving consecutive terms in the same office. As secretary of state, Stovall held the third-ranking political office in Kentucky. In 1959, she took advantage of this position while the governor and lieutenant governor were both out of state. NOTE: There are two markers for Thelma Stovall with one representing her political life and another representing her personal life.
READ MORE ABOUT THELMA’S POLITICAL LIFE AND SEE A MAP LOCATING THIS MARKER AT THIS LINK.
READ MORE ABOUT THELMA’S PERSONAL LIFE AND LOCATE THAT MARKER AT THIS LINK.
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https://spectrumnews1.com/ky/louisville/news/2021/03/07/women-s-history-month--the-legacy-of-civil-and-human-rights-activist-anne-braden-
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Remembering the Legacy of Civil and Human Rights Activist Anne Braden
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She was recognized by Martin Luther King Jr. for her work in his 1963 "Letter from a Birmingham Jail."
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https://spectrumnews1.com/ky/louisville/news/2021/03/07/women-s-history-month--the-legacy-of-civil-and-human-rights-activist-anne-braden-
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LOUISVILLE, Ky. â Anne Braden was a Southern white woman ahead of her time who fought for civil rights for over 50 years.
What You Need To Know
Kentuckians remember Anne Braden, a Louisville-born civil and human rights activist
Braden reported for The Louisville Times in her early 20s, which helped drive her toward activism
A pivitol moment for Braden was when she was asked to buy the home of a Black family targeted by their neighbors
MLK Jr. recognized Braden in his "Letter from a Birmingham Jail"
âShe wanted to bring white people together so white people could understand the struggle of Black people,â said Mattie Jones, a longtime civil rights activist based in Louisville, who calls Braden her best friend.
âHer strength. I remember till this day Anneâs strength,â Jones said.
Braden was born in Louisville on July 28, 1924, but she was raised in Alabama in a middle-class Southern family.
âAnd although her family wasnât extreme by the standards of their day in any way, they were completely in line with what most white Southerners thought, you know, that was not her way ever again,â said Cate Fosl, who wrote Bradenâs biography âSubversive Southernerâ and founded the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville.
Fosl said part of what drove Braden toward civil rights activism was when she came to Louisville in her early 20s to report for The Louisville Times.
âAnd being assigned to cover education and covering the Lyman Johnson suit to desegregate UK, and interviewing Lyman Johnson, and getting to know African-Americans as people,â Fosl said impacted Bradenâs views.
At The Louisville Times, Anne met labor reporter Carl Braden, who she married in 1948. Fosl said there was alchemy to their relationship.
âHe brought more the working class, labor, organized ordinary people fighting poverty consciousness, and she brought a very profound belief that the way to do that was to work on racism,â Fosl explained.
Already actively involved in civil rights for years, a pivotal moment came for the Bradens in 1954 when they were asked to buy a house in Shively, Ky., a newly developed white suburb, on behalf of the Wade family, a Black family.
âIt was just something the Bradenâs always thought they should do, that they should assist in that way. It wasnât a big campaign at all. It was almost something they were doing out of their back pocket, but it quickly became a big deal,â Fosl said.
According to a historical marker on the homeâs street, Andrew and Charlotte Wade moved in on May 15, 1954, two days before the Supreme Court decided on Brown v. Board of Education, ruling that racial segregation of children in public schools was unconstitutional.
Neighbors burned a cross in the yard and six weeks later, the Wadeâs house was dynamited. Fosl said the Bradens and five other white people who supported the Wades were arrested and charged with sedition, and Carlâs case went to trial.
âI mean, it looked like their lives were going to be crushed, so it was no small thing,â Fosl said.
The charges were eventually dropped, but the experience led Braden to write a memoir about that time titled âThe Wall Between.â Fosl said the book unpacks the psychology of Southern white racism.
In 1963, when Martin Luther King Jr. wrote his âLetter from a Birmingham Jailâ he praised six white writers, stating âSomeâ¦have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms.â One of the six writers named was Braden.
Fosl said King already knew Braden after she previously gave him a ride to Louisville, where his brother A.D. King was a minister, after a gathering for activists in Tennessee.
âAnd they talked, and he later said to Coretta Scott King, his wife, heâs like, âI never knew such a white woman existed. I could never imagine someone feeling that way,ââ Fosl said.
In the 1970s, Braden co-founded the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression. Itâs a social justice organization still active in Louisville today, and it has been very involved in the protests demanding justice for Breonna Taylor.
Jones said when she became a member of the Kentucky Alliance in the 1970s, she got to know who would become her best friend.
âAnd Anne began to take me under her wings, and that taught me an awful lot about working toward a better America,â Jones said.
In 1990, Braden received the American Civil Liberties Unionâs (ACLU) first Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty. The award is still given today to an organization or individual who demonstrates an exceptional commitment to international human rights advocacy.
Ending racism, war, and poverty is what Braden worked for until she passed away at 81 years old on March 6, 2006.
Jones said she saw the legacy that Braden leaves behind come to a high point during last yearâs protests for Breonna Taylor.
âThere we [saw] Black and white and rich, poor together, standing up for what is right. That is the legacy that Anne left behind.â
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Faces of Liberty: Anne & Carl Braden
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This is the first in a series of profiles marking the 60th anniversary of the ACLU of Kentucky's founding. From November 2014 through December 2015 we will highlight the story of one member, client, case, board or staff member that has been an integral part of our organization's rich history. Anne & Carl Braden "As long as I have life and strength, I hope to be on the
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ACLU of Kentucky
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https://www.aclu-ky.org/en/news/faces-liberty-anne-carl-braden
|
This is the first in a series of profiles marking the 60th anniversary of the ACLU of Kentucky's founding. From November 2014 through December 2015 we will highlight the story of one member, client, case, board or staff member that has been an integral part of our organization's rich history.
Anne & Carl Braden
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https://ket.org/program/living-the-story-the-rest-of-the-story/anne-braden/
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Living the Story: The Rest of the Story
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2019-08-06T20:38:50+00:00
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A lifelong activist, Braden became embroiled in one of Louisville's most notorious incidents of race-based violence when she and her husband, both white, were asked to buy a house in an all-white neighborhood in order to resell it to a black family. The house was bombed, and the Bradens were branded Communist conspirators and tried for sedition in 1954.
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Note: This original one-on-one interview, part of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky Oral History Project, was produced by the Kentucky Oral History Commission and Historical Society.
Anne McCarty Braden was born in 1924 in Louisville but grew up in Alabama. After college, she worked as a newspaper reporter in Birmingham, covering the courthouse. The incongruity between what she read in the Bible and the racist practices of her community troubled Braden, and her beliefs eventually compelled her to leave the Deep South.
In 1947, she moved back to Kentucky to work for The Louisville Times. Although African-Americans in Louisville could vote and sit where they wished on buses, Braden found local race relations were otherwise very similar to what she had experienced farther south. But she also discovered people working through organizations to bring about desegregation and she joined efforts to open up hospitals and schools, leading her to a life of work against racism.
Braden is best known for a 1954 incident meant to protest segregated housing. She and her husband, Carl, purchased a house in an all-white neighborhood of southwestern Louisville and, in a prearranged transaction, resold it to a black man named Andrew Wade. White neighbors threatened Wade and his family by burning a cross on their front yard, shooting out their windows, and ultimately bombing the house.
Some individuals claimed the Bradens had the house bombed to stir up racial tensions in the community. Attempting to link integration with Communism, prosecutors arrested Carl and Anne Braden and them charged with sedition. Carl Braden served eight months in prison, but all charges were later dropped. The Wades were unable to return to their home, and no one was ever charged with the bombing.
In the decades that followed, Braden continued to be an activist, founding Progress in Education and the Kentucky branch of the Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression to ease the stress of school desegregation in the 1970s.
The University of Tennessee Press published her memoir, “The Wall Between,” in 1999. Anne Braden died in 2006.
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Ann Braden
(1924 2006)
As remembered by:
Joan Browning
John Due
Ted Glick
Ira Grupper
Dorie Ladner
Ken Lawrence
David Nolan
Efia Nwangaza
Gwen Patton
Larry Rubin
Rohn Webb
As remembered by Ted Glick
Friends,
Some very sad news to pass on. Anne Braden died this morning at a hospital in Louisville. She was taken there on Saturday suffering from pneumonia.
To find out more about plans for Anne's funeral and a memorial service, or to send a contribution in Anne's name, you can contact the Kentucky Alliance at 3208 W. Broadway, Louisville, Ky. 40211, 502-778-8130, kyall@bellsouth.net.
We have lost another great warrior in the struggle for racial justice and equality, but without question, her spirit and her example live on in the lives of many whom she influenced and inspired.
Ted Glick
As remembered by Dorie Ladner
March 16, 2006
I was very impressed with the commitment and passion that Anne and Carl showed during the early years of the struggle when it was not popular. As for me, a young black female, born and raised in Hattiesburg, Mississippi, they inspired me to go on to see what the end was going to be. Anne, in her quiet soft-spoken way showed up where she was needed. I remember her in Natchez. The National guard had placed a curfew on its residents. This didn't bother Anne. She went with us to canvass for the right to vote, and attended nightly mass meetings. Both she and Carl spent a great deal of time at Mt. Beulah teaching us about citizenship and telling us about their years of struggle in Kentucky. They were determined, and NEVER TURNED BACK.
Dorie Ladner
As remembered by Ken Lawrence
March 16, 2006
This morning I received a letter "From the Desk of Anne Braden," a fund appeal for Resist. Like Joe Hill and countless other dedicated comrades, she is still carrying on her organizing work.
I first met Anne at the October 1960 SNCC conference at Morehouse College in Atlanta. I went to work for her in August 1971, as Deep South Correspondent for the Southern Patriot. We worked together to build the National Anti-Klan Network in the 1980s.
My check to Resist will be dedicated to continuing Anne's work.
Ken Lawrence
Bellefonte, Pennsylvania
As remembered by Larry Rubin
March 13, 2006
Anne Braden was much more than a Movement "ally" who saw the wisdom of the black power direction. She and Carl were pioneers in the Movement we later joined. They helped pave the way for us. They fully understood the power of the South's black community and had to wait for the rest of us to catch up to their understanding. They risked their livelihoods and lives, and suffered jail, long before most of us joined the movement they helped create.
They dedicated their lives to the idea that the South has the potential for being the most politically and economically progressive area in the country, if only the average Southerner both black and white could be organized. They knew that the South's potential was why the powers-that-be worked so hard to maintain dictatorial control of the area.
When SNCC was being Red-baited, it distanced itself from the Bradens so as not to give more ammunition to the Senator Eastlands of the nation. Anne was hurt by SNCC's rejection of her but she understood the politics and did what she could to help us, often in ways that were invisible to us.
Anne was a central figure in my life. I knew about her and Carl through The Wall Between years before I met her in 1962 when working for SNCC's SW Georgia Project. Years later, when the "whites should organize whites and blacks organize blacks and we'll come together later" idea was adopted, I worked for Anne and Carl's Southern Conference Educational Fund in Pike County, Kentucky.
I can testify that from the beginning Anne and Carl believed SNCC should take leadership of the Southern movement. It's to Anne's credit she made SNCC people feel they were the leaders and she "just" an "ally."
Larry Rubin
As remembered by Joan Browning
March 9, 2006
It is almost impossible for me to comprehend that Anne Braden has died. Instead of a memorial tribute to her, I offer this introduction of Anne that it was my honor and privilege to make last year about this time. When Rose Gladney retired from the University of Alabama, some of her friends began an endowed lecture in her name. Anne was the second Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change lecturer. Last night, I watched about two hours of Anne lecturing last year in Alabama. She was so vigorous and so right on point.
After the lecture, I got in line with students to ask Anne to inscribe my copy of Catherine Fosl's marvelous work about Anne and her times, Subversive Southerner. This morning, I read with tears and pleasure and gratitude what Anne had written: "For Joan whose work as both an activist and a writer is helping to strengthen "the other America." Anne Braden, 3/10/05."
I treasure all my memories of Anne and will hold fast to that inscription if ever I am tempted to cease acting and writing from "the other America."
Tomorrow, I shall drive six hours to Louisville and six hours back home in order to be with others at Anne's funeral service. This is precious time, as following in the best of what I learned in the Movement, I am now a candidate for one of Greenbrier County, West Virginia's two seats in the state House of Delegates. I know now why it is called "running" for public office! I began my campaign with a quote from Ms. Ella Baker. I hope Anne would be pleased that I've tossed my bonnet into the political fray.
The Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change Lecture
Thursday, March 11, 2005
Tuscaloosa, Alabama
Introduction of Anne Braden, Keynote speaker
By Joan C. Browning
Good evening. Thank you for coming to this place at this time for this special event. You have come to hear a woman with a sterling history of social justice activism speak from that experience on the issue of organizing today for social change.
I also want to commend you on the organization of co sponsors. It is important any time we get together and work for a common goal as special and as important as the Rose Gladney lecture for Justice and Social Change so I also commend the College of Arts & Sciences, African-American Studies Program, Department of Women's Studies, New College, Department of Religious Studies, and the History Department.
It is important that we remember that change happens not in any generic sense but in particular places at particular times because specific people initiated change. What and who we choose to remember from the past and the way we choose to remember shapes our identity, as individual personalities, as communities and as a nation. The Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change lecture is being endowed here at the University of Alabama so that generations to come, in this place where Dr. Gladney taught for so long, will remember and celebrate her passion for group action to create a more equitable world. We are deliberately, proactively, shaping this university's memory through this lecture series. Your presence here tonight strengthens our resolve to complete that endowment and to continue seeking lectures by people whose lives echo the values that Dr. Gladney personified.
White supremacy is at the heart of American history and it is the starting point for the Rose Gladney lecture. Race was the dominant point in our collective memories of the two decades ending in the '60s that have especially shaped American identity. In the 1860's, almost a million combatants and civilians perished so that Africans in America might be freed from slavery. The presumptive losers in that conflict have nostalgically remembered their commitment to maintaining human bondage with more than one thousand Confederate monuments throughout the south.
The 1960's also reshaped American identity. In the spring of 1960, more than 70,000 young people, college aged people just like you, from southern African-American colleges started and participated in the sit-in movement to protest segregation. "Out of that wild and spontaneous activity arose an organization . [the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee] .[that was] intent on cracking the caste system that had been in place for hundreds of years.[1]
I was one of the lucky few white southerners who were part of SNCC in the very early 1960's. That struggle to free black and white southerners from white supremacy is remembered by fewer than one hundred public monuments.
Anne Braden was one of the precious few white southerners who had already spent decades deep into the struggle against white supremacy. Anne was there in 1960 to welcome us, to encourage us, to support us, and to be one of our circle of trust.
I don't really remember the first time I met Anne Braden, but it was surely by the September 1961 SNCC meeting. The SNCC "way of working," we called it, involved meeting together where everybody said everything they ever wanted to say. And then, without resorting to Robert's Rules of Order or any formal vote, we knew by consensus what our next move would be and who would do what and who would play which role. My memories of those meetings-and they would continue for two or three days and sometimes twenty or twenty-one or twenty-four hour a day is of two women not of our generation Ms. Ella Baker was always there and Ms. Anne Braden was always there.
I remember Anne Braden as having great poise, of being very centered. She was a lot like Ms. Baker. They were both calm, able to sit through our hours of intense debate, always able to keep focused on issues and avoid personality conflicts.
These two life-long friend and allies, Ms. Baker and Ms. Braden, supported the few of us who were white women. Ms. Baker had a soft spot in her heart for what she called "spunky white girls" and encouraged us to maintain our identity as whites and southerners but also to honor our newfound consciousness to include anti-white supremacist. Anne Braden showed me that I could retain my identity as a southerner and as a respectable woman while fighting for social justice. Anne also showed me that there were useful movement activities other than putting one's body on the line or in jail for direct action demonstrations - for example, writing.
Anne edited the Southern Patriot, a monthly newspaper of highest journalistic standards that reported on what people were doing in the south to challenge white supremacy. When I was debating a few years ago about whether to shed my treasured anonymity and write about my time in the civil rights movement, I learned that correspondence between Anne and me was being collected at least by one historian and it was also auctioned off in a New York City collection of papers from the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. So I decided my anonymity was about to be blown anyway so I might as well write autobiographically and tell it my way, Anne.
That correspondence showed that Anne was a generous editor. In response to an article that she printed that I wrote for her, she wrote, "Your story is very good indeed. You are a good reporter. It is a real joy to find someone who can collect information and summarize it this well."[2] And Anne, you'll never know what comfort those words have given me all these years. If Anne Braden thinks I'm a good writer, well, lesser editors will just have to hold their opinion.
In that correspondence though, she also offered me names of contacts at various universities who might help me find money to complete my bachelor's degree. Anne, I finally accomplished that in 1994 at the age of 52 but I now am a college graduate.
Anne Braden's patriotism was challenged by government at all levels. She was also often unwelcome by some whom you would consider natural allies within the civil rights movement. It has always been a source of pride to me that SNCC always welcomed Anne Braden. SNCC was the one civil rights group that did not go along with Cold war anti-communism, red-baiting or gay-bashing, or, until late in the decade, after Black Power came into vogue, any kind of stereotyping.
When I was wrenched from my family at the age of 18, somebody had to show me how to be an adult. Anne Braden became for me one of the people whose lives gave me insights and patterns that I use in forming my own identity and my own activism agenda down to this day.
I encourage you to own your own copy of The Wall Between, which is on sale outside and I also endorse heartily Cate Fosl's book Subversive Southerner, also available outside. These two books will tell you more about Anne Braden and about how this one southern patriot challenged white supremacy in all its manifestations and how white supremacy with all its force and vigor fought her back. What a testament to the depth and integrity of Anne Braden's struggle it is that the foreword to Cate's book was written by Angela Davis, a daughter of Bombingham, Alabama. Angela writes, "When we challenge structural racism and violence by vigorously defending immigrant rights, opposing violence against women, and protesting the prison industrial complex, we should know that we are also upholding the legacy of struggle that emerges from Anne's life story."[3]
Let us, tonight, enlarge our collective memories and remold our identity. Let Anne Braden tell you that now is always the time to organize. Anne Braden is a skilled guide. If you will allow her, she will change your life - and you, like me, will thank her for opening your eyes. Listen, learn, and go forth to emulate, the legendary and, to me dear, Anne Braden.
*** *** ***
Anne Braden responds and begins her lecture: Thank you very much, Joan. I find introductions like that very embarrassing because most of it is just not true. I mean, really. But I appreciate it and Joan is one of my sisters in the world I live in and I want to talk about that world.
[1] Constance Curry, Joan C. Browning, et. al. Deep In Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement. Athens & London: University of Georgia Press, 2000. Preface pp. xiii-xix.
[2] Anne Braden to Joan Browning, January 9, 1963. Box 40, Folder 1, Braden Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
[3] Catherine Fosl. Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. Palgrace: Macmillan, 2002. Foreword, p. ix.
Joan C. Browning
PO Box 1147
Lewisburg WV 24901-4147
oma00013@wvnet.edu
myweb.wvnet.edu/~oma00013
As remembered by John Due
March 9, 2006
Anne Braden's "Finding the other America"
I first met Anne Braden and her husband in Indianapolis,. Indiana, when she and her husband joined us in our NAACP picketing of a night club across from the Greyhound Bus Station. I believe it was about 1958. They were friends of John Preston Ward, my mentor, who, in addition to being the local NAACP lawyer, was the Director-Counsel of the Indiana Civil Liberties Union. John and I were also the Braden's guest at their Louisville home.
As I became aware of their story in the "Wall Between" and the persecution by the State of Kentucky and the UnAmericans Activities Committee, I remembered walking by the old home of Eugene Debs, the radical labor leader, in Terre Haute, Indiana, that somebody was still maintaining as a historical site. (I was raised in Terre Haute) and the similarity of the persecution of the Braden's, for their treason of selling a house in a white neighborhood to a Black person, to the persecution of Eugene Debs for opposing America in getting involved in world war I because it was a war between two sets of capitalist imperialist tyrannies.
I will always appreciate Ann because she was a force in the movement to help us be aware that there must be a freedom movement that would be beyond what has now been called a civil rights movement. If Ann has left us with any disciples who are committed to her ideas, I hope that her ideas could obtain some permanency by being connected to the "Critical Race Theory" movement which has become identified with Derrick Bell, especially to his book, "Silent Covenants", and Brown v. Board of Education and the Unfulfilled Hopes for Racial Reform.
Ann was the first one to help me to understand that the "Other America" was the real america that signed the Declaration of Independence as a contract of freedom by the people as promoters whose benefits were accepted by the new United States and constitution. But the contract was sabotaged by corporate america and the cotton growers by means of puritan based racialism.
Therefore, the Black freedom movement was not a new revolution, but was, in sense, a resistance movement, a movement to recover and complete the American revolution about which the "silent covenant" sabotuers are still in control.
The next generation must be called to continue and complete the American revoluton. Recently, there has been a gathering which has adopted what is called "The Covenant with Black America". Recently, I sent a note to my daughter, Tannarive Due, that in response to her excitement from participation in this gathering, I said that I hoped there was thinking abour a "Black Covenant with America" that would help save America.
Another Due Memory of Ann Braden.
I am sure that veterans could gather and tell their stories about Ann Braden for years. But when the history of the Freedom Movement of the 60's is told, the Braden's must have a necessary place in this history. It has been ironic that the Southern Regional Council in recent years have honored her role-when most of us remember the efforts of SRC and other liberal organizations and personalities who were more worried about Communist infiltrators than our adversaries.
It was the December of 1963. I was in my last year of law school at FAMU in Tallahassee. There was a lull in the demonstrations. Patricia, the CORE leader, was tired and was leaving Tallahassee and move to New York. I told her that I would drive her to New York-by way of Indianapolis, where my mother lived-and she bought it.
Driving north on 31, around Birmingham, I proposed to her-and she accepted. When we arrived in Louisville, KY, we stopped by the Braden's house and had a lunch -and there was Ivan Donaldson with his car load of supplles-dlriving to Mississippi.
You know the rest of his story for being arrested in Miss for his aspirins.
John Due
As remembered by Efia Nwangaza
March 9, 2006
Thanks Gwen,
Ann's consistency, between theory and practice, especially on Black self-determination deeply endeared her to me and stands as a model for all who would claim to be our ally.
efia nwangaza
As remembered by Gwen Patton March 8, 2006
We have lost a brave heart and soul in Anne Braden. When SNCC issued the call for Black Power, most of our friends abandoned us. Not so of Anne. She did not only accept the challenge, but she gave real meaning to one of our Movement anthems: Heed the Call Americans All, Side by Equal Side. Brothers Sit in Dignity, and Sisters Sit in Pride.
Anne heeded the call to organize white people to fight racism in the white community, from the hills and hollows of Appalachia to the swank, urban cities in the South.
Anne s profound analyses of racism went beyond those who committed racist acts commission to include those who did nothing in the presence of racism omission. Both groups were equally guilty as perpetrators of racism.
Anne always talked about a vision of the world free of cold war tactics, racism, oppression and economic exploitation. Her last message to us was this vision of Finding the Other America.
Anne was not only concerned with fighting racism, but more importantly with undoing racism as a necessary transformation on human and institutional levels.
Many of our freedom warriors are now dancing with our ancestors. My cousin Claire Milligan offers: Heaven's stocking up & leaving the mantle to us.
Gwen Patton
As remembered by David Nolan
March 7, 2006
Below is my contribution to any memories you publish about Anne Braden. I sent it out to the SSOC List [Southern Students Organizing Committee], but she was such a beloved benefactress of every part of the movement that I am sure it will be of interest to others. What losses we have faced in recent months! What extraordinary heroes we have been blessed with!
Warmest regards,
David Nolan
Dear friends,
Anne Braden's passing struck very close to home. I wrote to my son Hamilton, trying to pass on something about her. I don't think he would object to my sharing it with you. Rest in peace, old friend...
Dear Hamilton,
Word just came on the SSOC List that Anne Braden died this morning. She was 81, and the recent biography of her was aptly titled Subversive Southerner. She was one of the southern whites praised by Martin Luther King in his "Letter From the Birmingham Jail".
I first met her in 1965 in Lawrenceville, VA. where she came to write a story about the Virginia Students Civil Rights Committee for her newspaper, The Southern Patriot one of the great places to learn about the south that was not doused in moonlight and magnolias.
She and her husband Carl had sold a house in Louisville to a black family in the 1950s, and it was bombed. In the spirit of the times, they charged Carl with the bombing and sent him to prison. Anne wrote a wonderful book, The Wall Between, about the case. She later wrote a very insightful piece called "The Southern Freedom Movement in Perspective" which was published as an entire issue of Monthly Review magazine.
Carl Braden was a pioneer at fighting legal cases through what some might call "Public Relations". He specialized in taking what originally looked like small hopeless cases and publicizing them until the New York Times picked them up, and he pioneered "action memoes" to a list of people around the country who would write to governors, mayors, prosecutors, etc. to let them know that the whole wide world was watching. I think William Kunstler learned a lot from him: they were involved in many cases together, each using their own talents to rescue people from the maws of "justice."
Anne and Carl were both my mentors in many ways. After I finished working at Penn Center in 1971, I moved to Atlanta (living in the building where Margaret Mitchell wrote Gone With the Wind) and took a job for $150 a month writing for the Southern Patriot. Carl sold me my first car: a 1959 Volkswagen with a blown engine for $25. I paid $175 to get the engine rebuilt, and I was on the road, "Covering Dixie like the Dew," as they say. Skills I learned in those days have served me well ever since. Not long ago I was called on to speak at a ceremony honoring the St. Augustine Four heroes of the civil rights struggle in the Ancient City. I quoted Carl who once told me (he was a fountain of pithy phrases) that the ruling class had a five-point program for dealing with dissidents: buy some, fool some, scare some, jail some, and shoot the rest!
Carl was a veritable bulldog. "Piss on you!" was his favorite expression. He died in his sleep in 1975, and a few of us drove up from Atlanta for the funeral in Louisville. On the way back, I was the first driver and everyone else went to sleep. I drove and drove and drove and drove and when the other people woke up, they were amazed to find that we were still in Kentucky! I was quickly deposed as driver.
Anne was one of the people we asked (along with Koji Ariyoshi) to write letters to be read at our wedding. She didn't go to the SSOC reunion in Charlottesville, but did go to a later one in Nashville, which I missed.
She was a kind of house mother to a lot of us someone with politics that our own mothers didn't have. One year Louie Nunn ran for governor on a platform of driving the Bradens out of Kentucky. He won, but the Bradens stayed put til they died, and will be much more highly remembered in the history of that state and the nation than Louie Nunn will ever be.
We have lost a great one.
Love,
Dad
As remembered by Ira Grupper
March 7, 2006
Contained in the Talmud is the following gem: It is not given to us to complete the task. Nor may we remove our hands from the plow. Anne Braden did not complete the task. None of us living today has completed the task. But it can be said with assurance, indeed with certitude, that Anne Braden never, never, never removed her hands from the plow.
A Song For Anne Braden, words and music by Ira Grupper
In Anniston, Alabama, in 1934,
Ten year old Anne Braden was
Aghast at what she saw.
Racial segregation, degrading Blacks
And fooling whites,
Would impel our little trooper
To soon fight for civil rights.
Would compel this Southern white woman
To combat the Jim Crow shame
Maturing a Deep South warrior,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
In 1948 a Black man named Willie McGee
Was railroaded for raping a white woman
In the state of Mississippi.
A white women s delegation
Decried this Jim Crow frame.
Among them our freedom fighter,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
Louisville, Kentucky, 1954,
Anne and her husband, Carl,
Were journalists for labor
Until they hit a snarl.
They'd sold a home to a Black family
In an all-white neighborhood.
Carl was imprisoned for sedition.
It seemed their wage-earning lives were ruined.
Then Anne hit the lecture circuit
To show who really was to blame.
Fighting red-baiting and racism,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
And in the 1960's
The was against Jim Crow
Saw Anne battling segregation
Where the Klan and bigots sow.
She opposed the war the U.S. fought
Against Vietnamese,
Supported workers against bosses,
And prayed for a world at peace.
In all the decades that followed
She fought on just the same.
Organizer, propagandist,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
And even with her dying breath
She fought on just the same.
The truest Southern Patriot,
The truest Dixie rebel,
The truest freedom fighter,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
words and music by Ira Grupper
In love and struggle,
Ira
irag@iglou.com
March 2006
As remembered by Rohn Webb
March 7, 2006
THE ENTIRE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS CELEBRATE THE LIVES OF CARL AND ANNE BRADEN MY PARENTS WERE POLITICALLY CLOSE TO THEM WHEN POLITICALLY CORRECT MEANT FIGHT LIKE HELL FOR THE PEOPLE!!
PARENTS (ROY M. & MARGUERITE WEBB), MY SISTER AND THREE OLDER BROTHERS HAVE ALL PASSED ON BUT LIKE MY PARENTS THEY SHARED HUMAN RIGHTS FRIENDLY ATTITUDES ON TO THEIR KIDS, GRANDKIDS, AS DO DARLENE AND I.
MOURN FOR THE DEAD AND FIGHT LIKE HELL FOR THE LIVING!!
DARLENE AND ROHN WEBB
CHARTER MEMBERS/OFFICERS
IDAHO SERVICE EMPLOYEES UNION
LOCAL #687,ISEU,SEIU,AFL-CIO,CLC
and CO-FOUNDERS WEBBs ID, OR, UT, WI NETWORK
for GRANDPARENTS' RIGHTS
P O Box 165
Melba, ID 83641-0165
rohnfwebb@msn.com
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CARL BRADEN
I was surfing through the Wisconsin Historical Archives, like you do, and came across the above image of Carl Braden.
Braden and his wife Anne Braden were journalists-turned-activists who were part of the union movements and later the radical interracial left of the 40s and 50s. The Braden’s bought a house on behalf of the Wade family, their African American friends in suburban Louisville, Kentucky. When neighbours found out a Black family had moved in they burnt a cross outside the house and went after the Braden’s. Carl was charged with sedition in what is known as the Wade Case. Carl was sentenced to 15 years and served 8 months, eventually paying $40,000 to get out.
The Anne Braden Institute (ABI) now operates out of the University of Louisville. The ABI has a Flickr stream of scenes from her full life.
KARL BADEN
Karl Baden has chosen to put himself in the picture everyday for 24 years. Somewhere he has set up a self-imposed mugshot identification room. All these can be seen at his website Every Day.
It’s worth noting that Baden and Noah Kalina are the original and best for these vaguely masturbatory, mirrored versions of themselves in time-lapse. Others include a girl with a nice set of scarves, two dudes (one and two) with beard-growing missions, a guy with an 800 day commitment and Homer Simpson.
There is also Diego Goldberg who self-documents he and his family once a year, every year on the 17th June.
Baden has established a unique set of data for a limited case study in visual anthropology. The date runs like an I.D. number at the bottom of his shots.
As Baden describes the project, he removes emotion and variables from the photography, just as police or criminal justice photographers do for mugshots:
Every Day is performed within a set of guidelines. […] Reserved exclusively for this procedure are a single camera, tripod, strobe and white backdrop. […] I use the same type of high-resolution film (Kodak Technical Pan until it was discontinued in 2007, Ilford Pan F since then) and the same strobe lighting. The camera is always set and focused at the same distance. When taking the picture, I try to center myself in the frame, maintain a neutral expression and look straight into the lens.
Baden lists the key tenets of Every Day to be mortality; incremental change; obsession (its relation to both the psyche and art-making); and the difference between attempting to be perfect, and being human. I’ll grant him those things, but I also wonder is does the project not feel like a sentence?
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https://www.memorialoakschapel.com/obituaries/jacquelyn-braden
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Jacquelyn Braden Obituary 2014
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https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/social/facebook/fb_3/7a781c7f-1882-4573-9245-4ef7589b8875/016d34f2ba4c540d5b056ecc89ac4a11_2826740ab4e58dbafde71d95dc866089
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2023-06-06T06:35:18
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Jacquelyn Kay Braden, age 39 went to be with the Lord on December 29, 2014 in College Station, Texas. She was born on May 20, 1975 in Metairie, Louisiana. She leaves behind to c...
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Memorial Oaks Chapel
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https://www.memorialoakschapel.com/obituaries/jacquelyn-braden
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Jacquelyn Kay Braden, age 39 went to be with the Lord on December 29, 2014 in College Station, Texas. She was born on May 20, 1975 in Metairie, Louisiana. She leaves behind to cherish her memory her loving parents Bill and Betty Braden, her big sister Teri Lynn Melia, nephews Anthony, Jonathan and Matthew Melia, uncles Carl Braden & wife, Mary Ann, Gale Braden & wife, Barbara, Otis Carlisle, cousins, Gerald Braden, Carla Cormack, Gayla Barentine, Tami Parker, Cindy Jones, Carrie Houston, Susan Houston, Dale Houston, Brenda Houston, Randy Pugh, Tonia Washburn and Kelly Pugh. Jackie was a resident of Brenham State Supported Living Center since May 1989. The family wants to acknowledge the wonderful, loving staff who cared for her these many years. Special thanks to Brenda Nicks, Home Leader and Jennifer Ervin Case Manager. The funeral will be held at 10:00 a.m. Friday, January 2, 2015 Memorial Oaks Chapel, 1306 West Main Street, Brenham, Texas. Friends are invited to a visitation on Thursday, January 1, 2015 from 5 pm to 7 pm. The family asks that in lieu of flowers, donations may be made to the Volunteer Services Council, Brenham State Supported Living Center, 4001 Highway 36 South, Brenham, Texas 77833.
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https://www.facingsouth.org/1981/03/view-fringes
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A View from the Fringes
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The historic 1964 Freedom Summer brought 1,000 young people from across the nation to Mississippi to work in the Civil Rights Movement. During that summer, I never set foot in the state of Mississippi.
This was not because I was not active in the Civil Rights Movement. I was working all through the South, and had been in and out of Mississippi many times. But I stayed away that summer at the request of good friends in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the main mover in Mississippi. It was a friendly request: “Help us by staying away,” they said, and I did.
This illustrates an aspect of the Freedom Movement of the ’50s and ’60s so far almost totally ignored by historians: the war that was waged to keep anyone suspected of being “radical,” and thereby any radical ideas, out. It was a war initiated from the highest levels in this country, with assistance from within the movement itself.
Thus there was a category of people who lived and worked on what I call “the fringes of the Movement,” never quite accepted and sometimes viewed as more dangerous than the segregationists. In my own case, the problem was in part my connection with the organization I worked for, the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and in part my own history and that of my husband and coworker, Carl Braden.
Carl was a journalist who had a long history in CIO labor organizing drives. From the late ’40s on, we were active in militant civil-rights activities in Louisville, Kentucky, where we lived, and in 1954 were charged with sedition after we (being white) bought and resold a house in a segregated neighborhood to a black couple. It was a flamboyant case, which we finally won, but in the process we became symbols of evil to many people.
We went to work in 1957 as field organizers for SCEF, which did nothing to allay the fears of people who already saw that organization as a red menace. SCEF descended from the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW), which had been organized in 1938 to attack economic problems in the poverty-stricken South, and which quickly became a civil-rights organization also, because it could not deal with economic issues without confronting segregation. It was a coalition — of church people, unionists, students and Communists, which in 1938 did not seem unusual. Its program could only be described as reformist: support for Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, labor’s right to organize, an end to racial discrimination.
Its label as a “red menace” came from attacks by various governmental investigating committees that roamed the land calling efforts for social change subversive. SCHW was a first major target of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), also organized in 1938, under Representative Martin Dies of Texas.
HUAC issued a report saying SCHW was not interested in “human welfare” at all but was promoting communism in the South. That report became the basis for all future attacks on SCEF, and was used by Senator James Eastland and his Internal Security Subcommittee at 1954 hearings in New Orleans to prove that SCEF was also “subversive.” About that time, many Southern states began setting up committees modeled after HUAC (LUAC in Louisiana, FUAC in Florida, etc.), and they all began to scratch each other’s backs, each quoting reports of the others to prove that SCEF and all who worked with it were a menace.
SCEF was not the only group attacked this way. The National Lawyers Guild, also dating back to the ’30s, was another — especially when it began sending lawyers into Mississippi, where the freedom movement could find virtually no local lawyers. Len Holt, a militant young black lawyer in Norfolk who played a key role in bringing the Lawyers Guild south, was under constant assault; at one point, agents of the Virginia investigating committee burst into his office and demanded all his records. According to Jim Forman, SNCC executive secretary, Mississippi Movement leaders were once summoned to a meeting at the U.S. Justice Department, where Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., told them he and others found it “unpardonable” that SNCC would work with the Lawyers Guild.
Another target was Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee, a training center for labor and civil-rights organizers since the ’30s. In the mid-’50s, Arkansas Attorney General Bruce Bennett, whose mission was to save the South from both integration and communism, came to Tennessee to inform that state’s legislators that Highlander was harboring a nest of subversives, and they’d best investigate. They did, with great fanfare. (For more details on the attack on Highlander, see Southern Exposure, Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring, 1978.)
Probably the most high-powered attack of all was aimed at Jack O’Dell, staff member of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and one of the best organizers and fundraisers that organization had. He had been called before HUAC in Atlanta in 1958. It was John Kennedy himself who took Martin Luther King, Jr., aside during a White House conference and told him SCLC had to get rid of O’Dell.
The interesting thing is that none of these people or groups that were targets of these attacks were advocating anything very radical. We were supporting the goals of the Freedom Movement, and that’s all. SCEF, for example, had a single-point program: the ending of segregation. When SCHW died after World War II, a handful of people led by long-time activists Jim Dombrowski and former New Deal official Aubrey Williams continued SCEF, formerly the educational arm of SCHW. They decided none of the economic issues SCHW had addressed could be dealt with adequately until there was an all-out assault on segregation. As the new black upsurge developed in the mid-’50s, SCEF more and more saw its job as reaching out to white Southerners to involve them in this struggle. It was the only regional organization that was doing so, with the exception of the Southern Regional Council — which did valuable work in bringing blacks and whites together to talk but was not as activist as SCEF and was among those that considered SCEF a red menace.
As SCLC and SNCC emerged, the various investigators pounced upon their associations with SCEF and Highlander to label them subversive too. For example, the Georgia Education Commission (set up in the ’50s not to promote education in Georgia, as its name might indicate, but to preserve segregation) sent a disguised photographer to Highlander’s twenty-fifth anniversary celebration in 1957, and he took a picture of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. That picture later appeared on billboards all over the South with the caption “Martin Luther King at Communist Training School.” (Myles Horton, long-time Highlander director, tells of comments by student activists in the ’60s after the fear of such things wore off. “That’s a terrible ad,” he quotes them as saying. “It doesn’t even give an address for the school.”)
The difference between SCEF and some other groups was that we never denied the charges. We saw it as a matter of principle. By the time Carl and I joined the SCEF staff in 1957,1 am sure there was not a real live member of the Communist party on its board. But SCEF steadfastly refused to adopt a policy that one could not be. At a board meeting in the late ’50s, some members asked the organization to adopt a policy excluding Communists. They said this was necessary for the organization to “survive,” and a long discussion ensued. Jim Dombrowski, who was then executive director and rarely talked in meetings, sat listening. Finally, he said: “I want to point out that we’ve spent all afternoon on this, while the violence of the segregationists is rising all around us. I’ve heard it said that if we don’t adopt this policy SCEF may not survive. I’m not sure it’s important whether SCEF survives — but I think it’s important that American democracy survive. If we adopt this policy we will be supporting the witch hunts that threaten to destroy any hope of democracy.” The question never came up again in SCEF in that period.
So SCEF continued as the whipping boy of the committees. The most innocent thing we did sometimes became sinister. For example, in 1962 Bob Moses, SNCC leader in Mississippi, invited Carl to come to the state and conduct workshops on civil liberties and nonviolence. Carl did so, and later wrote a routine work-report to Jim Dombrowski, who sent it to the SCEF board and advisory committee. There was a leak somewhere, and a few weeks later, the report turned up on the front page of the Jackson Daily News, with a banner headline: “Red Crusader Active in Jackson Mix Drive.”
That created consternation in the Atlanta offices of the Voter Education Project, which was funneling money into Mississippi, and in the Southern Inter-Agency Group, a meeting forum of civil-rights groups that had excluded SCEF from membership. The fury of these groups, interestingly, was not directed at the Jackson Daily News, but at us. Before it was over, SCEF found itself accused of deliberately sending Carl to Mississippi (and then leaking the report to the press) to stir up trouble.
By that time, SNCC was tending to ignore the witch hunters, and SCEF had a close relationship with the student movement. But it had not always been that way. When SNCC formed in 1960, the students soon heard that there were people who were dangerous and should be avoided. Charles Sherrod, one of the early activists, later described the effects: “Somebody said we should get in touch with that group, then we heard it was red, and somebody suggested another group, but we thought it might be red. Pretty soon we began looking at each other and wondering which bed they were under. Finally we decided to forget all that and go after segregation.”
But at the second SNCC conference in the fall of 1960, when the students were selecting organizations to have “observer status” at their meetings, there was a long debate as to whether to include SCEF (which they finally did). And in 1961, when SCEF wanted to help carry the inspira70 tion of the black student movement to white campuses and raised $5,000 for SNCC to set up a “white student project,” they debated furiously whether to accept the money. They finally did so, and white Alabamian Bob Zellner went to work on the project — but only after withstanding pressure from Alabama’s attorney general, who called him in to warn him about “Communists” who were “using” the movement.
The pressures were great on people in our position to accept an assessment that we were a liability and to fade from view. I remember the fall of 1961, when Zellner, Bob Moses and others were in jail in McComb, Mississippi, and Jim Dombrowski raised $13,000 in bail to get them out. Jim was planning to take the money to McComb. I happened to be in the Atlanta SNCC office the night before, and there people were worried about the effects of publicity around Jim’s trip. The fears were far from foolish fancy. All through that period, as Jim Forman reports in his book, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, SNCC was being told by big foundations that they’d never get any money unless they quit associating with SCEF. I got caught up in the fears in Atlanta, called Jim and asked him to send the money but not to go — and he did that. I always regretted that phone call.
Later, the Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), a white group stimulated by SNCC, had the same problem. Those who formed SSOC turned to us for advice as they organized. But when they started looking for funds, Southern Regional Council leaders told them to stay away from us if they wanted to get any.
They did not do so entirely. One SSOC founder who had joined the SCEF board resigned as a gesture, but they kept in touch. Before the 1964 Summer Project, SSOC decided to set up a “White Folks Project” to try to reach poor white Mississippians. They planned their own training session during the SNCC orientation at an Ohio college. It was all financed by the National Council of Churches (NCC). SSOC asked Carl and me to serve as consultants. When we arrived, a SSOC activist met us at our car and said, “Let’s get out of here.” He whisked us away to a professor’s house — where we conducted a workshop, sub rosa, and where it was explained that those running the training program had said we could not attend. Before I left, I saw Bob Moses on the campus. “I’m sorry,” he said. “We fought a battle with NCC to get Myles Horton accepted as a participant, and the Lawyers Guild. You and Carl and SCEF were just more than we could win.”
For this same training session, SNCC had ordered quantities of a major pamphlet I had just written on HUAC, outlining its dangers to the Civil Rights Movement. The pamphlets disappeared on the first day, and Bob Zellner asked an NCC official where they were. “I took them up,” he replied — and the pamphlets were never seen again.
It was not just words that were used in these attacks. The Tennessee investigating committee admitted it could find nothing “subversive” about Highlander, but its sensational hearings set the stage for a court case against the school. It was eventually closed, and one fine night someone burned it to the ground. In 1963, the Louisiana committee instigated a raid on SCEF’s main office in New Orleans, arrested its officers and took all its records, later turning them over to Senator Eastland. The charges were violation of Louisiana’s anti-subversion law by belonging to groups (SCEF and the Lawyers Guild) listed by HUAC.
None of this destroyed the organizations under attack. The Lawyers Guild experienced a revival in this period. Highlander ultimately built a new center near Knoxville and thrives today. SCEF ultimately won the Louisiana case in the Supreme Court and became stronger, although the attacks continued throughout the ’60s; it was only done in later through a different set of events that divided it in the early ’70s.
But, overall, these attacks did weaken the Movement. One notable result was to scare away many white Southerners who might have participated. It was hard to convince blacks that their striving for freedom was a subversive plot, but many whites who could withstand economic pressure and physical danger were frightened by being called traitors to their country.
The real question, at this late date, is why. Since none of the groups under attack was really advocating communism, what was the power structure afraid of?
In the wake of World War II, the U.S. power structure moved to establish what they called “the American Century” in the world and to roll back the small gains in power that had been won here by mass movements of the ’30s; thus, Cold War abroad and witch hunts at home. In the late ’40s and early ’50s, many organizations pressing for broader human rights — including such militant black groups as the Southern Negro Youth Congress and the National Negro Labor Council — were crushed; the CIO was split and its most militant unions expelled, those that were the most anti-racist and committed to organizing the South; peace became a treasonous word; many people fell into inactivity; the “silent ’50s” were upon us.
Thus, although there was always some “resistance movement” against the repression, by 1955 the country was essentially quiet on social issues. Then, all of a sudden, a new Freedom Movement burst forth, starting in Montgomery. The longing of black people to be free was just too powerful to be contained. In the midst of one of the most repressive periods of our history, it erupted anew - and ultimately broke the pall of the ’50s and set this country’s people in motion again in search of answers to social problems.
But the new Movement developed with no direct links to its predecessor movements. Without doubt, it was impoverished by that fact. For example, between 1937 and 1949, the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) had mobilized thousands of people, including workers it helped organize into unions. But it was a long time before anyone in SNCC even knew that just a decade before there had been a youth organization in the South with virtually the same initials as its own. Paul Robeson, spiritual leader of earlier struggles, sang across the South for trade unions and people’s rallies in the ’40s, but he never sang for the new student movement: by the early ’60s, he was in exile, and even if he had not been, it is doubtful he would have been invited. (It was only after some struggle that SNCC decided to invite Pete Seeger — who had been attacked by HUAC — South to sing in the early ’60s.) Also in exile was Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, one of the great moral giants of all time, who just 15 years before had inspired a SNYC conference of 1,000 people in Columbia, South Carolina, with his “Behold the Land” speech, urging young people to stay in the South and transform it.
For its own reasons the Freedom Movement of the ’50s and early ’60s focused on simple issues — the symbols of racism in segregated public accommodations, the all-important right-to-vote. That made it different from the freedom organizations of the earlier period. None of them were “revolutionary” in any stereotyped sense, but their basic characteristic was that they merged the issues — racism with the struggles for world peace and against colonialism, and the struggle for economic justice. And since they related to an aggressive labor movement, they were building powerful coalitions. By the early ’50s, it had come to be considered treasonous to suggest that our economic system might have flaws. For example, at Carl Braden’s 1954 sedition trial, the prosecutor scared the jury by reading an article Carl had written saying unemployment was increasing in Louisville, which it was. “Does this mean, Mr. Braden,” the prosecutor asked, “that you don’t think our economic system works?”
The demands of the new Freedom Movement, although troublesome to Southern segregationists, ultimately could be absorbed by the society as it was. The real danger to those in power was the possibility that this Movement would turn to questions of economic justice and a new world view and make demands that would require basic changes in economic and political structures.
That’s where I think we who were under the witch-hunting attacks came in. All of our organizations had roots in a period when the varied issues were seen as related. That made us potentially a threat — that, and the idea of black-white unity for change, which we were advocating.
In this context, we in SCEF saw our struggle for our right to be a part of the Movement as much more than an organizational thing. It was sometimes an embarrassing battle; there was always the haunting question, “Is it self-serving?” Yet instinctively we knew an important issue was at stake — the right of a social movement to explore, to hear ideas (even though we might not be expressing any dangerous ones), the right not to be fenced in. An historian asked me recently what role, if any, radicals (or “the left”) played in the Southern Movement of the ’50s and ’60s. I guess we were what passed for radicals and “the left” at that time, and this article is my answer to the historian’s question. Our role was to fight for our right to exist, to be recognized as a legitimate force.
So SCEF struggled consistently for its right to participate, and when attacks came we used them as platforms from which to reach people with our program of enlisting white Southerners in the anti-racist Movement. But we also explained in multiple papers, pamphlets and oral discussions our position on what we called “civil liberties,” and their importance to civil rights. And we informed people about the role of the witch hunters and their committees.
Thus, when HUAC announced hearings in Atlanta in 1958, black SCEF leaders organized an open letter signed by 200 Southern black activists, demanding that the committee stay out of the South. It was the First open attack of that scope on HUAC anywhere, and as a result the National Committee to Abolish HUAC emerged; it led that fight for 72 more than a decade and finally succeeded. In my opinion, HUAC’s trip south in 1958 was the beginning of its end, for that brought black civil-rights forces together with white civil-libertarian forces, and the combination was unbeatable.
Carl Braden was subpoenaed to those Atlanta hearings, and he refused to answer any of HUAC’s questions, saying “My beliefs and associations are none of the business of this committee” — that is, standing on the First Amendment. In 1961, he went to prison for a year for that position, after the Supreme Court upheld his contempt conviction, along with that of Frank Wilkinson, sparkplug of the movement to abolish HUAC. But by 1961, we had carried the campaign against HUAC all across the South, and during the year Carl was in prison I traveled about speaking on the subject. In the fall of 1961, SCEF sponsored a major conference in Chapel Hill on the theme “Freedom and the First Amendment,” and several hundred people came, our first mass conference of this period. The new Movement was breaking through the fear.
As we struggled for the right to exist, we won some strong allies within the Movement, and there were important expressions of human courage. It took an additional dimension of bravery to defy those who shouted “traitor.” Some people who could stand up to police dogs and cattle prods couldn’t deal with this.
The Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, who led the mass movement that broke segregation in Birmingham, was one who had both kinds of courage. He met SCEF people in 1957, after his house was bombed and not long before he was almost killed trying to enroll his children in a segregated school. He began to work closely with SCEF, joined its board, invited it to hold Birmingham’s first integrated conference in over 20 years, and never let anybody tell him to stay away from us.
In 1963, at the height of the Birmingham Movement, Fred accepted election as president of SCEF. He was also a founder of SCLC and was then its secretary. In his book My Soul Is Rested, Howell Raines notes that after the big Birmingham demonstrations in 1963, Fred was never again accorded his previous prominent position in SCLC. Raines thinks this was because he disagreed with Martin King over tactics in Birmingham and was never forgiven for this by King’s aides. My own opinion is that, if indeed Fred’s SCLC status changed, it was because this was also when he was elected president of SCEF.
Fred knew there might be concern in SCLC about his election. He still tells about how he broke the news to SCLC leaders. He, Martin, Ralph Abernathy and Andrew Young were on their way to a speaking engagement. “Oh, I want to tell you,” Fred reports the conversation, “I have been elected president of SCEF, and I have accepted. Now I know some people may feel that causes problems for SCLC, and if you think it does, I will resign . . . from SCLC.”
Martin hastened to assure him that this was not necessary. Although there was apparently divergence of opinion within SCLC on this issue, Martin himself always rejected the witch hunters’ attempts to isolate SCEF. He defied a barrage of criticism to initiate a clemency petition as a protest when Carl went to prison in the HUAC case. Soon after Carl left prison in 1962, I was invited to speak at the annual SCLC convention in Birmingham. It was a strange invitation; I was asked to speak on nonviolence, and there were plenty of people in SCLC more expert on that than I. Martin said he added my name to the speakers’ list because there were no women on it, and he didn’t think that was right. But there were plenty of other women available too. When I spoke, the presiding officer asked Carl and Jim Dombrowski, who were in the audience, to come to the stage also; and after I finished what I think was a quite mediocre speech, Martin himself came to the stage to give an “appreciation.” I think it was his way of saying to the world that he was not going to be a part of the witch hunt or be intimidated by it.
It also provided the witch hunters with one new weapon. A picture was taken that day showing Martin at the microphone with Carl and Jim and me in the background. Later that fell into the hands of the Louisiana Un-American Activities Committee, and they published it with great fanfare in a three-volume dossier on SCEF. During hearings, the committee counsel announced that the committee had communicated with Dr. King to give him an “opportunity” to clear his name by repudiating SCEF. But, the counsel said sadly, “No answer whatsoever was received from Martin Luther King.”
For those of us who knew Martin, that was no surprise.
Ella Baker, long-time NAACP organizer and unofficial “godmother” of SNCC, was another who challenged the witch hunt. Carl and I met her during our 1950s sedition case when she stepped out of the role dictated by NAACP policies and organized support for us. In early 1960, she and Carl worked together on a voting-rights hearing in Washington, despite pressure on her to stay away from it. She told the students that they must not be afraid of those the power structure told them to fear. “The problem in the South,” she said, “is not radical thought, or even conservative thought; it’s lack of thought. We’ve got to break that pattern, and we can’t do it by letting the opposition tell us whom to associate with.”
Another person who took a courageous lead was the Reverend Wyatt Tee Walker, executive director of SCLC in the early ’60s. It was Wyatt who argued at that 1960 SNCC meeting that it should not exclude SCEF from its observers. In 1962, Wyatt got sold on the idea of having a big conference in Atlanta that would bring all the civil-rights and related groups together to say “no” to witch-hunting. The proposed conference was the idea of Eliza Paschall, then leader of Atlanta’s Human Relations Council.
Both Eliza and Wyatt learned some facts of life when they started trying to enlist support from other organizations. The Southern Regional Council, which Eliza was sure would go along, equivocated for months — and finally said no, as I knew they would, since at that time they were part of the problem, not of the solution. That didn’t faze Wyatt, because he was sure he could get support from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). He wrote their national office in New York, then went to see them — and waited all one afternoon in an anteroom without ever seeing anybody in authority. He came back to Atlanta furious.
Dottie Miller (later Dottie Zellner, then on the SNCC staff) told me about Wyatt’s report to her. At that time, SCLC was very close to President Kennedy.
“Can you imagine,” Dottie laughed. “He’s got an open door to the White House, and he can’t get into the ACLU.”
With doors of the more “respectable” organizations closed, the proposed Atlanta conference never happened. Instead, the next summer, 1963, Ella Baker organized a workshop on the topic, sponsored by SCEF; both SNCC and SCLC supported it, and lots of activists came. The ideas discussed there — the importance of rejecting all labels and claiming the freedom to explore all ideas — were spreading slowly through the movement.
Only a few years later, of course, the Movement and the country changed in profound ways. The mass movements generated by the black upsurge in the South swept away much of the fear, pulled the fangs of HUAC, and created an atmosphere in which people’s movements were setting the country’s agenda. The Freedom Movement, despite the efforts of those in power to confine it to narrow issues, burst out of the set bounds again — and did indeed move on to economic issues, the issue of war and challenges to the political structure. SNCC moved in that direction when it supported the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in its refusal to compromise with politics-as-usual at the National Democratic Convention in 1964; it was at that moment that the attacks began that eventually destroyed SNCC. SCLC moved in that direction when Dr. King came out against the Vietnam War, later called on people of all colors to join a Poor People’s Campaign, and went to Memphis to support striking workers.
What with mass movements now having burst the established parameters, those trying to control the society apparently knew the old methods had failed. “Words can never hurt me, but sticks and stones may break my bones.” Those who wanted to keep things basically as they were turned to other methods of repression in the late ’60s and early ’70s — but that’s another story.
Now as the 1980s begin, rumblings of yet another period of repression are coming out of Washington — and new people’s movements are emerging. But the movements of this decade start from a very different point from those of the ’50s and ’60s, and it is to be hoped that they will not let any reincarnations of the witch-hunting committees deter them from their path.D
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Two Remarkable Lives
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Two Remarkable Lives: a review by Jo Freeman.
| null |
Two Remarkable Women
A review by Jo Freeman published in Women's Review of Books, September, 2003, Vol. XX, No. 12, pp. 21-22.
Ella Baker & the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision by Barbara Ransby, Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2003. ISBN: 0-8078- 2778-9, 470 pages, $34.95 hardcover.
Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South, by Catherine Fosl, New York: Palgrave-MacMillan, 2002. ISBN: 0-312-29457-5, 418 pages, $35 hardcover.
Ella Baker and Anne Braden were remarkable women. One was black and one was white. Both were born and raised in the South. Braden stayed while Baker made her home in New York, though she often worked in the South. Both were pioneers who bravely faced physical and social threats while living a precarious financial existence in order to devote their lives to liberating African Americans from segregation and the racism which underlay it.
Catherine Fosl and Barbara Ransby have written excellent biographies based on extensive research into manuscript collections, personal interviews, and secondary sources. Ransby's book began as her 1996 dissertation, which is reflected in its more academic tone. Since her subject died in 1986, she interviewed Ella Baker's friends, family, and co-workers. She also refers to interviews with Baker done by others. In contrast, Anne Braden is still alive. Fosl quotes her extensively and ruminates on the challenges of writing about someone who will read her book. She found "the emotionally and intellectually complicated world of biography with a living subject" to be a "battle of wills that persisted for years" even though Fosl and Braden were also friends. Writing in an accessible style, Fosl begins with a useful chronology of Anne Braden's life, which makes it easy to refer back to key points while reading the rest of the book. Both authors offer insight into the lives of these women and the times in which they lived.
Their times encompassed the entire 20th century, beginning with the early decades when segregation and disenfranchisement were embedded in law and acceptable to all but a handful of whites throughout the US. While blacks always objected to and often resisted their second-class treatment, until after World War II, only a few whites--and fewer white Southerners--listened. The return of black veterans, the Supreme Court's 1954 ruling that segregated schools were unconstitutional in Brown v. Board of Education, and the desire of the US to find allies among the newly independent nations of Africa, cracked the facade of racism and opened up the political space through which the civil rights movement flowed.
The lives of both women, and the organizations and causes they worked for, were shaped by the culture of anti-Communism that pervaded the US for most of the 20th century. Both women have extensive FBI files, and both were harassed because of their dedication to social change and their left-wing sympathies. In the South, Communism was equated with integration; anyone promoting the latter was assumed to be part of the former. In the North, it was equated with agitation; outspoken challengers of the status quo were suspect and constantly placed on the defensive. In fact, Communist Party members had been on the cutting edge of integration as well as labor organizing, but they were also liabilities because of their willingness to follow shifts in the party line and their label as enemies of the US in the cold war. Natural allies frequently fought and often split over how to deal with Communists, real and imagined, in their midst.
Ella Baker was born in 1903 in Norfolk, Virginia, where she lived until age seven, when her mother returned to her own hometown of Littleton, North Carolina. Baker stayed in North Carolina until she graduated from Shaw University in 1927. From then on, Harlem was her home, though she lived, toured, and stayed in Southern towns when her work required it. That work was facilitating social change, through many different organizations, four dozen of which are listed in an appendix. Getting paid for this work was a constant challenge. Ransby identifies Baker's sources of income throughout the book, but there are large gaps when it is not at all clear how she paid her bills.
From 1940 to 1947 Baker worked in the national office of the NAACP, first as a field secretary and then as national director of branches. She traveled extensively, organizing and encouraging chapter formation. She repeatedly clashed with Executive Director Walter White over his preference for a top-down structure. Baker, according to Ransby, favored a decentralized structure where chapters developed their own action programs. She organized numerous leadership training conferences so chapters could be more than just "cheerleaders and fund-raisers for the national office."
Baker's success and outspokenness caused increased tension with White. This, and a "lack of internal democracy that prevented internal dialogue" drove her to leave, even before she had found another job. For the next few years she did "odd jobs with several civil rights and community service organizations" in New York. She remained loyal to the NAACP, becoming the first woman president of the New York City chapter in 1952.
After the Montgomery bus boycott started in December 1955, Baker joined with activists Bayard Rustin and Stanley Levison to form the group In Friendship, which channeled Northern resources to the Southern civil rights movement. After the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) was formed in 1957 to continue the struggle started in Montgomery, Rustin and Levison persuaded SCLC's new president, Martin Luther King Jr., to hire Baker as SCLC's first staff member. Baker went to Atlanta to put together the new organization and its first projects. She started literally from scratch, finding and furnishing her own office. However, Baker did not like King, and he in turn did not want a woman running SCLC. She helped select SCLC's first executive director and returned to New York.
Under various umbrellas, Baker continued her organizing activities throughout the South, and in the spring of 1960 became godmother to still another organization--the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Seeing potential in the student sit-ins against segregation that proliferated throughout the South that spring, Baker brought the young protesters to a conference at Shaw University. For the rest of SNCC's life, through many changes in leadership and direction, she was its adviser and nurturer. It was at her urging that SNCC concentrated on organizing in the small towns of the South and tried to reach decisions through discussion and consensus. Baker did not support SNCC's turn to black nationalism and racial separation in the mid-1960s, but she "continued to aid and defend SNCC" while shifting her energies to other causes and organizations.
It's not clear when Baker first met Anne Braden, but by the late 1950s they were fast friends. Braden was raised as a Southern belle and spent her life as a Southern pariah. Although her youth was spent in Anniston, Alabama, Braden was born in 1924 in Louisville, Kentucky, where her family had been pioneer settlers in the 18th century. A descendant of slaveholders and Confederate veterans, Braden devoted her life to campaigning against racism.
After graduating from Randolf-Macon Woman's College in 1945, Braden became a journalist, first in Anniston and then in Louisville. There she met and married a colleague on the Louisville Times. Carl Braden was ten years her senior and barely divorced. A high-school drop-out who had learned his trade on the job, Carl was a radical, son of an active socialist and railroad worker who, "inspired by the Russian Revolution," named his son after Karl Marx. Anne had begun to question the status quo, especially regarding race, but she was not yet the passionate radical she would become. Through Carl, Anne became involved in a variety of left-wing organizations and causes.
While Carl enlarged her world, it was race that turned Anne inside out. She told Fosl, "I came to identify with the oppressed instead of the oppressor... I realized that I had grown up part of a privileged class that enjoyed its place in society because not only black people but because most of the rest of the population was subjugated."
In 1954 an African American couple who had known the Bradens casually asked for their help in buying a house in a white suburb of Louisville. The Bradens readily agreed to act as intermediaries, never occupying the premises. A month after the new black owners moved in, the house was dynamited. A police investigation failed to find a suspect, while a suburban newspaper insisted that the bombing was an "inside job." When the Bradens and five other white supporters demanded that the investigation continue, the district attorney indicted them for sedition. He claimed that the home purchase was "part of a Communist plot to stir up racial friction in an otherwise contented community."
Kentucky was one of 21 states that had passed sedition laws during the red scare that followed the Russian Revolution and World War I. A Pennsylvania case that might invalidate such state sedition laws was on its way to the Supreme Court as Carl was being tried, but although most courts under such circumstances would have delayed sentencing and let the defendant out on bail, Kentucky convicted Carl and sentenced him to 15 years in prison and a $5,000 fine. He served seven months of his sentence before the Supreme Court ruled that state sedition laws were superceded by the federal Smith Act.
Although Anne herself was not tried, she became a local pariah. Hate mail and threats arrived at her doorstep. "Friends and neighbors also gave her the cold shoulder, some refusing even to speak when they saw her on the street.... Even in the black community the taint of Communism had a silencing effect that was underscored by the fact that all of the defendants were white."
While Carl was incarcerated, Anne traveled the country publicizing his case and raising funds. Tired and despondent, she nonetheless found comfort in the network of people in the North (and to a lesser extent the South) who came to the couple's aid. One of these was Aubrey Williams of Montgomery, president of the Southern Conference Education Fund. SCEF was a network of activists that sought to generate Southern support for desegregation. Often red-baited himself, Williams was sympathetic to the Bradens' situation. When Carl was released from prison, he could not find work. Williams brought both Bradens onto the SCEF staff. Carl became a traveling organizer and Anne editor of its newsletter, the Southern Patriot. SCEF remained their home for 15 years. At one point Ella Baker was also on its staff.
In 1958, the US House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) held hearings in Atlanta on "Communist Party propaganda activities in the South" and subpoenaed the Bradens to testify. After Carl refused to answer questions he was convicted of contempt of Congress and sentenced to a year in jail. This time he served the full sentence while Anne campaigned for clemency.
Although the Bradens were ardent supporters of the civil rights movement that consumed the South, they remained on its edges. Fear of red-baiting caused most civil rights leaders to keep them at arm's length. Carl died in 1975, but Anne lived to see her worked vindicated with a variety of honors in the 1990s.
Unlike the Bradens, Baker was never accused of being a Communist. She met and argued with Communists in New York, but was "fairly promiscuous in her political associations," according to Ransby. However, she had "a curious and ambivalent relationship to the communist question," cooperating with the NAACP when it purged Communists in the 1950s. Baker was far too attracted to ideas of local democracy and decentralized decision-making to be politically compatible with the Communist Party. Nonetheless, like the Bradens, she recognized that civil liberties were crucial to civil rights. If some views could be suppressed as subversive, any views could be suppressed.
Neither Anne Braden nor Ella Baker had a gender agenda, but their biographers do. Ransby argues that "Baker offered an alternative image of womanhood that many young women had not previously encountered." She describes her as "authoritative yet unassuming, self-confident and assertive... comforting, nurturing...[yet with] nothing maternal about her." Although interested in others, she was silent about her own personal life. Almost everyone thought "Miss Baker" was a spinster. In fact she was married for 20 years, although her husband (who kept his own name) appears to have been more of a roommate than a spouse. Baker also raised her niece from age 9 to 19, when her sister could not do so.
Anne Braden's family life was more conventional, but still a departure from the norm. Her life and work were so intertwined with Carl's that people saw them as a single entity, "Anne and Carl." They shared the care and rearing of their three children, and they shared jobs at a time when the sexual division of labor was taken for granted, even by radicals. While Anne did more of the family work and Carl more of the traveling, their marriage was far more egalitarian than those of their friends, let alone their neighbors in Louisville.
Baker did not use her gender to push her agenda; she worked around it. It was a handicap to be a woman in world where authority was assumed to be male. She didn't ignore women, but usually worked as a woman in a man's world, where she was always marginal.
Anne Braden used her socially acceptable status as a married woman and mother to advance her causes. She organized a women's auxiliary to a labor union, joined a white women's delegation to protest the execution of a black man in Mississippi, and worked with the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom against militarism and with Women for Peace to end nuclear testing. Fosl quotes her views: "I felt, and still feel, that women--if they don't suppress it--have a kind of compassion that the world needs, a caring-for-others component that some would call a maternal instinct." It was long after the women's liberation movement took hold that Braden realized what she had missed because of her lack of a feminist perspective. Because she had not felt burdened, put down or ignored and had such a companionate marriage, it took a while for her to understand that not all women were so lucky. She expanded both her views and her work, but her priority was always racial justice.
Ransby and Fosl have written significant biographies of significant women. They show what strong, dedicated women could do for social change during decades when women weren't supposed to do anything but support their husbands and care for their children. They also highlight the difficult environment in which both women worked, where challenges to the status quo, especially the racial status quo, were attacked as foreign threats. Thus, these books not only teach us about the past but warn us about a possible future.
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https://inmotionmagazine.com/opin/hg_ab.html
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by Heather Gray / Opinions / In Motion Magazine
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"Rosa Parks",
"Coretta Scott King",
"Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth",
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"Southern Patriot",
"Southern Conference Education Fund",
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The Souths Rebel Without A Pause
Anne Bradens Tireless Commitment
by Heather Gray
Atlanta, Georgia
In less then a year, we in the South have lost three giants in the civil rights movement who knew each other and whose lifes work intersected. First we lost Rosa Parks in October 2005, then Coretta Scott King in January 2006, and on March 6, 2006 the incomparable Anne Braden died in Louisville, Kentucky at the age of 81. Her biographer Cate Fosl has wisely said about Anne Hers has been among the most forceful and persistent of white voices for racial equality in modern U.S. history. Fosls Subversive Southerner (www.subversivesoutherner.com): Anne Braden and The Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South is an invaluable history of our Southern civil rights movement.
Upon meeting Anne in 1957, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. said that she was the most amazing white woman for her dedication to civil rights. I recall in the interview by CSPANs Brian Lamb of Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), shortly before he died, Toure mentioning the importance of Annes work in the 1960s. When Anne and her husband Carl were being maligned as communists during the height of the 1960s movement the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham fame told us at a gathering in the 1990s that in no way would he or did he abandon Anne. Cries of communism, he said, were always the ploy in an attempt to destabilize effective work for justice.
One of the many newspaper clippings about Anne at her funeral last week in Louisville described her in bold print as A Rebel Without a Pause. That was Anne to be sure. The fact is, she never shied away from anything that would advance justice in the South and she never let anyone else pause either. This defiance on her part was always on the surface and always expressed. In the 1950s she and Carl joined the staff of the civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). As a journalist, Anne wrote for SCEFs newspaper the Southern Patriot. In a revealing 1962 Patriot article entitled Dont Waste a Stamp Anne addressed potential funders of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Many across the country were concerned about the increasing violence in the south and wanted to encourage these young activists to leave. Anne wrote:
While I was in Southwest Georgia, one of the two cars used by the student registration workers broke down. They managed to get it fixed, but the prospects were dim.
And even two cars as not enough - not for 10 or more students to canvass over three counties and planning soon to expand into more. Food these students can sometimes manage without. Cars are essential.
Thinking of their situation, you probably feel like writing them a letter urging them to get out of Georgia before they are killed. But I tell you this would be a waste of a stamp. They wont leave. So instead, why not use your stamp to send a check to help buy another car?
Students in Mississippi have the same problem. One SNCC field secretary told me he is assigned to cover a 45 square-mile area populated by 28,000 Negroes. And he has no car at all. So sometimes he travels by mule, literally .
Like hundreds of white and black activists throughout the South and the country, I am honored to acknowledge that I am one of her white step-children. Anne seemed to have her fingers on the pulse of activism throughout the entire South. She called upon countless numbers of us on a consistent basis to help her on a project or someone else in the region that needed assistance.
Sometimes we didnt know what was happening behind the scenes. Only last week after she died did I discover, after a phone call from New York, that it was Anne who advised national organizers of the Africa Peace Tour that I organize the tour in the southeast in the 1987. Organizing the tour in seven states helped me considerably in subsequent work against apartheid and learning more about the southern region and its activists. Anne knew this would happen of course! Then she would draw upon those contacts and expertise for intensification and expansion of the work. I remember in the 1980s when I was in an Atlanta hospital for a major operation, just out of the recovery room, and the phone rings. It was Anne. Somehow she tracked me down from Louisville. Anne said Heather, youre just out of the operating room? Im so sorry but I need this important information. So, while I could hardly hold on to the phone, for some 30 minutes we talked about an upcoming major demonstration in the South to address the horrors of white supremacy. But that was Anne. None of us who worked with her would even think about not helping her with whatever she needed. I would venture to say that most of us felt honored that she even thought to call us for advice or information.
I was also fortunate to serve on the board of the Southern Organizing Committee for Racial and Economic Justice (SOC) that Anne co-chaired along with Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth. The organization was one of the few that provided the opportunity for us to think and act regionally and to make the essential connections of the myriad of issues we faced. From the 1980s and on the meetings were always filled with a diversity of black, white and eventually Latino activists in the region.
We would sit for hours in New Orleans, Montgomery or Birmingham to strategize on various issues, activities and mistakes weve made then and in the past. We would also listen, learn and occasionally join in while the legendary leaders in our midst discussed and analyzed the dynamics of white supremacy, racial politics generally and labor challenges in the South. Anne was never without offering a lengthy epistle about anything until the wee hours of the night along with her ever-present cigarettes! These sessions were often both grueling and enlightening. They were not only a history lesson but also a socialization process into the tactics of southern civil rights activism and Anne understood the importance of this. She wanted to pass this information on to all of us and to keep the momentum going at every conceivable juncture. The meetings were a roll call of southern leaders and activists the likes of Reverend C.T. Vivian, Jack ODell, Gwen Patton, Virginia Durr, Reverend Fred Taylor, Reverend James Orange, Connie Tucker, John Zippert, Jackie Ward, Reverend Ben Chavis, Charlie Orrock, Ann Romaine, Damu Smith, Jim Dunn, Judy Hand, Scott Douglas, Ron Chisholm, Spiver Gordon, Pat Bryant, Tirso Moreno and countless others.
I remember a few years ago when Anne was to receive yet another award - this time from the Fund for Southern Communities. We watched as the small, frail, yet powerful Anne walked to the front of the crowded Sisters Chapel at Spelman College in Atlanta to receive the award. In what was vintage Anne, she told the crowd that while she appreciated the award it surprises her that she would be acknowledged in this way and that she always expects, instead, to get arrested!
Anne was not unlike many white southern women in the civil rights movement who were essentially kicked out of their family when they declared their commitment to racial justice. She told me once that however painful the loss of family might be, the experience of battling white supremacy can be liberating. She said a few years ago that once we as whites have wrenched ourselves as much as possible from the horrible burden and shackles of white supremacy, we are finally free.
But Anne also insisted, of course, that the responsibility of whites goes far beyond examining our souls. In a January/February 2006 Fellowship of Reconciliation article, entitled Finding Another America she expressed that in a practical sense relatively little, if any, progress toward justice in America could be made until racism is confronted. She said, It is certainly true that our society faces many life-and-death issues. But we can't deal effectively with any of these problems until we mount an aggressive offense against racism. This is not only morally right; it's a practical matter. As long as our society can dump its problems on people of color it will not seek or find real solutions.
After her death last week, the following brief and informative encapsulation of Annes history was provided by the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and the Carl Braden Memorial Center.
Braden catapulted into national headlines in mid-1954 when she and her husband Carl Braden were indicted for sedition for their leadership in desegregating a Louisville, Kentucky suburb. Their purchase of a house in an all-white neighborhood on behalf of African Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade violated Louisvilles color line and provoked violence against both families, culminating with the dynamiting of the house in June of 1954. A subsequent grand jury investigation concentrated not on the neighborhoods harassment of the Wades, but looked to the Bradens supposedly communistic intentions in backing the purchase, and they were indicted for sedition that Fall. The couples sedition case made national news and earned them the ire of segregationists across the South, which was reeling from the U.S. Supreme Courts condemnation of school segregation in its Brown ruling earlier that Spring. Only Carl was convicted, and that conviction was later overturned. The sedition charges left the Bradens pariahs, branded as radicals and reds in the Cold-War South, and they became fierce civil libertarians who openly espoused left-wing social critiques but would never either embrace nor disavow the Communist Party publicly because they felt that to do so accepted the terms of the 1950s anti-communist witch hunts.
Anne Bradens memoir of the case, The Wall Between was published in 1958, becoming one of the few accounts of its era to probe the psychology of white Southern racism from within. Their case also introduced the Bradens to the civil rights movement blossoming farther south, in which white allies were few and far between . The Bradens soon joined the staff of a regional civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), and began traveling the region to solicit greater white support for the movement. As the 1960s dawned, Anne Braden became a mentor and role model to younger Southern students who joined the movement -- a role she maintained for the rest of her life. Although she was suspect in some circles, Braden publicized and supported the student sit-ins in the pages of SCEFs Southern Patriot newspaper, which she edited, and she encouraged a broader vision of social change that would include peace and justice. She was also instrumental in Louisvilles Open Housing movement in the layer sixties, and among the leading white voices who helped to bring peace to the turbulent second generation of school desegregation, in which busing brought open violence to Louisville and other cities in the mid-1970s.
After Carl Bradens untimely death in 1975, Anne Braden remained a central proponent of racial justice in Louisville and across the South, eventually evolving from pariah to heroine. Bradens primary message was the centrality of racism in the U.S. social fabric, but she constantly stressed that civil rights activism was as much whites responsibility as it was that of people of color.
In speeches delivered in the nearly six decades of her activism, Braden would frequently reflect on her odyssey from segregationist youth to anti-racist advocate: a process she called turning myself inside out. Reared in a middle class, pro-segregation family, Braden changed as a young reporter covering the emerging civil rights movement in 1947 Alabama, where she had observed two separate and unequal systems of justice meted out in the Birmingham courthouse. She subsequently left the supposed neutrality of mainstream journalism to apply her considerable journalistic talents to the aid of African Americans in their quest to end segregation. About her efforts against Southern racism, her friend and fellow activist Angela Davis reflected, she enabled vast and often spectacular social changes . that most of her contemporaries during the 1950s would never have been able to imagine.
Heather Gray is the producer of "Just Peace" on WRFG-Atlanta 89.3 FM covering local, regional, national and international news. She lives in Atlanta, Georgia and can be reached at hmcgray@earthlink.net.
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https://medium.com/%40kelseywestbrook_/flipping-the-house-owning-our-power-2b5e6c857a3b
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en
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Flipping the House & Owning our Power
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2018-01-08T18:03:17.645000+00:00
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I first saw Dan Canon at an emotionally charged Black Lives Matter rally and march in August at the Carl Braden Memorial Center in West Louisville. The rally took place just after the atrocious…
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en
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https://miro.medium.com/v2/5d8de952517e8160e40ef9841c781cdc14a5db313057fa3c3de41c6f5b494b19
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Medium
|
https://medium.com/@kelseywestbrook_/flipping-the-house-owning-our-power-2b5e6c857a3b
|
By Kelsey Westbrook
I first saw Dan Canon at an emotionally charged Black Lives Matter rally and march in August at the Carl Braden Memorial Center in West Louisville. The rally took place just after the atrocious “Unite the Right” rally that turned violent and deadly in Charlottesville, Virginia — one of the largest white supremacist events in recent US history. People from all walks of life gathered in solidarity to hear activists and community members from various organizations speak on making change, becoming better allies and accomplices, and holding one another accountable — particularly white people, and our friends and families. Dan was introduced as a civil rights attorney running for Congress in Indiana’s 9th district as he approached the Braden Center’s front porch and was handed a megaphone.
Admittedly, at first glance, I thought to myself, “oh, joy, another white guy running for office. That’s just what we need,” yet as he spoke to the crowd, his impassioned words cut through the sweltering heat. He was humble yet fervid. He spoke frankly about racism deeply entrenched in our systems and white supremacists’ goal of the “eradication and subjugation of black bodies.” I soon found out that he’d represented the plaintiffs in Kentucky’s same-sex marriage case, one of five states that made up the Supreme Court’s historic marriage equality ruling in June 2015. He’s been an outspoken advocate and voice for the oppressed time and time again through his career as a civil rights attorney. Dan Canon’s magic has begun permeating through our communities, and folks from all paths want to get involved to ensure his seat in Washington as a representative of Indiana.
These folks include, but aren’t limited to, burlesque dancers, drag queens, fire eaters, sideshow artists, and more. So how can these artistic performers and creatives put their talents to use to raise funds and awareness for Canon’s campaign? For them, it’s all about owning their power and Dawn Howard, Canon’s finance director, has an unconventional birthday celebration in the works to do just that.
On January 12th, Zanzabar will host the “Flip the House Party” from 8PM-2AM as a celebration for Howard’s 39th birthday doubling as a fundraiser for Canon’s campaign. Howard teamed up with Camila Jasis-Wallace, a brilliant sideshow performer and creator of “Brunchlesque”, to curate an incredible evening of entertainment and imaginative mayhem. In addition to the burlesque oddling and fire performance stylings of Camila’s Artemesia de la Miel, The Flip the House Party will feature members of Octo Claw’s Bizarre Bazaar, the Va Va Vixens, Hashtag Productions (the drag creation of #Sofawnda Peters-Cumming, Gag the Mermaid, and several other drag performers based in Nashville), The Winchowskers Experiment (a duo of sideshow/clown/burlesque lovers from Bardstown), and more.
“Camila knows Dan through the theater community and had offered to coordinate a burlesque fundraiser for him,” said Howard, “Mark at Vectortone had previously offered up a (Zanzabar) night for free and Alex Smith (AKA musical artist, Howell Dawdy) had previously offered to donate a karaoke roulette night,” thus the Flip the House Party was born through colliding her birthday celebration with these generous and talented donors for an evening benefitting the campaign. Howard adds that karaoke roulette is her “absolute favorite thing in Louisville.” Tickets are $15, however, you can also purchase a “Happy 39th Birthday Dawn” ticket for $39, to wish her a special day of birth and contribute a greater gift to the campaign.
“I’m a huge fan of Dan and Dawn and the changes they are trying to bring to the White House,” says Jasis-Wallace. “Many of us feel powerless against this current political juggernaut we are facing, and we are resisting with what we have: vaudeville . . . drag, burlesque, sideshow, clowning.” Jasis-Wallace explains that these creative expressions were once all political, and that it’s important right now to bring the strength and threat of politicized art back into our communities and daily lives.
Jasis-Wallace and her comrades have felt the profound and deliberate moves made by the administrations (Trump & Bevin) to erase and debase queer folks, people of color, women and femmes, the disabled, Muslims and more. “We use our own bodies in response,” she added. And, it seems as though drag and burlesque performers aren’t the only ones using what they have to make change, as the world watched the women (and men) of Hollywood don black attire in solidarity at the Golden Globes on Sunday and proclaim “Time’s Up” on tolerating discrimination, harassment and abuse. These political acts fostered and executed within our own realms are validation that we can reclaim our power — an inertia that’s been suppressed or robbed from us for far too long — and use it to create change.
“This isn’t a conventional fundraiser, or a conventional campaign,” said Congressional candidate, Dan Canon, “I am fortunate enough to know a lot of talented people from all walks of life. It’s very gratifying to see so many of those people willing to lend their talents to make our country a better place. Our message in holding events like this should be clear: everyone is welcome at this great table we are trying to build.” In addition to the message Canon promotes with this event, I believe there’s another takeaway to procure: 2018 will be a year of resistance, in every way imaginable, and folks will begin using what they have — our own personal power ranges from skill sets to talents to attending events whilst drinking bourbon — to dismantle the system, dissent and resist.
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Catalyst Project: a center for political education and movement building
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Anne Braden Anti-Racist Training Program
2015 Sessions 1–2: Orientation
Required Readings and Audio
Anne Braden,
|
en
|
Catalyst Project: a center for political education and movement building
|
https://collectiveliberation.org/the-anne-braden-anti-racist-organizing-training-program/2015-abp/2015-sessions-1-2-orientation/
|
Anne Braden Anti-Racist Training Program
2015 Sessions 1–2: Orientation
Required Readings and Audio
Anne Braden, “A Time To Organize,” Address to Midwest Meeting of the
Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism
March 27, 2004, Louisville, Kentucky. (7 page PDF*: Braden A_Time_To_Organize; also at Colours of Resistance Archive). (bio).
Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez, “What Is White Supremacy?” from the Catalyzing Liberation Toolkit. (6 page PDF: What_Is_White_Supremacy_Martinez). (bio)
James Baldwin, “White Supremacy and the United States” (1963 speech) (audio at FreedomArchives.org; transcript: 2 page PDF: Baldwin 1963_speech . (bio)
bell hooks, “Love as the Practice of Freedom” from Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations. (9 page PDF: hooks Love_As_The_Practice_Of_Freedom). (bio)
Catalyst Project, “From A Place Of Love: Catalyst Project and the Strategy of Collective Liberation Leadership in White Communities” from Chris Crass, ed., Towards Collective Liberation: Anti-Racist Organizing, Feminist Praxis and Movement Building Strategy. (22 page PDF: Catalyst Project From a Place of Love).
Catalyst Project, “Overview of Catalyst Project’s Feedback and Accountability Process in the Development of the Anne Braden Program.” (3 page PDF: Feedback and Accountability in the Anne Braden Program).
Vijay Prashad, “The World We Want is the World We Need,” 13 minute video from Riverside Church, NYC, May 20, 2011. Vimeo.com/27270466.
Joel Olson, “The Problem of the White Citizen,” Chapter 2 of The Abolition of White Democracy. (45 page PDF: Olson_The_Problem_of_the_White_Citizen). (bio)
Barbara Smith, “Racism and Women’s Studies” (3 page PDF: Racism_Womens_Studies_Barbara_Smith), “The Tip of the Iceberg” and “The Rodney King Verdict” from The Truth That Never Hurts: Writings on Race Gender, and Freedom. (8 page PDF: Smith_Iceberg_Rodney_King_Verdict). (bio)
Catalyst Project, “Seeds and Sparks: 2013 Progress Report.” (16 page PDF: Catalyst Progress Report 2013).
Corrina Gould, “Protecting and Preserving Sacred Sites,” 15 minute video from IntlForum, talk presented at Moana Nui II, Berkeley CA, June 1, 2013. Youtube.com/watch?v=jrrzx4UrBus.
Micah Bazant, “Trans 101 Etiquette, Respect, and Support,” ganimede.transboys.info/trans101.html.
Catalyst Project, Participant Zine from past participants about how to prepare for the Anne Braden Program, 2011. (32 page PDF: ABP_Participant_Zine)
Readings are provided free for use by participants studying in the Anne Braden Training Program for Anti-Racist Organizers, a noncommercial, nonprofit educational program. We encourage everyone to buy the works from which excerpts have been taken – please support these authors and publishers.
Author Biographies
James Baldwin was at once a major twentieth century American author, a Civil Rights activist and, for two crucial decades, a prophetic voice calling Americans, Black and white, to confront their shared racial tragedy. Baldwin, an African American gay man, wrote six novels, three plays, a children’s storybook, a book of short stories, and some 100 essays. Baldwin was born in Harlem, New York City, as the son of a domestic worker and was brought up in poverty. When he was three, his mother married a factory worker and storefront preacher. After graduation from high school, he worked in several ill-paid jobs and started his literary apprenticeship.
His novels include Go Tell It on the Mountain, Giovanni’s Room, and Another Country. Baldwin expatriated to Europe because of racism and homophobia in the United States. He returned the U.S. to get involved in the Civil Rights movement and wrote dozens of essays about and to the movement. His book The Fire Next Time was a major contribution to the growing Black Power movement. His political insights to the freedom movement are reflected in his letter to Angela Davis when she faced state repression:
“We know that we, the Blacks, and not only we, the blacks, have been, and are, the victims of a system whose only fuel is greed, whose only god is profit. We know that the fruits of this system have been ignorance, despair, and death, and we know that the system is doomed because the world can no longer afford it—if, indeed, it ever could have. And we know that, for the perpetuation of this system, we have all been mercilessly brutalized, and have been told nothing but lies, lies about ourselves and our kinsmen and our past, and about love, life, and death, so that both soul and body have been bound in hell.
“The enormous revolution in black consciousness which has occurred in your generation, my dear sister, means the beginning or the end of America. Some of us, white and Black, know how great a price has already been paid to bring into existence a new consciousness, a new people, an unprecedented nation. If we know, and do nothing, we are worse than the murderers hired in our name.
“If we know, then we must fight for your life as though it were our own—which it is—and render impassable with our bodies the corridor to the gas chamber. For, if they take you in the morning, they will be coming for us that night.
Anne McCarty Braden (July 28, 1924 – March 6, 2006) was an American advocate of racial equality. Born in Louisville, Kentucky, and raised in rigidly segregated Anniston, Alabama, Braden grew up in a white middle-class family that accepted southern racial mores wholeheartedly. A devout Episcopalian, Braden was bothered by racial segregation, but never questioned it until her college years at Randolph-Macon Woman’s College in Virginia. After working on newspapers in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama, she returned to Kentucky as a young adult to write for the Louisville Times. There, she met and in 1948 married fellow newspaperman Carl Braden, a left-wing trade unionist. She became a supporter of the civil rights movement at a time when it was unpopular among southern whites. She and Carl Braden co-founded the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression.
bell hooks, born on September 25, 1952 is an African-American author, feminist, and social activist. Her writing has focused on the interconnectivity of race, class, and gender and their ability to produce and perpetuate systems of oppression and domination. She has published over thirty books and numerous scholarly and mainstream articles, appeared in several documentary films and participated in various public lectures. Primarily through a postmodern female perspective, she has addressed race, class, and gender in education, art, history, sexuality, mass media and feminism.
Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez was one of two Latinas in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee working to build grassroots power in working class Southern Black communities in the 1960s Civil Rights movement. She worked in New Mexico from 1968–1976 in the Chicano Power movement and edited a movement newspaper, El Grito del Norte.
An antiracist, social justice activist for forty years, Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez has published many articles and seven books on liberation struggles in Las Americas including 500 Years of Chicano History, and De Colores Means All of Us. Her most recent book, 500 Years of Chicana History has just been released. Martinez worked in the feminist movement and has prioritized alliance building between communities of color. In 1997 she co-founded the Institute for Multiracial Justice with former SNCC organizer Phil Hutchings. Martinez has been an advisor to the Catalyst Project since 2000.
Joel Olson (1979 – March 29, 2012). From New Clear Vision obituary: “Joel was Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and International Affairs at Northern Arizona University in Flagstaff, Arizona, where he specialized in political theory. A noted expert on racial politics and extremist ideologies, he was the author of The Abolition of White Democracy as well as numerous articles and reviews… During the 1990s Joel was involved with the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation and later went on to form Bring the Ruckus! He was a well-known figure in the a nti-racist and pro-immigrant movements in Arizona, working with grassroots groups including Copwatch and the Repeal Coalition.”
Barbara Smith (b. 1946) “has played a significant role in building and sustaining Black Feminism in the United States. Since the early 1970s she has been active as a critic, teacher, lecturer, author, scholar, and publisher of Black feminist thought. She has also taught at numerous colleges and universities … Smith’s essays, reviews, articles, short stories and literary criticism have appeared in a range of publications, including The New York Times Book Review, The Black Scholar, Ms., Gay Community News, The Guardian, The Village Voice, Conditions and The Nation … In 1975 Smith reorganized the Boston chapter of the National Black Feminist Organization to establish the Combahee River Collective. As a socialist Black feminist organization the collective emphasized the intersectionality of racial, gender, heterosexist, and class oppression in the lives of Blacks and other women of color… and in 1980, along with Audre Lorde and Cherríe Moraga, co-founded Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, the first U.S. publisher for women of color.” –Wikipedia
* Note: number of pages refers to pages within the PDF file to provide a sense of the download size, not the number of pages of readings included. Links to external web sites open in a new page.
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Home of Anne and Carl Braden
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Historical Marker #2254 in Louisville notes the location of the home of Anne and Carl Braden, who were active in the Civil Rights Movement.
Anne and Carl Braden are probably best known for their efforts to bring fair housing to Louisville in the 1950s, with their purchase of a home in an all white neighborhood with the intent to transfer the title to Andrew Wade, an African American Korean War veteran. But the Bradens' commitment to racial, social, political, and economic equality went...
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ExploreKYHistory
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Text
Historical Marker #2254 in Louisville notes the location of the home of Anne and Carl Braden, who were active in the Civil Rights Movement.
Anne and Carl Braden are probably best known for their efforts to bring fair housing to Louisville in the 1950s, with their purchase of a home in an all white neighborhood with the intent to transfer the title to Andrew Wade, an African American Korean War veteran. But the Bradens' commitment to racial, social, political, and economic equality went far beyond equal housing.
Anne McCarty was a native Southerner. Born in Louisville in 1924, and raised in Alabama, she graduated from Randolph-Macon Women’s College in Virginia and embarked on a journalism career. She met Carl Braden in Louisville while she worked for the "Louisville Times" and they married in 1948. The couple was of like mind when it came to politics, especially with issues related to race. The Bradens campaigned for the Progressive Party in 1948, and worked with a number of organizations for social and economic equality during the 1950s. The Bradens edited the newsletter for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF) titled the "Southern Patriot." The SCEF was committed to racial desegregation through direct action.
Anne Braden was friends with many of the Civil Rights Movement’s primary figures. She was named in Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s "Letter from a Birmingham Jail." Dr. King wrote, "I am thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped the meaning of this social revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still too few in quantity, but they are big in quality. Some–such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs, Ann Braden and Sarah Patton Boyle–have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms. Others have marched with us down nameless streets of the South."
The Bradens' home in Louisville was visited by many Civil Rights activists, including Rosa Parks, Dr. King, and Angela Davis. It also served as a place of welcome to members of civil rights groups such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
After Carl died in 1975, Anne continued to be active in civil rights efforts. She taught civil rights history at the University of Louisville and Northern Kentucky University, and, in 1990, received the Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty, awarded by the American Civil Liberties Union for lifetime achievements. Anne Braden died in 2006, but her achievements and legacy as an active advocate for racial equality live on.
The marker reads:
HOME OF ANNE & CARL BRADEN
4403 Virginia was longtime home of Anne and Carl Braden, early white allies of the southern civil rights movement. Segregationists marched here in 1954 after the couple helped an African American family desegregate a local suburb. Though they became controversial figures, the Bradens then fought to keep this area multiracial.
CIVIL RIGHTS LANDMARK
In the 1960s this home became a waystation for national reformers such as Rosa Parks, Angela Davis & Rev. M. L. King Jr. It was also a meeting place for young activists who led sit-ins. After Carl’s death in 1975, Anne continued organizing for racial justice, peace & workers’ rights until her death in 2006.
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Catalyst Project: a center for political education and movement building
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Anne Braden Anti-Racist Training Program
2015 Sessions 1–2: Orientation
Required Readings and Audio
Anne Braden,
|
en
|
Catalyst Project: a center for political education and movement building
|
https://collectiveliberation.org/the-anne-braden-anti-racist-organizing-training-program/2015-abp/2015-sessions-1-2-orientation/
|
Anne Braden Anti-Racist Training Program
2015 Sessions 1–2: Orientation
Required Readings and Audio
Anne Braden, “A Time To Organize,” Address to Midwest Meeting of the
Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and Socialism
March 27, 2004, Louisville, Kentucky. (7 page PDF*: Braden A_Time_To_Organize; also at Colours of Resistance Archive). (bio).
Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez, “What Is White Supremacy?” from the Catalyzing Liberation Toolkit. (6 page PDF: What_Is_White_Supremacy_Martinez). (bio)
James Baldwin, “White Supremacy and the United States” (1963 speech) (audio at FreedomArchives.org; transcript: 2 page PDF: Baldwin 1963_speech . (bio)
bell hooks, “Love as the Practice of Freedom” from Outlaw Culture: Resisting Representations. (9 page PDF: hooks Love_As_The_Practice_Of_Freedom). (bio)
Catalyst Project, “From A Place Of Love: Catalyst Project and the Strategy of Collective Liberation Leadership in White Communities” from Chris Crass, ed., Towards Collective Liberation: Anti-Racist Organizing, Feminist Praxis and Movement Building Strategy. (22 page PDF: Catalyst Project From a Place of Love).
Catalyst Project, “Overview of Catalyst Project’s Feedback and Accountability Process in the Development of the Anne Braden Program.” (3 page PDF: Feedback and Accountability in the Anne Braden Program).
Vijay Prashad, “The World We Want is the World We Need,” 13 minute video from Riverside Church, NYC, May 20, 2011. Vimeo.com/27270466.
Joel Olson, “The Problem of the White Citizen,” Chapter 2 of The Abolition of White Democracy. (45 page PDF: Olson_The_Problem_of_the_White_Citizen). (bio)
Barbara Smith, “Racism and Women’s Studies” (3 page PDF: Racism_Womens_Studies_Barbara_Smith), “The Tip of the Iceberg” and “The Rodney King Verdict” from The Truth That Never Hurts: Writings on Race Gender, and Freedom. (8 page PDF: Smith_Iceberg_Rodney_King_Verdict). (bio)
Catalyst Project, “Seeds and Sparks: 2013 Progress Report.” (16 page PDF: Catalyst Progress Report 2013).
Corrina Gould, “Protecting and Preserving Sacred Sites,” 15 minute video from IntlForum, talk presented at Moana Nui II, Berkeley CA, June 1, 2013. Youtube.com/watch?v=jrrzx4UrBus.
Micah Bazant, “Trans 101 Etiquette, Respect, and Support,” ganimede.transboys.info/trans101.html.
Catalyst Project, Participant Zine from past participants about how to prepare for the Anne Braden Program, 2011. (32 page PDF: ABP_Participant_Zine)
Readings are provided free for use by participants studying in the Anne Braden Training Program for Anti-Racist Organizers, a noncommercial, nonprofit educational program. We encourage everyone to buy the works from which excerpts have been taken – please support these authors and publishers.
Author Biographies
James Baldwin was at once a major twentieth century American author, a Civil Rights activist and, for two crucial decades, a prophetic voice calling Americans, Black and white, to confront their shared racial tragedy. Baldwin, an African American gay man, wrote six novels, three plays, a children’s storybook, a book of short stories, and some 100 essays. Baldwin was born in Harlem, New York City, as the son of a domestic worker and was brought up in poverty. When he was three, his mother married a factory worker and storefront preacher. After graduation from high school, he worked in several ill-paid jobs and started his literary apprenticeship.
His novels include Go Tell It on the Mountain, Giovanni’s Room, and Another Country. Baldwin expatriated to Europe because of racism and homophobia in the United States. He returned the U.S. to get involved in the Civil Rights movement and wrote dozens of essays about and to the movement. His book The Fire Next Time was a major contribution to the growing Black Power movement. His political insights to the freedom movement are reflected in his letter to Angela Davis when she faced state repression:
“We know that we, the Blacks, and not only we, the blacks, have been, and are, the victims of a system whose only fuel is greed, whose only god is profit. We know that the fruits of this system have been ignorance, despair, and death, and we know that the system is doomed because the world can no longer afford it—if, indeed, it ever could have. And we know that, for the perpetuation of this system, we have all been mercilessly brutalized, and have been told nothing but lies, lies about ourselves and our kinsmen and our past, and about love, life, and death, so that both soul and body have been bound in hell.
“The enormous revolution in black consciousness which has occurred in your generation, my dear sister, means the beginning or the end of America. Some of us, white and Black, know how great a price has already been paid to bring into existence a new consciousness, a new people, an unprecedented nation. If we know, and do nothing, we are worse than the murderers hired in our name.
“If we know, then we must fight for your life as though it were our own—which it is—and render impassable with our bodies the corridor to the gas chamber. For, if they take you in the morning, they will be coming for us that night.
Anne McCarty Braden (July 28, 1924 – March 6, 2006) was an American advocate of racial equality. Born in Louisville, Kentucky, and raised in rigidly segregated Anniston, Alabama, Braden grew up in a white middle-class family that accepted southern racial mores wholeheartedly. A devout Episcopalian, Braden was bothered by racial segregation, but never questioned it until her college years at Randolph-Macon Woman’s College in Virginia. After working on newspapers in Anniston and Birmingham, Alabama, she returned to Kentucky as a young adult to write for the Louisville Times. There, she met and in 1948 married fellow newspaperman Carl Braden, a left-wing trade unionist. She became a supporter of the civil rights movement at a time when it was unpopular among southern whites. She and Carl Braden co-founded the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression.
bell hooks, born on September 25, 1952 is an African-American author, feminist, and social activist. Her writing has focused on the interconnectivity of race, class, and gender and their ability to produce and perpetuate systems of oppression and domination. She has published over thirty books and numerous scholarly and mainstream articles, appeared in several documentary films and participated in various public lectures. Primarily through a postmodern female perspective, she has addressed race, class, and gender in education, art, history, sexuality, mass media and feminism.
Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez was one of two Latinas in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee working to build grassroots power in working class Southern Black communities in the 1960s Civil Rights movement. She worked in New Mexico from 1968–1976 in the Chicano Power movement and edited a movement newspaper, El Grito del Norte.
An antiracist, social justice activist for forty years, Elizabeth ‘Betita’ Martinez has published many articles and seven books on liberation struggles in Las Americas including 500 Years of Chicano History, and De Colores Means All of Us. Her most recent book, 500 Years of Chicana History has just been released. Martinez worked in the feminist movement and has prioritized alliance building between communities of color. In 1997 she co-founded the Institute for Multiracial Justice with former SNCC organizer Phil Hutchings. Martinez has been an advisor to the Catalyst Project since 2000.
Joel Olson (1979 – March 29, 2012). From New Clear Vision obituary: “Joel was Associate Professor in the Department of Politics and International Affairs at Northern Arizona University in Flagstaff, Arizona, where he specialized in political theory. A noted expert on racial politics and extremist ideologies, he was the author of The Abolition of White Democracy as well as numerous articles and reviews… During the 1990s Joel was involved with the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation and later went on to form Bring the Ruckus! He was a well-known figure in the a nti-racist and pro-immigrant movements in Arizona, working with grassroots groups including Copwatch and the Repeal Coalition.”
Barbara Smith (b. 1946) “has played a significant role in building and sustaining Black Feminism in the United States. Since the early 1970s she has been active as a critic, teacher, lecturer, author, scholar, and publisher of Black feminist thought. She has also taught at numerous colleges and universities … Smith’s essays, reviews, articles, short stories and literary criticism have appeared in a range of publications, including The New York Times Book Review, The Black Scholar, Ms., Gay Community News, The Guardian, The Village Voice, Conditions and The Nation … In 1975 Smith reorganized the Boston chapter of the National Black Feminist Organization to establish the Combahee River Collective. As a socialist Black feminist organization the collective emphasized the intersectionality of racial, gender, heterosexist, and class oppression in the lives of Blacks and other women of color… and in 1980, along with Audre Lorde and Cherríe Moraga, co-founded Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, the first U.S. publisher for women of color.” –Wikipedia
* Note: number of pages refers to pages within the PDF file to provide a sense of the download size, not the number of pages of readings included. Links to external web sites open in a new page.
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https://alchetron.com/Carl-Braden
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Alchetron, The Free Social Encyclopedia
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Carl Braden (June 24, 1914 February 8, 1975) was a leftwing trade unionist and social justice activist, born in New Albany, Indiana, and died in Louisville, Kentucky. He worked for the Louisville HeraldPost, The Cincinnati Enquirer (193745), and The Louisville Times. He also wrote for other new
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Alchetron.com
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https://alchetron.com/Carl-Braden
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The Wade incident
In 1954, as a method of protesting the rigid practice of racial segregation in neighborhoods, the Bradens arranged to purchase a house in an all-white neighborhood of Louisville and deed it over to Andrew Wade and his wife Charlotte, who were African-American. White segregationists lashed out – initially by shooting out the windows of the house and burning a cross in front of it – and finally drove the Wades out of the home by bombing it. Carl's wife, Anne, carefully chronicled the ordeal and used it as the basis for her book The Wall Between, published in 1958. As a result of their actions, Carl Braden was charged with sedition, since working for racial integration was interpreted by many southern whites as an outright sign of communist support. He was sentenced to 15 years and ended up serving eight months before he was released on the highest bond ever set in Kentucky up to that time.
In 1967, the Bradens were again charged with sedition for protesting the practice of strip-mining in Pike County, Kentucky. They used this case to test the Kentucky sedition law, which was eventually ruled unconstitutional.
The Bradens dedicated their lives to impelling whites into the cause of justice for all people. After Carl's death, Anne Braden remained active in networks of anti-racist work.
Early activism
In 1948, Carl Braden along with his wife Anne involved themselves in Henry Wallace's run on the Progressive Party for the presidency. Soon after Wallace's defeat, they left mainstream journalism to apply their talent as writers to the interracial left wing of the labor movement through the FE (Farm and Equipment Workers) Union, representing Louisville's International Harvester employees, Catherine Fosl, Subversive Southerner (Palgrave, 2002).
Later activism
The Bradens were blacklisted from local employment in Kentucky. They took jobs as field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), developing their own media attention through SCEF's monthly newspaper, The Southern Patriot, and through numerous pamphlets and press releases publicizing major civil-rights campaigns. The Bradens were acclaimed by young student activists of the 1960s and among the Civil Rights Movement's most dedicated white allies.
The Southern Christian Leadership Conference hosted a reception honoring Frank Wilkinson and Carl Braden on April 30, 1961, the day before they went to jail for defying the House Un-American Activities Committee. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and Dr. James Dombrowski were present at this reception honoring Wilkinson and Braden.
Death
Carl Braden died on February 8, 1975, and is buried in Eminence Cemetery in Henry County, Eminence, Kentucky.
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https://www.mapquest.com/us/kentucky/carl-braden-memorial-center-442151508
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Carl Braden Memorial Center, 3208 W Broadway, Louisville, KY 40211, US
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Get more information for Carl Braden Memorial Center in Louisville, KY. See reviews, map, get the address, and find directions.
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https://www.mapquest.com/us/kentucky/carl-braden-memorial-center-442151508
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The Carl Braden Memorial Center in Louisville, KY, serves as a community hub for various events and gatherings.
With its versatile event spaces and amenities, the center provides a welcoming environment for a range of occasions.
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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https://uk.trip.com/travel-guide/attraction/louisville/the-carl-braden-memorial-center-143896416/
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The Carl Braden Memorial Center - Opening Hours, Reviews & Photos [2024]
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Discover The Carl Braden Memorial Center in Louisville! See updated opening hours and read the latest reviews. Discover nearby hotels and dining for a perfect trip. Plan your visit to The Carl Braden Memorial Center on Trip.com.
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/trip.ico
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TRIP.COM
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https://uk.trip.com/travel-guide/attraction/louisville/the-carl-braden-memorial-center-143896416/
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Copyright © 2024 Trip.com Travel Singapore Pte. Ltd. All rights reserved
Site Operator: Trip.com Travel Singapore Pte. Ltd.
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https://www.aclu-ky.org/en/news/faces-liberty-anne-carl-braden
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Faces of Liberty: Anne & Carl Braden
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2014-11-13T09:37:10-05:00
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This is the first in a series of profiles marking the 60th anniversary of the ACLU of Kentucky's founding. From November 2014 through December 2015 we will highlight the story of one member, client, case, board or staff member that has been an integral part of our organization's rich history. Anne & Carl Braden "As long as I have life and strength, I hope to be on the
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ACLU of Kentucky
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https://www.aclu-ky.org/en/news/faces-liberty-anne-carl-braden
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This is the first in a series of profiles marking the 60th anniversary of the ACLU of Kentucky's founding. From November 2014 through December 2015 we will highlight the story of one member, client, case, board or staff member that has been an integral part of our organization's rich history.
Anne & Carl Braden
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Civil Rights Digital Library
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Some content (or its descriptions) found on this site may be harmful and difficult to view. These materials may be graphic or reflect biases. In some cases, they may conflict with strongly held cultural values, beliefs or restrictions. We provide access to these materials to preserve the historical record, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices, or behaviors found within them. Read more
The Digital Library of Georgia is part of the GALILEO Initiative and located at The University of Georgia Libraries
© 2024 Digital Library of Georgia
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Carl Braden
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A detailed biography of Carl Braden that includes includes images, quotations and the main facts of his life. Key Stage 3. GCSE. A-level. Civil Rights. Black History. Last updated: 27th August, 2020
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Andrew Wade Case
Carl Braden began work at the Louisville Courier-Journal whereas Anne Braden spent her time raising their three children, James, Elizabeth and Anita. They were both active member of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (NAACP) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). In 1954 the Bradens became involved in helping Andrew Wade, an electrician, in buying a house. "Carl and I were both part of a statewide committee to repeal the Kentucky school segregation law. We were also involved in trying to break down discrimination in hospitals. In the spring of 1954, a Black friend, Andrew Wade, asked us if we would buy a house and transfer it to him. He and his wife had one child, two and a half years old, and another on the way. They were crowded into a small apartment and were anxious to move out of the city. Andrew had tried, but as soon as sellers found out he was Black, he wouldn't get the house. He decided the only way left was to have a white person buy it for him. Before he came to us, he had asked several others. For one reason or another, they refused. But we felt he had a right to a new house and never thought twice about doing it." (7)
Andrew, his pregnant wife, Charlotte and their 2-year-old daughter Rosemary - moved into their new home at 4010 Rone Court, Louisville. Anne Braden later recalled: "That night, they heard gunshots, and somebody was firing at the house, and Andrew says he told his wife to get down, but it didn’t hit anybody. And they looked out and there was a cross burning in the field next to them.” In the days that followed "a stone bearing a racial epithet hurled into a window, the local dairy refused to deliver milk; the Wades’ newspaper subscription canceled because the carrier wouldn’t deliver it." (8)
Anne Braden explained: "A Wade Defense Committee was formed that had strong support in the Black community, but not a lot of whites. We got the police to put up a guard, which we never trusted. Some people volunteered to stay all night to help the Wades to keep watch.." (9) One of the guards was Lewis Lubka. “I was in the back kitchen with a gun. And when we were shot at we shot back. I was working days and helping guard the house at nights.” (10)
Millard Grubbs, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, who lived in Alabama, wrote to the local newspaper, Shively Newsweek, claiming that the Wade purchase as a "Communist conspiracy" to establish "a black beach-head in every white sub-division". He argued that segregation had been ordained by God and condemning the Marxist world plotters" who would undermine it. He went on to say that Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower were involved in this conspiracy and that to challenge segregation was part of a "rising red bureaucracy". He ended his letter by inviting "loyal white people" to join his newly formed American White Brotherhood. (11)
The night of June 27, 1954, a bomb went off under Rosemary's room, causing $7,000 worth of damages to the property. Luckily, she had gone to spend the night with her grandmother. (12) The Louisville Police Chief Carl E. Heustis told Carl Braden that he had a confession from the man (a former policeman) who set the dynamite and there'd be an arrest in a few days. (13) Although the people responsible, the same who had participated in the cross burning just weeks earlier, were identified, they were neither arrested or indicted for the crime. (14)
On 16th September, the state prosecutor made a statement that there were two theories about the bombing. As Anne Braden explained: "One was that the neighbors blew it up to get the Wades out of the area. The other was that it was a Communist plot to stir up trouble between the races and bring about the overthrow of the governments of Kentucky and the United States. The prosecutor was developing the theory that Wade would never have thought of moving there on his own, because Black people are really happy with things as they are until white radicals stir them up." (15)
On 1st October, 1954, instead of the grand jury producing indictments against the people who blew up the house, those white people who had been supportive of the Wades were charged with sedition. This included Carl and Anne Braden, Vernon Bown, Mary Louise Gilbert, LaRue Spiker, Lew Lubka and I. O. Ford. Bown, a young white man who stayed with Charlotte Wade during the day while Andrew Wade was at work, was charged with the dynamiting of the house. (16) Amber Duke has argued that the only way this can be explained is that this was at the time of McCarthyism and anti-Communist hysteria. (17)
Anne recalled: "They raided our house and took all of our files. We'd been in touch with many different groups, and we had folders on left-wing organizations. They took a lot of our books. Carl had grown up in a socialist home, and he had a Marxist and left-wing library. They took anything with a Russian name: books by Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, and Turgenev from a Russian literature course I had in college. The commonwealth detective who went through them testified that he didn't really know too much about books. When he was in school, he said, they made him read, and it turned him against books, and he hadn't read much since." (18)
The Bradens became victims of what became known as McCarthyism. On 9th February, 1950, Joseph McCarthy, a senator from Wisconsin, made a speech claiming to have a list of 205 people in the State Department that were known to be members of the American Communist Party (later he reduced this figure to 57). The list of names was not a secret and had been in fact published by the Secretary of State in 1946. These people had been identified during a preliminary screening of 3,000 federal employees. Some had been communists but others had been fascists, alcoholics and sexual deviants. If screened, McCarthy's own drink problems and sexual preferences would have resulted in him being put on the list. (19)
For the next two years McCarthy's Senate committee investigated various government departments and questioned a large number of people about their political past. Some lost their jobs after they admitted they had been members of the Communist Party. McCarthy made it clear to the witnesses that the only way of showing that they had abandoned their left-wing views was by naming other members of the party. This witch-hunt and anti-communist hysteria became known as McCarthyism. (20)
Lynn Burnett has argued: "During the period of McCarthyism, right-wing forces exploited the growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that developed in the wake of the Second World War. They used those tensions to whip the American public into a state of fear: Communism, they said, would spread rapidly across the globe unless severe measures were taken. They warned that Communists had already infiltrated deep into American society, and were working with the Soviet Union to undermine the United States from the inside. After using this wildly unsubstantiated myth to whip the public into a state of fear, these forces then used that fear as an excuse to destroy causes they opposed – including civil rights and organized labor – under the pretense that such causes were Communistic. It was easy to manufacture the connection because Communists were, indeed, major supporters of racial justice and labor rights. Because Communists were highly involved in those causes, anyone devoted to those causes would have worked around and known Communists themselves. In the period of McCarthyism, anyone who was around Communists was framed as a Communist sympathizer, which was then equated with being an enemy of the state. This is what was now happening to Anne and Carl Braden." (21)
The defendants asked for and were granted separate trials. The state insisted that Carl Braden, the perceived ringleader face trial of the initial sedition charge. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) provided Louis Lusky as his defence attorney and he faced an all-white jury. The state provided nine former American Communist Party. members, now paid FBI informants. "Their testimonies were largely biographical, detailing the evils of communism in their own lives and asserting that the CP-USA was an organization bent on the overthrow of the USA government." (22) Two of the witnesses, Matt Cvetic and Manning Johnson, were both later discredited. (23)
Prosecuting attorney, Scott Hamilton contended that the dynamiting of the Wade house was a Communist plot to excite racial hatred. He told the jury: "Sedition is communism and communism is sedition - there is no distinction." The defence on the other hand, argued that the prosecution was trying to get the jury to "say something the law doesn't say". Braden's attorney said the issue was simply "whether or not a man has the right to an opinion different from those in the community." (24)
Anne pointed out: "Carl was tried first. It was December... Every once in a while, they'd imply that we blew up the house, that Vernon Bown's radio was used to set off the dynamite. They introduced our books; tables of them were on trial. But the main testimony came from nine "expert" witnesses, gotten from the House Un-American Activities Committee. They were there to create atmosphere. None of them claimed to know Carl, but they testified that anybody who read those books was probably a Communist. They said that the purchase and resale of the Wade house fit in with the Communist program for the South, of taking land away from white people and giving it to Black people. They actually got on the witness stand and said that." (25)
Carl Braden was found guilty of sedition. His punishment was fixed at fifteen years' imprisonment and a $5,000 fine. His employer, the Louisville Courier-Journal, immediately issued a statement saying it had dismissed Braden: "This newspaper has gone on the time-honored principles, rooted in our American Constitution, that a man is innocent until proved guilty. Since Braden was charged by the grand jury on October 1st, he has performed no work for this organization. His conviction now puts a permanent end to his connection with the Courier-Journal." (26)
Anne Braden's trial was due to start on 14th February, but then it got postponed to the 28th, and then again and again until April, when they agreed to put off all the Wade trials until the higher courts ruled on Carl's case. At the time several civil rights activists had been sent to prison for sedition. This included Steve Nelson in Pennsylvania, who been charged under the 1919 Pennsylvania Sedition Act for attempting to overthrow the state and federal government. Unable to use wiretap evidence the prosecution was forced to rely on the testimony of FBI informant Matt Cvetic. Nelson was convicted, fined $10,000 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Concurrent with the Pennsylvania Sedition case, Nelson and five co-defendants were indicted in 1953 under the Smith Act. All six men were found guilty and each sentenced to 5 years and fined $10,000. (27)
Steve Nelson argued his case in the publication of The Thirteenth Juror (1955). His lawyers claimed that the testimony of Matt Cvetic was deeply flawed. Daniel J. Leab, the author of I Was a Communist for the FBI: The Unhappy Life and Times of Matt Cvetic (2000) that by 1955 Cvetic had been largely discredited as a witness and the Justice Department's Committee on Security Witnesses unanimously recommended that he not be used as a witness unless his testimony could be corroborated by external sources." (28)
In 1956 in Pennsylvania v. Nelson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the 1919 Pennsylvania Sedition Act. The court ruled that the enactment of the Smith Act superseded the enforceability of the Pennsylvania Sedition Act and all similar state laws. In the same year the Supreme Court granted Nelson and the other five defendants in the Smith Act case a new trial on the grounds that testimony had been perjured in the earlier case. By the beginning of 1957 the Government decided to drop all charges, bringing six years of legal battles to an end. (29)
Anne Braden pointed out that their case had influenced the decision of the Supreme Court. "They saw it as a horrible example of what happens when you turn every local prosecutor loose with a state sedition law." The state prosecutor dropped all sedition charges against Anne and her co-defendants but it was not until 1956 that they overturned Carl Braden's conviction. (30) The Wade family attempted to repair their home, but amid continuing hostility, sold the house at a loss and moved back into west Louisville. (31)
Southern Conference Education Fund
Carl and Anne could not, however, return to their old lives. In order to stay safe and be in a supportive environment, they moved into a Black neighborhood, where their children wouldn’t have to see their parents being constantly ostracized. In 1957, the Bradens joined the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), an organization dedicated to building White southern support for integration, and had thrown their full support behind the Bradens during their sedition trial. Its monthly newsletter, the Southern Patriot, was produced for the supporters of civil rights across the nation. During Carl’s incarceration, the Patriot had published articles by Anne and had helped her gain a national audience. The executive director of the SCEF was Jim Dombrowski and its vice president was Modjeska Simpkins. (32)
Anne recalled: "Jim Dombrowski, the architect of the ongoing SCEF, was one of the greatest people who ever lived in the South. He was a founder, with Myles Horton and Don West, of Highlander Folk School. He's been involved in various struggles for social justice since the early 1930s. He saw the need for a group of Blacks and whites working together with a one-point program: End segregation in the South... In 1957 Carl and I went to work for SCEF. They didn't have much money, so we worked for practically nothing at first. Our main job was to reach white people and help them see that civil rights was their battle, too. We didn't have many resources, and we were fighting against a lot of fear. We traveled around, linking up with college professors, students, teachers, professional people, and ministers - many of whom lost their churches when they took a stand for equal rights." (33)
The SCEF worked closely with other civil rights organizations such as Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Carl also became friends with Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks. Another close associate was Virginia Durr, a White Southern aristocrat whose husband, Clifford Durr, had worked for Franklin D. Roosevelt during the New Deal. Writing to a friend in 1959, Virginia said, “I have made a new friend, Anne Braden… Who sees life in Alabama as I do, but with even deeper insight, much deeper I think. She is a lovely and charming and gentle person with a brilliant mind and is such a comfort to me.” A few months later, she wrote: “Anne Braden has been here recently and she is a perfect darling and I love her and I think she is a very good writer too. After she was gone, the Attorney General came out with a huge warning to all the people of Alabama to beware of her as she was so dangerous.” (34)
In 1958 the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities (HUAC) announced it wanted to investigate left-wing activists in the Deep South. The SCEF produced a letter signed by 200 Black leaders that in essence said: "We've got enough problems down here. Our churches are being bombed. Our kids are being attacked as they go to school. The last thing we need is the House Un-American Activities Committee coming here to attack white people who are supporting justice." (35)
Carl Braden was indicted in 1958 for contempt of Congress after refusing on First Amendment grounds to testify before the HUAC. He stated "My beliefs and my associations are none of the business of this Committee." Braden's conviction was upheld 5-4 in the Supreme Court in 1961 and he went to prison but was released early in 1962. (36)
The Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham was used as a meeting-place for civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Ralph David Abernathy and Fred Shutterworth. Tensions became high when the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) became involved in a campaign to register African American to vote in Birmingham.
On Sunday, 15th September, 1963, a white man was seen getting out of a white and turquoise Chevrolet car and placing a box under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Soon afterwards, at 10.22 a.m., the bomb exploded killing Denise McNair (11), Addie Mae Collins (14), Carole Robertson (14) and Cynthia Wesley (14). The four girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church. Twenty-three other people were also hurt by the blast. The bombing was the fourth in less than a month, and fiftieth in two decades, in what had become known as "Bombingham." (37)
Diane Nash and her husband, James Bevel, in response to the bombing, became committed to raising a nonviolent army in Alabama. Its main objective was obtaining the vote for every black adult in the state. Alabama and other southern states had effectively excluded blacks from the political system since disenfranchising them at the turn of the century. In 1962, Deputy Attorney General Burke Marshall reported that “racial denials of the right to vote” existed in eight states, with only fourteen percent of eligible black citizens registered to vote in Alabama. In Mississippi, 42% of the population were black but only 2% were registered to vote. (38)
This eventually became known as the Selma Voting Rights Campaign. Nash told Martin Luther King: "He (King) could notorious a battered people for nonviolent action and then give them nothing to do. After the church bombing, she and Bevel had realized that a crime so heinous pushed even nonviolent zealots like themselves to the edge of murder. They resolved to do one of two things; solve the crime and kill the bombers, or drive (Governor George Wallace and Police Chief Albert J. Lingo) from office by winning the right for Negroes to vote across Alabama." (39)
Diane Nash attracted the attention of President John F. Kennedy, who selected her to serve on a committee to develop a national civil rights platform, which later became the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The next year, Nash planned marches from Selma to Montgomery to support voting rights for African Americans in Alabama. Carl and Anne Braden took part in the march. When the peaceful protesters tried to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge to head to Montgomery, police severely beat them. Stunned by images of law enforcement agents brutalizing the marchers, Congress passed the 1965 Voting Rights Act. (40)
Carl Braden the executive director of the Southern Conference Education Fund, became the leader of the Training Institute for Propaganda and Organizing in Louisville, Kentucky in 1971. However, he died of a heart attack on 18th February, 1975. He was 60 years old. (41)
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https://www.lpm.org/news/2014-12-01/remembering-the-wades-the-bradens-and-the-struggle-for-racial-integration-in-louisville
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en
|
Remembering the Wades, the Bradens and the Struggle for Racial Integration in Louisville
|
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[
"Rick Howlett",
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"rick-howlett"
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2014-12-01T00:00:00
|
Remembering the Wades, the Bradens and the Struggle for Racial Integration in Louisville
|
en
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/apple-touch-icon.png
|
Louisville Public Media
|
https://www.lpm.org/news/2014-12-01/remembering-the-wades-the-bradens-and-the-struggle-for-racial-integration-in-louisville
|
This year, many in Louisville have been marking the anniversary of a touchstone event of the Civil Rights era.
It started 60 years ago when white activists, led by Carl and Anne Braden purchased a home on behalf of a young black family.
That act touched off weeks of racial violence and led to serious criminal charges against the activists.
Today, the neighborhood in Shively seems a most unlikely place for cross-burnings, gunfire and a dynamite attack, but that’s exactly what happened along the street over the course of several weeks in 1954.
The hostility began when an African-American family—Andrew Wade, his pregnant wife, Charlotte and their 2-year-old daughter Rosemary—moved into their new home at 4010 Rone Court.
Andrew Wade was an electrician who wanted to move his family to the suburbs but was turned down by a succession of white real estate agents, who refused to cross the illegal but still highly observed line of segregation.
In an interview from the 1980s featured in the documentary "Anne Braden: Southern Patriot," Wade recalls a piece of advice he received from agent.
"He said 'Wade, let’s be realistic—if you see a house, you like the house, regardless of where it is, get a white person if necessary if it’s in a white neighborhood to buy the house for you and transfer it to you. It’s that simple.'"
So, that’s what he did. Wade enlisted the help of acquaintances Carl and Anne Braden, left-wing activists who had been vocal in their opposition to Louisville’s housing segregation laws.
The transaction was completed but trouble began as soon as the Wades moved in.
"That night, they heard gunshots, and somebody was firing at the house, and Andrew says he told his wife to get down, but it didn’t hit anybody. And they looked out and there was a cross burning in the field next to them," Anne Braden recalled in the documentary.
There would more trouble in the days to come; a stone bearing a racial epithet hurled into a window, the local dairy refused to deliver milk; the Wades’ newspaper subscription canceled because the carrier wouldn’t deliver it.
Police were stationed nearby for protection, but the Wades and their white allies didn’t trust them, so they formed a committee whose members would take turns staying in the house.
One of the guards was Lewis Lubka.
"I was in the back kitchen with a gun. And when we were shot at we shot back. I was working days and helping guard the house at nights," said Lubka, the last surviving activist who's now 88 and lives in Fargo, North Dakota.
Several weeks went by and tensions seemed to ease a bit. But just after midnight on June 27, 1954:
"We was coming in and a bomb went off under the house," Lubka said.
The home was blown up with dynamite. The explosives were placed under Rosemary's room. No one was in the house at the time.
Cate Fosl is a biographer of Anne Braden and heads the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville. She said it was no secret who was responsible for this and other attacks, but:
"No indictments were returned against any of the neighbors, even though they had admitted to burning a cross and being hostile to the idea. But all of the indictments were against the whites who supported the Wades in this quest for a house," Fosl said.
Anne and Carl Braden and the five other whites were charged with sedition, accused of hatching a Communist plot to buy the home, blow it up, touch off a race war and overthrow the Commonwealth of Kentucky.
Today, it sounds outrageous. But in an interview from the collections of the Kentucky Historical Society, Anne Braden provided some context: this happened at the confluence of McCarthyism and the Supreme Court's 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling that outlawed school segregation.
"And I always felt that the Wades and us became lightning rods. They couldn’t get at the Supreme Court but that could get to us," Anne Braden said.
Carl Braden was convicted of sedition and spent eight months in prison.
The following year a ruling came down from the U.S. Supreme Court in a Pennsylvania case that said, in essence, sedition is a federal crime, not a state offense.
Carl Braden’s state conviction was later reversed and the charges against the other defendants were dropped.
Branded as Communist troublemakers, all the defendants had trouble finding work in the following years. Carl Braden died in 1975. Anne Braden continued her work opposing housing and school segregation.
The Wade family attempted to repair their home, but amid continuing hostility, sold the house at a loss and moved back into west Louisville, where Charlotte Wade still lives. She no longer speaks publicly about the case. Andrew Wade died in 2005.
Anne Braden, who died in 2006 at the age of 81, told the Kentucky Historical Society she had no regrets about helping the Wades buy their dream home.
"It would have been unthinkable for us to say no, because this is something we believed in. You live by what you believe in or you don’t, that’s all."
Fosl said the Bradens and the Wades would be proud of how the once-troubled Shively neighborhood has changed.
"It is one of the most integrated, multi-racial, multi-cultural neighborhoods in Louisville today," Fosl said.
It’s also the home of 31-year-old postal worker Steve Ebbs, his wife, and two young daughters.
On a October morning, Ebbs is standing next to a historical marker erected near the Wade home site a few years ago.
He’s the great-nephew of Andrew and Charlotte Wade, and lives down the street from 4010 Rone Court, now called Clyde Drive.
Ebbs has been the family’s spokesman during the anniversary commemorations.
"It’s something that I really take pride in," Ebbs said.
"I’ve made sure that my children understand the significance of the fact that there’s a monument here and it is our blood relatives that went through what they did to receive something like this. So I make sure that I definitely give it the respect that it’s due."
(Historic photos courtesy of The Courier-Journal. More photos can be seen here.)
The Wade house bombing and Braden sedition trial are featured in the Appalshopdocumentary "Anne Braden: Southern Patriot," produced by Anne Lewis and Mimi Pickering. Here's a clip from the film:
(Historic photos courtesy of The Courier-Journal. More photos can be seen here.)
The Wade house bombing and Braden sedition trial are featured in theAppalshopdocumentary "Anne Braden: Southern Patriot," produced by Anne Lewis and Mimi Pickering. Here's a clip from the film:
Chronology of Wade-Braden Case, Compiled by the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville:
1944: GI bill makes home ownership far more widely available to American working-class families
1947: Levittown, N.Y., subdivision begins, symbolizing start of American families' mass moves to suburbs in post-WWII era; Levittown maintains whites-only policies until 1960s
1948: meets Carl and Anne Braden through local events supporting Iowan Henry Wallace's presidential challenge to Truman on Progressive Party ticket
May 1950: 400 Louisville whites join Shawnee Homeowners' Association to prevent black residency in their neighborhood
Nov. 1953: Filipino-American WWII (WAC) veteran Nina Hardman moves with her children into all-white Louisville neighborhood, is greeted with protest petition but later welcomed
Feb.-March 1954: Anne Braden helps organize public hearing in support of local school desegregation in anticipation of Supreme Court ruling against segregated schools
March 1954: WWII veteran and electrician Andrew E. Wade IV asks whites Carl and Anne Braden to help him purchase a home for his family after realtors repeatedly refuse to sell to him because he is African American; his father, Andrew Wade III, is plaintiff in lawsuit to desegregate Louisville public pools
May 10, 1954: Bradens close on house Wades selected on Rone Court in Shively, and deliver keys to Wades
May 12-14, 1954: Wade admits to builder and to white neighbors that Bradens have deeded him the house on Rone Court, and he is moving in; white mob confronts Bradens at their own home demanding they prevent this move
May 15, 1954: Cross is burned on lot adjacent to Wades’ new home as they spends their first night there
May 16, 1954: In early morning hours, shots are fired into house, and a stone bearing a racial epithet is hurled into front window; local press covers events extensively
May 17, 1954: At noon, US Supreme Court issues decision on Brown v. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas, with justices 5-4 condemning segregated schools as discriminatory
May 18, 1954: Courier-Journal endorses Brown decision and condemns violence against Wades, but criticizes Bradens' actions and suggests Wades' move will lower neighborhood property values. As threats continue, Jefferson County police post 24-hour armed guard in front of Wade home. All the officers are white, and they set up in yard of admittedly hostile white neighbors
May 22, 1954: Wades and Bradens organize a Wade Defense Committee to advocate for the family's rights to their home, and to insure someone is there with Charlotte and 2-year- old Rosemary Wade while Andrew is at work
May 18-31, 1954: Threats continue against both families; Wades secure new insurance after original is canceled, and mortgage is revoked due to transfer. Shively Newsweek, a local weekly paper, editorializes against residential desegregation
June 3, 1954: Millard Grimes publishes letter in Shively Newsweek suggesting Wade purchase was communist conspiracy and announces formation of American White Brotherhood
June 17, 1954: Shively Newsweek publisher John Hitt proposes in editorial that shots into Wade home are "self-inflicted"
June 21, 1954: Wades secure new loan through black-owned mortgage company
June 26, 1954: Local dairy refuses to deliver milk to Wades on basis of their race
June 27, 1954: Courier-Journal notifies Wades of subscription cancellation because paperboy refuses to deliver to them
June 27, 1954: Despite police guard nearby, dynamite explodes under Wade home after midnight, injuring no one but destroying rear half of house
July 1-4, 1954: City police warn Bradens that their house may be in line for second act of violence and post 24-hr guard for Fourth of July weekend. Nothing happens and guard is removed.
July 4, 1954: National TV profiles year-long rampant violence to maintain all-white neighborhood in Trumbull Park neighborhood of Chicago
July 1954: Though Wades have moved back to town, Andrew returns to Rone Court house nightly to keep watch; county police refuse request for court of inquiry into violence
July 22, 1954: County police arrest Wade and charge him with breach of peace after he refuses to list all friends who will accompany him onto his property
Aug. 2, 1954: Charlotte Wade gives birth to second daughter, Andrea Maria Wade
Sept. 1954: Commonwealth's Attorney A. Scott Hamilton convenes grand jury to investigate violence on Rone Court
Sept. 15, 1954: On her son's third birthday, Anne Braden testifies before grand jury and refuses to answer questions about her associations with Communist Party members; she consults Courier-Journal publisher, Mark Ethridge, who expresses concern that hearings are becoming "red"-hunting expedition
Sept. 16, 1954: Courier-Journal defies precedent of grand jury secrecy and covers hearings in depth
Sept. 17, 1954: Courier-Journal editorial expresses "deepest disapproval" of Hamilton's theory of communist conspiracy, which it pronounces "baseless," also calls Bradens "politically misguided"
Sept. 17-22, 1954: All-white grand jury inspects damaged house, but continues to shift investigation to threat of communism and fails to indict neighbors who admit to burning cross on Rone Court. Hamilton threatens contempt citations if questions about Communism are not answered; Shively Newsweek continues to attribute purchase and dynamiting to communist crusade
Sept. 23, 1954: Grand jury recalls Vernon Bown, white Wade Defense Committee member who had stayed at Wade home weekdays. When he refuses to detail his political beliefs, Hamilton issues contempt citation and raids his apartment shared with former CP member I.O. Ford, confiscating Marxist books and pamphlets amid heightened publicity. Bradens, fearing a similar fate, hire attorney Robert Zollinger.
Sept. 29, 1954: Hamilton leads raids on homes of three more white leftists who supported Wades--Louise Gilbert, LaRue Spiker, and Lew Lubka--in search of subversive materials. He arrests all of them and charges them with contempt
Oct. 1, 1954: Carl and Anne testify before grand jury again on its final day; later in day, Bradens, Bown, Spiker, Gilbert, and Ford--all whites--are arrested and charged with unspecified charge called "sedition." Vernon Bown is charged with actual dynamiting of house in spite of sworn statements placing him out of state on June 27.
Oct. 5-7, 1954: Bradens' home is raided twice and 800 books are seized as prosecution's evidence
Oct. 8, 1954: Anne's parents, Gambrell & Anita McCarty, post her $10,000 bond and take her two children to Anniston, AL, for coming ten months
Oct. 22, 1954: Carl's mother and friends bail him out of jail
Nov. 4, 1954: While in Alabama visiting their children, Bradens learn they, along with Bown, Ford, and Lew Lubka, are indicted for second count of sedition, now specified as "conspiracy to achieve a political end--communism"
Nov. 29, 1954: Carl's trial begins with all-white jury of 11 men, one woman, in packed courtroom with daily media coverage
Nov. 30, 1954: Prosecution's opening statement attributes purchase to communist plot to take land from whites, suggests crime was not a discrete action but publications, ideas, and membership in "subversive organizations"
Dec. 1-7, 1954: Nine FBI ex-Communist witnesses, black and white, from around nation verify pattern of Communists coaching blacks to take land from whites but admit having no knowledge of Wade or any of defendants; many in audience cheer and applaud testimony
Dec. 2, 1954: Senator Joseph McCarthy (R-WI) is censured by US Senate for behavior "contrary to senatorial traditions" after his zealous investigation of alleged communism inside US Army under leadership of his own party
Dec. 7, 1954: Prosecution rests, having shown no relationship between Carl and any plot
Dec. 9, 1954: Carl Braden testifies he is not a member of the Communist Party and opposes violence in any form
Dec. 11, 1954: During Saturday session, defense rests. After lunch, prosecution announces surprise witness: Alberta Ahearn, a longtime friend of Bradens, who testifies she is FBI secret agent and was recruited into Communist Party by Carl and Anne. No link to Wade purchase is mentioned. Defense attempts to summon her FBI records to verify are rejected on grounds of "national security."
Dec. 13, 1954: Jury convicts Carl Braden
Dec. 14, 1954: Carl Braden sentenced to 15 years in prison and $5000 fine. Courier-Journal fires him from his job as copy editor
Jan. 21, 1955: Carl transferred from county jail to LaGrange Reformatory and placed in solitary confinement for 42 days; Anne travels to raise his $40,000 bail during appeal and makes contacts with others who had faced anticommunist prosecutions across U.S.
Feb.7, 1955: Trial for Anne Braden is postponed, first to Feb. 28, then to March, then April, then indefinitely, with no other defendants' trials scheduled
March 1955: Andrew Wade's attempt to prosecute Buster Robe, Stanley Wilt, and Lawrence Rinehardt for May 1954 cross-burning is thrown out because grand jury had originally failed to indict
July 12, 1955: Carl posts bond and is released
Nov. 4, 1955: Braden attorneys file amicus brief for Pennsylvania v. Nelson case facing Supreme Court testing legitimacy of state sedition laws
Dec. 1, 1955: Rosa Parks desegregates Montgomery, Alabama, bus, launching 13-month bus boycott and new mass nonviolent movement against segregation
March 12, 1956: "Southern Manifesto" deploring school desegregation and Brown decision is entered into Congressional Record, endorsed almost unanimously by southern senators and Congressional representatives April 2, 1956: U.S. Supreme Court invalidates state sedition laws in Nelson case
June 22, 1956: Carl's sedition conviction is reversed by Kentucky Court of Appeals
July 1956: Courier-Journal refuses to reinstate Carl on basis he lacks objectivity; none of sedition defendants can find jobs
Aug. 1956: Hamilton reconvenes grand jury to investigate communism in Louisville
Sept. 1956: Louisville schools desegregate without violence, unlike school districts farther south and in rural Kentucky: Kentucky White Citizens Council forms in protest
Nov. 1956: Sedition charges against Anne and rest of defendants dropped, but Hamilton announces plans to prosecute Bown for bombing; a few days later, Hamilton recommends, and judge agrees, dismissal of remaining charges
Summer 1957: Wades gain clear title to their house and begin its repairs
Sept. 1957: Unable to find employment in Louisville, Bradens become regional field organizers for New Orleans-based Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), tasked with recruiting whites to support racial desegregation
Nov. 1957: Wades sell house at auction amid continuing hostility and suffer financial losses from it; move to West End
Oct. 20, 1967: After Bradens are indicted for sedition again in Pikeville for opposing strip mining, Kentucky sedition law is at last declared unconstitutional by a federal panel in Lexington
|
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https://media.localmemphis.com/embeds/video/responsive/417-7ee43820-1c31-465e-ad16-f1d1a41390ea/iframe
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2021-02-02T06:34:35
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The Carl Braden Memorial Center is where the history of Louisville's fight against systemic racism lives - and where its future continues on.
|
localmemphis.com
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dbpedia
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https://www.tandyecklerrileyfuneralhome.com/obituaries/carl-harsin
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en
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Carl Harsin Obituary 2021
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https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/social/facebook/fb_3/ca64c952-47cd-4407-8c0f-c10917817e99/1eee6b124032750ad4d1f6ea10861708_2826740ab4e58dbafde71d95dc866089
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https://cdn.tukioswebsites.com/social/facebook/fb_3/ca64c952-47cd-4407-8c0f-c10917817e99/1eee6b124032750ad4d1f6ea10861708_2826740ab4e58dbafde71d95dc866089
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2023-02-03T18:05:39
|
Carl "Eddie" Harsin, 83, of Ghent, KY, died on Wednesday, October 13, 2021 in Louisville, KY. He was born on July 4, 1938, in Madison, Jefferson County, IN, the son...
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en
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https://cdn.filestackcontent.com/AUSYR3bMQ9WIIqa29YLd
|
Tandy-Eckler-Riley Funeral Home
|
https://www.tandyecklerrileyfuneralhome.com/obituaries/carl-harsin
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Carl “Eddie” Harsin, 83, of Ghent, KY, died on Wednesday, October 13, 2021 in Louisville, KY.
He was born on July 4, 1938, in Madison, Jefferson County, IN, the son of the late Carl Harsin and Mary Agnes Long Harsin. Eddie had worked in the Construction industry most all his life. He enjoyed Rabbit Hunting, Fishing and especially his Beagle Dogs. He was a member of the Relevant Church in Carrollton. Eddie served his Country in the United States Air Force specializing in Air Traffic Control.
Eddie will be missed by his wife, Wanda Perkins Harsin of Ghent, KY, his son, Alan Harsin and his wife, Beverly of Carrollton, KY, a daughter, Rhonda Weaver and her husband, Steve of Fairborn, OH, two grandchildren, Danielle Mann and her husband, Braden and Bret Harsin, two great grandchildren, Avery and Barrett Mann.
He was preceded in death by his parents.
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dbpedia
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https://cswac.org/memories-of-anne-braden/
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Memories of Anne Braden
|
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[
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[
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2023-01-29T14:32:52+00:00
|
I knew Anne Braden from the mid 1970’s until her death in March 2006. Of course, I knew of her before then. She was an icon of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM). I was aware she was mentioned by the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in his “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” which was written […]
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en
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Center for the Study of White American Culture
|
https://cswac.org/memories-of-anne-braden/
|
I knew Anne Braden from the mid 1970’s until her death in March 2006. Of course, I knew of her before then. She was an icon of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM). I was aware she was mentioned by the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in his “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” which was written in April, 1963. I had heard how she and her husband Carl Braden were from Louisville, Ky. and both had been charged with sedition by the State of Kentucky for buying a house in a segregated part of Louisville and then selling it to a Black couple. The Bradens were convicted, and Carl served time. One of the things I never forgot about Anne is how throughout her life she stood by Carl. She would say “Carl and I were a team. I just happened to have lived a much longer life. But we were a team. I became better known. Had Carl lived as long as me, we would have both been well known.”
I first met Anne at S.O.C. meetings. “SOC” was how everyone referred to the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice which Anne helped found in the 1970’s, along with Rev. C.T. Vivian and other organizers who had been leaders in the CRM. SOC’s purpose was to stress organizing as a fundamental principle of social change. Its importance to the work must be kept front and center, especially in the minds of activists. The founders of SOC urged activists not to succumb to quick programmatic temptations as the obvious “next steps” to the incredible victories that organizing had brought about in the aftermath of Brown v. Board in 1954. They knew it was mass-based organizing that had made the CRM happen and that it was such organizing that would continue to be the necessary foundation for any future victories. They wanted to train organizers who could move about the South and keep the Movement going. Anne always had a strong cadre of local organizers who worked with her in different towns and cities across the South. She did not want to be seen as what would become known as a public intellectual. Whether it was Mattie Jones in Louisville or Judy Hand and Scott Douglas in Birmingham, she knew how important networking was in her organizing. Jim Dunn would say “We must build a net that works”.
I was not a seasoned organizer in the mid 1970’s. I was just beginning my work at St. Mark’s Community Center in New Orleans, where I was hired as part of a recreation program serving neighborhood youth from “Treme,” one of the oldest African American communities in the United States. It was in Treme that I first heard of a group of neighborhood residents who were forming an organization to address issues of housing, jobs, and constant police harassment. I knew I wanted to be a part of that effort.
Ron Chisom, Joyce Lawes, Jim Hayes and the Herbert family were the lead organizers behind the development of the Treme Community Improvement Association (TCIA). They focused on developing leadership and enhancing Treme residents and their institutionally-based supporters like myself with a sense of the community’s power. Part of their long term strategy was to expose their members to other organizing efforts not only in New Orleans but around the South. I began to travel to Birmingham to SOC meetings. It was like going to school. It was definitely an education. SOC was a classroom, and the teachers were legendary. People would come from all over to SOC meetings. Dr. Jim Dunn from Yellow Springs, Ohio came to SOC meetings. So did C.T. Vivian from Atlanta SCLC , Anne Romaine, an organizer working among coal miners in Appalachia, Lynn Wells with the National Anti- Klan Network, and such luminaries as Hosea Williams, Modjeska Simpkins, and Rev. Fred Taylor from Atlanta. But the prime mover behind SOC’s influence was the example and charisma of Anne Braden. Because it was Anne who founded SOC, others wanted to be a part of it. Because Anne believed, you believed. Or you believed in Anne.
I asked Ron Chisom once what was it about Anne Braden that stood out in his mind. He said “because she never threw anybody away.” “Anne worked with everybody.” “I try to follow that principle in my own work.”
Anne struggled with the current emphasis on Affinity Groups. It was a new notion to her. She resisted being slotted into the white group. “You mean after spending my whole life organizing white and black people to learn how to come together, I now have to meet with just white people?” We assured her that is not what was meant, but people of color, especially Black people, were saying that they needed spaces where whites were not present to discuss dynamics not meant for white people to hear. And they went on to say “and whites need to do the same.” Thus was born European Dissent” in 1986. The idea was when we did come back together, we would be stronger. Maybe Anne was right. Today, Affinity Groups are in danger of becoming an end in themselves. This at the expense of movement building and community based organizing.
I remember an evening in the early 2000’s after an Undoing Racism workshop in New Orleans at Margery Freeman in our home in New Orleans, with Anne and Rev. C.T. Vivian present. Others were also there from The People’s Institute for Survival and Beyond organizing in New Orleans. We began to tell stories, one of which, was how The Institute was formed at C.T.’s home in Atlanta with Anne present. As the night wore on, Anne and C.T. began to reminisce about their history together, working with Dr. King and other heroes of the CRM. Alcohol flowed freely amongst us, and inhibitions loosened. At some point, I chose to just squeeze down into a corner and listen. What a rare and, in retrospect, cherished evening. Thinking of my upbringing in segregated portions of McComb, Mississippi and Helena, Arkansas in the 1950’s and 60’s, I thought: “what a blessing to have such a twosome in our house.” Even as the weather outside worsened and grew more and more inclement to the point the New Orleans airport was shut down, I would not have wanted to be anywhere else. C.T. and Anne had to sleep at our place overnight. One on the couch and another on a pallet on the floor.
Another memory comes to mind with Anne. She called one evening in what felt to me like the middle of the night. It was probably close to midnight. She was excited. “Let’s make a movie,” she proclaimed. “Let’s do a remake of ‘Mississippi Burning’ but tell the truth. The one out now makes the FBI seem like heroes.” She went on for a while before we admitted it was probably not going to happen.
Anne had certain principles of organizing that are important still today to understand and live by. She called them her 5 Essentials. (1) You must understand racism. It is not just another issue nor just one among many “isms”. Racism destroys democracy, and this is a race constructed nation. (2) Change comes as oppressed peoples organize for change. You can’t legislate racism away. You can’t educate it away. (3) When African American communities organize, the nation trembles. (4) No one group can do it alone, but a coalition of groups working together in order to build a movement is necessary. (5) We must regain the audacity of the ‘60s and dream the dream.
If there is an Organizers Hall of Fame, Anne Braden belongs in it. If there are those whose names we must not forget, hers is one of them. Find her story and learn more about this remarkable woman, and then let us walk in the path that she forged for us.
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https://kentuckyoralhistory.org/catalog/xt7dv40jth4j
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Interview with Anne Braden, June 17, 1999
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https://blackliveslouisville.org/stand-up-sundays/
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Black Lives Matter – Louisville
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Stand Up Sunday is a community building coalition & space to combat factors in opposition to #BlackLivesMatter.
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Black Lives Matter - Louisville
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https://blackliveslouisville.org/../stand-up-sundays/
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Stand Up Sundays is a community building coalition & space to combat factors in opposition to #BlackLivesMatter. However, we, as well as the entire social justice community in Louisville, KY, work everyday through our programming to combat violence by educating, informing and training our community about the systemic issues that plague us.
We make sure that we address and agitate those at the policy level (making the city accountable and calling on transparency from local/state government), showing up and showing out (protesting), or providing programming that fuels our community with the tools they need to make peace with their neighbors; grassroots initiatives of to build the change we want to see. We invite those within the community to join us in building a larger coalition to achieve these goals. We invite those from the social justice community to join us as we condemn the attack of black bodies, minds, and spirit. We call on you to assist in the liberation of all people by the liberation of black lives.
Stand Up Sundays Coalition Partners
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From the archives: Carl Braden was branded a Communist for helping a Black man buy a house
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"Steve Wiser",
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2024-05-11T10:00:29+00:00
|
Carl Braden, and his wife Anne, helped a Black family buy a house in Shively. This act would brand him a Communist and put him on trial for sedition.
|
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https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/history/2024/05/11/carl-braden-was-branded-a-louisville-communist/73412965007/
|
“Wade Vows He’ll Stay With His Blasted Home” was the front-page headline on June 28, 1954, in the Courier Journal along with a photo of the damaged home of Andrew Wade IV that would begin a landmark legal case involving Carl and Anne Braden.
Several months earlier, the Bradens, who were white, assisted Wade and his family, who were Black, in purchasing a house in an all-white neighborhood on Rone Court near Shively. Integrating a neighborhood during the Jim Crow period of the mid-1900s was a significant inflammatory controversy. After moving into this house, the Wades were harassed by "rifle shots being fired at the house, rocks thrown through the living room window, and a wooden cross burned adjacent to it."
Following the explosion of the Wade house June 27, 1954, a criminal search for the bomber would take an ironic twist that only the "Red Scare" Communist era of the early 1950s, led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, could imagine: Carl Braden was charged with dynamiting the Wade house.
On Oct. 1, 1954, Carl and his wife Anne were indicted by a grand jury for this terroristic act. An Oct. 9, 1954, Courier Journal article reported that they were charged with ‘advocating sedition’ and were Communist sympathizers.
As detailed in the court proceedings, "sedition . . . means any person who advocates or suggests by word, act, or writing, any public disorder or resistance to, or the change or modification of, the government, Constitution, or laws of the United States or of this State by force or violence or by unlawful means."
Carl Braden was tried first, separate from his wife, in early December 1954. Commonwealth’s Attorney A. Scott Hamilton said his office had evidence the explosion was part of a Communist-inspired plot to stir up racial trouble in Louisville.
During a police search of the Braden’s home, 4403 Virginia Ave., material was seized that was labeled ‘seditious’: pamphlets, correspondence, and books that were Communist-oriented. The newspaper reported Braden’s defense lawyer, Robert Zollinger, implied that this material could have been "planted" by someone else.
Hamilton refuted this allegation: “They claim we planted these papers … They're signed by Carl Braden ... and under his name is affixed 'secretary-treasurer' (of the Louisville Peace Committee).” Also supposedly found at the Braden house were "six copies of 'Foundations of Leninism,' and five copies of a Russian Constitution" which proved, per Hamilton, the Bradens were distributing Communist literature in Louisville, which was a "seditious" act.
In an effort to further prove Carl Braden was guilty of sedition, a "surprise witness" was introduced at the end of the two-week trial. Alberta Ahearn testified that she was an F.B.I. informant and knew personally of Braden’s Communist activities. Per the Dec. 14, 1954, news account, “Braden took the stand in rebuttal to Mrs. Ahearn and denied all her charges against him, or that he is or ever has been a Communist.”
In closing arguments, the prosecution summed up the case against Braden: “Communism is the greatest danger facing us today … (it) is not confined to China, or Indochina, or Korea. You have seen it demonstrated by evidence that communism is marching here … in Jefferson County, Kentucky.
"You can take it from Braden's own statement, as related to you from the witness stand … and from other evidence, it has been demonstrated … that Carl Braden is a Communist and believes in the Communist way of life. He has given aid and support to communism.”
It took the jury only 3 hours and 9 minutes to convict Carl Braden of ‘sedition’. The Dec. 14, 1954, Courier Journal had a front page photo of Braden wiping his face as he was led out of the courtroom to jail.
Shortly after, the American Civil Liberties Union supported the appeal of the verdict, stating that it "stands ready to defend the right of peaceable dissent. It is our ultimate protection against totalitarian government." Braden’s conviction was dismissed a few months later. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the state didn’t have the right to prosecute Braden. The state law under which Braden was charged was ruled "unconstitutional."
Commenting after his release, Braden stated: "We learned long ago that Red Baiting and anti-Communist witch hunts were nothing but smokescreens thrown up by people who control things to cloud the real issues of racial equality, higher wages and other desirable but unprofitable things we've worked for.”
Carl, who worked for several newspapers including the Courier Journal, continued with his civil rights activism, along with his wife Anne. He died Feb. 18, 1975, of a heart attack. He was 60 years old.
At his memorial service, he was eulogized by Black social justice advocate Angela Davis. She was "deeply indebted" to Braden for trying to help free her during her trial in 1972 on charges of murder, kidnapping and conspiracy after a judge was killed and three of his abductors fatally shot in a kidnap attempt in San Jose, California.
Davis, who had been involved in freeing what she calls prisoners being detained because of "political oppression," said "As long as there are people unjustly in prisons and being oppressed across the country, our debt to Carl Braden has not been paid”.
Steve Wiser, FAIA, is a local historian, architect, and author.
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl_Braden
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Carl Braden
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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Carl_Braden
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American activist
Carl Braden (June 24, 1914 – February 18, 1975) was a trade unionist, journalist, and activist who was known for his work in the civil rights movement.
Biography
[edit]
Braden was born in New Albany, Indiana, and died in Louisville, Kentucky.
He worked for the Louisville Herald-Post, The Cincinnati Enquirer (1937–1945), The Louisville Times, and The Courier-Journal (1950–1954).[1] He also wrote for other news services including The Harlan Daily Enterprise, the Knoxville Journal, the New York Daily News, the Chicago Tribune, the St. Louis Globe-Democrat, Newsweek, and the Federated Press.
In 1948, while working as a reporter in Kentucky, he met and married fellow journalist Anne Gambrell McCarty.[2] The Bradens had three children. James, born September 15, 1951, who as of 2020, had lived and practiced law for over 35 years in San Francisco, California, and was a 1972 Rhodes Scholar at New College of University of Oxford and 1980 graduate of Harvard Law School, where he preceded Barack Obama as editor of the Harvard Law Review.[3][4] Anita, born in 1953, died of a pulmonary disorder at the age of 11. Elizabeth, born in 1960, has worked as a teacher in many countries around the world, serving as of 2006 in that capacity in rural Ethiopia.[citation needed]
The Bradens dedicated their lives to impelling whites into the cause of justice for all people, and especially fought racism.[5] After Carl's death, Anne Braden remained active in networks of anti-racist work. While raising their children, Carl and his wife Anne Braden remained deeply involved in the civil rights cause and the subsequent social movements it prompted from the 1960s to the 1970s, because of this they were frequent targets for attacks from southern white supremacists.
Early activism
[edit]
In 1948, Carl Braden along with his wife Anne involved themselves in Henry Wallace's run on the Progressive Party for the presidency. Soon after Wallace's defeat, they left mainstream journalism to apply their talent as writers to the interracial left wing of the labor movement through the FE (Farm and Equipment Workers) Union, representing Louisville's International Harvester employees.[6]
The Wade incident of 1954
[edit]
In 1954, directly confronting the practice of rigid racial segregation of residential neighborhoods, the Bradens assisted an African-American couple, Andrew and Charlotte Wade, who wanted to buy a suburban home but had been unable to do so due to housing discrimination. The Bradens purchased a house on behalf of the Wades in Shively, an all-white neighborhood in the Louisville metropolitan area, and deeded it over to the Wade family. White segregationists immediately lashed out – initially by throwing rocks through the windows of the house, burning a cross in front of it, and firing gunshots into the home – and then bombed the house (setting off explosives under the bedroom of the Wades' young daughter while the home was occupied), driving the Wades out and destroying the home. As a result of their actions, Carl Braden was charged with sedition. Although housing discrimination was illegal, the U.S. Supreme Court ruling specifically on a case in Louisville, Buchanan v. Warley, in 1917, charges were brought against Braden for hatching a communist plot to stir up a race war. A friend of the Wades was also charged with bombing the house to make it appear to have been done by others. No charges were filed regarding the other incidents.[1] Braden denied the accusations that his purchase of the house and its subsequent bombing were all part of a "communist plot", and denied that he had ever been a member of the Communist Party.[1] He was convicted on December 13, 1954, and was sentenced to 15 years in prison. Immediately upon his conviction, he was fired from the Courier-Journal, and he served seven months of his sentence before he was released on a $40,000 bond pending appeal – the highest bond ever set in Kentucky up to that time.[1][2] His conviction was then overturned.[2][7]
Carl's wife, Anne, carefully chronicled the ordeal and used it as the basis for her book The Wall Between, published in 1958.
1961 U.S. Supreme Court case
[edit]
When compelled to appear before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), Braden refused to answer questions posed to him, saying the questions were not relevant to the mandate of the committee and violated his First Amendment rights. The case was heard before the Supreme Court of the United States as Braden v. United States, 365 U.S. 431 (1961). The court ruled against Braden, saying his conviction was constitutional.
Braden was sentenced to a year in prison, and a drive for clemency in his case was led by Martin Luther King Jr. He was released after serving nine months of the sentence.[2]
Later activism
[edit]
In 1967, the Bradens were again charged with sedition for protesting the practice of strip-mining in Pike County, Kentucky. They used this case to test the Kentucky sedition law, which was ruled unconstitutional in federal court.[2]
The Bradens were blacklisted from local employment in Kentucky. They took jobs as field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), developing their own media attention through SCEF's monthly newspaper, The Southern Patriot, and through numerous pamphlets and press releases publicizing major civil-rights campaigns. The Bradens were acclaimed by young student activists of the 1960s and among the Civil Rights Movement's most dedicated white allies.
The Southern Christian Leadership Conference hosted a reception honoring Frank Wilkinson and Carl Braden on April 30, 1961, the day before they went to jail for defying the House Un-American Activities Committee. Martin Luther King Jr. and James Dombrowski were present at this reception honoring Wilkinson and Braden.
Death
[edit]
Carl Braden died suddenly of a heart attack on February 18, 1975, and is buried in Eminence Cemetery in Henry County, Eminence, Kentucky.
See also
[edit]
History of Louisville, Kentucky
List of people from the Louisville metropolitan area
References
[edit]
Further reading
[edit]
Eskew, Glenn T. "Civil Rights History in Louisville and Kentucky." Ohio Valley History 10.4 (2010): 66–72.
K'Meyer, Tracy E. "The Louisville Civil Rights Movement's Response to the Southern Red Scare." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 104.2 (2006): 217–248. online
Steiger, Amy. "Moving forward, living backward, or just standing still?: newspaper theatre, critical race theory, and commemorating the Wade-Braden Trial in Louisville, Kentucky." Pedagogy and Theatre of the Oppressed Journal 4.1 (2019): 5+ online
Primary sources
[edit]
Braden, Anne. Anne Braden Speaks: Selected Writings and Speeches, 1947-1999 (NYU Press, 2022) online.
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The Courier-Journal from Louisville, Kentucky
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1954-11-17T00:00:00
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Get this The Courier-Journal page for free from Wednesday, November 17, 1954 1 THE COURIER- JOURNAL, LOUISVILLE, KY. WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 17, 1954.. Edition of The Courier-Journal
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1 THE COURIER- JOURNAL, LOUISVILLE, KY. WEDNESDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 17, 1954. 15 Bradens Seek To Suppress Evidence Seized at Home A motion to suppress evidence seized by the Commonwealth at the home of Mr. and Mrs. Carl Braden, 4403 Virginia, was filed in Criminal Court yesterday by the Bradens' attorney, Robert Zollinger .
L. R. Curtis said he white man, transferred the home the to Wade. Judge would hear arguments on motion at 10 a.m. Saturday .
charge, that the exIndictments The Bradens are charged with plosion was conspiracy sedition and by white friends of Wade to foadvocating conspir- ment hatred to between whites and acy end. Braden is sched- Negroes here and to to damage property political cause of communism. promote the a uled to be tried November 29 on the charge. Besides the Bradens, those sedition Hamilton Commonwealth's Attorney A. charged Vernon Scott Saturday Bown, indicted defense attorneys with a purgilled for causing the explosion, for conparticulars" which said the spiracy, for contempt of court, monwealth will charge that the and for advocating sedition; I .
O. Bradens were active in Commu- Ford, indicted for advocating senist and Communist-front organi- dition and conspiracy; Miss Lazations. rue Spiker and Miss Mary Louise Gilbert, both indicted for advocat27 Organizations Listed ing sedition, and Lewis Lubka, The bill lists 27 organizations charged with conspiracy. All are The bill lists 27 organizations in which the Bradens allegedly were active; four "Communist publications" which allegedly articles written by them; and 43 items of "Communist, Communist-front and seditious" literature and other material seized from the Bradens. Zollinger's motion to suppress the evidence states that books and papers, now in possession of the Commonwealth "illegally taken by raids made upon the residence of the defendants without their knowledge and consent and in their absence from the said residence .
"They (the Bradens) state that all material seized therein consisted of matters legally: in possession of the defendants and private to them. They state that publication of such material and its possession to divers organs public information has been without, their consent or approval." The motion asks that the material be returned to the Bradens. The material was seized by members of the Commonwealth's attorney's staff while the Bradens were in jail after being indicted for advocating sedition. They have since been released on bond. Judge Curtis overruled motions by Zollinger to: 1 .
Dismiss the indictments against the Bradens on the ground the bills "have not alleged an offense recognizable at law." 2. That trial dates for all persons indicted in the so-called "Wade case" be assigned immediately. So far only Braden, of seven persons charged in the case, has been assigned a trial date. Called Part of Conspiracy The charges against the seven came after a County grandinvestigation of an explosion that damaged the home of Andrew Wade, IV, a Negro contractor who moved into a white neighborhood near Shively. Braden, Darning-Needle Death Is Labeled Homicide Los Angeles, Nov .
16 (AP) --A coroner's jury today returned a verdict that the mysterious darning-needle death of Peter L. Pivaroff was "homicide by person or persons unknown." Pivarff, 35, died last Wednesday, 26 hours after his admission to a hospital with an apparent heart ailment. Shortly before he died, rays showed a needle had penetrated his heart. Police Sgt. R .
L. Clodio said it was possible that Pivaroff could have fallen or rolled onto the needle. Pivaroff threw no light on the case before he died. Burnside Man Dies Special to The Courier-Journal Somerset, Nov. Thomas Anderson Lewis, 67, Burnside, died, yesterday at Somerset General Hospital .
Mrs. Short, McLean Native, Dies Special to The Courier Calhoun, Nov. Adah Short, 76, formerly of McLean County, died yesterday in Evansville, Ind. She was a native of McLean County and spent most of her life here. Insured Safely UP TO 10,000 ON EACH ACCOUNT CURRENT DIVIDEND You can save or invest with us by mail We pay postage both ways .
Kentucky's Largest Savings and Loan Association Resources more than 50.000,000 GREATER FIRST FEDERAL SAVINGS AND LOAN ASSOCIATION In Insured Institution 417 WEST MARKET ST. 624 SOUTH FOURTH STI EASTERN PKWY 2350 BARDSTOWN RD; 4021 DIXIE HIGHWAY Merrifield Is Granted Indefinite Stay Governor Wetherby yesterday approved an indefinite stay of execution for Chester Merrifield, convicted slayer of County Patrolman Alvin Keown. A spokesman Governor's office stuphe, because Merrifield's "apperanied heen placed docket of the United States Supreme Court. A 120-day stay granted by the State Court of Appeals so Merrifield could appeal to the Supreme Court expired yesterday. Merrifield was convicted in Criminal Court here .
The death verdict was upheld by the State Court of Appeals which later denied a petition for a rehearing. First Cold Wave Hits Italy Rome, Nov. 16 first cold wave of the winter hit Italy today. Overhaul of Western College Business Setup Advised President Hails Report; Says Action Taken By ANNE PARDUE The Courier-Journal Frankfort Bureau Frankfort, Nov. State Budget Division has recommended a complete overhaul of Western Kentucky State College's business practices .
Most of the recommendations have been put into effect, President Paul L. Garrett wrote Governor Wetherby and the college's board of regents. Garrett's letter, released today, termed the Budget Division's financial study an "outstanding contribution to Western." "By making an intensive analysis of and a general revision in our plan of expenditures and in- Dodge has done it Flair and alive with beauty! AL A Dadas New Dodge Custom Royal V-8 4-Door Sedan with 183-hp. Super Red Ram V-8 Engine- Extra Powered to 193-hp. at slight extra cost .
come, we have been able to grant salary increases and make some repairs to buildings," Garrett said. The Budget Division team that made the study, Garrett said, "are highly trained and skilled in the analysis of financial management of public institutions of higher learning. "This group did not make just another quick, superficial survey, leave a staggering bill for their services, back to New York or Chicago." College Asked for Study Western requested the study because it anticipates increased enrollment and wants to be prepared for it. Further, there was the need for tighter control over its budget. For the past few years, Western's expenditures have exceeded its receipts .
But surplus funds from the years of World War II have enabled the school to keep operating in the black. Western also realized that a revision of its internal business affairs was necessary because it was unable to know from time to time exactly where it stood financially. A modern accounting systema change from the manual-ledger method to the machine-posting method -will correct this. Budget Director Took Part The study was begun July 1 by L. Felix Johner, director of the budget; Gerald L .
Maguir, assistant director; James L. Miller and Walter Gattis, budget analysts, Smith, assistant derector of accounts. The Team recommended: 1. An internal operating budget to be made an integral part of day-to-day administration of the college. The team recommended that Western operate on a $1,263,500 budget this year .
Of this amount, $669,550 is the State's appropriation. Included in Western's budget, unlike many other colleges, is the college athletic fund of around $100,000. The total also includes a $76,000 surplus from last year. 2. Installation of an adequate accounting system should be among the first changes .
The machine-posting method should replace the handwritten method of keeping books. Classification of accounts should be studied thoroughly to achieve uniformity. Maintenance Costs Noted 3. Functions and services of the business office need to be clearly defined and delegated. 4 .
Better co-ordination of maintenance department. The study recommended that $35,000 be designated as a maintenance New 55 DODGE at your dealer's now! For months the word has been getting around: "Dodge has done it! Wait and see!" Now the new '55 Dodge is here and the promise is fulfilled. You'll know it from your very first glimpse of its sleek silhouette- longer, lower, and far more beautiful than anyone dreamed! Here is a car that captures the flair of the future in the bold forward thrust of its hood, in the sweep of its rear deck and twin-jet taillights. Here is a car that introduces the new outlook in motor car styling, with a swept-back New Horizon windshield that surrounds you in a glass cockpit -and gives you the greatest visibility of any car on the road! Here is the car of a hundred surprises, whose taut, eager beauty is anon 201 matched by new developments that put the future at your fingertips. Dodge has done it! See the flair-fashioned '55 Dodge today .
MO2 1955 Dodge flashes ahead in '55! Dodge Dealers present: Danny Thomas in "Make Room for Daddy." ABC-TV Bert Parks in "Break The Bank," ABC- TV Roy Rogers, NBC Radio "SEE THE STARS UNVEIL THE CARS ON THE 'SHOWER OF STARS' THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 18-WHAS-TV, 7:30 P.M." KENTUCKY JEFFERSONVILLE BALES MOTOR 7th and Spring Sts. LOUISVILLE HANNAH MOTOR 4th and Breckinridge MILLTOWN SEACAT GARAGE, Main Street LA GRANGE McMAKIN-WHALEY MOTORS, Walnut and Jefferson SHELBYVILLE COLLIER-GISH MOTORS, 501 Washington St. NEW ALBANY GRAF AUTO COMPANY, 323-25-27 Vincennes St. INDIANA PALMYRA COLEMAN MOTOR COMPANY, State Road 135 CHARLESTOWN HARTMAN MOTOR Highway 62 SCOTTSBURG RUSS SUPER SERVICE, S. Gardner St .
fund for minor repairs. It suggested a central warehouse for supplies and equipment, and an inventory to keep tab on stock. 5. Study relationship to the school of the College Heights Foundation, which operates the campus bookstore and makes student loans. 6 .
Study instructional costs. Would Study Fee Structure 7. Review the fee structure to determine what portion of costs should be paid by students. 8. Clarify personnel policies .
9. Examine bonded indebtedness. 10. Around $60,000 should be set aside as a "cushion" against the day that receipts fail to meet emergenciemates, and for other 11. Salaries should be increased .
This could be done because of larger appropriation from the State, and an increased enrollment with no need for additional teachers. .
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Anne Braden: The South's rebel without a pause
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Regarding southern white resistance to white supremacy, the story of Anne Braden is perhaps one of the most important contemporary depictions of it all. In fact, with respect to activism overall in the South, it was in 2005 and 2006 that we in the South lost three giants in the civil rights movement who knew each other and whose life's work intersected. First we lost Rosa Parks in October 2005, then Coretta Scott King in January 2006, and on March 6, 2006 Anne Braden died in Louisville, Kentucky at the age of 81. Her biographer Cate Fosl has wisely said about Anne, "Hers has been among the most forceful and persistent of white voices for racial equality in modern U.S. history." Fosl's "Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and The Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South" is an invaluable history of our Southern civil rights movement.
Upon meeting Anne in 1957, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. said that she was "the most amazing white woman" for her dedication to civil rights. I recall in the interview by CSPAN's Brian Lamb of Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), shortly before he died, Toure mentioning the importance of Anne's work in the 1960's. When Anne and her husband Carl were being maligned as communists during the height of the 1960's the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham fame told us at a gathering in the 1990's that in no way would he or did he abandon Anne. Cries of "communism", he said, were always the ploy in an attempt to destabilize effective work for justice.
One of the many newspaper clippings about Anne at her funeral in Louisville described her in bold print as "A Rebel Without a Pause." That was Anne to be sure. The fact is, she never shied away from anything that would advance justice in the South and she never let anyone else pause either. This defiance on her part was always on the surface and always expressed. In the 1950's she and her husband Carl joined the staff of the civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). As a journalist, Anne wrote for SCEF's newspaper the "Southern Patriot". In a revealing 1962 "Southern Patriot" article entitled "Don't Waste a Stamp" Anne addressed potential funders of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Many across the country were concerned about the increasing violence in the south and wanted to encourage these young activists to leave. Anne wrote:
While I was in Southwest Georgia, one of the two cars used by the student registration workers broke down. They managed to get it fixed, but the prospects were dim.
And even two cars as not enough - not for 10 or more students to canvass over three counties and planning soon to expand into more. Food these students can sometimes manage without. Cars are essential.
Thinking of their situation, you probably feel like writing them a letter urging them to get out of Georgia before they are killed. But I tell you this would be a waste of a stamp. They won't leave. So instead, why not use your stamp to send a check to help buy another car?
Students in Mississippi have the same problem. One SNCC field secretary told me he is assigned to cover a 45 square-mile area populated by 28,000 Negroes. And he has no car at all. So sometimes he travels by mule, literally" (1962, Southern Patriot)..
Like hundreds of white and black activists throughout the South and the country, I am honored to acknowledge that I am one of her "white" step-children. Anne seemed to have her fingers on the pulse of activism throughout the entire South. She called upon countless numbers of us on a consistent basis to help her on a project or someone else in the region that needed assistance
Sometimes we didn't know what was happening behind the scenes. Only the week after she died did I discover, after a phone call from Nick Mottern in New York, that it was Anne who advised national organizers of the Africa Peace Tour that I organize the tour in the southeast in the 1987. Organizing the tour in seven states helped me considerably in subsequent work against apartheid and learning more about the southern region and its activists. Anne knew this would happen of course! Then she would draw upon those contacts and expertise for intensification and expansion of the work. I remember in the 1980's when I was in an Atlanta hospital for a major operation, just out of the recovery room, and the phone rings. It was Anne. Somehow she tracked me down from Louisville. Anne said "Heather, you're just out of the operating room? I'm so sorry but I need this important information." So, while I could hardly hold on to the phone, for some 30 minutes we talked about an upcoming major demonstration in the South to address the horrors of white supremacy. But that was Anne. None of us who worked with her would even think about not helping her with whatever she needed. I would venture to say that most of us felt honored that she even thought to call us for advice or information.
I was also fortunate to serve on the board of the "Southern Organizing Committee for Racial and Economic Justice" (SOC) that Anne co-chaired along with Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth. The organization was one of the few that provided the opportunity for us to think and act regionally and to make the essential connections of the myriad of issues we faced. From the 1980's and on the meetings were always filled with a diversity of black, white and eventually Latino activists in the region.
We would sit for hours in New Orleans, Montgomery or Birmingham to strategize on various issues, activities and mistakes we've made then and in the past. We would also listen, learn and occasionally join in while the legendary leaders in our midst discussed and analyzed the dynamics of white supremacy, racial politics generally and labor challenges in the South. Anne was never without offering a lengthy epistle about anything until the wee hours of the night along with her ever present cigarettes! These sessions were often both grueling and enlightening. They were not only a history lesson but also a socialization process into the tactics of southern civil rights activism and Anne understood the importance of this. She wanted to pass this information on to all of us and to keep the momentum going at every conceivable juncture. The meetings were a roll call of southern leaders and activists the likes of Reverend C.T. Vivian, Jack O'Dell, Gwen Patton, Virginia Durr, Reverend Fred Taylor, Reverend James Orange, Connie Tucker, John Zippert, Jackie Ward, Reverend Ben Chavis, Charlie Orrock, Ann Romaine, Damu Smith, Jim Dunn, Judy Hand, Scott Douglas, Ron Chisholm, Spiver Gordon, Pat Bryant, Tirso Moreno and countless others.
I remember a few years ago when Anne was to receive yet another award - this time from the Fund for Southern Communities. We watched as the small, frail, yet powerful Anne walked to the front of the crowded Sisters Chapel at Spelman College in Atlanta to receive the award. In what was vintage Anne, she told the crowd that while she appreciated the award it surprises her that she would be acknowledged in this way and that she always expects, instead, to get arrested!
Anne was not unlike many white southern women and men in the civil rights movement who were essentially kicked out of their family when they declared their commitment to racial justice. She told me once that however painful the loss of family might be, the experience of battling white supremacy can be liberating. She said a few years ago that once we as whites have wrenched ourselves as much as possible from the horrible burden and shackles of white supremacy, we are finally free.
But Anne also insisted, of course, that the responsibility of whites goes far beyond "examining our souls". In a January/February 2006 Fellowship of Reconciliation article, entitled "Finding Another America" she expressed that in a practical sense relatively little, if any, progress toward justice in America could be made until racism is confronted. She said, "It is certainly true that our society faces many life-and-death issues. But we can't deal effectively with any of these problems until we mount an aggressive offense against racism. This is not only morally right; it's a practical matter. As long as our society can dump its problems on people of color it will not seek or find real solutions." In a discussion she and I once had about the South African Freedom Charter and whether we need something like that in the United States, I remember her saying that we already have in place much that is not adhered to. She said "There's nothing wrong for example, with the 'U.S. Bill of Rights' - we just need to implement what it says." This was typical Anne who appropriately acknowledged that the U.S. has much rhetoric about justice along with official documents to that effect, that, given it's white supremacist orientation, is simply not applied.
After her death in 2006, the following brief and informative encapsulation of Anne's history was provided by the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and the Carl Braden Memorial Center.
"Braden catapulted into national headlines in mid-1954 when she and her husband Carl Braden were indicted for sedition for their leadership in desegregating a Louisville, Kentucky suburb. Their purchase of a house in an all-white neighborhood on behalf of African Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade violated Louisville's color line and provoked violence against both families, culminating with the dynamiting of the house in June of 1964. A subsequent grand jury investigation concentrated not on the neighborhood's harassment of the Wades, but looked to the Braden's supposedly communistic intentions in backing the purchase, and they were indicted for sedition that Fall. The couple's sedition case made national news and earned them the ire of segregationists across the South, which was reeling from the U.S. Supreme Court's condemnation of school segregation in its Brown ruling earlier that Spring. Only Carl was convicted, and that conviction was later overturned. The sedition charges left the Bradens pariahs, branded as radicals and "reds' in the Cold-War South, and they became fierce civil libertarians who openly espoused left-wing social critiques but would never either embrace nor disavow the Communist Party publicly because they felt that to do so accepted the terms of the 1950's anti-communist "witch hunts."
Anne Braden's memoir of the case, "The Wall Between", was published in 1958, becoming one of the few accounts of its era to probe the psychology of white southern racism from within. Their case also introduced the Bradens to the civil rights movement blossoming farther south, in which white allies were few and far between.
The Bradens soon joined the staff of a regional civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), and began traveling the region to solicit greater white support for the movement. As the 1960s dawned, Anne Braden became a mentor and role model to younger southern students who joined the movement a role she maintained for the rest of her life. Although she was suspect in some circles, Braden publicized and supported the student sit-ins in the pages of SCEF's Southern Patriot newspaper, which she edited, and she encouraged a broader vision of social change that would include peace and justice. She was also instrumental in Louisville's Open Housing movement in the later sixties, and among the leading white voices who helped to bring peace to the turbulent second generation of school desegregation, in which busing brought open violence to Louisville and other cities in the mid-1970's.
After Carl Braden's untimely death in 1975, Anne Braden remained a central proponent of racial justice in Louisville and across the South, eventually evolving from pariah to heroine. Braden's primary message was the centrality of racism in the U.S. social fabric, but she constantly stressed that civil rights activism was as much whites' responsibility as it was that of people of color.
In speeches delivered in the nearly six decades of her activism, Braden would frequently reflect on her odyssey from segregationist youth to anti-racist advocate: a process she called "turning myself inside out." Reared in a middle class, pro-segregation family, Braden changed as a young reporter covering the emerging civil rights movement in 1947 Alabama, where she had observed two separate and unequal systems of justice meted out in the Birmingham courthouse. She subsequently left the supposed neutrality of mainstream journalism to apply her considerable journalistic talents to the aid of African Americans in their quest to end segregation. Her efforts against southern racism, her friend and fellow activist Angela Davis reflected, "enabled vast and often spectacular social changes, that most of her contemporaries during the 1950s would never have been able to imagine."
The documentation about Anne Braden's remarkable activism is revealed in the 2012 film appropriately entitled "Anne Braden: The Southern Patriot".
HEATHER GRAY is the producer of "Just Peace" on WRFG-Atlanta 89.3 FM covering local, regional, national and international news. She lives in Atlanta, Georgia and can be reached at hmcgray@earthlink.net.
Photo: Anne Braden Wikipedia
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Louisville Black Six Historical Marker
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Carl Braden in the 1940 Census
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View Carl Braden's 1940 US census record to find family members, occupation details & more. Access is free so discover Carl Braden's story today.
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The Life of Anne Braden, Part Two: a Life in the Movement
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2018-05-25T14:03:11-07:00
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Picking up where Part One left off, this story explores the famous White Southern antiracist’s work within the civil rights movement, including the importance of her journalism for movement building; her travels across the South building up White support for racial justice; her deep friendships with luminaries like Martin Luther King and Ella Baker; and her mentorship of figures within the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.
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Cross Cultural Solidarity - History; in the Service of Solidarity
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https://crossculturalsolidarity.com/the-life-of-anne-braden-part-two-a-life-in-the-movement/
|
By Lynn Burnett
Read Part One. Inquire about Braden workshops here. Listen on SoundCloud. Download the PDF & discussion questions. Support resources on White antiracist history here.
As Anne Braden crisscrossed the nation raising support to free her husband, the love of her life was unbeknownst to her locked away in solitary confinement. Although they wrote to each other often, Carl worried that Anne already had far too many burdens to bear, and therefore didn’t reveal how difficult his circumstances truly were. Carl used his time in solitary to develop an ascetic quality in himself, composing and reflecting on ethical goals. Anne meanwhile cultivated a large, national network of supporters through her travels, writings and journalistic connections. Civil rights activists and labor organizers across the country understood that if the Bradens could be charged with being part of a Communist conspiracy simply for helping a Black family move into a White neighborhood, that they could be charged with subversion for their activities as well. Freeing Carl Braden thus became a major cause: although his bail was the highest in Kentucky’s history, it was raised in seven months. Carl was released in the summer of 1955. Eight months later, the Supreme Court ruled that the state sedition laws that had been used to target the Bradens were unconstitutional. All charges were dropped. The prosecutor of the Bradens, Scott Hamilton, had hoped to rise to fame through building a sensational anti-Communist case. He instead found his career discredited. A few years later, he put a gun to his head and pulled the trigger.
Anne and Carl could not, however, simply return to their old lives. They were now highly public and ruthlessly demonized figures throughout the White South. In order to stay safe and be in a supportive environment, they moved into a Black neighborhood, where their children wouldn’t have to see their parents being constantly ostracized. However, the very public nature of their demonization affected their ability to become involved in the civil rights movement as it began to ignite. Carl had been released just months before the Montgomery bus boycott began, and although the Bradens attended a few of the early meetings, their continuing legal battles and dire economic circumstances took all of their energy and prevented a high level of involvement. Once the case was dropped and the Bradens had more energy to put into the movement, they found that many civil rights activists were wary of associating with them. Even with the case dismissed, the Bradens were still widely viewed as Communist subversives, and the early civil rights movement was desperately trying to prove itself to have no such affiliations. The Bradens therefore developed a practice of playing behind-the-scenes roles and staying out of sight.
The SCEF: Rallying White Southern Support
In 1957, shortly after the Montgomery bus boycott ended, the Bradens joined the Southern Conference Education Fund, or SCEF. The SCEF was an organization dedicated to building White southern support for integration, and had thrown their full support behind the Bradens during their sedition trial. Its monthly newsletter, the Southern Patriot, was subscribed to by supporters of civil rights across the nation. During Carl’s incarceration, the Patriot had published articles by Anne and had helped her gain a national audience. The executive director, Jim Dombrowski, was a somewhat saintly theologian in Anne’s eyes. He became a significant mentor to her, and a lifelong friend to Carl.
The SCEF was suffering in 1957. The Brown v. Board Supreme Court ruling of 1954, coupled with the Montgomery bus boycott of 1955-1956, had led to a massive White backlash. In the context of this backlash, White southerners who had previously spoken in support of integration now felt forced into silence. Previously viewed as eccentrics, the cost of speaking out in an era in which segregation seemed seriously under threat now included character assassination, social isolation, economic retaliation, and physical threats. In this context, support for SCEF evaporated. The readership of the Southern Patriot plummeted. Dombrowski told Anne that “SCEF must expand or die.” The Bradens became essential to keeping the organization alive.
The SCEF hired Anne and Carl to scour the South for potentially supportive Whites, and to find ways to help them step forward. In Anne’s words, “I knew white people were there somewhere, and we had to get to them. A lot of the whites who had been active earlier in the South had been caught in the witch hunts and run out.” The president of the SCEF, Aubrey Williams, put it this way: “I know there are more white people around the South that think like we do, but you have to get out and find them. They are not going to come to us. We need to go out and beat the bushes and find people, and that’s what we want you and Carl to do.” Aubrey also gave Anne a warning: “…this whole question of how you can get white people in the South to really deal with the issue of segregation has broken the hearts of most people who have tried. I just hope it doesn’t break yours.”
And so, to use Anne’s words, the Bradens became “travelling agitators.” As they travelled, they found that many sympathetic White Southerners were older, had been active in the pre-McCarthy, New Deal era, and now felt a sense of isolation and futility as White Southerners became more reactionary. However, this older generation also had a racially paternalistic attitude and a belief in “gradual” racial progress that was unacceptable to the new generation of racial justice activists, and especially to African Americans during the civil rights years. Although it was dismaying to discover that these were often the most progressive White Southerners, SCEF went to work providing them with a desperately needed support network and a hard-to-find extended community by creating mailing lists and regional gatherings. It was also critical for White Southern supporters of integration to develop connections with local Black leadership, which the regional gatherings served to do as well. These gatherings emerged as critical spaces in a segregated landscape: it was here that many African Americans encountered the first White people they had ever met who were committed to racial justice; and where many White people had their first opportunities to hear Black people speak frankly about race relations and what they needed from their potential White allies.
Although often frustrated even by those White southerners who supported integration, Anne was simultaneously empowered by building ties with this primarily older generation. Many of them had experienced waves of racial progress and repression throughout their lives, and they provided Anne with a deepened sense of southern social justice history and an empowering sense of being part of a lineage. Virginia Durr played this role for Anne more than anyone else. A generation older than Anne, Virginia was a White Southern aristocrat whose husband, Clifford Durr, had worked in the Roosevelt administration during the New Deal. The couple lived in Montgomery, and Clifford had played an important background role in the Montgomery bus boycott by offering expert legal advice and mentorship to the Black lawyers who represented Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, and others.
Even with their economic and social privilege and proximity to power, the Durrs still experienced intense isolation as White Southern supporters of the civil rights movement. Virginia – someone who loved throwing fancy salons and dinner parties, and who now deeply missed being able to do – combatted her isolation partly by keeping up a voluminous correspondence with like-minded Whites across the nation. Writing to a friend in the fall of 1959, Virginia said, “I have made a new friend, Anne Braden… Who sees life in Alabama as I do, but with even deeper insight, much deeper I think. She is a lovely and charming and gentle person with a brilliant mind and is such a comfort to me.” A few months later, she wrote: “Anne Braden is arriving here on Sunday to stay with me, and Mrs. Martin Luther King is having a big female party for her.” And another letter days later: “Anne Braden has been here recently and she is a perfect darling and I love her and I think she is a very good writer too. After she was gone, the Attorney General came out with a huge warning to all the people of Alabama to beware of her as she was so dangerous.” Virginia and Anne soon became fast friends.
Virginia told Anne stories about how White people in Montgomery who dared to consider integration were hounded: they were constantly followed as they drove; they received threatening phone calls; and their names, phone numbers and businesses were published in the papers. The story of Juliette Morgan had an especially strong impact on Anne: after expressing her support for the civil rights movement, Morgan found herself berated by her friends and family. Everyone distanced themselves from her, and even those who supported her position refused to reach out for fear of retaliation themselves. After a few years of intense isolation, Morgan took her own life. In a letter to Virginia Durr, Anne reflected: “I could so easily have been Juliette Morgan… There was so much in her early life that was just like mine.” If Anne hadn’t gone away to college and discovered fellow thinkers and mentors; if she had expressed such views without having any supportive community; despair might have completely consumed her as well. Anne wrote that being attacked on a daily basis was difficult, but even worse was living in a world where everyone around you constantly told you that you were wrong. In such an environment, it was only having a community of support that allowed a potential White antiracist to not succumb to doubting their own convictions and understandings, and wondering if perhaps they were wrong after all.
The Southern Patriot
When the Bradens joined the SCEF, Carl did most of the travelling at first while Anne stayed home with the children and worked to revive the SCEF’s Southern Patriot. As the new editor, Anne essentially turned the monthly newsletter into a report about what she felt were the most important developments in race relations that month. To facilitate this goal, she subscribed to Black newspapers from across the nation, in order to keep up with events in various localities. She then used her role as writer and editor to interview and thereby build connections with key figures in local movements. Whenever Anne wrote about local actions, she made sure that the community received extra copies of the paper, because she knew that it made people feel more empowered when they saw that their actions were newsworthy.
Anne made a special effort to highlight White actions, partly so that Black people could recognize that White support was in fact a possibility and a potential game-changer, and partly because antiracist White Southerners usually felt isolated, invisible, and demoralized. In Anne’s words, “If whites were doing anything, we said so. Once they saw something in print [and realized] it was significant enough for somebody to notice it, that made it more likely that they could keep struggling.” The Bradens were critical of the leftist press that wrote endlessly about the White backlash to civil rights, but focused almost no attention of those Whites who were standing up for racial justice. Without those stories to inspire potentially supportive White people to stand up; the feeling of futility was strengthened. Anne’s journalism was an excellent example of how good reporting could bring new people into the struggle, and could keep those struggles alive.
It also kept people alive… literally. For example, when leading Birmingham activists Fred and Ruby Shuttlesworth tried to enroll their children in an all-White school; Fred was severely beaten and Ruby was stabbed. Fred Shuttlesworth commented, “if it had not been for Carl and Anne Braden, I’m sure I would have been dead.” Instead, he lived to facilitate the famed 1963 showdown, when high-pressure fire hoses and attack dogs were loosed upon Black students. In the years leading up to that, it was often the Bradens who got the news out about the violence the Shuttlesworths faced; the Bradens who could tap into their national media network and make sure that what was happening to Black people in Birmingham was getting media attention in the North, even when papers in the South refused to report on it. Like many others, Fred felt that without Anne shining her journalistic light on the violence he faced, he would have been relegated to a darkness in which he could have been killed and few would have ever known or cared. Anne’s powerful and honest portrayals of Black freedom fighters and civil rights actions made the Southern Patriot essential reading for anyone interested in the movement. She tripled the amount of subscriptions in just two years.
Building Ties with Black Freedom Fighters
As the Bradens sought to organize Whites, they simultaneously worked to deepen their ties with Black civil rights leaders. Fred Shuttlesworth became their first major supporter. In Shuttlesworth’s words, “white people were the missing link” in bringing meaningful racial change to the South. Like the Bradens and the SCEF, Shuttlesworth believed that White Southerners needed a support system to break through their isolation. He believed that the anticommunist hysteria was being used to silence potentially supportive White voices, and that finding White allies necessitated fighting the political repression they faced, which would allow them to speak up. Anne’s first meeting with Shuttlesworth was at a hotel, where he was temporarily living after White supremacists had bombed his home. When they got in a cab together to go visit his church, Shuttlesworth whispered to her with a twinkle in his eye: “You know this is illegal? We aren’t supposed to be riding in a cab together.” She immediately loved his mischievous and courageous spirit. Shuttlesworth joined the SCEF board and became the most important early link between SCEF and the Black freedom struggle. E.D. Nixon, the brilliant organizer from Montgomery and Rosa Parks’ primary political partner, soon joined as well.
In September of 1957, Anne met Martin Luther King himself, at the Highlander Folk School in Tennessee. Founded in 1932, Highlander was originally a training ground for labor organizers before switching its focus to racial justice in the early 1950s. The school’s co-founder, Myles Horton, was raised in an impoverished White sharecropping family in Tennessee, and originally envisioned the school as a place of self-empowerment for the Appalachian poor… a place that would help them discover the means to combat the injustices they faced in life. Horton emphasized the importance of anticipating movements and laying the groundwork for their success. Anticipating the Brown v. Board of Education ruling a year in advance – as well as the subsequent escalation both of the civil rights struggle and the White backlash – he began shifting the orientation of the school towards racial justice. Highlander thus became a unique Southern space, bringing people of all races together to discuss the intertwining problems of poverty and racism.
During his visit to Highlander, King expressed that he needed a ride to a Baptist convention he was attending in Louisville; where Anne happened to live. She offered him a ride, and they entered into a long, meandering conversation as they drove through the twisting mountain roads of eastern Tennessee and into Kentucky. Martin later told his wife Coretta that he was blown away by Anne: he had never before imagined that a White southern woman could so thoroughly break from her past. She was a symbol of possibility; a living, breathing example of southern whiteness liberated from the shackles of prejudice. Martin dove into her writings and wrote to her that he was deeply moved by them. Anne and Carl befriended Martin and Coretta over the next few years, and the Bradens would sometimes stay at the King’s home in Atlanta during their travels across the South. As Martin’s prominence rose, enemies of the movement often pointed to his connection with the Bradens as proof that he associated with and was influenced by communists. His own advisors worried that his association with people widely believed to be subversives would damage the reputations both of King and of the movement, and urged Martin to break his ties with the Bradens. He refused.
As Anne deepened her ties with Martin Luther King, she also built a strong friendship with Ella Baker… the director of King’s new organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC.) Anne had met Ella briefly in 1955, during her travels to gain support to overthrow Carl’s sedition charge, but the two women had not stayed in touch. Those were the months leading up to the Montgomery bus boycott. At the time, Ella Baker was based in New York, working closely with Bayard Rustin and Stanley Levison in an organization called In Friendship, which focused on fundraising for civil rights actions as they erupted in the South. The hope was that with outside support, one of these actions would grow into a movement – which of course happened in Montgomery. In Friendship provided crucial outside support for the boycott, during the first months before it gained national attention. Like her colleagues Rustin and Levison, Baker helped to create the SCLC after the boycott ended, with the hope that the organization could help facilitate “many Montgomerys” throughout the South. As a master organizer, Baker became the director of the almost entirely male, ministerial organization. King hesitated to hire her, knowing that the other members expected the director to be a man: but Rustin and Levison – who had both become highly trusted advisors to King during the boycott – told him that if he was serious about the SCLC, there was only one person for the job. Baker would subsequently become a fierce critic of the misogyny she encountered amongst King and his colleagues, as well as of the homophobia King’s colleagues showed towards Rustin.
Baker also famously critiqued King’s charismatic leadership style, which she believed drew energy away from the development of the kind of grassroots leadership that actually empowered communities and sustained movements. When the sit-ins erupted in 1960, Ella Baker saw a golden opportunity to build an organization that focused on developing many leaders at the local level: it was she who hosted the famous gathering that brought together student leaders from many cities across many states; leading to the formation of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. Baker left the SCLC soon afterwards to take on a background mentorship role, supporting the students in building what soon became the most important civil rights organization in terms of grassroots leadership: SNCC.
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee
By the time the sit-ins erupted, Anne Braden and Ella Baker had become very close, sometimes even retreating to a wooded cabin together to sip whisky, discuss life, and allow their thoughts to settle and coalesce so they could re-enter the movement at a higher level and stay with it for the long-haul. Ella wrote to Anne about her high hopes for the student gathering, which brought together 200 student leaders from 12 southern states. Anne and Ella were of the same mind regarding the students: in Anne’s words, it was important to “go easy on the advice and heavy on the assistance,” in order to gain their trust and allow them to cultivate their own ideas and actions and fully step into leadership. Anne had just had a new baby and was unable to attend the historic gathering from which SNCC emerged; if she had attended she would have been one of only a dozen Whites.
Anne was, however, able to attend SNCC’s second mass meeting, in October of 1960; during which she stayed in Martin and Coretta’s home. In the words of her biographer Catherine Fosl, Braden struck many of the students as a kind of “renegade southern lady”: she was soft-spoken and ladylike; she always wore dresses and was well put together… and yet she possessed a fierce flame of resistance. Although on the surface she appeared a respectable southern lady to the core, she also totally defied gender norms by travelling alone, throwing herself into passionate public debates, and standing up to powerful men. Once, while at a strategy session in the King families home, Anne demanded that Coretta be included: Martin was surprised, but he immediately acquiesced. Her respectable-yet-independent-and-rebellious persona was attractive to many young female freedom fighters – both Black and White – and Anne quickly became a role model for many of them. In the words of the White Southern Freedom Rider Joan Browning, Anne “showed me that one could be a loyal Southerner and a respectable woman while fighting for social justice. The fact that Anne was Southern to the bone and had that wonderful slow Southern speech helped me redefine myself.” The fact that the Bradens clearly had the respect of luminaries like Shuttlesworth, King, and Baker also deeply impressed the students, and helped them reconceptualize the role of Whites in the Black freedom struggle.
Many SNCC students came to know Anne through her personal interviews with them, as she documented this new phase of the movement in detail. Whereas the mainstream press focused on the sensationalism of mass arrests and White supremacist brutality, the Southern Patriot reported the intimate stories of how students conceptualized, built, and sustained a movement… from their own perspective, and through their own voices. In the famed SNCC organizer Julian Bond’s words, “Anne helped to define who we were to the Patriot audience and to a broader audience as well. That was very helpful to us because it was the definition we held of ourselves as this vanguard challenging not just the segregation system but older organizations too, like the NAACP.”
Anne and Carl were also critical in teaching media skills to SNCC members. They introduced them to their vast media connections… to the 320 news outlets the Bradens were connected to, including religious, labor, agricultural, student, liberal and left publications. These connections helped SNCC get their stories out. The SNCC students also had little experience with fundraising; once again, the Braden network proved crucial. In Julian Bond’s words, the Bradens “widened our list of political and fundraising contacts and exposed us to journalists and writers whom we didn’t know about.” Once the violent drama of the Freedom Rides broke out in the spring of 1961, the images of burning buses turned SNCC into a household name that was capable of raising far more funds than the Bradens and the SCEF. The Bradens, however, were crucial in the first year of the organization’s existence.
Anne’s primary goal with SNCC was to build White Southern student leadership and support. At Anne’s urging, SCEF set aside funds for a new staff position at SNCC. The position was for a White student, whose task would be to travel the South, organizing other White students on college campuses. It was a dangerous job – in fact, it would take Anne a full year to find someone to fill the position. She finally found her man in Bob Zellner, a working-class college student and former street fighter who had been raised by a reformed Klansman. Zellner had been run out of town for his support of civil rights and felt he had little to lose: he thus reported to SNCC headquarters in Atlanta in September, 1961. Going onto White campuses where his message was not welcomed, he had to find ways to function in secret. Realizing that he needed to prove himself to dubious members of SNCC, he often put his body on the line and repeatedly risked his life, taking many brutal beatings to protect his Black comrades. In doing so, Zellner built a deep camaraderie with his fellow SNCC organizers. This protégé of Anne Braden was the very last White person to leave SNCC when it became an all-Black organization in the late sixties: some Black Power militants in the organization argued that he alone should be allowed to stay, but Zellner left of his own accord. He had, however, only held the White student organizing position for two years; his friend Sam Shirah had then taken over. Shirah had more success than Zellner: by 1963, following the brutal Freedom Rides and infamous footage from Birmingham, it became easier to mobilize White Southern students. They became a small but noticeable presence amongst civil rights workers.
Continuing Attacks
During this entire time, the Bradens had remained under attack. When they emerged as regional organizers for integration through their work with SCEF, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) – which equated civil rights work with a communistic undermining of the proper order of society – turned its gaze on the Bradens with a vengeance. In the summer of 1958, HUAC issued subpoenas to twenty leading White labor and civil rights organizers, which of course included Anne and Carl. After the Supreme Court rolled back some of the restrictions it had placed on anticommunist prosecutions just two years earlier, Carl was sentenced to a year in prison, in the winter of 1959. His appeal went to the Supreme Court, where it was rejected in February 1961. In a symbolic gesture, Carl presented himself to the federal authorities to serve out his year on International Workers Day, May 1. On May 4, the first Freedom Ride left Washington, D.C. Fred Shuttlesworth called Anne – whose own trial had been postponed, and was never returned to – hoping that she could help round up more Freedom Riders; she almost thought of going herself but there was no one else to care for the children.
Thus, as the Freedom Rides were going on, Anne once again tried to mount support to free her husband. The first person she turned to was Martin Luther King. He had, of course, heard of Carl’s imprisonment, and when Anne came to visit he asked her how he could help. Anne asked Martin if he would be willing to develop a petition to free Carl, given that a petition coming from him would gather far more support. It was a lot to ask for: Martin’s stature had grown by this time, and taking such a public stance of support for a “subversive” figure could harm his ability to cultivate a relationship with President Kennedy and with major funders. Martin told her that he would have to think on it. In the following days he seemed to avoid and ignore her calls, which he usually returned promptly. He finally called Anne back and said that he had to pray a lot over this question: he worried that it might hurt the movement, but he knew it was the right thing to do. Martin not only signed the petition, he invited Anne to give a lecture on nonviolent resistance at SCLC’s annual convention. Anne knew that Martin could have found better speakers on the subject than she, and thought that it was his way of showing some of his colleagues that he wouldn’t be influenced by their constant warnings to sever his ties with so-called subversives. Opponents of the civil rights movement circulated photos of Anne speaking for the SCLC across the South to prove that King had communist affiliations… an outcome that King was surely aware of in advance. In deciding to so seriously and publicly honor Braden, he had gone against the advice of virtually everyone in his organization.
Freedom Summer & Beyond
In 1963, SNCC shifted its energies in Mississippi away from the nonviolent resistance embodied by the sit-ins and Freedom Rides, and towards voter registration. With 96 percent of Black Mississippians unregistered and facing barriers that were impossible to surmount, SNCC developed an ingenious strategy: in order to dramatize their exclusion from democracy, Black Mississippians would hold their very own – unofficial but symbolic – Freedom Vote. They would create their own political platform, run their own candidates, and cast their own votes from officially monitored booths located in the safe spaces of Black churches, in Black communities. SNCC representatives would then attend the Democratic National Convention, where they would present these votes as evidence of their exclusion from democracy… and they would use this as pressure to unseat some of the segregationist candidates, and to gain their own seats.
Building up this entire democratic infrastructure on their own was a phenomenal undertaking, and the truth was that by 1963 many SNCC workers were burnt out. They had been in the trenches for a few years, facing violence, and often watching their friends get killed. They had experienced a lot of trauma and needed outside support if they were going to continue. By this time in the movement, many White students in the North were mobilizing, and SNCC called on them to head south and support the Freedom Vote. They also knew that having White students from universities like Yale and Stanford would lead the Justice Department to send FBI agents to monitor White supremacist retaliation to the Freedom Vote… something they didn’t feel obligated to do when it was Black life under assault. Everyone also knew that some of these White students would be killed, and that when they were, it would draw massive outside attention to their cause, and with it pressure for federal intervention… something that no amount of Black death had ever accomplished.
The freedom votes were cast in the summer of 1964: The Mississippi Freedom Summer. As White students from the North flooded into Mississippi to support the effort, the state saw its most violent year since Reconstruction: there were at least six murders of civil rights workers, 80 reported (and far more unreported) beatings; 65 buildings bombed; and over 1000 arrests of civil rights workers by police officers enforcing Mississippi’s White supremacist traditions. Most infamously, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner were murdered after barely 24 hours in Mississippi; and it was only the fact that two of them were White that drew intense national scrutiny during the excruciatingly long search for their bodies. Although understanding that White deaths would lead to a national outcry had been part of SNCC’s strategy, once those deaths actually came to pass, it was incredibly painful for Black SNCC workers to witness how different the response was compared to their many Black comrades who had been killed… and whose deaths had remained invisible. This bitter reality – combined with the fact that many of these White students harbored their own unconscious racial and class prejudices despite their high level of commitment – was an early factor in pushing SNCC towards becoming an all-Black organization two years later.
During this time, SNCC members escalated their discussions about how Whites could best support the civil rights movement, and the notion that White allies should focus their energies on organizing White communities began to predominate. Serious change would only happen if White people – the vast majority of Americans, and the group that held by far the most political and economic power – changed their racial beliefs and attitudes, and began actively supporting racial justice. James Foreman – one of the great visionary leaders of SNCC – said that such a change would be truly revolutionary, and that White SNCC supporters were in the best position to play this role. Foreman also believed that young White allies needed more opportunities to take on leadership roles, and that it would be easier for them to do so as organizers of White communities.
Such ideas had long shaped Anne’s own stance: in 1951, after giving a series of speeches at Black churches, she was told by an important civil rights leader that the Black community already understood what she was talking about: what she needed to do was talk with Whites. Anne’s focus on developing White support for racial justice had been what had drawn civil rights luminaries like Fred Shuttlesworth to her in the first place: as he had said when they first began working together, “Whites were the missing link.” Despite Anne’s agreement with SNCC’s gradually shifting understanding of the role of White supporters, she was disturbed by the idea of racial separation: while she believed that Whites should focus on generating White support, she also believed that they needed to be in deep relationship with Black communities and organizations in order to do so with any degree of success. If White supporters of racial justice were segregated from Black communities, it would far too easy for them to perpetuate unconscious racial prejudices and take inappropriate actions. It was through relationship, more than anything else, that prejudice was broken down and mutual understanding, trust, and solidarity was developed. Anne, however, did not equate Black Power with racial separation… as did almost all other White journalists. She properly understood Black Power as Black self-empowerment, and was one of the few White journalists in the nation who helped to translate an accurate interpretation of Black Power to a White audience.
Many White SNCC organizers took the message to organize White communities very seriously, and when SNCC became an all-Black organization, many of them flooded into SCEF. During this time, SCEF started the Southern Mountain Project in Appalachia to organize poor Whites. However, the young members who had just left SNCC offended the local sensibilities with their long hair, casual interactions, and revolutionary rhetoric. When Black SNCC students had gone down into the Mississippi Delta to organize sharecroppers, they had also learned to dress and talk and socialize like sharecroppers in order to connect and build trust. The White students in Appalachia failed to do the same with the White communities they sought to organize.
Anne also noted that these White organizers often faced a “reentry problem.” In her words, “This happened to whites who’d been in Mississippi, where every white face was an enemy. They just didn’t like white people! You can’t organize people if you don’t like them.” Unlike Anne and other White Southern supporters, many of these students from the North didn’t grasp how difficult it was for White Southerners to liberate themselves from the traditional prejudices they had been saturated in all their lives. They lacked the ability to be compassionate and to empathize and connect with them as human beings. They also often embraced dogmatic political beliefs that split hairs: as these new organizers flooded into the SCEF, it fell prey to vicious infighting and quickly disintegrated. The Bradens abandoned the organization before its total collapse, as did its executive director James Dombrowski and Fred Shuttlesworth, who had done so much to connect SCEF with the heart and soul of the Black freedom struggle. The fact that a decades old organization that had been under constant attack by powerful government forces was so quickly undone from squabbling on the inside would pain Anne for the rest of her life.
In the late 60s, as local politicians sought to draw attention to themselves, they ranted about running the Bradens out of Kentucky and even passed out anti-Braden bumper stickers at political rallies. Once again, the couple was arrested on sedition charges. This time, however, the court was packed with supporters. When the judge asked, “are you now, or have you ever been a Communist,” the room erupted in laughter. The charges of communism had by that time become a bad joke from a notorious era of civil liberties infringements, even if segregationists continued to cling to it. In Anne’s words, “I realized at that moment that the 1950s were finally over.” State sedition laws were finally – and permanently this time – declared unconstitutional. The Bradens would never again face legal attack for their activism.
Although the days of McCarthyism were finally over for the Bradens, the FBI counterintelligence programs originally established to target communists now turned its full-force against the Black freedom struggle. Anne felt that Black freedom fighters in the late 60s faced far more government repression than had ever existed in the McCarthy era. Entire communities were wiretapped, infiltrated, and given disinformation that turned them against one another. Anne now used what she had learned from her battles with McCarthyism to attack the repression that Black freedom fighters faced. When Angela Davis was infamously incarcerated, Ella Baker introduced Anne to Angela’s mother, and Anne turned her journalistic expertise towards the effort to free Angela… who Anne soon became something of a mentor to. As the Klan rose again in the mid-70s, embracing the old White Citizens Council Rhetoric that it was White people who were truly being oppressed by neighborhood and school desegregation, Anne mentored that generation. When the horrors of mass incarceration rose in the 1980s and 1990s, Anne mentored that generation. Until the day she died in 2006, Anne could often be found sitting cross-legged on the floor, talking with each new generation of freedom fighters throughout the night… always trying to push them further, so that they could meet the new obstacles that each passing decade brought with it.
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Bibliography
Braden, Anne. The Wall Between: with a New Epilogue. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. First published 1958.
Fosl, Catherine. Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
Additional Resources
New book: Ben Wilkins (editor): Anne Braden Speaks: Selected Writings and Speeches, 1947-1999.
Video discussion: Ben Wilkins in conversation with Robin D.G. Kelley & Roz Pelles about Anne Braden Speaks.
Documentary: Anne Braden: Southern Patriot.
Anne Braden:
A Letter to White Southern Women.
Black Power and White Organizing.
Memo to the Southern Student Organizing Committee.
Finding the Other America.
Those Who Were Not There: The Cold War Against the Civil Rights Movement.
Interview with Anne by her biographer Catherine Fosl.
Interview with Anne at The Veterans of Hope Project.
Interview with Anne from Living the Story: the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky.
Correspondence between Anne and Martin Luther King.
SNCC Digital Gateway: entry on Anne and Carl Braden.
Search through the Anne Braden archives of the Wisconsin Historical Society.
The Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research, directed by Braden’s biographer, Catherine Fosl.
See copies of the Southern Patriot newspaper here and here (from the Civil Rights Movement Veterans Website).
Memorial to Anne Braden: friends and comrades remember her at the Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
The Carl Braden Memorial Center.
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Some content (or its descriptions) found on this site may be harmful and difficult to view. These materials may be graphic or reflect biases. In some cases, they may conflict with strongly held cultural values, beliefs or restrictions. We provide access to these materials to preserve the historical record, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices, or behaviors found within them. Read more
The Digital Library of Georgia is part of the GALILEO Initiative and located at The University of Georgia Libraries
© 2024 Digital Library of Georgia
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https://www.facingsouth.org/author/anne-braden
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Facing South
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Anne Braden is a long-time activist and frequent contributor to Southern Exposure in Louisville, Kentucky. She was active in the anti-Klan movement before and after Greensboro as a member of the Southern Organizing Committee. Her 1958 book, The Wall Between — the runner-up for the National Book Award — was re-issued by the University of Tennessee Press this fall. (1999)
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The Cry Was Unity
By Anne Braden
- This article first appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 27 No. 3, "Digging for the Truth." Find more from that issue here.
Virginia Durr: 1904-1999
By Anne Braden
- Virginia Durr broke with her upbringing to become a torchbearer for racial and economic justice
In Different Boats
By Anne Braden
- The myth of reverse discrimination — and what we can do about it.
The Long View of Elder Activists: Their Vision of a More Just Society Keeps Them Going
By Anne Braden
- This article originally appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 13 No. 2/3, "Older Wiser Stronger: Southern Elders." Find more from that issue here.
A Call to Action
By Anne Braden
- This article originally appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 10 No. 6, "Waging Peace." Find more from that issue here.
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4403 Virginia was longtime home of Anne and Carl Braden, early white allies of the southern civil rights movement. Segregationists marched here in 1954 after the couple helped an African American family desegregate a local suburb. Though they became controversial figures, the Bradens then fought to keep this area multiracial.
Reverse Description:
Civil Rights Landmark- In the 1960s this home became a waystation for national reformers such as Rosa Parks, Angela Davis & Rev. M. L. King Jr. It was also a meeting place for young activists who led sit-ins. After Carl’s death in 1975, Anne continued organizing for racial justice, peace & workers’ rights until her death in 2006.
Dedicated April 11, 2008.
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The Life of Anne Braden, Part One: Finding Her Way to the Movement
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The story of how Anne Braden liberated herself from the culture of segregation she was raised in and became one of the greatest White antiracists in US history.
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Cross Cultural Solidarity - History; in the Service of Solidarity
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https://crossculturalsolidarity.com/the-life-of-anne-braden-part-one-finding-her-way-to-the-movement/
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By Lynn Burnett
Inquire about Braden workshops here. Listen to this story on SoundCloud. Download the PDF & discussion questions. Support resources on White antiracist history here.
Anne Braden is one of the greatest examples we have of a White Southerner, steeped in the culture of segregation, breaking free from that culture and becoming a powerful voice for Black liberation. Born in 1924 and raised in a well-off family in Alabama, Anne questioned segregation as a child and again while in college, before finally making a clean break with White supremacy as a journalist in the mid-1940s. When the civil rights movement broke out a decade later, Anne was one of the few figures that White Southerners could look to as an example of how to liberate themselves from their own oppressive culture and beliefs, and to work for racial justice. Her life, however, has lessons for us all: for we all benefit from understanding how White people can break free from the grip of racism, stand in solidarity with people of all colors, and come together to build a better world.
Childhood: the First Stage of Questioning
Like many Southerners, Anne Braden grew up in a deeply religious household. As a child, she was moved by Christian teachings of universal brotherhood and sisterhood and of loving one’s neighbor. In her church hung an image of Jesus, surrounded by all the children of the world, of all colors, learning his teachings together. The image stood out to the young Anne because in her experience, children of different colors did not learn together or go to church together. The world that she lived in didn’t seem to match up with Jesus’s teachings.
Nor did segregation match up with Anne’s sense of fairness as a child. When Anne’s clothes were worn out, her family passed them down to a little Black girl who was bigger than Anne… so the clothes were not only worn out but were too tight. Growing up in a paternalistic culture, the fact that little Black kids were often given the discarded clothes of little White kids was viewed by the adults in Anne’s life as an act of compassion and generosity. But the young Anne viewed it as unfair. She imagined being the little Black girl, and she knew she wouldn’t be happy to have to wear those tight, worn-out clothes. However, when Anne asked questions about the poverty she saw amongst African Americans, the adults in her life told her that Black people were a “simpler race” with fewer needs, and were “happy with the way things were.” Anne, however, could never fully believe this.
Anne would later insist that she was not an exceptional child for questioning segregation. Rather, this process of questioning was a normal part of growing up in the White South. However, in the decades before the civil rights movement forced the conversation, White Southerners rarely discussed segregation: it was simply an accepted fact of life. Those who did dare to question it found themselves marginalized and isolated, or even forced out of the region under threat of violence and economic retaliation. Anne didn’t become aware that people questioned segregation at all until she went to college… an opportunity many White Southerners, and especially White Southern women, did not have. In the White South, with its culture of silence around racial disparity, there were few opportunities for children to explore their concerns about fairness and justice. As they grew up, they usually acclimated into the culture of White supremacy they were raised in. Anne Braden often emphasized that the same would have happened to her had other events in her life not unfolded.
College: Laying the Foundations for an Anti-Racist Consciousness
When Anne was a teenager, she began to worry that she was unpopular and unattractive. She realized that boys were often attracted to girls who made them feel like THEY were the smart ones, and so she began to downplay her intelligence. Indeed, she quickly became popular after making this decision. When the time came to go to college, she still had boys on her mind, and so rejected the idea of going to a women’s college. However, World War II had begun while she was in high school. In 1940 Congress initiated a peacetime draft, and Anne realized that given the likelihood of the U.S. entering the war, that few men would be on campus. She changed her mind and made a decision that would alter the course of her life: she decided to go to a women’s college after all.
In an environment where she didn’t feel the need to downplay her intelligence, Anne was able to find herself. Instead of rejecting her love of learning, she embraced it, later writing that “I don’t think I knew the excitement of an idea until I got to college.” She studied literature and journalism and became the editor in chief of the college newspaper, writing about her great passion for moral ideals and the tremendous struggles against fascism and for democracy happening overseas. Anne won many awards for her work and graduated from Stratford Women’s College as valedictorian.
It was at Stratford that Anne discovered her first female mentors… women who served as role models and who helped Anne expand her vision of her own possibilities as a woman. Anne had grown up in a society where the roles of women were profoundly limited, and where life was even further restricted by notions of individualism that reduced the purpose of life to personal success. The female professors Anne was drawn to, however, emphasized that life was just as much about building stronger communities, and ultimately a better world. Personal happiness was found not through individualistic pursuits, but through contributing to the world and building meaningful connections with others. It was a vision that resonated with Anne, and reminded her of the Christian teachings she felt so compelled by.
Anne had been five years old when the Great Depression began, and although her own father held a steady job and their family was economically secure, she had strong memories of endless streams of beggars getting off the trains going door-to-door begging. She was also aware, as a child, that African Americans rode these trains as well, but never dared to beg in White neighborhoods. As a teenager, she understood the rising threats of fascism overseas; of global destabilization; and finally of world war. The notion of a life devoted to something larger than ones own self spoke to Anne’s religious sensibilities, but it seemed especially important given the dire times Anne was living through. She was drawn to these professors, and they took her under their wings. One of them began inviting Anne to intellectual gatherings, where Anne was introduced to the professor’s sister, Harriet Fitzgerald. Harriet became the first person Anne Braden met who did not merely disagree with segregation, but took an active stance against it.
Harriet had a female lover in New York, and may have had romantic feelings for Anne as well. She made a special effort to help Anne cultivate herself as an intellectual – introducing her to the works of influential thinkers of the era, including Freud and Marx – and sought to help Anne overcome the prejudices she was raised with. Although Anne did not share Harriet’s romantic desires for women, she was able to experience a deep emotional support from Harriet that made all of her previous experiences with men seem superficial. Anne described their connection as a kind of intense intellectual excitement she had not yet experienced, later expressing that “before I met Harriet, I never knew that kind of excitement was possible between two human beings. Later I told her that I didn’t think I would have ever been able to have the kind of relationship I had with Carl [her future husband] had it not been for her. Never after that have I felt any sexual interest in someone who did not excite me intellectually.”
Anne had a major racial awakening when she went to visit Harriet in New York. Harriet – hoping to help Anne break free from her segregationist upbringing – arranged for her to have dinner with a Black woman from the South, under the pretense that they had similar intellectual interests. Anne later wrote: “I went to the meeting with some misgivings. Never in my life had I eaten with a Negro.” Anne later realized that the woman was well aware of how she would have felt as a White woman from the South, and was consciously trying to put Anne at ease. The Black woman was, essentially, working with Harriet to help Anne process, work through, and eventually break free from her White supremacist upbringing.
The two women soon fell into deep conversation… and once they did, Anne ceased to think about the fact that she was White and her conversationalist was Black. They were simply two people having an excellent conversation. Suddenly, in the middle of the conversation, Anne became aware of the fact that she had forgotten about race entirely. A shockwave rippled through her: there was no actual “race problem!” It was an illusion. She later wrote that at this moment, “some heavy shackles seemed to fall from my feet.” The chains that prevented her from being able to embody the spiritual visions she was drawn to as a child – of loving one’s neighbor as oneself; as striving for universal sisterhood and brotherhood – were starting to break.
By this time, Anne had transferred to Randolph-Macon Women’s College – a larger school, where she would be even more intellectually challenged. Here, she studied dance, became aware of the deep connections between her physical, mental, and spiritual health, and fell in love with the Russian authors Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky. She began running with an “artsy” crowd, and amongst this crowd – many of whom consciously thought of themselves as outsiders – it was common to oppose segregation. Anne’s conversation in New York, combined with her participation in this crowd, led her, for the first time, to develop a conscious stance against segregation. A third and final element in the development of that consciousness during her college years was World War II: as Anne later wrote, “We were aware that in fighting Hitler, we were fighting a racist ideology, though I don’t think we used that word ‘racist.’ It didn’t escape people I knew that those ideas about racial superiority were akin to what we had here in the South.”
By the time Anne graduated from college in 1945 – shortly before the end of the war – she had developed an anti-racist consciousness. However, she had not yet acted on that consciousness, nor did she know how too. She had yet to meet people who were engaged in actual struggle, and was not even aware that major struggles against racial oppression were sparking up all over the South. All of this would soon change.
Journalism: Coming Face-to-Face With Brutal Realities
Following her graduation, Anne returned home to live with her parents and became a full time reporter examining local political issues. When fascism was finally defeated overseas, a sense of euphoria swept through her: democratic ideals had won the day! Authoritarianism had been defeated! However, as Black GI’s returned from the war, they made it clear that they had not fought and died overseas fighting Hitler’s racist authoritarianism, only to return home and be subjected to the racist authoritarianism of Jim Crow. They would not rest until democracy was extended to their people as well. Lynchings skyrocketed as Black men in uniform fought for the basic rights to democracy for Black Americans. As a reporter who had to chronicle these events, Anne’s euphoria about the success of democracy quickly faded.
She sank into depression. Without her college community and her easy access to professors and mentors, Anne didn’t know where to turn. Her concerns could not easily – or even safely – be discussed. Like many White Southerners who were troubled by segregation, Anne felt alone. Not yet aware of the communities and organizations that embodied her newly found anti-racist values, she turned inwards. Without community, she threw herself into work and into writing… but also into isolation.
It did not help that she was back home. As African Americans increasingly stood up for their rights after the war, many White Southerners reacted by taking increasingly stronger stances for keeping things the way they were. Anne’s father was one of those people. Both of her parents were deeply disturbed by Anne’s newfound anti-racist perspectives, and her father expressed that he regretted ever sending her to college. During one of their many arguments, Anne expressed that she supported a federal anti-lynching law. Her father exploded: “We ought to have a good lynching every once and a while to keep the nigger in his place!” Although he later regretted saying it, the outburst shook Anne to her core. She had always seen her father as a gentle and loving man, and she felt confident that he would never actually join a lynch mob. Still, here was an otherwise good-hearted man who had justified murder in his own heart and mind. It was one of the key moments in Anne’s life that caused her to think of White supremacy as something that distorted the souls of White people; that caused them to act against the spiritual and ethical values they believed in, and that made it impossible for them to live out truly ethical or spiritual lives. White supremacy, for Anne, became something that White people needed to free themselves from.
Anne escaped the tensions of her home by taking a job in Birmingham in the summer of 1946, reporting on the events at the courthouse. Bull Connor – who would later go down in history for ordering fire-hoses and attack dogs to be turned on civil rights protestors in 1963 – was the police commissioner. Well known for his brutality, Connor’s police forces had recently murdered five Black veterans who had dared to stand up for their rights after returning from war. Anne witnessed Black veterans lined up at the courthouse, trying to register to vote. The same men came week after week, without success. She wanted to write an article about these voter registration attempts, but the newspaper didn’t consider it worth reporting on.
As Anne covered the events at the courthouse, she was forced to realize that there was not one legal system, but two. There, she saw that if a Black man killed a White man, the outcome for the Black man – no matter what the circumstances, such as clear cases of self-defense – would be execution. On the other hand, she saw that if a White man killed a Black man, the judge would almost always rule that the killing had been justified. She saw that if a White man raped a Black woman, the case was simply dismissed: it was not even worth discussion. But if a Black man so much as looked at a White woman in an “improper” way, it was usually ruled as “assault with intent to rape.” Braden reported on one case in which a Black man was charged with “assault with intent to rape,” when he had looked at a White woman in an “insulting way” from across the street. It would be nearly a decade until the case of Emmett Till – murdered for whistling at a White woman in the summer of 1955 – brought such injustices before the eyes of the nation, and helped to ignite the civil rights movement.
One day, a deputy at the courthouse began flirting with Anne. Hoping to impress her, he opened a cabinet drawer and pulled out the skull of a Black man who – he hinted, with a proud gleam in his eye – he had helped kill. He told her that the murder would, of course, never be solved. Anne later wrote: “I looked at the skull. It became larger before my eyes. It filled the room and the world. It became a symbol of the death that gripped the South.” The death – the murder – that her own, loving father supported. Anne was filled with horror and rushed out of the room. The violence against Black people in the Deep South was so casual it was usually not even deemed worthy of reporting or discussing, but now Anne found herself facing it fully. It was too much for her. After eight months of facing brutal truths in Birmingham, she took another newspaper job in the Upper South: in Louisville, Kentucky, where she had been born before moving to the Deep South as a baby. It would be in Louisville that she encountered civil rights activists for the first time, and met people who helped pull her into the movement.
Carl Braden
When Anne first arrived in Louisville, she felt a great sense of relief at the absence of brutality that she perceived. Unlike the constant, casual violence of the Deep South, there had been no outright racial violence in Louisville for a long time. The buses were not segregated. African Americans could vote, which meant that there were politicians who actually represented Black interests. Unlike in the Deep South, Black issues were not made invisible to the White community, but were actually reported on. There were even White people who openly opposed racial oppression. However, most spaces were still segregated, including parks, hotels, restaurants, theatres, hospitals, and schools. And as was true throughout the country, African Americans were restricted to living in impoverished neighborhoods, and suffered from rampant job discrimination. However, the mere fact that there was any degree of desegregation and any degree of Black political power was what initially jumped out at Anne.
On her first day of work at the Louisville Times – March 31, 1947 – Anne was introduced to her new colleagues… including the man who would become her future husband, Carl Braden. Unlike Anne, who had been born into a very comfortable upper-middle-class life, Carl had been born into a struggling working-class family. His father had been a railroad worker who worked such long hours he almost never saw his family. A union man, he lost his job when Carl was eight years old for participating in a failed strike demanding better working conditions. For months afterwards, the family ate almost nothing but beans. One of Carl’s dominant childhood experiences was of hunger – in the deep, psychological sense of not knowing when you would be able to get food to relieve it. For Carl, hunger meant growing up early. He became deeply aware of injustice… of the fact that many people, like his family, worked hard and still had nothing, and yet were harshly judged as poor White trash by families exactly like Anne’s. Carl joined gangs and learned to fight when he was very young. Like so many others, he also learned to drink and smoke to alleviate the pain of having ones dignity ripped away. He would continue to drink, smoke, and fight until World War II, when he decided to swear off it all to better commit himself to his work as a journalist and labor organizer.
Carl had been a very thoughtful child – a voracious reader who spent hours listening to the conversations of his large extended family, who often gathered around the kitchen table for discussion. Carl’s father was an agnostic socialist who had named his son after Karl Marx; whereas his mother and her extended family were all devout Catholics. Carl’s father was not anti-religious, but believed that matters of the afterlife and questions about God were beyond the human capacity to understand. He stayed quiet when conversations turned towards religion, but often mentioned at the end of religious conversations that Jesus’s teachings seemed right in alignment with socialism to him. The young Carl agreed with his father. They were all talking about loving thy neighbor, about the brotherhood and sisterhood of humankind that his future wife Anne had also been drawn to as a child. Carl’s heroes, growing up, were Christian saints on the one hand, and socialist leaders on the other. To him, they seemed to hold the same ideals.
When Carl was not out roaming around with his gang getting into fights, he was at home absorbed in books. His parents had only gone to elementary school, and they pushed their children to do well in school so they could have a better life than them. Carl went to a Catholic school, and when he was thirteen the nuns encouraged him to put his intellectual abilities in the service of God and to begin studying to become a priest. Carl accepted this as an honor that would help him fulfill his young desire to live a life of social responsibility. However, by the time he was sixteen, he found himself rebelling against the church, and soon dropped out of school entirely. He had not turned against the church’s teachings, however, but was rather rebelling against the structures of authority within his church, school, family, and ultimately, society. Looking for work as a young, rebellious, working-class intellectual, Carl gravitated towards journalism, just as Anne would later do. He was given the task of reporting on the police department, where he witnessed incredible corruption and brutality. Eight years older than his future wife Anne, Carl was soon reporting on the Great Depression, including the intense labor struggles of local impoverished coal miners… all while still a teenager. The combination of his upbringing and the things he witnessed as a reporter led him to become a devoted labor organizer.
Interracial Organizing and the Commitment to Activism
When Anne was first introduced to Carl, he was covering labor issues for the newspaper, while she was covering education. However, from time to time, Anne would help Carl on his labor reporting. When she showed interest in the subject, he began giving her books to read on socialism and the history of labor organizing. She was soon attending union meetings with him. Anne had been raised to believe that people like her family were well off because they were smart, disciplined, and hard working, and that if people were poor it meant they had made bad decisions or were lazy. Anne had long doubted these class prejudices, and understanding the history of labor organizing – and getting to know the organizers themselves – destroyed them completely. She came to see the working class as another exploited group suffering from negative stereotypes, who, like African American freedom fighters, were dignified, intelligent, and fighting hard for the right to live a decent life. Carl helped Anne commit herself to ending class oppression, and she helped him commit himself to the battle against White supremacy.
One of the unions that Carl introduced her to – The United Farm Equipment Workers – was interracial: it demanded equal treatment for Blacks and for Whites within the union, as well as in wages and working conditions on the job. It was one of the first places Anne was exposed to where Blacks and Whites were equal in the way they spoke to one another. In the South, it was dangerous for African Americans to speak openly and honestly with Whites, especially when it came to criticizing racist attitudes. The United Farm Equipment Workers union was the first place where Anne experienced African Americans speaking frankly to Whites. It was the first place where African Americans would call her out, correct her, and point out any racist assumptions or behaviors she had. She later expressed that she must have been “like a bull in a china shop” during this period, when she was navigating interracial and Black spaces for the first time. She had had almost no experience interacting with African Americans, and did not even know how to correctly pronounce “Negro…” because everyone around her had always said “nigger.”
Anne came into contact with civil rights organizations during this same period. As a reporter covering education, she investigated the efforts of the local NAACP to desegregate Kentucky’s colleges, and used this as an opportunity to begin building relationships with the NAACP. The increase in civil rights militancy as Black veterans returned from war had doubled the number of NAACP chapters in Kentucky, and Anne soon found herself attending civil rights meetings. Once again, she found herself in spaces where Black people would not automatically defer to her and stay silent when they disagreed with her, which, up until this period, had been her entire life experience as a White person. It was a dramatic experience for Anne, forcing her to realize that all of her previous interactions with Black people had been false and inauthentic: they had never felt safely able to show her, as a White person, their true thoughts and feelings. Anne came to value these interracial organizing spaces as crucial spaces of authenticity and honesty. But, most importantly for her, she felt they were spaces where Black people would treat her as a human being… instead of showing her only the façade of deference.
As Anne moved beyond mere interactions with Black people in these organizing spaces, and began developing actual friendships, she felt her commitment to racial justice deepen. She also felt increasingly alienated from the world she had grown up in, from her family, and from her previous friends. She later described this year – 1947 – as a painful period of “turning myself inside out” and being pulled “up by the roots.” She began looking at her previous values as a type of prison that she still had yet to fully escape. By 1948, she had discarded many old beliefs and attitudes, but she was not yet sure what they would be replaced with. One of the answers came through re-evaluating her work. Anne now questioned whether journalism was the greatest service she could offer. Deciding it was not, she quit her job and threw herself into a life of organizing and of activism.
The Case of Andrew Wade
Anne and Carl quickly came to feel that they were meant to be together, and married in the spring of 1948. Anne was twenty-four years old. She later wrote that “we were joining our lives to bring about a better world.” Being together made them both much stronger and more effective: Carl used to say about their dynamic that “one and one made more than two.” The two of them stepped away from the newspaper together, deciding that they wanted be fully engaged in social issues, rather than just writing about them. Throughout the late forties and early fifties, they dedicated themselves to a number of causes. They created a Labor Information Center, and taught publication skills to union members. They organized against the growing nuclear arms race, and gathered support for W.E.B. Du Bois – the founder of the NAACP and one of the greatest Black intellectuals of all time – when he was put on trial as a “subversive” for opposing the escalation of the Cold War. Anne played a major role in the Interracial Hospital Movement, which developed after a Black man who had been in a car accident died because a segregated hospital refused to serve him. It was the first civil rights campaign in which Anne played a major organizing role, and it succeeded at desegregating Kentucky’s hospitals.
Anne also began working with the radical Civil Rights Congress, travelling and speaking about racial inequities in the justice system and the ways that Black men were often sent to death for false accusations, while White men regularly got away with the murder and rape of Black people. For these activities, she was briefly incarcerated for the first time, at the age of twenty-six. Her arrest led her to realize that her racial convictions placed her “at odds with a power structure from which she had always previously benefitted,” to use the words of historian Catherine Fosl. Anne also received an important piece of advice which would give direction to the rest of her life: after reporting to the founder of the Civil Rights Congress – William Patterson – about her activities speaking at Black churches and writing in Black newspapers, Patterson told her that it was White people whose minds needed to be changed, not Blacks. She contemplated his advice. Working to organize White people to understand and oppose racism eventually became her life’s work.
Anne Braden was thrown into infamy, however, before she had a chance to embrace the work she would one day be most remembered for. In March of 1954, a Black World War II veteran named Andrew Wade approached the Bradens for help. Wade had been trying to purchase a home outside of the segregated Black communities of Louisville – he simply wanted a nicer, larger home for his growing family than was available in Black neighborhoods. Wade had a successful business, and came close to closing a deal on a few houses… but as soon as he met the real estate agents and they saw that he was Black, he was rejected. Wade asked some of his White friends if they would be willing to purchase the house under their name, and then transfer it to him. They refused. Wade then approached the Bradens. He did not know them personally, but they had developed a reputation for supporting Black causes by that time. They did not hesitate to support him.
The Bradens understood that the move would cause controversy, but they also believed the plan would work. Louisville was segregated and unequal, but it wasn’t violent. Compared to the Deep South, race relations were very quiet. As for Andrew Wade, he expected that his White neighbors would be angry at first, but would eventually come to know and respect him and his family. The intensity of the events that transpired took them all by surprise.
The house that Andrew Wade selected had recently been built by a man named James Rone. Rone was not a large-scale builder, but a working man with calloused hands in his mid forties, who had acquired some land with the dream of building a small community. He was building up other houses on a street he had proudly named after himself – Rone Court – including one for his son Buster. Building up this little community out in the countryside was his big dream, and Anne felt guilty for not telling him they were purchasing a home for a Black family. Anne valued honesty and trustworthiness very deeply, and was troubled by purposefully deceiving someone. Reflecting later on her feelings, she realized that while buying into White supremacy made it impossible for White people to live out their own ethical and spiritual values, White supremacy also made it impossible for her, as a committed antiracist, to be perfectly ethical. She could not simultaneously deal honorably with Andrew Wade and James Rone at the same time.
When the Black Wade family moved in instead of the White Braden family, James Rone panicked. He called his friends, and Andrew Wade watched from his new house as car after car arrived at the Rones. There were soon twenty cars, and a crowd of people milling around James Rone’s home. They did not, however, approach the Wade’s house. At around midnight the crowd instead headed over to the Bradens.
Carl answered the door, and James Rone asked if he had sold the house to “coloreds.” Carl said that he had. Rone explained that there weren’t any Black people out there. The Braden’s sale must have been a mistake. Carl responded that color shouldn’t matter; that Black people, like all people, should have the right to move wherever they could afford to move. Someone in the crowd then yelled, “But I’ve saved up for years to buy the house I own out there!” They were concerned that if Black people moved into the neighborhood, the value of their homes would dramatically decline. Carl replied that Andrew Wade had also spent years saving so that he could buy a decent home. Perhaps they should realize that they all wanted the same thing. At that point a large man stepped up to Carl and asked him if he had any children. Carl said “Yes,” and the man replied, “Well, you’d better watch out.” Carl, who had spent much of his life fighting, felt his muscles tense up. He told them that they needed to leave. They did.
Reflecting on these events in her memoir of this moment – The Wall Between –Anne did not feel that James Rone had purposefully sent a mob to threaten them. She believed that he had panicked at the thought that all of his property would decline in value; panicked at the thought that White people who associated with Black people would be looked down on and that he would lose the standing he so desired to have; panicked when all the racial prejudices he had inherited washed over him and caused him to be fearful of blackness. One moment, he had felt safe and secure, felt that all of his long-sought ambitions were finally coming true… and the next moment he felt the world crashing around him. He had panicked and called his friends, just trying to figure out what to do, but once word got out, it was beyond his control. It wasn’t him who had stepped forward and threatened their children. Anne wrote: “The crowd at Rone’s house became almost transformed into a mob because these people did not know what else to do with their frustration, because acting as a unit and together gave them back some of the sense of security they had lost.” In the following days she called the local pastors, trying to gain support. They said they would lose their congregations if they supported integrated neighborhoods. Anne wrote that even the pastors “were guided by what he thought his neighbor thought, by what he thought his neighbor expected of him,” rather than by what they truly believed in and thought was right.
Anne called James Rone the following day to try to resolve the tensions. She asked him to just give Andrew Wade and his family a chance. They were all good people. Surely they could all get along. Rone replied that he was in a difficult situation, emphasizing that “Everybody out here is blaming me.” His response helped Anne understand that Rone had to prove to his friends and neighbors that he was not part of this; that he did not support a Black family moving into the neighborhood. And each person that joined the mob, likewise, felt that they needed to prove the same thing to their friends and neighbors. Anne wondered, “How much so-called prejudice is maintained from generation to generation because every man must prove to his neighbor that he thinks as he thinks his neighbor thinks?” It was “a vicious circle of social pressure.” Indeed, a few years later – after it had all died down – some White families came forward and said that they would not have minded the Wades living there at all: but they were afraid of being socially ostracized, and so maintained their silence.
The Braden’s were soon receiving a continuous stream of death threats: the phone rang every five or ten minutes; and because the Bradens were worried about the Wades, they felt compelled to pick up each and every call. Anne, however, noticed a pattern in the threatening voices, and realized that it was likely only half a dozen people calling on rotations, hoping that if each of them only called once an hour, their voice would not be recognized. This decreased her stress, but then a call came in saying that “something” would happen today. And then: in six hours. Five. Four. Three. Two. One. The calls kept coming. Fifteen minutes. Carl was unfazed, staying focused on his reading in the living room. He said that if they were really going to be attacked they wouldn’t be warned. Anne later reflected that Carl had long ago learned to shrug off physical threats. But it was her first time confronting them. She took the kids and left the house in case a bomb had been planted.
Meanwhile, James Rone and his son Buster went to talk with Andrew Wade, trying to convince him to sell the house back to them. Andrew said: “I’m not trying to force myself and my family on you. You don’t have to be my friend or ever come on my property if you don’t want to. But how can you say I don’t have a right to live in the same neighborhood as you? Try to put yourself in my place for a minute. I’m an American citizen. I fought for my country. I’m a person, like you. I want a decent house to live in. Will you say that in a democracy I can’t have a decent house to live in, that I can’t live where I want to, just because my skin is a different color than yours? We can all get along in the same world. That’s what democracy means.” He turned to Buster and said that perhaps he was too young to have fought for his country or to have seriously contemplated democracy. But did he understand?
Buster Rone nodded and shook Andrew Wades hand. He helped burn a cross in front of his house the next day. Andrew ran out with a gun and yelled, “You are burning your own American flag!” He requested that police watch the house for the rest of the night, but none came. In the middle of the night, bullets blasted through the front of the house. Andrew threw his wife Charlotte to the floor and watched as a car sped away. The next morning, Anne asked him if he would stay. Andrew said: “A principle is at stake. You don’t just run away from something like this.” Journalists contacted the Bradens, asking why they had bought a house for a Black family in a White neighborhood. The Bradens responded: “We feel that every man has a right to live where he wants to, regardless of the color of his skin. This is the test of democracy. Either you practice what you preach, or you shut up about believing in democracy.” The story became front-page news in Kentucky.
A mere week later, the Supreme Court passed the Brown v. Board of Education ruling – on May 17, 1954 – outlawing segregated schools and signaling the beginning of the end to segregation everywhere. Brown led to massive resistance throughout the White South. White Southerners who had always assumed the stability of White supremacy now realized they were going to have to stand up and fight for it. Many White folks in Kentucky – unable to directly attack the Supreme Court or the federal government – took their anger out on the Bradens, condemning them as “traitors to their race.” At best, the Braden’s were accused of “wanting to stir up trouble.” They knew that purchasing a house for a Black family in a White neighborhood would create problems, so that must have been their intention. At worst, the Bradens were accused of being Communist-inspired subversives who were trying to exploit racial tensions in order to tear American society apart. They were hell-bent on trying to start a “race war.” That accusation, as crazy as it sounds today, would later have major ramifications.
Meanwhile, the Wades met the solid wall of economic resistance that Whites came to use throughout the South in order to cripple anyone who failed to conform to White supremacist traditions. Andrew Wade suddenly found that all of his loans were cut off. His business was boycotted. Not even the newspaperman or the milkman would deliver to his home. A police guard had been put on the Wade house after shots had been fired into it, but when no other acts of violence occurred, they were soon pulled off. Cars filled with angry Whites shouting threats constantly drove by the house. Understanding that there was a very real threat of violence, an organization called the Wade Defense Committee was formed. Armed supporters of Andrew Wade moved in to stay on the lookout and protect the home.
After the shots had been fired into the Wade home, Anne and Carl decided to have their young children sleep in the hallway at night, where they were least likely to by hit by bullets if the same happened to their house. The threats on the phone kept pouring in, and as the weeks wore on, Anne found herself completely torn down. She often couldn’t fall asleep until dawn, and later reflected that she eventually descended into a state in which she had no energy to have any emotions whatsoever – no energy for fear, no energy for courage. As the threats poured in, she simply reacted in a cold, calculated way geared towards survival. Andrew Wade urged Anne to carry a gun to protect herself, but she refused. She felt that if she ever shot and killed somebody that she would never be able to live with herself, even if it had been done in self-defense. However, one day while Carl was driving with the kids, a car blocked the road in front of him, while another pulled up from behind to prevent him from reversing. He was told, once again, that something was going to happen to his kids if he didn’t resolve the situation with the Wades. It forced Anne to reflect more seriously on the nature of self-defense: even if she would rather die than kill someone, she couldn’t justify risking the lives of her children. Andrew Wade, who had built up a small arsenal in his home, immediately supplied her with the weapon.
And then, suddenly, things died down. A week passed without the Bradens or the Wades receiving any threats. Both families began to feel that the whole nightmare might be over. It was Saturday, June 26, 1954 – six weeks after the house had first been purchased – that Anne felt relaxed enough to go to sleep before midnight. On that same evening, Andrew Wade, feeling that the threat had subsided, took his family out to have fun for the first time since they had moved onto Rone Court.
The children of Andrew and Charlotte Wade had been staying with Andrew’s parents during this time because of the potential threat of violence. Despite feeling that things were starting to calm down, the Wade parents dropped the children off with their grandparents before returning home. As the Wade’s turned onto their street, they noticed that not a single light in any house was on. It was perfectly dark. Entering their home, Andrew asked the members of the Wade Defense Committee who had been keeping watch if there had been any unusual activity. They said that just a few minutes earlier, they had seen some strange flashing lights coming from a few different directions… as if people in different locations had been using flashlights to communicate with one another. As they began discussing what this might have meant, a bomb detonated underneath the home.
The explosion ripped through the two bedrooms where the children would have been sleeping if they had not been with their grandparents that night. Miraculously, everyone had stepped out onto the porch to discuss the meaning of the flashing lights, and no one was injured. Despite the thunderous explosion, none of their neighbors came out to see what had happened. The bombing had clearly been expected.
Andrew rushed to call Anne and warn her that her home might also be attacked that night. Waking up from one of the first times she had been able to fall asleep at night for weeks and weeks, she rushed outside and noticed that the streetlight, which had been on when she went to bed, had been broken. Carl’s job had him working late that night, so Anne was home alone with the children. She looked under the porch and searched everywhere where a bomb could have been planted. When Carl returned home, they spent the rest of the night sitting up armed on the porch. Nothing happened. Anne, however, had been pregnant during this time. The stress of the bombing was the straw that broke the camel’s back and caused her to miscarry, leaving her with a profound sense of sadness.
With their house now in ruins, the Wade home was no longer habitable. For Andrew, however, it was still a symbol. He vowed to remain – even if he had to sleep in a tent, he said – and many in the Black community urged him to stand his ground. In the first days after they purchased their home, the local Black newspaper had interviewed Andrew. Predicting the difficult path ahead, he had said, “We intend to live here or die here.” He was buying this home both for the sake of having a decent home for his own family, but also to help break a barrier for other African Americans. The news had taken the local Black community by storm: here was a Black family that had found a way to escape the Black ghettos of Louisville. Here were White folks who were ready to fight for Black people. It gave them hope.
However, after the bombing, there were also many in the Black community who urged Andrew to place his family first and leave the house behind, in order to be with his wife and children in a safe space. He told them, “A man owes his children many things… I owe mine a freer world.” But the fact was that Andrew had been losing Black support ever since the extent of the White backlash had become apparent. Louisville had a reputation as a racially progressive city – in terms of the South – and many local Blacks originally expected the Wades to receive more support from progressive Whites. When the expectations of such support proved to be an illusion, many Blacks felt that Andrew Wade had trapped himself in a lost cause that was pointless to support. Black leadership backed off as well, not wanting to damage their ties with White political and economic power.
As for Andrew’s wife, Charlotte Wade, she loved her husband, but she had never shared his optimistic view that they could succeed. Andrew wanted to take civil rights issues head on, believing that they could be changed. But Charlotte’s experiences in life had taught her that segregation was undefeatable. White people were dangerous and to be avoided. She could never even fully trust the Bradens. Charlotte preferred to retreat into the safety of an all-Black world, in order to avoid potential trouble. Anne viewed this as a perfectly understandable human reaction on Charlotte’s part. But she also felt that such a retreat – as compared to Andrew’s stance of opposition – was part of what allowed White Southerners to succumb to the racist myth that Black people were “content” with their “natural” position in the order of things. And yet, even though it was Andrew who was the confrontational militant and it was Charlotte who retreated, Anne Braden wrote that Charlotte’s eyes burned more fiercely with indignation: for at least her husband had hope. For her, the injustice was permanent… and her anger, therefore, even more intense.
Over the next few years, Andrew rebuilt the house. Even after the bombing, he believed that all the tensions would eventually die down. As the rebuilding neared completion, he went and talked with all the neighbors. They expressed regret at what had happened, but none was willing to say so publicly. Charlotte had warned Andrew that she would never move back in, but he hoped that over time she would change her mind. She didn’t. She told him that she would never be able to sleep comfortably at that house ever again; that she would forever worry that a bomb could detonate underneath them at any moment. They returned to living in an all-Black community.
The Trial: Thrown into Infamy
Shortly after the bombing, Anne appeared in court to serve as a witness in the investigation that was taking place. When she was called to the stand, she expected to be questioned about the threats to her family. Did she know who made them? Did she have any insights into who might have been involved in the bombing? Anne, however, was not asked these questions. Instead, she was grilled on her political beliefs. Had she been a member of any “subversive” organizations? Did she associate with Communists? What kind of literature did she read? Anne found herself at the center of a highly publicized, anti-Communist witch-hunt during one of the most politically repressive periods in U.S. history: McCarthyism.
During the period of McCarthyism, right-wing forces exploited the growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that developed in the wake of the Second World War. They used those tensions to whip the American public into a state of fear: Communism, they said, would spread rapidly across the globe unless severe measures were taken. They warned that Communists had already infiltrated deep into American society, and were working with the Soviet Union to undermine the United States from the inside. After using this wildly unsubstantiated myth to whip the public into a state of fear, these forces then used that fear as an excuse to destroy causes they opposed – including civil rights and organized labor – under the pretense that such causes were Communistic. It was easy to manufacture the connection because Communists were, indeed, major supporters of racial justice and labor rights. Because Communists were highly involved in those causes, anyone devoted to those causes would have worked around and known Communists themselves. In the period of McCarthyism, anyone who was around Communists was framed as a Communist sympathizer, which was then equated with being an enemy of the state. This is what was now happening to Anne and Carl Braden.
It was especially easy for White Southerners to believe that civil rights activities were Communist inspired, because from their perspective, attacks on segregation were subversive. Civil rights activists were trying to undermine society as they knew it, and as they believed it should be. Wasn’t that exactly what Communists were allegedly trying to do? Additionally, before the civil rights movement, most White Southerners assumed that Black people were happy with the way things were. This assumption, as Anne had painfully discovered, was born out of the fact that in a violent White supremacist culture, it was dangerous for African Americans to communicate their true thoughts and feelings to the White people they interacted with. This belief led many White Southerners to assume that “outside agitators” – rather than African Americans – were the true forces behind civil rights actions. Such beliefs now played out as Anne sat in the courtroom: it was assumed that Anne and Carl Braden had manipulated Andrew Wade into buying a house in a White neighborhood.
It was in this context that prosecutor Scott Hamilton stepped forward at the trial, and explained to the jury that there were two theories about the bombing. One theory was that people who resented Blacks moving into a White neighborhood had set the bomb. The second theory was that the bombing had been part of the Braden’s Communist plot, and that they had set it themselves in order to inflame racial tensions. The prosecutor plunged into an effort to prove this second theory. All evidence that opposed it was ignored. Andrew Wade and the Wade Defense Committee had taken detailed notes about the threats they had faced, but when they provided a list of potential suspects, it was dismissed. When Buster Rone admitted to being one of the people who had burned the cross in front of Wade’s home, his actions were viewed as irrelevant rather than being viewed as a clear sign of hostility. Even the fact that one of Rone’s friends worked in an explosives factory was ignored by the jury. Anne and Carl soon found themselves charged with sedition. That charge – essentially a charge of attempting to overthrow the government – carried a prison sentence of twenty-one years. Bail was set at $10,000 each… a phenomenal amount of money for 1954.
Anne later reflected: “I had challenged a whole settled world, a way of life, and this world had struck back. What had I expected?” She now realized that she had participated in so-called “subversive activities” from a place of privilege: “I thought I had examined the values of the world in which I grew up, and found many of them wanting and established new values.” However, “my nerves and reflexes still expected the protections and immunities that went with the place in society to which I had been born.” Unlike African Americans, she had grown up trusting the police; grown up believing that the law would protect her. The fact that those expectations were still embedded in her meant that when she began organizing for labor rights and racial justice, that she did so, to some extent, naively. She did not feel that her participation had been courageous: she felt like she had just not understood the risks.
Anne assumed that it would be impossible to pay her $10,000 bond. She suspected that her parents were capable of posting it, but due to their serious disagreements about segregation, Anne did not expect them to post bond, nor did she feel she had any right to ask them for their support. Within a week, however, her father had bailed her out. Anne warned him that she would never change her position; but her father bailed her out because he loved her regardless.
When Anne and Carl had been arrested, Anne’s parents had taken the children. Anne was fine with her parents keeping the children for a little while, but not for long. She understood that she and Carl might be locked away for many years, and worried that her children would adjust into the culture of White supremacy if they stayed with her parents during that time. She struggled to raise the issue, however, because she knew it would be very painful for her parents to hear that she didn’t trust them to raise the children. They had already suffered so much after Anne’s arrest: friends and neighbors had come to their home to support them as if there had been a death in the family. They sympathized with her parents the same way they would if a child had gone insane, or had fallen into a life of criminality despite the best efforts of the parents. Anne also wrote that her parents, although not fully conscious of it, probably understood deep down that “they were a part of this world that had turned savagely on the daughter they loved and sought to destroy her.” Her parents had their own difficult burden to bear.
Anne’s father took it upon himself to raise the issue of what would happen to the kids. “Anne,” he said hesitantly, “I hope just one thing. No matter what happens – if you can’t raise these children yourself – I hope you will let us have them.” Anne sat silently. Her father went straight to the point: “I know you don’t want us to have them.” He explained that he had gone to talk to their pastor about the dilemma. “I told him, ‘Anne Gambrell [her middle name] doesn’t want us to have her children because she is afraid I will give them my prejudices.’ And I told him – and I had tears in my eyes when I said it – ‘I will promise her this: I will never, never give her children my prejudices!’” Anne and her father were both crying. It was the first time he had ever admitted his own racism. However, Anne later wrote that “no matter how much he meant what he said, no matter how hard he tried, a child living with him would soak up his prejudices.” She couldn’t allow that to happen.
Anne now devoted all of her energy to raising Carl’s bail, but she had become infamous, and struggled to find support. After their arrest, authorities had raided the Braden’s home. They had a large personal library that contained a wide range of political and philosophical literature, including socialist and Communist texts. Their library also contained books by Russian authors such as Tolstoy and Dostoevsky, who Anne had studied in college. This literature was confiscated and paraded before the public as proof that Communists had infiltrated Kentucky, leading intellectuals and students of philosophy or political science throughout the state to hurriedly take such literature off their own shelves and sink it in the nearest river. The Bradens had been warned by their friends that such a raid was surely immanent, and that they should purge such literature from their home. Anne had defiantly told them, “I’m not going to let anyone make me start burning books.” As always, the Braden’s stood their ground, but they were now considered dangerous people to associate with. Many who were sympathetic worried that if they donated money, that they would be viewed as supporting subversive causes, and could be attacked themselves.
Anne’s own friends worried that it would be dangerous for them to associate with her too closely at this particular time, and some even wrote to her asking her to keep her distance until things died down. Within the Black community, many were initially silent about the Braden case as well, because they feared that taking on the burden of being red-baited as subversives – in addition to the stresses they already faced – would cripple their own struggle for freedom. However, although not many Black people publicly stood up for them, behind the scenes, Black trust in the Bradens grew as Black communities and Black freedom fighters observed what the Bradens were being forced to endure.
Despite the lack of support, Carl had friends who felt they owed him more than they could ever repay. They put their house up for bond, and he was released. Within days, however, he, Anne, and the White members of the Wade Defense Committee were arrested for the separate crime of bombing the Wade house. Carl’s trial was first: he was sentenced to fifteen years and immediately thrown in jail. For weeks afterward, Anne lived in a haze as she awaited her own trial. She would later have almost no memory of these weeks: she was so overwhelmed and traumatized that everything melted into a dark blur. She couldn’t fight anymore. She felt that she couldn’t win anyway. Segregation was too big to defeat. The struggle was meaningless. Anne’s lawyer urged her to appeal Carl’s case, so that higher, more sympathetic courts could examine it, but Anne, in her state of despair, told him there was no point. But there was a point, he assured her: what had been done to the Bradens was what happened in police states, not in democracies, and the higher courts wouldn’t stand for it. If the Braden’s didn’t challenge it, her lawyer emphasized, what had just happened to them would happen to others. They had a duty to prevent that.
She pulled herself together and agreed to appeal. Once it was clear that higher courts were going to review the Braden’s case, Anne found her own trial postponed until the higher court rulings revealed which way the case would go. Feeling a glimmer of hope again, she rose from her dark place of despair, and began to organize to free Carl. Anne travelled endlessly – sometimes accompanied by Andrew Wade – meeting with sympathetic communities and organizations throughout the country and sharing their story. She began to develop the enormous antiracist network that was so pivotal for her future work.
As Anne Braden travelled, the energy of history seemed to swirl around her. Emmett Till was murdered, and the brutal images of his mutilated body led to international outcry. African Americans mobilized, pressing for school desegregation in the wake of Brown. The White Citizen’s Council arose in response to the Supreme Court ruling to desegregate schools; quickly growing in power and attempting to destroy what would soon blossom into a full-fledged revolution for racial justice. White Southerners who sympathized with civil rights were attacked and silenced with an ever-increasing level of viciousness. The NAACP was condemned as a Communist organization and was crushed throughout the South. Rosa Parks would soon make her famous stand in Montgomery, and the eloquence of Martin Luther King would soon inspire the nation. And Anne Braden… she found herself pulled deep into the swirling vortex of events that would, within a decade, wield a deathblow to Jim Crow.
Continue on to Part Two!
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Bibliography
Braden, Anne. The Wall Between: with a New Epilogue. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. First published 1958.
Fosl, Catherine. Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
Schrecker, Ellen. Many are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1998.
Additional Resources
New book: Ben Wilkins (editor): Anne Braden Speaks: Selected Writings and Speeches, 1947-1999.
Video discussion: Ben Wilkins in conversation with Robin D.G. Kelley & Roz Pelles about Anne Braden Speaks.
Documentary: Anne Braden: Southern Patriot.
Anne Braden:
A Letter to White Southern Women.
Black Power and White Organizing.
Memo to the Southern Student Organizing Committee.
Those Who Were Not There: The Cold War Against the Civil Rights Movement.
Finding the Other America.
Interview with Anne by her biographer Catherine Fosl.
Interview with Anne at The Veterans of Hope Project.
Interview with Anne from Living the Story: the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky.
Correspondence between Anne and Martin Luther King.
SNCC Digital Gateway: entry on Anne and Carl Braden.
Search through the Anne Braden archives of the Wisconsin Historical Society.
The Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research, directed by Braden’s biographer, Catherine Fosl.
See copies of the Southern Patriot newspaper here and here (from the Civil Rights Movement Veterans Website).
Memorial to Anne Braden: friends and comrades remember her at the Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
The Carl Braden Memorial Center.
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Facing South
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Anne Braden is a long-time activist and frequent contributor to Southern Exposure in Louisville, Kentucky. She was active in the anti-Klan movement before and after Greensboro as a member of the Southern Organizing Committee. Her 1958 book, The Wall Between — the runner-up for the National Book Award — was re-issued by the University of Tennessee Press this fall. (1999)
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https://www.facingsouth.org/author/anne-braden
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The Cry Was Unity
By Anne Braden
- This article first appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 27 No. 3, "Digging for the Truth." Find more from that issue here.
Virginia Durr: 1904-1999
By Anne Braden
- Virginia Durr broke with her upbringing to become a torchbearer for racial and economic justice
In Different Boats
By Anne Braden
- The myth of reverse discrimination — and what we can do about it.
The Long View of Elder Activists: Their Vision of a More Just Society Keeps Them Going
By Anne Braden
- This article originally appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 13 No. 2/3, "Older Wiser Stronger: Southern Elders." Find more from that issue here.
A Call to Action
By Anne Braden
- This article originally appeared in Southern Exposure Vol. 10 No. 6, "Waging Peace." Find more from that issue here.
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https://www.lpm.org/news/2016-07-12/listen-black-lives-matter-louisville-leader-on-what-comes-next
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LISTEN: Black Lives Matter-Louisville Leader On What Comes Next
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[
"Roxanne Scott",
"www.lpm.org",
"roxanne-scott"
] |
2016-07-12T00:00:00
|
Chanelle Helm talked with WFPL about the relationship between police and marginalized communities in Louisville, and how it might be improved.
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/apple-touch-icon.png
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Louisville Public Media
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https://www.lpm.org/news/2016-07-12/listen-black-lives-matter-louisville-leader-on-what-comes-next
|
Following the shooting deaths of Alton Sterling in Louisiana and Philando Castile in Minnesota by police last week, the Louisville chapter of Black Lives Matter held a vigil on Sunday in remembrance of the two men. More than 400 people marched from the Carl Braden Memorial Center in West Louisville down Broadway.
I sat down with activist and co-founder of Black Lives Matter-Louisville Chanelle Helm before the vigil took place to get her take on the relationship between police and marginalized communities in Louisville.
Listen to the conversation in the audio player above.
On Mayor Greg Fischer’s vigil for the police officers killed in Dallas last week:
“The city has a vigil for the Dallas police officers who got shot. In a city called 'Compassionate City,' where are the vigils for the people who get killed every day by shootings?"
On reforms she’d like to see to make relationships between police and communities of color better:
“We definitely need to cut down on patrols. Because people don’t need to be watched. People need to be helped. If we actually want people to be protected and served by the police, then we actually have to push for that.”
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https://roadtoliberation.org/jim-branson-presente/
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Jim Branson, ¡Presente!
|
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We lost a beloved comrade, Jim Branson. We share with you four different remembrances that illuminate different parts of Jim's remarkable life. The first is a post from Jim's partner, Anne Lewis and the second is from his long-time comrade Thandabantu Iverson. The third and fourth are from younger
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en
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Liberation Road
|
https://roadtoliberation.org/jim-branson-presente/
|
We lost a beloved comrade, Jim Branson. We share with you four different remembrances that illuminate different parts of Jim’s remarkable life. The first is a post from Jim’s partner, Anne Lewis and the second is from his long-time comrade Thandabantu Iverson. The third and fourth are from younger comrades who learned from and were inspired by Jim: Salma Mirza and Jared Story.
Jim’s partner, Anne Lewis
My partner Jim Branson died early on August 16th from Lewy Body Dementia. He was a lifelong socialist fighter and a trade unionist. Jim was an open member of the Georgia Communist League, the October League, the CP Marxist Leninist, and most recently DSA and the Freedom Road Socialist Organization (now Liberation Road). He went to China as part of a workers delegation in the eighties. They ate feasts of sea cucumber and talked about the mines.
He worked in slaughterhouses and steel mills; underground coal mines and as a grassroots, cultural, and union organizer in West Virginia, Kentucky, and Texas. Always physically courageous and an organic intellectual, he committed body and mind to the Mead Paper Strike, the Brookside Miners Strike, the Massey Strike, the Pittston Coal Strike, the Southern Organizing Committee’s work on environmental justice, the campaign for single payer health care, the March to Save Blair Mountain, and union organizing drives in West Virginia, Kentucky, and Texas.
Jim wrote poems and pamphlets. His last job was with the Texas State Employees Union TSEU-CWA 6186.
He learned from Jack O’Dell, Jim Garland, Anne Braden, and Don West. He disliked bosses and authority figures. He stayed in jobs long enough to struggle with them and never long enough to move ahead. In a more just society he would have been a leader. In this one he was proud to be a foot soldier.
Jim loved his personal family — Josh and Beverly, Grant and Clarissa; Paul, Amber, Ely, and Noah; George; Ruby, M, and Meg; brothers Charlie and Bill and their families; uncles Mike and Jeff; deceased wife Susanne and her family; Steve and Terry who truly are family; and all his comrades and union sisters and brothers.
We thank all those who cared for Jim when his mind failed but his body refused to die, especially M and Matt and the residents and direct care workers at Legacy Oaks.
Jim believed that every person who resisted, who organized, who helped build a new and better world was his sister and brother. He would invite all who remember him to join the struggle. We will celebrate his life in Austin this September and in the mountains of Kentucky probably in October. All are welcome.
We celebrate this moment in history that recognizes that Jim’s only defeat was his death, and applaud all who read this. Jim Branson ¡Presente!
Thandabantu Iverson:
The oppressed, exploited and resistant peoples of the United States have lost a remarkable working-class activist and intellectual, James Branson. I knew Jim for over twenty years, and it was one the abiding honors of my life to work with him in political organizations as well as the coal mines of West Virginia. As an Irish American of the working class, Jim was one of the most sincere, thoughtful, bold, and fearless embodiments of anti-racist humanity I have ever known. In this despicable and dispiriting time of white supremacy, misogyny, and liberal political reaction, we will do well to pause and reflect on a few aspects of Jim’s life.
During the 1970s I learned about a fearless worker named Jim Branson when I was working in the Southern Conference Education Fund. This political organization had actually been a fundraising arm of the Southern Conference on Human Welfare, a crucial organization begun during the 1930s by Blacks and Whites dedicated to bringing together “Black and White Toilers of the South” to help dismantle segregation across the South. Largely because of the virulent campaigns of McCarthyism, radically-minded members of that organization decided that it was important to separate the Education Fund from the more visible and aggressively-targeted SCHW. Anti-racist leaders like Anne Braden and Carl Braden, who had disrupted the racist normalcy of Louisville, Ky. by selling their home to a Black family, continued in SCEF the work of the SCHW to inspire and join forces with new generations of social change activists. I met Jim when I had become a fledgling writer for the Southern Struggle, the SCEF newspaper.
SCEF was supporting Jim at that time because he was under indictment for having defended other coal miners and their families who had been threatened by the goons working to destroy trade unionism and workers¹ resistance in Harlan County, Ky. Jim believed, quite simply, that workers have a human right to self-defense, as well as the human right to build unions to improve our lives and livelihoods. He boldly armed himself, and exercised those rights. We were following his legal case at the time, as we were trying to clarify the details of Harlan County conditions and resistance for a broader Southern audience. Jim was facing serious jail time; yet when I met him, I was struck by his consciousness and composure, as well as his humility. He had a quiet, courageous demeanor emblematic of many workers in the mines. Jim’s attitude toward bosses and goons said it all: “If you feel froggy, leap.”
A couple years later, after Jim¹s case had been won and I had moved to Charleston, West Virginia, I took a job at Carbon Fuel Mining Co., where Jim had been working for a while. Since we already knew each other, Jim wasted no time in taking me under his wing and giving me a primer on how to survive the work and the racism and anti-worker hostilities in the mines. We didn’t yet know each other well; but Jim told we about the conditions I would encounter and the challenges I would meet especially as a politically-conscious African American new to the opportunism and backwardness that stifle workers every day across Appalachia. He told me who the most deadly bosses were, always distinguishing between the White workers who were sold out to the company from the White workers who had not yet awakened fully to the need for working-class unity and struggle against capitalist greed. I have no doubt that if Jim hadn’t schooled me before I entered the mine, I would not have survived, and I certainly wouldn’t be writing this brief remembrance of my friend and comrade.
To me, Jim Branson will always stand as one of the most clear-sighted and humane anti-racists who ever worked to build principled unity between workers of different racial-ethnic groupings. Jim was not only a worker, but also an incisive intellectual deeply passionate about saving and celebrating the rich culture of workers in the Appalachian regions. Long before I met him, he had dedicated himself wholly to the organization and liberation of members of the working class across this country and the world. Jim was a wonderful husband, an amazing father, and the kind of brother who’d be standing next to you facing a group of Klansmen on a dark Southern road. I knew him as he survived the tragic losses of two wonderful women when death ended their marriages. Anne Lewis, his wife at the time of his passing, is also a brilliant working-class organizer and educator, who uses film to tell the stories and win the minds of working people to the ways we can make and live our lives better. We will have to keep going without Jim, but the lessons of his humble visionary activism will shed light as we press on through these dark times. Comrade James Branson, ¡Present!
Salma Mirza
Jim Branson was a true working class hero, long time trade unionist and socialist/ communist. He was my mentor and friend, who brought me into Liberation Road as my district organizer and mentored me when I was volunteering for the Texas State Employees Union. He had an amazing life, which his equally amazing partner Anne Lewis.
I haven’t known anyone quite like him. He had an incredibly impressive dedication and commitment to the movement and wealth of organizing experience, and yet never let his experiences make him bitter or abrasive. He was so warm, welcoming, humble, kind and still so open to learning new things well into his later life. He and his family supported me during difficult times in my life.
He and Anne issued a blanket invitation to me during one difficult time that I could come over to their house whenever I needed to. I remember sitting companionably with him in silence, watching a basketball game, when I took him up on that offer. That experience of welcome and support is as meaningful to me as all of the things I learned from him about organizing, politics, and socialism.
I remember going with him to the capitol in Austin during the reproductive rights protests. He couldn’t stand or walk for long, but he brought his own lawn chair, came with me to the capitol, and parked himself in the middle of the protest. He taught me how to be a disabled and sick person in the movement. He was always on the right side of history.
When I started studying communications and digital strategy, I was even more impressed with how ably he could cut to the heart of an issue with a few direct, easy to understand words. He was an amazing communicator and taught me the connection between strategic communications, digital organizing, and offline organizing just through his example even though he had no formal training in comms or digital.
He demonstrated white working class solidarity with people of color against white supremacy through his life more than any book or theory could hope to articulate.
I hope to live my life in a way that honors his memory. Jim Branson, ¡Presente!
Jared Story:
Last night I learned that one of my greatly respected elder comrades, Jim Branson, passed. I had a lot of feelings of guilt, shame, and alienation from the culture I grew up in as I became fully conscious of the system and history of white supremacy. Jim was one of the people whose example and comradeship pointed me to the legacy and continuity of white Southerners, and Appalachians specifically, who fought the bosses and the Klan. He was born at the base of Blair Mountain where thousands of miners of many nationalities joined together to wage armed struggle against the coal companies and their hired thugs. In that tradition of his birthplace, Jim lived his life organizing his fellow workers to join hands and struggle together for a better workplace and a better world. Along with the names of John Brown, Anne Braden, Bob Zellner, and many others, Jim Branson’s name should be in the hearts and minds of white people struggling against capitalism and white supremacy. Jim Branson, ¡Presente!
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Contact ky alliance
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https://www.mapquest.com/us/kentucky/carl-braden-memorial-center-442151508
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Carl Braden Memorial Center, 3208 W Broadway, Louisville, KY 40211, US
|
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Get more information for Carl Braden Memorial Center in Louisville, KY. See reviews, map, get the address, and find directions.
|
en
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/icon.png?645f33d294f26f93
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https://www.mapquest.com/us/kentucky/carl-braden-memorial-center-442151508
|
The Carl Braden Memorial Center in Louisville, KY, serves as a community hub for various events and gatherings.
With its versatile event spaces and amenities, the center provides a welcoming environment for a range of occasions.
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https://keywiki.org/Cate_Fosl
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Cate Fosl
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Template:TOCnestleft Dr. Cate Fosl is Associate Professor, Women’s and Gender Studies, and Associated with the History Department.
She also is Director of the Uof L Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research. Catherine (“Cate”) Fosl, MSW, PhD, is founding director of the Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research at the University of Louisville, where she is also an associate professor of Women’s and Gender Studies and an associate in History. Her fields of expertise are oral history, the modern African American freedom movement, U.S. women’s history, and post-WWII social change movements in the U.S. South.
Fosl is the author of three books: Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South (2002; paperback 2006); Freedom on the Border: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky (co-authored with Tracy E. K’Meyer, 2009), and Women For All Seasons: The Story of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (1989). Subversive Southerner won the 2003 Oral History Association Book Award and was named an Outstanding Book of 2003 by the Gustavus Myers Center for Human Rights. In 2005, Fosl received the Catherine Prelinger Award of the Coordinating Council for Women in History, for excellence as a nontraditional female scholar.
In 2005-06 she held a sexuality research fellowship with the Social Science Research Council, and in the fall of 2013 she was a visiting research fellow at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities at the University of Edinburgh in Scotland. From 2014 through mid-2015 she is working on a special project for the University of Louisville provost on Engaged Scholarship.
A former social worker and journalist, Fosl has also been active in peace, justice, and feminist causes for more than 25 years and has considerable experience pairing academic research and social change advocacy. Fosl’s latest research projects include (a) a collaboratively researched and authored Fair Housing study funded by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and (b) collecting oral histories of South African women active in the fight against apartheid as the basis for new writing comparing women’s experiences in the racial justice movements in the United States and South Africa. In 2013 she premiered a new University of Louisville Study-Abroad course, taking 8 Women’s and Gender Studies students to Cape Town, South Africa, the digital archive of which is available online at wgst591.omeka.net. [1]
Carl Braden Memorial Center Board
As of 2014 the board of the Carl Braden Memorial Center included;[2]
Bill Allison
Katie Allison
Walter Bedford
Eboni Cochran
Bob Cunningham
Cate Fosl
Jessica George
J. Blaine Hudson
Carol Kraemer
David Lott
Pam McMichael
Shirley Moorman
Howard Owens
Shameka Parrish
Jan Phillips
Alice Wade
Sheila Wade
Carla Wallace
References
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https://www.workers.org/2006/us/braden-0427/
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Remembering Anne Braden
|
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2006-04-19T00:48:00
| null |
Published Apr 19, 2006 12:48 AM
Staunch anti-racist activist and white Southerner Anne Braden died in her home town of Louisville, Ky., on March 6. She was 81, and had spent her adult life in an unrelenting struggle against racism.
Anne Braden was born in 1924 in Louisville, a descendant of a white settler family, and raised in Anniston, Ala., in a middle-class, pro-segregation family. She began her working life as a journalist. She later said her radicalization came from covering the Birmingham courthouse as a reporter, seeing first-hand the brutal injustices done to African-American people under a segregated and racist legal system.
Along with her husband Carl Braden, she was the central figure in one of the key battles to end segregation. In 1954 they bought a house in an all-white Louisville suburb on behalf of African-Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade. The house was dynamited and the Bradens were arrested under Kentucky state sedition laws passed in 1920 to support the anti-communist Palmer raids of that era that were being used in the 1950s to support local versions of the national McCarthy witch-hunts. A storm of red-baiting ostracized both Bradens. Carl Braden was convicted and ultimately jailed for a year in federal prison. Anne Braden expanded her work against segregation into a fight against what she described as “the Southern police state.”
After the struggle for desegregated housing in Louisville—where she was living with Carl and their three young children—resulted in the sedition arrests, Anne Braden entered into a wider campaign that she called the “l950s resistance movement against the Red Scare.” Fighters against racism in the South were typically smeared as communists, and threatened with arrest and job loss. Many, like the Bradens, actually experienced those losses. (Cate Fosl, “Southern Subversive: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South.”)
Anne Braden saw that strength and unity in the movement for social justice could only come with resistance to red-baiting, and joined with others on the Left to resist this “divide-and-conquer” tactic based on anti-communism. She refused then, as well as throughout the rest of her long life, to either claim or disavow an affiliation with a communist party because she felt to do so would accept the ideology of the 1950s anti-communist witch-hunts. The integrity of her position is noteworthy because, despite her commitment to economic justice issues, she did not endorse a specifically Marxist approach to the analysis of history or to political change in her public speeches or writings.
During the struggle against the sedition arrests in the 1950s, Braden went on to join the staff of a civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), resumed her work as a journalist to edit its newspaper, and traveled throughout the region to recruit greater support among white people for African-American civil rights. “The Wall Between,” her 1958 book on the fight to desegregate Louisville housing, was a runner-up for a National Book Award. A mentor to a younger generation of activists, she was organized in the 1960s Louisville Open Housing movement and the 1970s school desegregation movement, Throughout this time she still suffered from extreme social and political ostracism as the result of red-baiting. In 1967, she and Carl were again charged with sedition for their role in protests against strip-mining; they were able to use their case to have the Kentucky law ruled unconstitutional.
Starting in the 1970s, Anne Braden was active in the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice and was a founder of the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression—which formed along with other local branches as the result of the national campaign to free Angela Davis, then a Communist Party member charged with helping three imprisoned members of the Black Panther Party to escape.
Anne Braden was a constant voice for social justice in her local and regional community, speaking out against police brutality and environmental racism, and in support of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights. Her two “Open Letters to White Southern Women” embody her principled determination to forge bonds between oppressed peoples. Speaking of the false accusations of rape of white women that have been leveled against African American men, she rallied white women to struggle against racism as part of fighting for women’s liberation, saying, “All issues are ‘women’s issues,’ including war and peace, economics, and racism.”
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Black Lives Matter – Louisville
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Stand Up Sunday is a community building coalition & space to combat factors in opposition to #BlackLivesMatter.
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Black Lives Matter - Louisville
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https://blackliveslouisville.org/../stand-up-sundays/
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Stand Up Sundays is a community building coalition & space to combat factors in opposition to #BlackLivesMatter. However, we, as well as the entire social justice community in Louisville, KY, work everyday through our programming to combat violence by educating, informing and training our community about the systemic issues that plague us.
We make sure that we address and agitate those at the policy level (making the city accountable and calling on transparency from local/state government), showing up and showing out (protesting), or providing programming that fuels our community with the tools they need to make peace with their neighbors; grassroots initiatives of to build the change we want to see. We invite those within the community to join us in building a larger coalition to achieve these goals. We invite those from the social justice community to join us as we condemn the attack of black bodies, minds, and spirit. We call on you to assist in the liberation of all people by the liberation of black lives.
Stand Up Sundays Coalition Partners
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2021-02-02T06:34:35
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The Carl Braden Memorial Center is where the history of Louisville's fight against systemic racism lives - and where its future continues on.
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https://thewhitepages.substack.com/p/i-wanted-anne-braden-to-give-me-all
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I wanted Anne Braden to give me all the answers, instead she put me back to work
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2024-04-02T12:50:14+00:00
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An unpublished chapter from The Right Kind of White, about driving down to Louisville with salvation on my mind
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https://thewhitepages.substack.com/p/i-wanted-anne-braden-to-give-me-all
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Top notes:
Today’s essay deserves some explanation. The Right Kind of White is, quite intentionally, the kind of book you can read in an evening or two (books about race! they often just sit on the shelf!). To get it to that point, though, I cut out roughly an entire book’s worth of stuff— historical context, sociological commentary, but also stories. This is one of those stories. It’s about a trip I made down to Louisville, Kentucky to walk in Anne Braden’s footsteps. If you don’t know about Anne Braden, you’re in for a treat. This overview, from the SNCC archives, is a great place to start, but after you check that out I highly recommend Catherine Fosl’s incredible biography, Subversive Southerner.
Speaking of The Right Kind of White, I loved the two interviews I did last week, with
in her newsletter and with in Romper. Sarah and Lyz are both absolutely brilliant. I also got to speak to full houses at Boswell Books in Milwaukee and Shakespeare and Company in Missoula. What a gift. Where will I pop up next? Pearl Street Books in LaCrosse, WI, of course! I’ll be there this coming Thursday, April 11th, at 6:30 PM. Come through, Driftless pals!
By the way, if you haven’t bought the book yet, thanks in advance for giving it a go. I’d love if you’d be up for reading and/or hearing my story (and I’d love even more if, after you do so, you’d be up to share your own story with me).
But wait, there’s more… Registration is now open for spring Barnraisers Project mini courses. These are standalone, two-hour-long, virtual classes on organizing for social justice in majority White communities. More information here, but suffice to say, these’ll be a lot of fun.
Another week, another long preamble. Ready for some storytelling? Cool.
Share
In July of 2021— after a whole year of talking to White people in cities like Missoula about how to start affordable housing campaigns and suburbs like Columbia about how to integrate high school AP programs and towns like Clancy and Doland on how to start local community care networks so folks weren’t just home alone watching the reactionary yellers on TV— I took a pilgrimage. I was still chasing heroes, which in this era meant I was chasing Anne Braden, so I drove South towards Louisville.
I made the drive during a summer where so many hopes were fading— not snuffed out, mind you, just left to slowly burn out. The vaccines were a miracle, but they did not end the pandemic. Donald Trump had been defeated just a few months previously. There had been dancing in the streets. Few said out loud “and now the work is done’ but that’s still how so many were acting. The bill hadn’t yet come due.
I expected it to be an emotionally triumphant trip. I was now doing the work that Anne Braden had started, so I wanted to see her old stomping ground and, I don’t know… be moved by it? Feel a kinship with my organizing hero? I wasn’t sure, to be honest, but it was worth a shot.
I left Milwaukee early in the morning and drove straight to Anne and Carl’s house at 4403 North Virginia Street, an address that was now legendary to me, having spent two years pouring over back issues of newsletters that Anne published from her living room. It was, well, a house. I mean, was I really expecting it to be anything but a house? It was a modest white shotgun house on a dead-end street in Louisville’s Black West End. A notary public lives there now, at least according to the sign out front. That wasn’t emotionally unsettling part. That came about an hour later, when I drove from the Braden House to Andrew and Charleen Wade’s old house a few miles down the highway.
The Wade house is the most famous part of the Anne and Carl Braden story. The Wades were a Black family who attempted to integrate the then all-White suburb of Shively. The Bradens purchased the house (but just as a pass through, the Wade’s put up the money for the transaction), a move that resulted in Anne and Carl being tried for sedition and the Wade house being firebombed. Before coming to town, I read a statement from the Commonwealth of Kentucky declaring that today, in a testament to the brave legacy of the Bradens and Wades, the city of Shively was now the most diverse, integrated community in the state.
I arrived in Shively around 5:00 PM, parking next to a worse-for-wear Marathon gas station with the words “Food Center” painted on the side in red letters. After a few minutes getting lost on unfamiliar streets, I was on Clyde Drive-- which in the Wade’s day was called Rone Court-- staring at a historical marker informing me in the past tense about a great wellspring of injustice that used to exist here, but that must have disappeared suddenly long ago.
“Louisville suburbs were racially segregated when African Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade moved to Rone Court on May 15, 1954, two days before the Supreme Court condemned school segregation. Neighbors burned a cross and shot out windows and the Wade’s endured harassment until June 27th when the house was dynamited.”
It was past quitting time now, so there were a fair number of neighbors milling about on Clyde Court’s sparsely landscaped front yards. Mostly Black families, but with at least a few White people sprinkled in. Everybody was friendly. I received a fair number of polite nods, hellos, and “how’s it goin’s?”. Nobody asked me why I was there, but neither did anybody seem perturbed by my presence.
It felt like a neighborly place, but it also felt like folks could use a little more money in their bank accounts at the end of the month. Most of the houses needed a fresh coat of paint or two. Every front yard looked like it’d be a little more welcoming if the city of Shively had built an actual sidewalk out front instead of a trail of dirt and patted-down grass.
I didn’t see the Wade house, of course, because the Wade house hadn’t existed for sixty years.
Maybe the forces of righteousness and justice won the war in Shively. It wasn’t the house bombers who were honored with a Commonwealth of Kentucky commemorative plaque. Black and White families really did live next to each other now. Squint hard enough and you could tell yourself that the I Have A Dream Speech had come alive.
I left Shively and drove to a neighborhood in the gentrified East End. I was immediately greeted by a different group of White people: White people jogging with dogs, White people enjoying al fresco cocktails, White people browsing boutiques. I met my friend Jessi—a White Mississippian by birth, a White Louisvillian by marriage. I knew her from my Barnraisers trainings. She had spent years trying to understand her place as a White Southern woman in a town like Lousiville. She was kind enough to meet me on a hip street side patio, buy me a couple bourbon slushies, and let me pepper her with questions about her adopted city.
I asked about Shively, and Jessi confirmed what I now suspected. There was, of course, context missing from those honey-tipped profiles of the Bradens and the Wade. The bombing and the sedition trial wasn’t enough to stop an eventual Federal desegregation push. When it became clear that wealthier White people of Shively couldn’t bomb the Blacks out anymore, instead they just abandoned ship.
“So where’d the White money go?” I asked Jessi already knowing the answer.
“It went as far East as possible. To places like Indian Hills.”
I laughed at the name. Of course it was called Indian Hills.
Indian Hills, an enclave that was over 95% White, where virtually nobody lived below the poverty line, which had successfully fought annexation by the City of Louisville for decades.
So, what I saw in Shively that day wasn’t a deliberately integrated neighborhood. It may have been racially diverse, but not due to collective high-mindedness. Instead, its situational integration was just one more byproduct of a marketplace in which Whiteness plus money offered a perennial “get out of community free” card.
We closed out our tab and I walked back to my hostel. The pieces were starting to click into place.
Anne and Carl Braden won neither a battle nor a war in Shively, but that’s not what they were trying to do there.
Ever since discovering Anne Braden, I lionized one small part of her racial justice work, the part where she got to stand apart from other White people, where she befriended famous Black people, where she got to be the exception to the rules of Whiteness. Her and Carl’s humble little house in the West End represented the platonic ideal of what I had tried and failed to create for myself over the past decade. I believed that If I mastered the language of anti-racism, learned to play Spades or how to dance to reggaeton, and never made an off-hand remark about a Black Woman’s hair or an Asian woman’s accent, then I, too, could be down like the Bradens. Perhaps my house as well could be visited by my generation’s Rosa Parks and Stokely Carmichael.
That wasn’t actually where Anne Braden spent most of her time, though. She was, quite frequently, on the road— drumming up support for the civil rights movement in many of the poorest, Whitest corners of the South, the places that other White leftists often wrote off as being too backwards and reactionary.
The Bradens didn’t win or lose a war in Shively because they weren’t trying to win or lose a war there. They hadn’t been organizing in Shively. They hadn’t built relationships with White people there. They were just doing a favor for the Wades—friends of friends whom they didn’t know but who needed any White couple’s name on a mortgage application.
It wasn’t the Braden’s fault that they didn’t transform Shively, but it is telling which of the two homes— the Wade’s or the Braden’s— was firebombed. A White couple moving to a Black neighborhood doesn’t actually threaten Whiteness. That’s an acceptable anomaly. Should Whiteness be asked to accommodate change on its own turf, though, that’s when the bombs come out. White people’s biggest challenge was never in the West End. It was always in Shively and Indian Hills.
The bigger problem was, it didn’t matter how hard Anne and Carl tried to reach out to other White people to shift that pattern. There was only so much they could do alone. The reinforcements never came. The (disproportionally Northern) student radicals who signed up in droves for the thrill and exceptionalism of Freedom Summers were asked directly–both by Anne and Carl and by Stokely Carmichael and other Black leaders– to stay in the South and to organize Whites as members of the Braden’s Southern Conference Education Foundation. All but a few packed up and went home. As Anne related wistfully years later, the radicals craved the credibility of the Black Freedom Struggle, but they “just didn’t love White people.” The Bradens didn’t fail, but there were more White communities to organize than there were Bradens to go around.
I had spent, at this point, half a lifetime searching for White social justice heroes to emulate. The Bradens were just the last in a long line. But I was missing the point. Just as Black organizers didn’t want any White saviors in their communities, so too did the Bradens not want other White people who dreamt of singlehandedly saving Whiteness from itself. They just needed more organizers. They just needed more boots on the ground, our ground. They just needed more White people who loved justice but didn’t look down on others in service of their own social justice dreams.
The next morning, I parked my car downtown and walked to the river.
The Ohio River is separated from downtown Louisville by Interstate 64—a hulking, foreboding concrete barricade. I found a parking spot close to the Louisville Slugger Museum. The streets were full of families returning to their car— all big smiles and souvenir bats. I headed in the other direction, away from the buildings and towards the greenspace that the city of Louisville had constructed along the riverbank.
The Ohio felt different from all the rivers I’d loved in my life. This wasn’t the Clark Fork in Missoula, a river I will always associate with benefit concerts and peace protests and a city full of graying ponytailed elders who loved me and made me feel at home. It wasn’t the Milwaukee River either, its verdant trail system the legacy of a past generation of benevolent socialist mayors. This was a river weighted with history— the great dividing line between South and North, between freedom and slavery, between the protagonists and antagonists of history, between the sin that needed to be addressed and the forces that presumably brought the reckoning.
Oh goodness, what a great, seductive story… good and evil, clear dividing lines, the whole works. And all things considered, it would have been a pretty good morning to buy into the weight of that story—the foggy grayness of the skies made the wide river stretch even further into the horizon. The wind blew just enough to leave a choppy, foreboding wake. It was a meteorologically appropriate day for stark metaphors.
It was never that simple, though. I knew that by now. The good White people didn’t live on one side of the river and the bad White people didn’t live on the other side of the river. Everybody on both sides played the macro-economic roles that had been asked of them. In the part of the country where cotton flourished but picking it was laborious and taxing, capitalism gave some human beings permission to own and terrorize other human beings. In the part of the country where the cotton didn’t grow, capitalism allowed for textile mills and banks and other institutions that would profit from the work of the enslaved, just at a righteousness-enabling distance.
White people on both sides of the river lived their lives and had kids and grandkids and great-grandkids. Some of those kids and grandkids grew up poor, others grew up with great wealth— wealth that existed because their ancestors were declared to be human and other people’s ancestors were declared to be less than human. All of us, the descendants on both sides of the line, were bequeathed a legacy of shame and guilt, but one by one we all learned how to shove those feelings off to the side when they became too overwhelming.
The thing is, rivers are never just lines in the sand. Their driving animus is to connect, for better and for worse. For years, the Ohio was the kind of connector that ensured that as many hands as possible had blood on them. It was a route to ship slaves, a route to ship cotton, a route to transport money from one set of White bank accounts to another set of White bank accounts.
A few decades after the Emancipation Proclamation, the Ku Klux Klan was strongest on the Kentucky side of the river. The next century, it would be was strongest on the other side, in the Hoosier State. The canonically bad White people on the Kentucky side of the river may have dynamited a Black house in Shively, but just a few decades earlier, in the 1930s, a similar mob in Marion, Indiana lynched a pair of Black men in that Northern town’s square, an event that inspired Billie Holliday’s “Strange Fruit.”
I knew all that long before I came down to the river that morning. But here’s what I either didn’t know or didn’t let myself believe for all those years:
Whatever role this and all rivers have been given in the past, they will keep moving, they will keep flowing, they will keep connecting. They will continue to remind us that, whether we like it or not, we are bound together, regardless of the lines we draw. Those of us who are White are particularly stuck with one another, bound by a shared catastrophe, one that we did not invent but from which we gladly reap the benefits.
The Bradens never asked us to be heroes. The Ohio River never asked us to stand on its banks and scoff at the other side. Nobody asked for me to figure out the way forward for Whiteness alone.
“They just didn’t love White people,” Anne Braden once said, bemoaning the White student do-gooders who wouldn’t organize by her side. That’s an easily misunderstood statement. It’s not the same as saying “they didn’t love White supremacy” or “they didn’t love Whiteness.” It’s a statement of faith that, when you strip away the myths of Whiteness, there is a messed up but empathetic community of human beings capable of contributing to a better world.
I stared at the Ohio River that morning. I was no longer trying to manufacture a magical, emotional moment, but the tears came anyway. Because that’s the thing about rivers. If we give in to their promise as connectors rather than dividers, if we stop dumping our poisons on their banks, rivers don’t just bind us together. Rivers cleanse. Rivers refresh. And then, when they’re finished doing so, rivers ask us to keep moving.
Register for Barnraisers sessions
Buy the Right Kind of White
Share
End notes:
Song of the week: Ohio River Boat Song (of course!) by Palace Music.
As always, the song of the week playlist is on both Apple Music and Spotify.
Oh, and here’s a bonus Youtube video. It’s of me, recording the audio version of the book. I am embarrassed by my slovenly posture, but I like that I wore my Weakerthans shirt with the Marcel Dzama art. I also think I sound pretty darn goo. That’s to say, did you know that there is an audio version of the book and that I narrate it? Very cool.
Oh, and here’s a picture of me and my kids after the Missoula book event. There’s no message here. This picture just makes me unspeakably happy.
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The top 10 libraries near Carl Braden Memorial Center
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libraries near Carl Braden Memorial Center
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Carl Braden
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Carl Braden was a trade unionist, journalist, and activist who was known for his work in the civil rights movement.
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American activist / From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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A View from the Fringes
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The historic 1964 Freedom Summer brought 1,000 young people from across the nation to Mississippi to work in the Civil Rights Movement. During that summer, I never set foot in the state of Mississippi.
This was not because I was not active in the Civil Rights Movement. I was working all through the South, and had been in and out of Mississippi many times. But I stayed away that summer at the request of good friends in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), the main mover in Mississippi. It was a friendly request: “Help us by staying away,” they said, and I did.
This illustrates an aspect of the Freedom Movement of the ’50s and ’60s so far almost totally ignored by historians: the war that was waged to keep anyone suspected of being “radical,” and thereby any radical ideas, out. It was a war initiated from the highest levels in this country, with assistance from within the movement itself.
Thus there was a category of people who lived and worked on what I call “the fringes of the Movement,” never quite accepted and sometimes viewed as more dangerous than the segregationists. In my own case, the problem was in part my connection with the organization I worked for, the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and in part my own history and that of my husband and coworker, Carl Braden.
Carl was a journalist who had a long history in CIO labor organizing drives. From the late ’40s on, we were active in militant civil-rights activities in Louisville, Kentucky, where we lived, and in 1954 were charged with sedition after we (being white) bought and resold a house in a segregated neighborhood to a black couple. It was a flamboyant case, which we finally won, but in the process we became symbols of evil to many people.
We went to work in 1957 as field organizers for SCEF, which did nothing to allay the fears of people who already saw that organization as a red menace. SCEF descended from the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW), which had been organized in 1938 to attack economic problems in the poverty-stricken South, and which quickly became a civil-rights organization also, because it could not deal with economic issues without confronting segregation. It was a coalition — of church people, unionists, students and Communists, which in 1938 did not seem unusual. Its program could only be described as reformist: support for Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal programs, labor’s right to organize, an end to racial discrimination.
Its label as a “red menace” came from attacks by various governmental investigating committees that roamed the land calling efforts for social change subversive. SCHW was a first major target of the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), also organized in 1938, under Representative Martin Dies of Texas.
HUAC issued a report saying SCHW was not interested in “human welfare” at all but was promoting communism in the South. That report became the basis for all future attacks on SCEF, and was used by Senator James Eastland and his Internal Security Subcommittee at 1954 hearings in New Orleans to prove that SCEF was also “subversive.” About that time, many Southern states began setting up committees modeled after HUAC (LUAC in Louisiana, FUAC in Florida, etc.), and they all began to scratch each other’s backs, each quoting reports of the others to prove that SCEF and all who worked with it were a menace.
SCEF was not the only group attacked this way. The National Lawyers Guild, also dating back to the ’30s, was another — especially when it began sending lawyers into Mississippi, where the freedom movement could find virtually no local lawyers. Len Holt, a militant young black lawyer in Norfolk who played a key role in bringing the Lawyers Guild south, was under constant assault; at one point, agents of the Virginia investigating committee burst into his office and demanded all his records. According to Jim Forman, SNCC executive secretary, Mississippi Movement leaders were once summoned to a meeting at the U.S. Justice Department, where Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., told them he and others found it “unpardonable” that SNCC would work with the Lawyers Guild.
Another target was Highlander Folk School in Monteagle, Tennessee, a training center for labor and civil-rights organizers since the ’30s. In the mid-’50s, Arkansas Attorney General Bruce Bennett, whose mission was to save the South from both integration and communism, came to Tennessee to inform that state’s legislators that Highlander was harboring a nest of subversives, and they’d best investigate. They did, with great fanfare. (For more details on the attack on Highlander, see Southern Exposure, Vol. VI, No. 1, Spring, 1978.)
Probably the most high-powered attack of all was aimed at Jack O’Dell, staff member of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and one of the best organizers and fundraisers that organization had. He had been called before HUAC in Atlanta in 1958. It was John Kennedy himself who took Martin Luther King, Jr., aside during a White House conference and told him SCLC had to get rid of O’Dell.
The interesting thing is that none of these people or groups that were targets of these attacks were advocating anything very radical. We were supporting the goals of the Freedom Movement, and that’s all. SCEF, for example, had a single-point program: the ending of segregation. When SCHW died after World War II, a handful of people led by long-time activists Jim Dombrowski and former New Deal official Aubrey Williams continued SCEF, formerly the educational arm of SCHW. They decided none of the economic issues SCHW had addressed could be dealt with adequately until there was an all-out assault on segregation. As the new black upsurge developed in the mid-’50s, SCEF more and more saw its job as reaching out to white Southerners to involve them in this struggle. It was the only regional organization that was doing so, with the exception of the Southern Regional Council — which did valuable work in bringing blacks and whites together to talk but was not as activist as SCEF and was among those that considered SCEF a red menace.
As SCLC and SNCC emerged, the various investigators pounced upon their associations with SCEF and Highlander to label them subversive too. For example, the Georgia Education Commission (set up in the ’50s not to promote education in Georgia, as its name might indicate, but to preserve segregation) sent a disguised photographer to Highlander’s twenty-fifth anniversary celebration in 1957, and he took a picture of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. That picture later appeared on billboards all over the South with the caption “Martin Luther King at Communist Training School.” (Myles Horton, long-time Highlander director, tells of comments by student activists in the ’60s after the fear of such things wore off. “That’s a terrible ad,” he quotes them as saying. “It doesn’t even give an address for the school.”)
The difference between SCEF and some other groups was that we never denied the charges. We saw it as a matter of principle. By the time Carl and I joined the SCEF staff in 1957,1 am sure there was not a real live member of the Communist party on its board. But SCEF steadfastly refused to adopt a policy that one could not be. At a board meeting in the late ’50s, some members asked the organization to adopt a policy excluding Communists. They said this was necessary for the organization to “survive,” and a long discussion ensued. Jim Dombrowski, who was then executive director and rarely talked in meetings, sat listening. Finally, he said: “I want to point out that we’ve spent all afternoon on this, while the violence of the segregationists is rising all around us. I’ve heard it said that if we don’t adopt this policy SCEF may not survive. I’m not sure it’s important whether SCEF survives — but I think it’s important that American democracy survive. If we adopt this policy we will be supporting the witch hunts that threaten to destroy any hope of democracy.” The question never came up again in SCEF in that period.
So SCEF continued as the whipping boy of the committees. The most innocent thing we did sometimes became sinister. For example, in 1962 Bob Moses, SNCC leader in Mississippi, invited Carl to come to the state and conduct workshops on civil liberties and nonviolence. Carl did so, and later wrote a routine work-report to Jim Dombrowski, who sent it to the SCEF board and advisory committee. There was a leak somewhere, and a few weeks later, the report turned up on the front page of the Jackson Daily News, with a banner headline: “Red Crusader Active in Jackson Mix Drive.”
That created consternation in the Atlanta offices of the Voter Education Project, which was funneling money into Mississippi, and in the Southern Inter-Agency Group, a meeting forum of civil-rights groups that had excluded SCEF from membership. The fury of these groups, interestingly, was not directed at the Jackson Daily News, but at us. Before it was over, SCEF found itself accused of deliberately sending Carl to Mississippi (and then leaking the report to the press) to stir up trouble.
By that time, SNCC was tending to ignore the witch hunters, and SCEF had a close relationship with the student movement. But it had not always been that way. When SNCC formed in 1960, the students soon heard that there were people who were dangerous and should be avoided. Charles Sherrod, one of the early activists, later described the effects: “Somebody said we should get in touch with that group, then we heard it was red, and somebody suggested another group, but we thought it might be red. Pretty soon we began looking at each other and wondering which bed they were under. Finally we decided to forget all that and go after segregation.”
But at the second SNCC conference in the fall of 1960, when the students were selecting organizations to have “observer status” at their meetings, there was a long debate as to whether to include SCEF (which they finally did). And in 1961, when SCEF wanted to help carry the inspira70 tion of the black student movement to white campuses and raised $5,000 for SNCC to set up a “white student project,” they debated furiously whether to accept the money. They finally did so, and white Alabamian Bob Zellner went to work on the project — but only after withstanding pressure from Alabama’s attorney general, who called him in to warn him about “Communists” who were “using” the movement.
The pressures were great on people in our position to accept an assessment that we were a liability and to fade from view. I remember the fall of 1961, when Zellner, Bob Moses and others were in jail in McComb, Mississippi, and Jim Dombrowski raised $13,000 in bail to get them out. Jim was planning to take the money to McComb. I happened to be in the Atlanta SNCC office the night before, and there people were worried about the effects of publicity around Jim’s trip. The fears were far from foolish fancy. All through that period, as Jim Forman reports in his book, The Making of Black Revolutionaries, SNCC was being told by big foundations that they’d never get any money unless they quit associating with SCEF. I got caught up in the fears in Atlanta, called Jim and asked him to send the money but not to go — and he did that. I always regretted that phone call.
Later, the Southern Student Organizing Committee (SSOC), a white group stimulated by SNCC, had the same problem. Those who formed SSOC turned to us for advice as they organized. But when they started looking for funds, Southern Regional Council leaders told them to stay away from us if they wanted to get any.
They did not do so entirely. One SSOC founder who had joined the SCEF board resigned as a gesture, but they kept in touch. Before the 1964 Summer Project, SSOC decided to set up a “White Folks Project” to try to reach poor white Mississippians. They planned their own training session during the SNCC orientation at an Ohio college. It was all financed by the National Council of Churches (NCC). SSOC asked Carl and me to serve as consultants. When we arrived, a SSOC activist met us at our car and said, “Let’s get out of here.” He whisked us away to a professor’s house — where we conducted a workshop, sub rosa, and where it was explained that those running the training program had said we could not attend. Before I left, I saw Bob Moses on the campus. “I’m sorry,” he said. “We fought a battle with NCC to get Myles Horton accepted as a participant, and the Lawyers Guild. You and Carl and SCEF were just more than we could win.”
For this same training session, SNCC had ordered quantities of a major pamphlet I had just written on HUAC, outlining its dangers to the Civil Rights Movement. The pamphlets disappeared on the first day, and Bob Zellner asked an NCC official where they were. “I took them up,” he replied — and the pamphlets were never seen again.
It was not just words that were used in these attacks. The Tennessee investigating committee admitted it could find nothing “subversive” about Highlander, but its sensational hearings set the stage for a court case against the school. It was eventually closed, and one fine night someone burned it to the ground. In 1963, the Louisiana committee instigated a raid on SCEF’s main office in New Orleans, arrested its officers and took all its records, later turning them over to Senator Eastland. The charges were violation of Louisiana’s anti-subversion law by belonging to groups (SCEF and the Lawyers Guild) listed by HUAC.
None of this destroyed the organizations under attack. The Lawyers Guild experienced a revival in this period. Highlander ultimately built a new center near Knoxville and thrives today. SCEF ultimately won the Louisiana case in the Supreme Court and became stronger, although the attacks continued throughout the ’60s; it was only done in later through a different set of events that divided it in the early ’70s.
But, overall, these attacks did weaken the Movement. One notable result was to scare away many white Southerners who might have participated. It was hard to convince blacks that their striving for freedom was a subversive plot, but many whites who could withstand economic pressure and physical danger were frightened by being called traitors to their country.
The real question, at this late date, is why. Since none of the groups under attack was really advocating communism, what was the power structure afraid of?
In the wake of World War II, the U.S. power structure moved to establish what they called “the American Century” in the world and to roll back the small gains in power that had been won here by mass movements of the ’30s; thus, Cold War abroad and witch hunts at home. In the late ’40s and early ’50s, many organizations pressing for broader human rights — including such militant black groups as the Southern Negro Youth Congress and the National Negro Labor Council — were crushed; the CIO was split and its most militant unions expelled, those that were the most anti-racist and committed to organizing the South; peace became a treasonous word; many people fell into inactivity; the “silent ’50s” were upon us.
Thus, although there was always some “resistance movement” against the repression, by 1955 the country was essentially quiet on social issues. Then, all of a sudden, a new Freedom Movement burst forth, starting in Montgomery. The longing of black people to be free was just too powerful to be contained. In the midst of one of the most repressive periods of our history, it erupted anew - and ultimately broke the pall of the ’50s and set this country’s people in motion again in search of answers to social problems.
But the new Movement developed with no direct links to its predecessor movements. Without doubt, it was impoverished by that fact. For example, between 1937 and 1949, the Southern Negro Youth Congress (SNYC) had mobilized thousands of people, including workers it helped organize into unions. But it was a long time before anyone in SNCC even knew that just a decade before there had been a youth organization in the South with virtually the same initials as its own. Paul Robeson, spiritual leader of earlier struggles, sang across the South for trade unions and people’s rallies in the ’40s, but he never sang for the new student movement: by the early ’60s, he was in exile, and even if he had not been, it is doubtful he would have been invited. (It was only after some struggle that SNCC decided to invite Pete Seeger — who had been attacked by HUAC — South to sing in the early ’60s.) Also in exile was Dr. W.E.B. DuBois, one of the great moral giants of all time, who just 15 years before had inspired a SNYC conference of 1,000 people in Columbia, South Carolina, with his “Behold the Land” speech, urging young people to stay in the South and transform it.
For its own reasons the Freedom Movement of the ’50s and early ’60s focused on simple issues — the symbols of racism in segregated public accommodations, the all-important right-to-vote. That made it different from the freedom organizations of the earlier period. None of them were “revolutionary” in any stereotyped sense, but their basic characteristic was that they merged the issues — racism with the struggles for world peace and against colonialism, and the struggle for economic justice. And since they related to an aggressive labor movement, they were building powerful coalitions. By the early ’50s, it had come to be considered treasonous to suggest that our economic system might have flaws. For example, at Carl Braden’s 1954 sedition trial, the prosecutor scared the jury by reading an article Carl had written saying unemployment was increasing in Louisville, which it was. “Does this mean, Mr. Braden,” the prosecutor asked, “that you don’t think our economic system works?”
The demands of the new Freedom Movement, although troublesome to Southern segregationists, ultimately could be absorbed by the society as it was. The real danger to those in power was the possibility that this Movement would turn to questions of economic justice and a new world view and make demands that would require basic changes in economic and political structures.
That’s where I think we who were under the witch-hunting attacks came in. All of our organizations had roots in a period when the varied issues were seen as related. That made us potentially a threat — that, and the idea of black-white unity for change, which we were advocating.
In this context, we in SCEF saw our struggle for our right to be a part of the Movement as much more than an organizational thing. It was sometimes an embarrassing battle; there was always the haunting question, “Is it self-serving?” Yet instinctively we knew an important issue was at stake — the right of a social movement to explore, to hear ideas (even though we might not be expressing any dangerous ones), the right not to be fenced in. An historian asked me recently what role, if any, radicals (or “the left”) played in the Southern Movement of the ’50s and ’60s. I guess we were what passed for radicals and “the left” at that time, and this article is my answer to the historian’s question. Our role was to fight for our right to exist, to be recognized as a legitimate force.
So SCEF struggled consistently for its right to participate, and when attacks came we used them as platforms from which to reach people with our program of enlisting white Southerners in the anti-racist Movement. But we also explained in multiple papers, pamphlets and oral discussions our position on what we called “civil liberties,” and their importance to civil rights. And we informed people about the role of the witch hunters and their committees.
Thus, when HUAC announced hearings in Atlanta in 1958, black SCEF leaders organized an open letter signed by 200 Southern black activists, demanding that the committee stay out of the South. It was the First open attack of that scope on HUAC anywhere, and as a result the National Committee to Abolish HUAC emerged; it led that fight for 72 more than a decade and finally succeeded. In my opinion, HUAC’s trip south in 1958 was the beginning of its end, for that brought black civil-rights forces together with white civil-libertarian forces, and the combination was unbeatable.
Carl Braden was subpoenaed to those Atlanta hearings, and he refused to answer any of HUAC’s questions, saying “My beliefs and associations are none of the business of this committee” — that is, standing on the First Amendment. In 1961, he went to prison for a year for that position, after the Supreme Court upheld his contempt conviction, along with that of Frank Wilkinson, sparkplug of the movement to abolish HUAC. But by 1961, we had carried the campaign against HUAC all across the South, and during the year Carl was in prison I traveled about speaking on the subject. In the fall of 1961, SCEF sponsored a major conference in Chapel Hill on the theme “Freedom and the First Amendment,” and several hundred people came, our first mass conference of this period. The new Movement was breaking through the fear.
As we struggled for the right to exist, we won some strong allies within the Movement, and there were important expressions of human courage. It took an additional dimension of bravery to defy those who shouted “traitor.” Some people who could stand up to police dogs and cattle prods couldn’t deal with this.
The Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth, who led the mass movement that broke segregation in Birmingham, was one who had both kinds of courage. He met SCEF people in 1957, after his house was bombed and not long before he was almost killed trying to enroll his children in a segregated school. He began to work closely with SCEF, joined its board, invited it to hold Birmingham’s first integrated conference in over 20 years, and never let anybody tell him to stay away from us.
In 1963, at the height of the Birmingham Movement, Fred accepted election as president of SCEF. He was also a founder of SCLC and was then its secretary. In his book My Soul Is Rested, Howell Raines notes that after the big Birmingham demonstrations in 1963, Fred was never again accorded his previous prominent position in SCLC. Raines thinks this was because he disagreed with Martin King over tactics in Birmingham and was never forgiven for this by King’s aides. My own opinion is that, if indeed Fred’s SCLC status changed, it was because this was also when he was elected president of SCEF.
Fred knew there might be concern in SCLC about his election. He still tells about how he broke the news to SCLC leaders. He, Martin, Ralph Abernathy and Andrew Young were on their way to a speaking engagement. “Oh, I want to tell you,” Fred reports the conversation, “I have been elected president of SCEF, and I have accepted. Now I know some people may feel that causes problems for SCLC, and if you think it does, I will resign . . . from SCLC.”
Martin hastened to assure him that this was not necessary. Although there was apparently divergence of opinion within SCLC on this issue, Martin himself always rejected the witch hunters’ attempts to isolate SCEF. He defied a barrage of criticism to initiate a clemency petition as a protest when Carl went to prison in the HUAC case. Soon after Carl left prison in 1962, I was invited to speak at the annual SCLC convention in Birmingham. It was a strange invitation; I was asked to speak on nonviolence, and there were plenty of people in SCLC more expert on that than I. Martin said he added my name to the speakers’ list because there were no women on it, and he didn’t think that was right. But there were plenty of other women available too. When I spoke, the presiding officer asked Carl and Jim Dombrowski, who were in the audience, to come to the stage also; and after I finished what I think was a quite mediocre speech, Martin himself came to the stage to give an “appreciation.” I think it was his way of saying to the world that he was not going to be a part of the witch hunt or be intimidated by it.
It also provided the witch hunters with one new weapon. A picture was taken that day showing Martin at the microphone with Carl and Jim and me in the background. Later that fell into the hands of the Louisiana Un-American Activities Committee, and they published it with great fanfare in a three-volume dossier on SCEF. During hearings, the committee counsel announced that the committee had communicated with Dr. King to give him an “opportunity” to clear his name by repudiating SCEF. But, the counsel said sadly, “No answer whatsoever was received from Martin Luther King.”
For those of us who knew Martin, that was no surprise.
Ella Baker, long-time NAACP organizer and unofficial “godmother” of SNCC, was another who challenged the witch hunt. Carl and I met her during our 1950s sedition case when she stepped out of the role dictated by NAACP policies and organized support for us. In early 1960, she and Carl worked together on a voting-rights hearing in Washington, despite pressure on her to stay away from it. She told the students that they must not be afraid of those the power structure told them to fear. “The problem in the South,” she said, “is not radical thought, or even conservative thought; it’s lack of thought. We’ve got to break that pattern, and we can’t do it by letting the opposition tell us whom to associate with.”
Another person who took a courageous lead was the Reverend Wyatt Tee Walker, executive director of SCLC in the early ’60s. It was Wyatt who argued at that 1960 SNCC meeting that it should not exclude SCEF from its observers. In 1962, Wyatt got sold on the idea of having a big conference in Atlanta that would bring all the civil-rights and related groups together to say “no” to witch-hunting. The proposed conference was the idea of Eliza Paschall, then leader of Atlanta’s Human Relations Council.
Both Eliza and Wyatt learned some facts of life when they started trying to enlist support from other organizations. The Southern Regional Council, which Eliza was sure would go along, equivocated for months — and finally said no, as I knew they would, since at that time they were part of the problem, not of the solution. That didn’t faze Wyatt, because he was sure he could get support from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). He wrote their national office in New York, then went to see them — and waited all one afternoon in an anteroom without ever seeing anybody in authority. He came back to Atlanta furious.
Dottie Miller (later Dottie Zellner, then on the SNCC staff) told me about Wyatt’s report to her. At that time, SCLC was very close to President Kennedy.
“Can you imagine,” Dottie laughed. “He’s got an open door to the White House, and he can’t get into the ACLU.”
With doors of the more “respectable” organizations closed, the proposed Atlanta conference never happened. Instead, the next summer, 1963, Ella Baker organized a workshop on the topic, sponsored by SCEF; both SNCC and SCLC supported it, and lots of activists came. The ideas discussed there — the importance of rejecting all labels and claiming the freedom to explore all ideas — were spreading slowly through the movement.
Only a few years later, of course, the Movement and the country changed in profound ways. The mass movements generated by the black upsurge in the South swept away much of the fear, pulled the fangs of HUAC, and created an atmosphere in which people’s movements were setting the country’s agenda. The Freedom Movement, despite the efforts of those in power to confine it to narrow issues, burst out of the set bounds again — and did indeed move on to economic issues, the issue of war and challenges to the political structure. SNCC moved in that direction when it supported the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party in its refusal to compromise with politics-as-usual at the National Democratic Convention in 1964; it was at that moment that the attacks began that eventually destroyed SNCC. SCLC moved in that direction when Dr. King came out against the Vietnam War, later called on people of all colors to join a Poor People’s Campaign, and went to Memphis to support striking workers.
What with mass movements now having burst the established parameters, those trying to control the society apparently knew the old methods had failed. “Words can never hurt me, but sticks and stones may break my bones.” Those who wanted to keep things basically as they were turned to other methods of repression in the late ’60s and early ’70s — but that’s another story.
Now as the 1980s begin, rumblings of yet another period of repression are coming out of Washington — and new people’s movements are emerging. But the movements of this decade start from a very different point from those of the ’50s and ’60s, and it is to be hoped that they will not let any reincarnations of the witch-hunting committees deter them from their path.D
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William Ronald Robertson Obituary 2022
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2024-06-25T17:53:49
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William Ronald Robertson, 76, of Louisville, Kentucky, passed away peacefully on Friday, September 23, 2022. He was born on September 12, 1946 in Middlesboro, Kentucky to Frank...
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https://cdn.filestackcontent.com/VUGe0tPHRzKFURtuNltb
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Newcomer Kentuckiana
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https://www.newcomerkentuckiana.com/obituaries/william-robertson
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https://colorlines.com/article/inside-out-and-upside-down-interviw-anne-braden/
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Down: An Interviw with Anne Braden
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2001-03-15T17:00:00+00:00
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June Rostan talks about multi-racial organizing with one of the South's amazing freedom fighters.
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Colorlines
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https://colorlines.com/article/inside-out-and-upside-down-interviw-anne-braden/
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In 1954, when black people couldn’t use most public facilities or buy homes in segregated neighborhoods, Andrew and Charlotte Wade asked a white couple, Anne and Carl Braden, to buy a house on their behalf in an all-white area of Louisville, Kentucky. The Bradens bought the house, and the uproar that followed changed all their lives. The house was bombed. No one was hurt, but the perpetrators were never caught. Instead, the state charged Anne and Carl with sedition–Carl was sentenced to 15 years in prison and served eight months. Anne wrote a book about this incident, The Wall Between, in 1958 that was reissued by the University of Tennessee last year with a must-read 40-page epilogue. The bombing catapulted Anne into the freedom movement, and since that time she has been at the heart of anything that has to do with race and justice in the South.
Anne and Carl formed a lifetime partnership of social activism and were so committed to self-determination and leadership for people of color that for years they were regarded as pariahs by white liberals and castigated as Communists. In the late ’40s and early ’50s, they worked with civil rights and labor groups in Louisville. In the 1960s, they staffed the extraordinary Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), and were central to the civil rights movement. After SCEF broke up in the early 1970s, Anne helped found the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOC). Now 76, she works with SOC and the Kentucky Alliance Against Racism and Repression in Louisville. Anne has set the benchmark for white, anti-racist organizing in the South for more than 50 years.
You have an incredible ability to look at people who opposed you and Carl, to understand where they are coming from and not be judgmental. How were you able to do that?
I never did hate those people who opposed us in the `50s because I knew that I could have been in their position. I was just lucky that I was able to break out of being white in a racist society and privileged in a classist society.
The "open sesame" for my generation was race. Once we could understand what racism had done, then everything fell like a house of cards. It opened everything to question: economic injustice, foreign policy. If you don’t understand white supremacy, then you do not understand the country. The first thing I had to realize was that the people I loved, my family, my friends, the people running Alabama were wrong. But once you realized that, it was not hard to realize that the people running the national government were wrong too.
What did your generation learn from the civil rights movement of the `50s and `60s?
The ’60s were so important because the country had to confront the issue of racism which it was built on. When African Americans began to organize, they were the foundation. The foundation moved and the whole building shook. That is why people were able to organize against the war. That’s why women were able to organize. All that happened because of the black movement.
I think our country was moving tentatively in the `60s toward turning its assumptions, policies, and values upside down. Southern whites of my generation who got involved in the civil rights movement turned our lives around. What we did is what this whole country needs to do: turn itself inside-out and upside-down and build a society that is not based on racism. You have to come to terms with this: that the society you live in is totally wrong and that it is destroying you as well as people of color. I have not overcome racism in myself. I have worked at it for 50 years but I still see life through white eyes.
How do we get other low-income and working-class white people to start working to overcome white supremacy?
If you want to get white people involved in the anti-racist movement, the starting point is not to ask them to give up their privileges. That is not a good organizing approach. White people who are struggling economically or living in terrible poverty have a hard time seeing that they have white privilege.
A lot of white working-class people have been turned off to our movements because they have been put down. There is an assumption among white intellectuals who think they are liberals or anti-racists that all working-class and poor whites are flaming racists. They may have been some of the people who joined the Klan, but I have met just as many flaming racists in the country-club set.
Why do you say that white people have to come to their understanding of racism, not just through an intellectual experience, but through something emotional?
Because racism goes so deep. The kind of emotional experience that can make a difference varies with different people. Some get there through personal relationships. I didn’t meet just one person, I met a movement. A community has to go through a process of turning itself inside-out. I think of Birmingham–it’s not perfect, but it’s better than a lot of places in the South today. It went through the turmoil. White people in Birmingham in the `60s had to look at what the heck was going on. You had four little girls killed when the church was bombed; you had dogs and fire hoses turned on black protesters.
Do you think we can build multi-racial social justice and organizing groups in the South?
The South is not black and white any more. We have growing Latino and Asian populations. And the Native Americans were always here, but we didn’t know it until that movement surfaced visibly in the `60s. To build multi-racial organizations in a racist society is virtually impossible. Impossible means it just takes a little longer. I tell people not to get discouraged if they try and fail, to try again.
I am part of two organizations that are really interracial, multi-ethnic, and definitely led by people of color. They are the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOC) and the Kentucky Alliance Against Racism and Repression. We need more whites who are willing to take action and to serve in organizations with people of color in the leadership. Those of us who are white have to be careful that we aren’t trying to dominate. We are so used to running things.
In the late `40s when it was so repressive, the Southern Conference for Human Welfare (SCHW), which was started in 1938 as an economic justice group, reorganized into SCEF around a single issue: race. There were other issues but Jim Crow segregation had to be dealt with first. SCEF was bi-racial from the beginning. Its outreach was to white Southerners. We wanted to get them involved in action on picket lines and going to jail, not just sitting around in human relations meetings.
When the movement won the lunch counter battle and voting rights, SCEF began to shift back to more economic justice issues, as the black movement did. But then SCEF broke up in 1973. I came to the conclusion that the basic weakness in SCEF was that it became overwhelmingly white. We got this great influx of whites, after SNCC (the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee) told whites to go organize whites. SCEF became a battleground for white people to fight out their quarrels. The real purpose got lost.
I made up my mind then that I would never spend another minute of my life building something that was all or mostly white because it is not going to change anything. It is a waste of time.
We deliberately organized SOC as an interracial group. It has evolved into an organization that is clearly led by people of color.
What about groups that are made up of people of color only?
People of color need their own groups. African Americans and Latinos need their own separate groups. They need self-determination. They need to come together because they are oppressed. White people are not oppressed as white people. That is the difference.
Both the SCHW and SCEF, though interracial, were white-dominated. Yet I kept working to keep them going. I was so determined that we needed some kind of network in the South. I was willing to work for nothing and scrape by. I think SOC may be the only inter-racial group in the country that has evolved from a white-dominated group to a people of color led group, and I am very proud of that. In the mid-`80s some strong African American leadership emerged and took over.
The whole history of the South has been littered with the ruins of movements that brought disenfranchised blacks and whites together and broke up on the shoals of racism. When the chips were down, whites always fled back to the security of their white skins. Principled black-white coalitions don’t work unless there is a strong group in the black community first. The coalitions that fall apart are the white-dominated ones. Once the blacks are well organized and they have their own organizations, then the power relationships change.
What is SOC doing now?
Very exciting work on environmental justice with grassroots groups, primarily African American, all over the South. These are people who live on the fence lines, next to these industries and dumps. They are not civil rights veterans; they are new people. It’s a whole new army. Some of these new leaders are becoming volunteer organizers. My husband used to say it will take 50,000 organizers to organize the South. I don’t care if we put all of our organizations together, we can’t do it with just paid staff. Any social justice movement that made any difference had lots of people involved as volunteers.
Do you think it is important to keep bringing in new people?
That is the biggest weakness of our great progressive movement. We are reluctant to reach the people who are not involved. It’s worst among whites who consider themselves anti-racist. They don’t want to talk to white people who are not involved. Most whites who come into anything interracial go through the stage of working mainly in black communities because it is more comfortable and exciting. That is what I did years ago.
In 1951, I wrote to William Patterson, head of the Civil Rights Congress, about what I was doing, including going to some of the black churches. He wrote me and said, "You don’t need to be going to the black churches, Anne. They don’t need you to tell them that they are oppressed. You need to be talking to the white churches." That changed my life right then.
That was when I really decided that my mission was to get out and talk to white people. That is why I was startled when all these white folks in SNCC got upset when they were told to go organize white people.
Didn’t they know that was what they ought to be doing?
My father, a working-class white man, said to me in the late `60s, "There’s a revolution coming in this country and I don’t have anything to lose from it." Then 10 years later, his attitude was altogether different. He’d gotten this sense that blacks had asked for too much, that they had gone too far.
What do you think happened to change his mind?
He did not come to that conclusion by himself. That was the propaganda that was being put out. The people in control knew what to do to keep control. This was what was being said in academic circles, in government, in the media, everywhere else. He heard that. He didn’t think that up himself.
There was a campaign for the minds of white people and a campaign of repression against blacks. People don’t understand the repression that happened in the late `60s. That movement did not just go away. It was destroyed by repression. They chopped off the black organizers.
It was irrevocably damaging to the country that the movement was blunted at that point. It really was merging the issues. It was taking on economic justice. The unfinished business of the civil rights movement was economic justice.
What is our hope for the future?
I think that there will be a new mass movement. I have been part of three mass movements in my life, times of great drama when things really explode: the upsurge of the `50s and `60s, the anti-Vietnam War movement, and the Jesse Jackson campaigns of the `80s. They were movements that really changed things.
At the first meeting of the Jackson delegates in 1984, there were 400 people. People started talking about what was happening in their communities. There were white coal miners from Appalachia, Latinos from New Mexico, people from all over the country. To me, one of the political tragedies of the 20th century is that the grassroots base of the Jackson movement collapsed after 1988. If it had kept going, we’d have a viable third force and an alternative to the two main parties.
Mass movements usually start from a specific struggle. The main thing you do, when you don’t see the mass movement you have been hoping for, is work to build struggles around specific issues. We’ve spent lots of time in Louisville around the police brutality issue. We do the battles at our doorsteps, bringing new people in around specific issues. They are the building blocks. I don’t know when this will explode into a movement. Nobody thought that Montgomery, cradle of the Confederacy, would be the place where the movement would break out in the 1950s.
For whites, none of this will change unless we deal with white supremacy. It’s fine to sit and talk and get your heart in the right place, but it ain’t going to have one bit of impact. Whites need to be visible and engaged. We have to break that solid white wall of resistance.
Do we talk about race or do we just bring people together to organize around common issues?
You have to attack the policies and practices of the society you live in. There are two different forms of attack: the common ground issues and the frontal attack on white supremacist policies and practices. In any community, you need organizations that are doing both. Living wage campaigns are common ground issues. Race and economic justice in this country are so intertwined that you can hardly talk about any economic issue where racism and white supremacy are not also involved. You can deal with a common ground issue and not only leave race out of it but also leave people of color out of it. And then you don’t win. We need an organization in every community that makes a frontal attack on white supremacy. Those organizations need to involve white people and be led by people of color.
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Anne Braden
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Anne McCarty Braden (born July 28, 1924 in Louisville, Kentucky; died March 6, 2006 in Louisville) was a journalist and Civil Rights activist.
Anne McCarty was raised in Anniston. While studying at Stratford College in Virginia she became motivated to become active in efforts to further racial equality in the United States. She worked as a newspaper reporter for the Anniston Star and Birmingham News, where she covered the courthouse beat. She told her biographer that "covering the Birmingham courthouse made a radical out of me." Her exposure to a system in which violence against African Americans was ignored while black suspects were treated harshly cemented her commitment to opposing injustice. Anne returned home to Kentucky as a writer for the Louisville Times in the 1940s. She married Carl Braden, a union activist on the staff of the Courier-Journal, in 1948.
The Bradens were both active in social issues and actively supported the presidential campaign of Progressive Party candidate Henry Wallace. They left their mainstream newspaper jobs to apply their talents to supporting the Farm and Equipment Workers Union at Louisville's International Harvester plant. In 1950 Anne spearheaded a hospital desegregation drive in Kentucky and, a year later, led a delegation of Southern white women to protest the execution of Willie McGee in Mississippi, where she was arrested.
In 1954 African-American veteran Andrew Wade approached the Bradens for help in purchasing a home in Louisville suburb of Shively. The Bradens circumvented segregated real estate practices by purchasing the home on their behalf. On the night they moved in, the Wades were welcomed with verbal assaults, gunshots and burning wooden cross. Six weeks later the home was damaged by a bomb. Vernon Brown, an associate of the Wades and Bradens, was indicted for the crime. During the investigation the political leanings of the Bradens and their supporters were brought into question. In October they were among five people charged with sedition under state law. Carl was the first to be convicted and was sentenced to 15 years in prison. A United States Supreme Court decision invalidating state sedition laws allowed his release after eight months.
Remaining in Louisville, the Bradens worked as field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund and wrote for its Southern Patriot newsletter and for the numerous pamphlets and press releases issued by the group. They also became friends with Fred Shuttlesworth, who split time between Birmingham and his congregation in Cincinnati, Ohio. Shuttlesworth, unlike many in the organized Civil Rights Movement, freely associated with the Bradens despite the shadow of subversion that had been cast over them. The Bradens both attended the 1962 Southern Conference Education Fund Conference, which, at Shuttlesworth's urging, was held in Birmingham.
Anne authored a memoir of their prosecution for sedition, entitled The Wall Between in 1958. The book was praised by Martin Luther King, Jr (who mentioned her in his "Letter from Birmingham Jail") and Eleanor Roosevelt, and was a runner-up for a National Book Award.
The couple remained active and outspoken on Civil Rights issues. After Carl's death in 1975 Anne helped found the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice (SOC) which took on cases of environmental racism. She was active in the Rainbow/PUSH coalition of the 1980s and campaigned on behalf of Jesse Jackson's presidential bids. Her activism broadened to include general environmental, gender and anti-nuclear protests. She contributed articles to Southern Exposure, Southern Changes, the National Guardian and Fellowship and focused her activism on local campaigns in Louisville. She also tried to encourage Shuttlesworth, still living in Ohio, to return to Birmingham as a leader in ongoing Civil Rights efforts.
Anne was awarded the inaugural "Roger Baldwin Medal of Liberty" by the American Civil Liberties Union in 1990. She died at Louisville's Jewish Hospital in 2006. The Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research was established at the University of Louisville, opening in 2007.
The Bradens had three children: James (1951), an attorney; Anita (1953-1964); and Elizabeth (1960), a teacher.
References
Manis, Andrew (October 29, 1998) "Interview with Anne Braden". Andrew M. Manis Oral History Interviews, 1981-1990 at the Birmingham Public Library
Fosl, Catherine (2002) Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. Palgrave Macmillan ISBN 9780312294878
Kenning, Chris (March 8, 2006) "Anne Braden, Longtime Activist for Civil Rights, Racial Tolerance Dies." Louisville Courier-Journal
"Anne Braden" (January 16, 2012) Wikipedia - accessed May 26, 2012
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https://www.aol.com/archives-carl-braden-branded-communist-100029408.html
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From the archives: Carl Braden was branded a Communist for helping a Black man buy a house
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2024-05-11T10:00:29+00:00
|
Carl Braden, and his wife Anne, helped a Black family buy a house in Shively. This act would brand him a Communist and put him on trial for sedition.
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https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/history/2024/05/11/carl-braden-was-branded-a-louisville-communist/73412965007/
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“Wade Vows He’ll Stay With His Blasted Home” was the front-page headline on June 28, 1954, in the Courier Journal along with a photo of the damaged home of Andrew Wade IV that would begin a landmark legal case involving Carl and Anne Braden.
Several months earlier, the Bradens, who were white, assisted Wade and his family, who were Black, in purchasing a house in an all-white neighborhood on Rone Court near Shively. Integrating a neighborhood during the Jim Crow period of the mid-1900s was a significant inflammatory controversy. After moving into this house, the Wades were harassed by "rifle shots being fired at the house, rocks thrown through the living room window, and a wooden cross burned adjacent to it."
Following the explosion of the Wade house June 27, 1954, a criminal search for the bomber would take an ironic twist that only the "Red Scare" Communist era of the early 1950s, led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, could imagine: Carl Braden was charged with dynamiting the Wade house.
On Oct. 1, 1954, Carl and his wife Anne were indicted by a grand jury for this terroristic act. An Oct. 9, 1954, Courier Journal article reported that they were charged with ‘advocating sedition’ and were Communist sympathizers.
As detailed in the court proceedings, "sedition . . . means any person who advocates or suggests by word, act, or writing, any public disorder or resistance to, or the change or modification of, the government, Constitution, or laws of the United States or of this State by force or violence or by unlawful means."
Carl Braden was tried first, separate from his wife, in early December 1954. Commonwealth’s Attorney A. Scott Hamilton said his office had evidence the explosion was part of a Communist-inspired plot to stir up racial trouble in Louisville.
During a police search of the Braden’s home, 4403 Virginia Ave., material was seized that was labeled ‘seditious’: pamphlets, correspondence, and books that were Communist-oriented. The newspaper reported Braden’s defense lawyer, Robert Zollinger, implied that this material could have been "planted" by someone else.
Hamilton refuted this allegation: “They claim we planted these papers … They're signed by Carl Braden ... and under his name is affixed 'secretary-treasurer' (of the Louisville Peace Committee).” Also supposedly found at the Braden house were "six copies of 'Foundations of Leninism,' and five copies of a Russian Constitution" which proved, per Hamilton, the Bradens were distributing Communist literature in Louisville, which was a "seditious" act.
In an effort to further prove Carl Braden was guilty of sedition, a "surprise witness" was introduced at the end of the two-week trial. Alberta Ahearn testified that she was an F.B.I. informant and knew personally of Braden’s Communist activities. Per the Dec. 14, 1954, news account, “Braden took the stand in rebuttal to Mrs. Ahearn and denied all her charges against him, or that he is or ever has been a Communist.”
In closing arguments, the prosecution summed up the case against Braden: “Communism is the greatest danger facing us today … (it) is not confined to China, or Indochina, or Korea. You have seen it demonstrated by evidence that communism is marching here … in Jefferson County, Kentucky.
"You can take it from Braden's own statement, as related to you from the witness stand … and from other evidence, it has been demonstrated … that Carl Braden is a Communist and believes in the Communist way of life. He has given aid and support to communism.”
It took the jury only 3 hours and 9 minutes to convict Carl Braden of ‘sedition’. The Dec. 14, 1954, Courier Journal had a front page photo of Braden wiping his face as he was led out of the courtroom to jail.
Shortly after, the American Civil Liberties Union supported the appeal of the verdict, stating that it "stands ready to defend the right of peaceable dissent. It is our ultimate protection against totalitarian government." Braden’s conviction was dismissed a few months later. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the state didn’t have the right to prosecute Braden. The state law under which Braden was charged was ruled "unconstitutional."
Commenting after his release, Braden stated: "We learned long ago that Red Baiting and anti-Communist witch hunts were nothing but smokescreens thrown up by people who control things to cloud the real issues of racial equality, higher wages and other desirable but unprofitable things we've worked for.”
Carl, who worked for several newspapers including the Courier Journal, continued with his civil rights activism, along with his wife Anne. He died Feb. 18, 1975, of a heart attack. He was 60 years old.
At his memorial service, he was eulogized by Black social justice advocate Angela Davis. She was "deeply indebted" to Braden for trying to help free her during her trial in 1972 on charges of murder, kidnapping and conspiracy after a judge was killed and three of his abductors fatally shot in a kidnap attempt in San Jose, California.
Davis, who had been involved in freeing what she calls prisoners being detained because of "political oppression," said "As long as there are people unjustly in prisons and being oppressed across the country, our debt to Carl Braden has not been paid”.
Steve Wiser, FAIA, is a local historian, architect, and author.
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2022-12-05T01:27:19-05:00
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Americans Who Tell The Truth
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https://americanswhotellthetruth.org/portraits/anne-braden/
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Anne Braden is best known for a single act: In 1954 she helped a Black couple buy a house in an all-white neighborhood of Louisville, Kentucky.
Anne and her husband were put on trial for sedition, blacklisted for jobs, threatened, and reviled by their fellow white southerners for what they did. But, as she told the Kentucky Historical Society, “We never even thought of saying no … We didn’t really think about it [because] our minds were on other things.
The “other things” on Braden’s mind back then had to do with gaining equal access, regardless of race, to nearly every other aspect of life in the South: hospitals, schools, parks, public transportation, restaurants, hotels and more. “There was no organized movement to desegregate housing at that time,” said Braden, “but it would have been unthinkable to us to say no.”
“We lived in a segregated world,” she explained, “but we were part of a community of black and white people who were opposing it.”
Braden was an unlikely champion of racial equality. Born July 28, 1924, in Louisville, but raised in the even more racially divided Anniston, Alabama, she was a member of the southern elite. Economically, her family would have been considered middle-class (they didn’t have live-in servants), but because her mother was descended from what was known as the “first settlers,” Braden was raised to believe she was a member of a superior class of people. That idea started to bother her when she was still a girl.
While attending a church youth group to discuss “the Negro problem – which is what everybody called it if they talked about it at all,” said Braden, “I made some mild comment that it seemed to me people ought to be treated equal no matter what color they were. And I can remember people looking a little startled and then somebody coming up to me later and saying, ‘You shouldn’t say things like that, people will think you’re a communist.’ ”
Braden was also accused of betraying her race. Her first arrest—for protesting the execution of a Black man she believed to be wrongly convicted of rape—was in 1951. At the jail, she was threatened by a policeman. “He got absolutely furious,” said Braden. “It’s the whole traitor thing. He said, ‘And you’re in here, and you’re a southerner, and you’re on this thing!?’ And he turned around like he was going to hit me, but he didn’t because this other cop stopped him … All of a sudden that was a very revealing moment to me. All of my life police had been on my side. I didn’t think of it that way, but police didn’t bother you, you know, in the world where I grew up. All of a sudden I realized that I was on the other side. He had said, ‘You’re not a real southern woman.’ And I said, ‘No, I guess I’m not your kind of southern woman.’ ”
All of Braden’s activism flowed from a single conviction: she wanted to live in a world “where people were people,” not members of a particular race or class who were treated better or worse because of it.
Her long career as an activist, beginning at age twenty and spanned six decades. She’s well known for her efforts to end racial discrimination, less known for her many other battles. She fought for workers’ rights, helped organize labor unions, and was especially interested when Black and white workers joined forces to better conditions. She opposed war, fought for amnesty for those who refused to go to war, and worked for nuclear disarmament. She championed women’s rights and what she termed environmental justice; she considered environmental destruction a form of injustice in which the less fortunate suffer more than the privileged.
According to Braden, her path was always clear: “An older, African American leader that I respected highly told me I had to make a choice: be a part of the world of the lynchers or join the Other America—of people from the very beginning of this country who opposed injustice, and especially opposed racism and slavery. [He told me] I could be a part of that—that it existed today and offered me a home to live in.
“I felt like, well, that’s what I wanna be a part of. And so it was a very real concept to me all my life and still is. It is the present incarnation of the movement for social change in my time, but it’s also the connection with a past and a future. [It’s] like you’re part of a long chain of struggle that was here long before you were here, and it’s gonna be here long after you’re gone. And that gives life a meaning.”
In addition to being a political activist, Braden was the wife of labor organizer Carl Braden and was a mother of three. She worked both as a professional journalist and as a manual laborer. She wrote a book about her sedition trial, The Wall Between, which was nominated for the National Book Award. A biography of Braden’s life, written by Catherine Fosl, was published in 2002. The hip hop group Flobots recorded the song “Anne Braden” in her honor in 2007.
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https://spartacus-educational.com/Carl_Braden.htm
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Carl Braden
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A detailed biography of Carl Braden that includes includes images, quotations and the main facts of his life. Key Stage 3. GCSE. A-level. Civil Rights. Black History. Last updated: 27th August, 2020
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Spartacus Educational
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https://spartacus-educational.com/Carl_Braden.htm
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Andrew Wade Case
Carl Braden began work at the Louisville Courier-Journal whereas Anne Braden spent her time raising their three children, James, Elizabeth and Anita. They were both active member of the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (NAACP) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). In 1954 the Bradens became involved in helping Andrew Wade, an electrician, in buying a house. "Carl and I were both part of a statewide committee to repeal the Kentucky school segregation law. We were also involved in trying to break down discrimination in hospitals. In the spring of 1954, a Black friend, Andrew Wade, asked us if we would buy a house and transfer it to him. He and his wife had one child, two and a half years old, and another on the way. They were crowded into a small apartment and were anxious to move out of the city. Andrew had tried, but as soon as sellers found out he was Black, he wouldn't get the house. He decided the only way left was to have a white person buy it for him. Before he came to us, he had asked several others. For one reason or another, they refused. But we felt he had a right to a new house and never thought twice about doing it." (7)
Andrew, his pregnant wife, Charlotte and their 2-year-old daughter Rosemary - moved into their new home at 4010 Rone Court, Louisville. Anne Braden later recalled: "That night, they heard gunshots, and somebody was firing at the house, and Andrew says he told his wife to get down, but it didn’t hit anybody. And they looked out and there was a cross burning in the field next to them.” In the days that followed "a stone bearing a racial epithet hurled into a window, the local dairy refused to deliver milk; the Wades’ newspaper subscription canceled because the carrier wouldn’t deliver it." (8)
Anne Braden explained: "A Wade Defense Committee was formed that had strong support in the Black community, but not a lot of whites. We got the police to put up a guard, which we never trusted. Some people volunteered to stay all night to help the Wades to keep watch.." (9) One of the guards was Lewis Lubka. “I was in the back kitchen with a gun. And when we were shot at we shot back. I was working days and helping guard the house at nights.” (10)
Millard Grubbs, a member of the Ku Klux Klan, who lived in Alabama, wrote to the local newspaper, Shively Newsweek, claiming that the Wade purchase as a "Communist conspiracy" to establish "a black beach-head in every white sub-division". He argued that segregation had been ordained by God and condemning the Marxist world plotters" who would undermine it. He went on to say that Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower were involved in this conspiracy and that to challenge segregation was part of a "rising red bureaucracy". He ended his letter by inviting "loyal white people" to join his newly formed American White Brotherhood. (11)
The night of June 27, 1954, a bomb went off under Rosemary's room, causing $7,000 worth of damages to the property. Luckily, she had gone to spend the night with her grandmother. (12) The Louisville Police Chief Carl E. Heustis told Carl Braden that he had a confession from the man (a former policeman) who set the dynamite and there'd be an arrest in a few days. (13) Although the people responsible, the same who had participated in the cross burning just weeks earlier, were identified, they were neither arrested or indicted for the crime. (14)
On 16th September, the state prosecutor made a statement that there were two theories about the bombing. As Anne Braden explained: "One was that the neighbors blew it up to get the Wades out of the area. The other was that it was a Communist plot to stir up trouble between the races and bring about the overthrow of the governments of Kentucky and the United States. The prosecutor was developing the theory that Wade would never have thought of moving there on his own, because Black people are really happy with things as they are until white radicals stir them up." (15)
On 1st October, 1954, instead of the grand jury producing indictments against the people who blew up the house, those white people who had been supportive of the Wades were charged with sedition. This included Carl and Anne Braden, Vernon Bown, Mary Louise Gilbert, LaRue Spiker, Lew Lubka and I. O. Ford. Bown, a young white man who stayed with Charlotte Wade during the day while Andrew Wade was at work, was charged with the dynamiting of the house. (16) Amber Duke has argued that the only way this can be explained is that this was at the time of McCarthyism and anti-Communist hysteria. (17)
Anne recalled: "They raided our house and took all of our files. We'd been in touch with many different groups, and we had folders on left-wing organizations. They took a lot of our books. Carl had grown up in a socialist home, and he had a Marxist and left-wing library. They took anything with a Russian name: books by Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, and Turgenev from a Russian literature course I had in college. The commonwealth detective who went through them testified that he didn't really know too much about books. When he was in school, he said, they made him read, and it turned him against books, and he hadn't read much since." (18)
The Bradens became victims of what became known as McCarthyism. On 9th February, 1950, Joseph McCarthy, a senator from Wisconsin, made a speech claiming to have a list of 205 people in the State Department that were known to be members of the American Communist Party (later he reduced this figure to 57). The list of names was not a secret and had been in fact published by the Secretary of State in 1946. These people had been identified during a preliminary screening of 3,000 federal employees. Some had been communists but others had been fascists, alcoholics and sexual deviants. If screened, McCarthy's own drink problems and sexual preferences would have resulted in him being put on the list. (19)
For the next two years McCarthy's Senate committee investigated various government departments and questioned a large number of people about their political past. Some lost their jobs after they admitted they had been members of the Communist Party. McCarthy made it clear to the witnesses that the only way of showing that they had abandoned their left-wing views was by naming other members of the party. This witch-hunt and anti-communist hysteria became known as McCarthyism. (20)
Lynn Burnett has argued: "During the period of McCarthyism, right-wing forces exploited the growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that developed in the wake of the Second World War. They used those tensions to whip the American public into a state of fear: Communism, they said, would spread rapidly across the globe unless severe measures were taken. They warned that Communists had already infiltrated deep into American society, and were working with the Soviet Union to undermine the United States from the inside. After using this wildly unsubstantiated myth to whip the public into a state of fear, these forces then used that fear as an excuse to destroy causes they opposed – including civil rights and organized labor – under the pretense that such causes were Communistic. It was easy to manufacture the connection because Communists were, indeed, major supporters of racial justice and labor rights. Because Communists were highly involved in those causes, anyone devoted to those causes would have worked around and known Communists themselves. In the period of McCarthyism, anyone who was around Communists was framed as a Communist sympathizer, which was then equated with being an enemy of the state. This is what was now happening to Anne and Carl Braden." (21)
The defendants asked for and were granted separate trials. The state insisted that Carl Braden, the perceived ringleader face trial of the initial sedition charge. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) provided Louis Lusky as his defence attorney and he faced an all-white jury. The state provided nine former American Communist Party. members, now paid FBI informants. "Their testimonies were largely biographical, detailing the evils of communism in their own lives and asserting that the CP-USA was an organization bent on the overthrow of the USA government." (22) Two of the witnesses, Matt Cvetic and Manning Johnson, were both later discredited. (23)
Prosecuting attorney, Scott Hamilton contended that the dynamiting of the Wade house was a Communist plot to excite racial hatred. He told the jury: "Sedition is communism and communism is sedition - there is no distinction." The defence on the other hand, argued that the prosecution was trying to get the jury to "say something the law doesn't say". Braden's attorney said the issue was simply "whether or not a man has the right to an opinion different from those in the community." (24)
Anne pointed out: "Carl was tried first. It was December... Every once in a while, they'd imply that we blew up the house, that Vernon Bown's radio was used to set off the dynamite. They introduced our books; tables of them were on trial. But the main testimony came from nine "expert" witnesses, gotten from the House Un-American Activities Committee. They were there to create atmosphere. None of them claimed to know Carl, but they testified that anybody who read those books was probably a Communist. They said that the purchase and resale of the Wade house fit in with the Communist program for the South, of taking land away from white people and giving it to Black people. They actually got on the witness stand and said that." (25)
Carl Braden was found guilty of sedition. His punishment was fixed at fifteen years' imprisonment and a $5,000 fine. His employer, the Louisville Courier-Journal, immediately issued a statement saying it had dismissed Braden: "This newspaper has gone on the time-honored principles, rooted in our American Constitution, that a man is innocent until proved guilty. Since Braden was charged by the grand jury on October 1st, he has performed no work for this organization. His conviction now puts a permanent end to his connection with the Courier-Journal." (26)
Anne Braden's trial was due to start on 14th February, but then it got postponed to the 28th, and then again and again until April, when they agreed to put off all the Wade trials until the higher courts ruled on Carl's case. At the time several civil rights activists had been sent to prison for sedition. This included Steve Nelson in Pennsylvania, who been charged under the 1919 Pennsylvania Sedition Act for attempting to overthrow the state and federal government. Unable to use wiretap evidence the prosecution was forced to rely on the testimony of FBI informant Matt Cvetic. Nelson was convicted, fined $10,000 and sentenced to 20 years in prison. Concurrent with the Pennsylvania Sedition case, Nelson and five co-defendants were indicted in 1953 under the Smith Act. All six men were found guilty and each sentenced to 5 years and fined $10,000. (27)
Steve Nelson argued his case in the publication of The Thirteenth Juror (1955). His lawyers claimed that the testimony of Matt Cvetic was deeply flawed. Daniel J. Leab, the author of I Was a Communist for the FBI: The Unhappy Life and Times of Matt Cvetic (2000) that by 1955 Cvetic had been largely discredited as a witness and the Justice Department's Committee on Security Witnesses unanimously recommended that he not be used as a witness unless his testimony could be corroborated by external sources." (28)
In 1956 in Pennsylvania v. Nelson, the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the 1919 Pennsylvania Sedition Act. The court ruled that the enactment of the Smith Act superseded the enforceability of the Pennsylvania Sedition Act and all similar state laws. In the same year the Supreme Court granted Nelson and the other five defendants in the Smith Act case a new trial on the grounds that testimony had been perjured in the earlier case. By the beginning of 1957 the Government decided to drop all charges, bringing six years of legal battles to an end. (29)
Anne Braden pointed out that their case had influenced the decision of the Supreme Court. "They saw it as a horrible example of what happens when you turn every local prosecutor loose with a state sedition law." The state prosecutor dropped all sedition charges against Anne and her co-defendants but it was not until 1956 that they overturned Carl Braden's conviction. (30) The Wade family attempted to repair their home, but amid continuing hostility, sold the house at a loss and moved back into west Louisville. (31)
Southern Conference Education Fund
Carl and Anne could not, however, return to their old lives. In order to stay safe and be in a supportive environment, they moved into a Black neighborhood, where their children wouldn’t have to see their parents being constantly ostracized. In 1957, the Bradens joined the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), an organization dedicated to building White southern support for integration, and had thrown their full support behind the Bradens during their sedition trial. Its monthly newsletter, the Southern Patriot, was produced for the supporters of civil rights across the nation. During Carl’s incarceration, the Patriot had published articles by Anne and had helped her gain a national audience. The executive director of the SCEF was Jim Dombrowski and its vice president was Modjeska Simpkins. (32)
Anne recalled: "Jim Dombrowski, the architect of the ongoing SCEF, was one of the greatest people who ever lived in the South. He was a founder, with Myles Horton and Don West, of Highlander Folk School. He's been involved in various struggles for social justice since the early 1930s. He saw the need for a group of Blacks and whites working together with a one-point program: End segregation in the South... In 1957 Carl and I went to work for SCEF. They didn't have much money, so we worked for practically nothing at first. Our main job was to reach white people and help them see that civil rights was their battle, too. We didn't have many resources, and we were fighting against a lot of fear. We traveled around, linking up with college professors, students, teachers, professional people, and ministers - many of whom lost their churches when they took a stand for equal rights." (33)
The SCEF worked closely with other civil rights organizations such as Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). Carl also became friends with Martin Luther King and Rosa Parks. Another close associate was Virginia Durr, a White Southern aristocrat whose husband, Clifford Durr, had worked for Franklin D. Roosevelt during the New Deal. Writing to a friend in 1959, Virginia said, “I have made a new friend, Anne Braden… Who sees life in Alabama as I do, but with even deeper insight, much deeper I think. She is a lovely and charming and gentle person with a brilliant mind and is such a comfort to me.” A few months later, she wrote: “Anne Braden has been here recently and she is a perfect darling and I love her and I think she is a very good writer too. After she was gone, the Attorney General came out with a huge warning to all the people of Alabama to beware of her as she was so dangerous.” (34)
In 1958 the House Committee on UnAmerican Activities (HUAC) announced it wanted to investigate left-wing activists in the Deep South. The SCEF produced a letter signed by 200 Black leaders that in essence said: "We've got enough problems down here. Our churches are being bombed. Our kids are being attacked as they go to school. The last thing we need is the House Un-American Activities Committee coming here to attack white people who are supporting justice." (35)
Carl Braden was indicted in 1958 for contempt of Congress after refusing on First Amendment grounds to testify before the HUAC. He stated "My beliefs and my associations are none of the business of this Committee." Braden's conviction was upheld 5-4 in the Supreme Court in 1961 and he went to prison but was released early in 1962. (36)
The Sixteenth Street Baptist Church in Birmingham was used as a meeting-place for civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King, Ralph David Abernathy and Fred Shutterworth. Tensions became high when the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and the Congress on Racial Equality (CORE) became involved in a campaign to register African American to vote in Birmingham.
On Sunday, 15th September, 1963, a white man was seen getting out of a white and turquoise Chevrolet car and placing a box under the steps of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Soon afterwards, at 10.22 a.m., the bomb exploded killing Denise McNair (11), Addie Mae Collins (14), Carole Robertson (14) and Cynthia Wesley (14). The four girls had been attending Sunday school classes at the church. Twenty-three other people were also hurt by the blast. The bombing was the fourth in less than a month, and fiftieth in two decades, in what had become known as "Bombingham." (37)
Diane Nash and her husband, James Bevel, in response to the bombing, became committed to raising a nonviolent army in Alabama. Its main objective was obtaining the vote for every black adult in the state. Alabama and other southern states had effectively excluded blacks from the political system since disenfranchising them at the turn of the century. In 1962, Deputy Attorney General Burke Marshall reported that “racial denials of the right to vote” existed in eight states, with only fourteen percent of eligible black citizens registered to vote in Alabama. In Mississippi, 42% of the population were black but only 2% were registered to vote. (38)
This eventually became known as the Selma Voting Rights Campaign. Nash told Martin Luther King: "He (King) could notorious a battered people for nonviolent action and then give them nothing to do. After the church bombing, she and Bevel had realized that a crime so heinous pushed even nonviolent zealots like themselves to the edge of murder. They resolved to do one of two things; solve the crime and kill the bombers, or drive (Governor George Wallace and Police Chief Albert J. Lingo) from office by winning the right for Negroes to vote across Alabama." (39)
Diane Nash attracted the attention of President John F. Kennedy, who selected her to serve on a committee to develop a national civil rights platform, which later became the 1964 Civil Rights Act. The next year, Nash planned marches from Selma to Montgomery to support voting rights for African Americans in Alabama. Carl and Anne Braden took part in the march. When the peaceful protesters tried to cross the Edmund Pettus Bridge to head to Montgomery, police severely beat them. Stunned by images of law enforcement agents brutalizing the marchers, Congress passed the 1965 Voting Rights Act. (40)
Carl Braden the executive director of the Southern Conference Education Fund, became the leader of the Training Institute for Propaganda and Organizing in Louisville, Kentucky in 1971. However, he died of a heart attack on 18th February, 1975. He was 60 years old. (41)
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Sieh dir auf Facebook Beiträge, Fotos und vieles mehr an.
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Ann Braden
(1924 2006)
As remembered by:
Joan Browning
John Due
Ted Glick
Ira Grupper
Dorie Ladner
Ken Lawrence
David Nolan
Efia Nwangaza
Gwen Patton
Larry Rubin
Rohn Webb
As remembered by Ted Glick
Friends,
Some very sad news to pass on. Anne Braden died this morning at a hospital in Louisville. She was taken there on Saturday suffering from pneumonia.
To find out more about plans for Anne's funeral and a memorial service, or to send a contribution in Anne's name, you can contact the Kentucky Alliance at 3208 W. Broadway, Louisville, Ky. 40211, 502-778-8130, kyall@bellsouth.net.
We have lost another great warrior in the struggle for racial justice and equality, but without question, her spirit and her example live on in the lives of many whom she influenced and inspired.
Ted Glick
As remembered by Dorie Ladner
March 16, 2006
I was very impressed with the commitment and passion that Anne and Carl showed during the early years of the struggle when it was not popular. As for me, a young black female, born and raised in Hattiesburg, Mississippi, they inspired me to go on to see what the end was going to be. Anne, in her quiet soft-spoken way showed up where she was needed. I remember her in Natchez. The National guard had placed a curfew on its residents. This didn't bother Anne. She went with us to canvass for the right to vote, and attended nightly mass meetings. Both she and Carl spent a great deal of time at Mt. Beulah teaching us about citizenship and telling us about their years of struggle in Kentucky. They were determined, and NEVER TURNED BACK.
Dorie Ladner
As remembered by Ken Lawrence
March 16, 2006
This morning I received a letter "From the Desk of Anne Braden," a fund appeal for Resist. Like Joe Hill and countless other dedicated comrades, she is still carrying on her organizing work.
I first met Anne at the October 1960 SNCC conference at Morehouse College in Atlanta. I went to work for her in August 1971, as Deep South Correspondent for the Southern Patriot. We worked together to build the National Anti-Klan Network in the 1980s.
My check to Resist will be dedicated to continuing Anne's work.
Ken Lawrence
Bellefonte, Pennsylvania
As remembered by Larry Rubin
March 13, 2006
Anne Braden was much more than a Movement "ally" who saw the wisdom of the black power direction. She and Carl were pioneers in the Movement we later joined. They helped pave the way for us. They fully understood the power of the South's black community and had to wait for the rest of us to catch up to their understanding. They risked their livelihoods and lives, and suffered jail, long before most of us joined the movement they helped create.
They dedicated their lives to the idea that the South has the potential for being the most politically and economically progressive area in the country, if only the average Southerner both black and white could be organized. They knew that the South's potential was why the powers-that-be worked so hard to maintain dictatorial control of the area.
When SNCC was being Red-baited, it distanced itself from the Bradens so as not to give more ammunition to the Senator Eastlands of the nation. Anne was hurt by SNCC's rejection of her but she understood the politics and did what she could to help us, often in ways that were invisible to us.
Anne was a central figure in my life. I knew about her and Carl through The Wall Between years before I met her in 1962 when working for SNCC's SW Georgia Project. Years later, when the "whites should organize whites and blacks organize blacks and we'll come together later" idea was adopted, I worked for Anne and Carl's Southern Conference Educational Fund in Pike County, Kentucky.
I can testify that from the beginning Anne and Carl believed SNCC should take leadership of the Southern movement. It's to Anne's credit she made SNCC people feel they were the leaders and she "just" an "ally."
Larry Rubin
As remembered by Joan Browning
March 9, 2006
It is almost impossible for me to comprehend that Anne Braden has died. Instead of a memorial tribute to her, I offer this introduction of Anne that it was my honor and privilege to make last year about this time. When Rose Gladney retired from the University of Alabama, some of her friends began an endowed lecture in her name. Anne was the second Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change lecturer. Last night, I watched about two hours of Anne lecturing last year in Alabama. She was so vigorous and so right on point.
After the lecture, I got in line with students to ask Anne to inscribe my copy of Catherine Fosl's marvelous work about Anne and her times, Subversive Southerner. This morning, I read with tears and pleasure and gratitude what Anne had written: "For Joan whose work as both an activist and a writer is helping to strengthen "the other America." Anne Braden, 3/10/05."
I treasure all my memories of Anne and will hold fast to that inscription if ever I am tempted to cease acting and writing from "the other America."
Tomorrow, I shall drive six hours to Louisville and six hours back home in order to be with others at Anne's funeral service. This is precious time, as following in the best of what I learned in the Movement, I am now a candidate for one of Greenbrier County, West Virginia's two seats in the state House of Delegates. I know now why it is called "running" for public office! I began my campaign with a quote from Ms. Ella Baker. I hope Anne would be pleased that I've tossed my bonnet into the political fray.
The Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change Lecture
Thursday, March 11, 2005
Tuscaloosa, Alabama
Introduction of Anne Braden, Keynote speaker
By Joan C. Browning
Good evening. Thank you for coming to this place at this time for this special event. You have come to hear a woman with a sterling history of social justice activism speak from that experience on the issue of organizing today for social change.
I also want to commend you on the organization of co sponsors. It is important any time we get together and work for a common goal as special and as important as the Rose Gladney lecture for Justice and Social Change so I also commend the College of Arts & Sciences, African-American Studies Program, Department of Women's Studies, New College, Department of Religious Studies, and the History Department.
It is important that we remember that change happens not in any generic sense but in particular places at particular times because specific people initiated change. What and who we choose to remember from the past and the way we choose to remember shapes our identity, as individual personalities, as communities and as a nation. The Rose Gladney Justice and Social Change lecture is being endowed here at the University of Alabama so that generations to come, in this place where Dr. Gladney taught for so long, will remember and celebrate her passion for group action to create a more equitable world. We are deliberately, proactively, shaping this university's memory through this lecture series. Your presence here tonight strengthens our resolve to complete that endowment and to continue seeking lectures by people whose lives echo the values that Dr. Gladney personified.
White supremacy is at the heart of American history and it is the starting point for the Rose Gladney lecture. Race was the dominant point in our collective memories of the two decades ending in the '60s that have especially shaped American identity. In the 1860's, almost a million combatants and civilians perished so that Africans in America might be freed from slavery. The presumptive losers in that conflict have nostalgically remembered their commitment to maintaining human bondage with more than one thousand Confederate monuments throughout the south.
The 1960's also reshaped American identity. In the spring of 1960, more than 70,000 young people, college aged people just like you, from southern African-American colleges started and participated in the sit-in movement to protest segregation. "Out of that wild and spontaneous activity arose an organization . [the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee] .[that was] intent on cracking the caste system that had been in place for hundreds of years.[1]
I was one of the lucky few white southerners who were part of SNCC in the very early 1960's. That struggle to free black and white southerners from white supremacy is remembered by fewer than one hundred public monuments.
Anne Braden was one of the precious few white southerners who had already spent decades deep into the struggle against white supremacy. Anne was there in 1960 to welcome us, to encourage us, to support us, and to be one of our circle of trust.
I don't really remember the first time I met Anne Braden, but it was surely by the September 1961 SNCC meeting. The SNCC "way of working," we called it, involved meeting together where everybody said everything they ever wanted to say. And then, without resorting to Robert's Rules of Order or any formal vote, we knew by consensus what our next move would be and who would do what and who would play which role. My memories of those meetings-and they would continue for two or three days and sometimes twenty or twenty-one or twenty-four hour a day is of two women not of our generation Ms. Ella Baker was always there and Ms. Anne Braden was always there.
I remember Anne Braden as having great poise, of being very centered. She was a lot like Ms. Baker. They were both calm, able to sit through our hours of intense debate, always able to keep focused on issues and avoid personality conflicts.
These two life-long friend and allies, Ms. Baker and Ms. Braden, supported the few of us who were white women. Ms. Baker had a soft spot in her heart for what she called "spunky white girls" and encouraged us to maintain our identity as whites and southerners but also to honor our newfound consciousness to include anti-white supremacist. Anne Braden showed me that I could retain my identity as a southerner and as a respectable woman while fighting for social justice. Anne also showed me that there were useful movement activities other than putting one's body on the line or in jail for direct action demonstrations - for example, writing.
Anne edited the Southern Patriot, a monthly newspaper of highest journalistic standards that reported on what people were doing in the south to challenge white supremacy. When I was debating a few years ago about whether to shed my treasured anonymity and write about my time in the civil rights movement, I learned that correspondence between Anne and me was being collected at least by one historian and it was also auctioned off in a New York City collection of papers from the Mississippi Sovereignty Commission. So I decided my anonymity was about to be blown anyway so I might as well write autobiographically and tell it my way, Anne.
That correspondence showed that Anne was a generous editor. In response to an article that she printed that I wrote for her, she wrote, "Your story is very good indeed. You are a good reporter. It is a real joy to find someone who can collect information and summarize it this well."[2] And Anne, you'll never know what comfort those words have given me all these years. If Anne Braden thinks I'm a good writer, well, lesser editors will just have to hold their opinion.
In that correspondence though, she also offered me names of contacts at various universities who might help me find money to complete my bachelor's degree. Anne, I finally accomplished that in 1994 at the age of 52 but I now am a college graduate.
Anne Braden's patriotism was challenged by government at all levels. She was also often unwelcome by some whom you would consider natural allies within the civil rights movement. It has always been a source of pride to me that SNCC always welcomed Anne Braden. SNCC was the one civil rights group that did not go along with Cold war anti-communism, red-baiting or gay-bashing, or, until late in the decade, after Black Power came into vogue, any kind of stereotyping.
When I was wrenched from my family at the age of 18, somebody had to show me how to be an adult. Anne Braden became for me one of the people whose lives gave me insights and patterns that I use in forming my own identity and my own activism agenda down to this day.
I encourage you to own your own copy of The Wall Between, which is on sale outside and I also endorse heartily Cate Fosl's book Subversive Southerner, also available outside. These two books will tell you more about Anne Braden and about how this one southern patriot challenged white supremacy in all its manifestations and how white supremacy with all its force and vigor fought her back. What a testament to the depth and integrity of Anne Braden's struggle it is that the foreword to Cate's book was written by Angela Davis, a daughter of Bombingham, Alabama. Angela writes, "When we challenge structural racism and violence by vigorously defending immigrant rights, opposing violence against women, and protesting the prison industrial complex, we should know that we are also upholding the legacy of struggle that emerges from Anne's life story."[3]
Let us, tonight, enlarge our collective memories and remold our identity. Let Anne Braden tell you that now is always the time to organize. Anne Braden is a skilled guide. If you will allow her, she will change your life - and you, like me, will thank her for opening your eyes. Listen, learn, and go forth to emulate, the legendary and, to me dear, Anne Braden.
*** *** ***
Anne Braden responds and begins her lecture: Thank you very much, Joan. I find introductions like that very embarrassing because most of it is just not true. I mean, really. But I appreciate it and Joan is one of my sisters in the world I live in and I want to talk about that world.
[1] Constance Curry, Joan C. Browning, et. al. Deep In Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement. Athens & London: University of Georgia Press, 2000. Preface pp. xiii-xix.
[2] Anne Braden to Joan Browning, January 9, 1963. Box 40, Folder 1, Braden Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin.
[3] Catherine Fosl. Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. Palgrace: Macmillan, 2002. Foreword, p. ix.
Joan C. Browning
PO Box 1147
Lewisburg WV 24901-4147
oma00013@wvnet.edu
myweb.wvnet.edu/~oma00013
As remembered by John Due
March 9, 2006
Anne Braden's "Finding the other America"
I first met Anne Braden and her husband in Indianapolis,. Indiana, when she and her husband joined us in our NAACP picketing of a night club across from the Greyhound Bus Station. I believe it was about 1958. They were friends of John Preston Ward, my mentor, who, in addition to being the local NAACP lawyer, was the Director-Counsel of the Indiana Civil Liberties Union. John and I were also the Braden's guest at their Louisville home.
As I became aware of their story in the "Wall Between" and the persecution by the State of Kentucky and the UnAmericans Activities Committee, I remembered walking by the old home of Eugene Debs, the radical labor leader, in Terre Haute, Indiana, that somebody was still maintaining as a historical site. (I was raised in Terre Haute) and the similarity of the persecution of the Braden's, for their treason of selling a house in a white neighborhood to a Black person, to the persecution of Eugene Debs for opposing America in getting involved in world war I because it was a war between two sets of capitalist imperialist tyrannies.
I will always appreciate Ann because she was a force in the movement to help us be aware that there must be a freedom movement that would be beyond what has now been called a civil rights movement. If Ann has left us with any disciples who are committed to her ideas, I hope that her ideas could obtain some permanency by being connected to the "Critical Race Theory" movement which has become identified with Derrick Bell, especially to his book, "Silent Covenants", and Brown v. Board of Education and the Unfulfilled Hopes for Racial Reform.
Ann was the first one to help me to understand that the "Other America" was the real america that signed the Declaration of Independence as a contract of freedom by the people as promoters whose benefits were accepted by the new United States and constitution. But the contract was sabotaged by corporate america and the cotton growers by means of puritan based racialism.
Therefore, the Black freedom movement was not a new revolution, but was, in sense, a resistance movement, a movement to recover and complete the American revolution about which the "silent covenant" sabotuers are still in control.
The next generation must be called to continue and complete the American revoluton. Recently, there has been a gathering which has adopted what is called "The Covenant with Black America". Recently, I sent a note to my daughter, Tannarive Due, that in response to her excitement from participation in this gathering, I said that I hoped there was thinking abour a "Black Covenant with America" that would help save America.
Another Due Memory of Ann Braden.
I am sure that veterans could gather and tell their stories about Ann Braden for years. But when the history of the Freedom Movement of the 60's is told, the Braden's must have a necessary place in this history. It has been ironic that the Southern Regional Council in recent years have honored her role-when most of us remember the efforts of SRC and other liberal organizations and personalities who were more worried about Communist infiltrators than our adversaries.
It was the December of 1963. I was in my last year of law school at FAMU in Tallahassee. There was a lull in the demonstrations. Patricia, the CORE leader, was tired and was leaving Tallahassee and move to New York. I told her that I would drive her to New York-by way of Indianapolis, where my mother lived-and she bought it.
Driving north on 31, around Birmingham, I proposed to her-and she accepted. When we arrived in Louisville, KY, we stopped by the Braden's house and had a lunch -and there was Ivan Donaldson with his car load of supplles-dlriving to Mississippi.
You know the rest of his story for being arrested in Miss for his aspirins.
John Due
As remembered by Efia Nwangaza
March 9, 2006
Thanks Gwen,
Ann's consistency, between theory and practice, especially on Black self-determination deeply endeared her to me and stands as a model for all who would claim to be our ally.
efia nwangaza
As remembered by Gwen Patton March 8, 2006
We have lost a brave heart and soul in Anne Braden. When SNCC issued the call for Black Power, most of our friends abandoned us. Not so of Anne. She did not only accept the challenge, but she gave real meaning to one of our Movement anthems: Heed the Call Americans All, Side by Equal Side. Brothers Sit in Dignity, and Sisters Sit in Pride.
Anne heeded the call to organize white people to fight racism in the white community, from the hills and hollows of Appalachia to the swank, urban cities in the South.
Anne s profound analyses of racism went beyond those who committed racist acts commission to include those who did nothing in the presence of racism omission. Both groups were equally guilty as perpetrators of racism.
Anne always talked about a vision of the world free of cold war tactics, racism, oppression and economic exploitation. Her last message to us was this vision of Finding the Other America.
Anne was not only concerned with fighting racism, but more importantly with undoing racism as a necessary transformation on human and institutional levels.
Many of our freedom warriors are now dancing with our ancestors. My cousin Claire Milligan offers: Heaven's stocking up & leaving the mantle to us.
Gwen Patton
As remembered by David Nolan
March 7, 2006
Below is my contribution to any memories you publish about Anne Braden. I sent it out to the SSOC List [Southern Students Organizing Committee], but she was such a beloved benefactress of every part of the movement that I am sure it will be of interest to others. What losses we have faced in recent months! What extraordinary heroes we have been blessed with!
Warmest regards,
David Nolan
Dear friends,
Anne Braden's passing struck very close to home. I wrote to my son Hamilton, trying to pass on something about her. I don't think he would object to my sharing it with you. Rest in peace, old friend...
Dear Hamilton,
Word just came on the SSOC List that Anne Braden died this morning. She was 81, and the recent biography of her was aptly titled Subversive Southerner. She was one of the southern whites praised by Martin Luther King in his "Letter From the Birmingham Jail".
I first met her in 1965 in Lawrenceville, VA. where she came to write a story about the Virginia Students Civil Rights Committee for her newspaper, The Southern Patriot one of the great places to learn about the south that was not doused in moonlight and magnolias.
She and her husband Carl had sold a house in Louisville to a black family in the 1950s, and it was bombed. In the spirit of the times, they charged Carl with the bombing and sent him to prison. Anne wrote a wonderful book, The Wall Between, about the case. She later wrote a very insightful piece called "The Southern Freedom Movement in Perspective" which was published as an entire issue of Monthly Review magazine.
Carl Braden was a pioneer at fighting legal cases through what some might call "Public Relations". He specialized in taking what originally looked like small hopeless cases and publicizing them until the New York Times picked them up, and he pioneered "action memoes" to a list of people around the country who would write to governors, mayors, prosecutors, etc. to let them know that the whole wide world was watching. I think William Kunstler learned a lot from him: they were involved in many cases together, each using their own talents to rescue people from the maws of "justice."
Anne and Carl were both my mentors in many ways. After I finished working at Penn Center in 1971, I moved to Atlanta (living in the building where Margaret Mitchell wrote Gone With the Wind) and took a job for $150 a month writing for the Southern Patriot. Carl sold me my first car: a 1959 Volkswagen with a blown engine for $25. I paid $175 to get the engine rebuilt, and I was on the road, "Covering Dixie like the Dew," as they say. Skills I learned in those days have served me well ever since. Not long ago I was called on to speak at a ceremony honoring the St. Augustine Four heroes of the civil rights struggle in the Ancient City. I quoted Carl who once told me (he was a fountain of pithy phrases) that the ruling class had a five-point program for dealing with dissidents: buy some, fool some, scare some, jail some, and shoot the rest!
Carl was a veritable bulldog. "Piss on you!" was his favorite expression. He died in his sleep in 1975, and a few of us drove up from Atlanta for the funeral in Louisville. On the way back, I was the first driver and everyone else went to sleep. I drove and drove and drove and drove and when the other people woke up, they were amazed to find that we were still in Kentucky! I was quickly deposed as driver.
Anne was one of the people we asked (along with Koji Ariyoshi) to write letters to be read at our wedding. She didn't go to the SSOC reunion in Charlottesville, but did go to a later one in Nashville, which I missed.
She was a kind of house mother to a lot of us someone with politics that our own mothers didn't have. One year Louie Nunn ran for governor on a platform of driving the Bradens out of Kentucky. He won, but the Bradens stayed put til they died, and will be much more highly remembered in the history of that state and the nation than Louie Nunn will ever be.
We have lost a great one.
Love,
Dad
As remembered by Ira Grupper
March 7, 2006
Contained in the Talmud is the following gem: It is not given to us to complete the task. Nor may we remove our hands from the plow. Anne Braden did not complete the task. None of us living today has completed the task. But it can be said with assurance, indeed with certitude, that Anne Braden never, never, never removed her hands from the plow.
A Song For Anne Braden, words and music by Ira Grupper
In Anniston, Alabama, in 1934,
Ten year old Anne Braden was
Aghast at what she saw.
Racial segregation, degrading Blacks
And fooling whites,
Would impel our little trooper
To soon fight for civil rights.
Would compel this Southern white woman
To combat the Jim Crow shame
Maturing a Deep South warrior,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
In 1948 a Black man named Willie McGee
Was railroaded for raping a white woman
In the state of Mississippi.
A white women s delegation
Decried this Jim Crow frame.
Among them our freedom fighter,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
Louisville, Kentucky, 1954,
Anne and her husband, Carl,
Were journalists for labor
Until they hit a snarl.
They'd sold a home to a Black family
In an all-white neighborhood.
Carl was imprisoned for sedition.
It seemed their wage-earning lives were ruined.
Then Anne hit the lecture circuit
To show who really was to blame.
Fighting red-baiting and racism,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
And in the 1960's
The was against Jim Crow
Saw Anne battling segregation
Where the Klan and bigots sow.
She opposed the war the U.S. fought
Against Vietnamese,
Supported workers against bosses,
And prayed for a world at peace.
In all the decades that followed
She fought on just the same.
Organizer, propagandist,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
And even with her dying breath
She fought on just the same.
The truest Southern Patriot,
The truest Dixie rebel,
The truest freedom fighter,
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
Anne Braden was her name.
words and music by Ira Grupper
In love and struggle,
Ira
irag@iglou.com
March 2006
As remembered by Rohn Webb
March 7, 2006
THE ENTIRE LABOR AND CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENTS CELEBRATE THE LIVES OF CARL AND ANNE BRADEN MY PARENTS WERE POLITICALLY CLOSE TO THEM WHEN POLITICALLY CORRECT MEANT FIGHT LIKE HELL FOR THE PEOPLE!!
PARENTS (ROY M. & MARGUERITE WEBB), MY SISTER AND THREE OLDER BROTHERS HAVE ALL PASSED ON BUT LIKE MY PARENTS THEY SHARED HUMAN RIGHTS FRIENDLY ATTITUDES ON TO THEIR KIDS, GRANDKIDS, AS DO DARLENE AND I.
MOURN FOR THE DEAD AND FIGHT LIKE HELL FOR THE LIVING!!
DARLENE AND ROHN WEBB
CHARTER MEMBERS/OFFICERS
IDAHO SERVICE EMPLOYEES UNION
LOCAL #687,ISEU,SEIU,AFL-CIO,CLC
and CO-FOUNDERS WEBBs ID, OR, UT, WI NETWORK
for GRANDPARENTS' RIGHTS
P O Box 165
Melba, ID 83641-0165
rohnfwebb@msn.com
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CARL BRADEN DIES; A RIGHTS ACTIVIST
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Former Southern Conf Educ Fund dir Carl Braden dies at age of 60 (S)
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Carl Braden, former executive director of the Southern Conference Education Fund, who since 1971 had led the Training Institute for Propaganda and Organizing in Louisville, Ky., died of a heart attack last Tuesday in Louisville. He was 60 years old.
Mr. Braden, who left a Roman Catholic seminary in Louisville at the age of 16 to become a newspaper reporter, had worked for newspapers there and in Cincinnati and aided union groups.
He and his wife, the former Anne McCarty, were indicted for sedition under a Kentucky law in 1954 after they bought a house and sold it to a black couple. The indictments were dismissed in 1956, and Mr. Braden soon joined the Southern Conference Education Fund, which was working for blackwhite cooperation in civil rights.
The Bradens were indicted again for sedition in 1967 after Pike County officials found “a truckload of seditious material.” They were accused of seeking to spread “the Communist theory… to overthrow the government of Pike County.” The case ended after the United States Supreme Court ruled in the Steve Nelson case that state sedition laws were unconstitutional.
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From the archives: Carl Braden was branded a Communist for helping a Black man buy a house
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"Anne Braden",
"Courier Journal",
"Carl Braden",
"Andrew Wade",
"Wade house",
"Carl",
"Scott Hamilton",
"Communist sympathizers",
"Communist activities"
] | null |
[
"Steve Wiser",
"AOL Staff"
] |
2024-05-11T10:00:29+00:00
|
Carl Braden, and his wife Anne, helped a Black family buy a house in Shively. This act would brand him a Communist and put him on trial for sedition.
|
en
|
https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/history/2024/05/11/carl-braden-was-branded-a-louisville-communist/73412965007/
|
“Wade Vows He’ll Stay With His Blasted Home” was the front-page headline on June 28, 1954, in the Courier Journal along with a photo of the damaged home of Andrew Wade IV that would begin a landmark legal case involving Carl and Anne Braden.
Several months earlier, the Bradens, who were white, assisted Wade and his family, who were Black, in purchasing a house in an all-white neighborhood on Rone Court near Shively. Integrating a neighborhood during the Jim Crow period of the mid-1900s was a significant inflammatory controversy. After moving into this house, the Wades were harassed by "rifle shots being fired at the house, rocks thrown through the living room window, and a wooden cross burned adjacent to it."
Following the explosion of the Wade house June 27, 1954, a criminal search for the bomber would take an ironic twist that only the "Red Scare" Communist era of the early 1950s, led by Senator Joseph McCarthy, could imagine: Carl Braden was charged with dynamiting the Wade house.
On Oct. 1, 1954, Carl and his wife Anne were indicted by a grand jury for this terroristic act. An Oct. 9, 1954, Courier Journal article reported that they were charged with ‘advocating sedition’ and were Communist sympathizers.
As detailed in the court proceedings, "sedition . . . means any person who advocates or suggests by word, act, or writing, any public disorder or resistance to, or the change or modification of, the government, Constitution, or laws of the United States or of this State by force or violence or by unlawful means."
Carl Braden was tried first, separate from his wife, in early December 1954. Commonwealth’s Attorney A. Scott Hamilton said his office had evidence the explosion was part of a Communist-inspired plot to stir up racial trouble in Louisville.
During a police search of the Braden’s home, 4403 Virginia Ave., material was seized that was labeled ‘seditious’: pamphlets, correspondence, and books that were Communist-oriented. The newspaper reported Braden’s defense lawyer, Robert Zollinger, implied that this material could have been "planted" by someone else.
Hamilton refuted this allegation: “They claim we planted these papers … They're signed by Carl Braden ... and under his name is affixed 'secretary-treasurer' (of the Louisville Peace Committee).” Also supposedly found at the Braden house were "six copies of 'Foundations of Leninism,' and five copies of a Russian Constitution" which proved, per Hamilton, the Bradens were distributing Communist literature in Louisville, which was a "seditious" act.
In an effort to further prove Carl Braden was guilty of sedition, a "surprise witness" was introduced at the end of the two-week trial. Alberta Ahearn testified that she was an F.B.I. informant and knew personally of Braden’s Communist activities. Per the Dec. 14, 1954, news account, “Braden took the stand in rebuttal to Mrs. Ahearn and denied all her charges against him, or that he is or ever has been a Communist.”
In closing arguments, the prosecution summed up the case against Braden: “Communism is the greatest danger facing us today … (it) is not confined to China, or Indochina, or Korea. You have seen it demonstrated by evidence that communism is marching here … in Jefferson County, Kentucky.
"You can take it from Braden's own statement, as related to you from the witness stand … and from other evidence, it has been demonstrated … that Carl Braden is a Communist and believes in the Communist way of life. He has given aid and support to communism.”
It took the jury only 3 hours and 9 minutes to convict Carl Braden of ‘sedition’. The Dec. 14, 1954, Courier Journal had a front page photo of Braden wiping his face as he was led out of the courtroom to jail.
Shortly after, the American Civil Liberties Union supported the appeal of the verdict, stating that it "stands ready to defend the right of peaceable dissent. It is our ultimate protection against totalitarian government." Braden’s conviction was dismissed a few months later. The U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the state didn’t have the right to prosecute Braden. The state law under which Braden was charged was ruled "unconstitutional."
Commenting after his release, Braden stated: "We learned long ago that Red Baiting and anti-Communist witch hunts were nothing but smokescreens thrown up by people who control things to cloud the real issues of racial equality, higher wages and other desirable but unprofitable things we've worked for.”
Carl, who worked for several newspapers including the Courier Journal, continued with his civil rights activism, along with his wife Anne. He died Feb. 18, 1975, of a heart attack. He was 60 years old.
At his memorial service, he was eulogized by Black social justice advocate Angela Davis. She was "deeply indebted" to Braden for trying to help free her during her trial in 1972 on charges of murder, kidnapping and conspiracy after a judge was killed and three of his abductors fatally shot in a kidnap attempt in San Jose, California.
Davis, who had been involved in freeing what she calls prisoners being detained because of "political oppression," said "As long as there are people unjustly in prisons and being oppressed across the country, our debt to Carl Braden has not been paid”.
Steve Wiser, FAIA, is a local historian, architect, and author.
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https://womensenews.org/2006/04/anne-braden-knocked-down-the-walls-between-us/
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en
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Anne Braden Knocked Down the Walls Between Us – Women's eNews
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[
"Louise Bernikow",
"Cindy Brown"
] |
2006-04-29T15:04:05+00:00
|
May 10, 1954: Anne Braden Buys a House and Brings Down the Sky
|
en
|
Women's eNews
|
https://womensenews.org/2006/04/anne-braden-knocked-down-the-walls-between-us/
|
(WOMENSENEWS)–
She was an educated white Southerner well schooled in traditional ladyhood who saw her privilege as a prison.
Anne Braden’s working-class husband, Carl, was, like her, a newspaper reporter in Louisville, Ky. By 1954, the Bradens, six years married with one child, were a team working for social justice in a very inhospitable place and time. The South was frozen in legal racial segregation and any attempts at change were smeared as Communist-inspired, inflaming white supremacists even more. So it was no small act of courage for Anne and Carl to say yes when Andre Wade IV, a black veteran of World War II, came looking for white people to front his purchase of a house in a “restricted” area.
Reprisals were swift and violent. Wade’s family faced a vicious campaign that included a rock thrown through a window bearing a note with “Nigger, get out,” a cross-burning and dynamite. The ruse uncovered, the Bradens were hauled into court as “subversives,” charged with sedition. Whatever her political ideas were before this event, the trial that September propelled Anne Braden into lifelong activism. The focus of the case slipped away from racially segregated housing or violence against the Wade family toward what the Bradens read and the organizations they belonged to.
She resisted vehemently, attacking the court’s right to inquire into such private issues and making the first of many stands for civil liberties. In her deeply sexist society she wrote later, “The woman was considered not as dangerous”; only Carl got jail time when they were convicted. He served seven months of his 15-year sentence, but the legal wrangling continued for years until the law was overturned.
“The Wall Between,” Anne’s political memoir about the Wade case, was nominated for a National Book Award in 1958.
She never wrote another book, but as years passed, her journalistic gifts were put to use editing a church-sponsored magazine where a rising civil rights movement ignored by mainstream media was chronicled. A close friend of Martin Luther King Jr. and organizer Ella Baker, she witnessed the field plowed by a few in the 1950s become a mass movement in the 1960s. Refusing to be chased from her Louisville home, she lived with danger and threats, shunned by her neighbors, criticized by her family.
In 1975 Carl died, but the small-framed, gray-haired 50-year-old kept going strong, a fixture and a feature at every rally for every good cause, from strip mining to gay rights, for three more decades. She died in March this year.
Louise Bernikow is the author of seven books and numerous magazine articles. She travels to campuses and community groups with a lecture and slide show about activism called “The Shoulders We Stand On: Women as Agents of Change.” She can be reached at louise@womensenews.org.
Women’s eNews welcomes your comments. E-mail us at editors@womensenews.org.
KET–
“Living the Story: The Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky”:
http://www.ket.org/civilrights/bio_braden.htm
Democracy Now–
“Activists Detail Voter Intimidation History”:
http://archive.webactive.com/webactive/pacifica/demnow/dn981103.html
Common Dreams–
Anne Braden, Longtime Activist for Civil Rights, Racial Tolerance Dies:
http://www.commondreams.org/headlines06/0308-01.htm
Note: Women’s eNews is not responsible for the content of external Internet sites and the contents of Web pages we link to may change without notice.
|
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https://crdl.usg.edu/people/braden_carl_1914_1975
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Civil Rights Digital Library
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Some content (or its descriptions) found on this site may be harmful and difficult to view. These materials may be graphic or reflect biases. In some cases, they may conflict with strongly held cultural values, beliefs or restrictions. We provide access to these materials to preserve the historical record, but we do not endorse the attitudes, prejudices, or behaviors found within them. Read more
The Digital Library of Georgia is part of the GALILEO Initiative and located at The University of Georgia Libraries
© 2024 Digital Library of Georgia
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https://www.leoweekly.com/news/the-amazing-disappearing-west-louisville-the-louisville-convention-and-visitors-bureaus-visitors-guide-fails-to-include-the-neighborhood-in-15757738
|
en
|
The amazing, disappearing ?west louisville: The Louisville Convention & Visitors Bureau’s visitors guide fails to include the neighborhood in its feature, “The Boroughs of the ‘Ville”
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2016-09-14T12:12:56
|
West Louisville apparently is not interesting enough to recommend to people who visit Louisville. The Louisville Convention & Visitors Bureau’s visitors guide fails to include...
|
en
|
/favicon.ico
|
LEO Weekly
|
https://www.leoweekly.com/news/the-amazing-disappearing-west-louisville-the-louisville-convention-and-visitors-bureaus-visitors-guide-fails-to-include-the-neighborhood-in-15757738
|
West Louisville apparently is not interesting enough to recommend to people who visit Louisville.
The Louisville Convention & Visitors Bureaus visitors guide fails to include the neighborhood in its feature, The Boroughs of the Ville, and on an accompanying map.
Really?
In an email responding to LEOs questions, Stacey Yates, vice president of marketing communications, said West Louisville is not in the story because it did not meet the criteria: a neighborhood that had at least 10 points of interest in the Eat, Shop and Discover categories.
By that measure, St. Matthews, Anchorage and many other neighborhoods were omitted, Yates said.
I will say we probably need to add some more copy on this new neighborhoods section that explains that these are not all of the neighborhoods in Louisville. Perhaps that would help eliminate some confusion, Yates said.
As for other listings in the magazine, the bureau includes only its partners, so, for example, the American Legion Shawnee Post is in, but the The Kentucky Center for African American Heritage is out, Yates said. In my search of our partner database, I could find no West Louisville restaurants, she said, adding that personally she would have put Jays Cafeteria in bold if it still existed.
If you go to the bureaus website, you might find West Louisville treated differently than are many of the other neighborhoods, listing the Kentucky Center for African American Heritage and Muhammad Alis Boyhood Home but no places to eat or shop.
Yates said information is still being added to the website, which was recently rebuilt. Our hope is to add other neighborhoods in the future that have a high concentration of visitor experiences, Yates wrote, adding that the East End and downtown website entries also do not list places to eat.
Well, then...
We know West Louisville has more than 10 points of interest, but here is a shorter list, just in case you are relying on only the visitors guide and website. It is drawn from a 2014 LEO story by Dana Duncan.
Oh, yes, we would have given you a list of places to visit and see in St. Matthews, but we couldnt think of any. (JK-ing!)
Eat
Big Mommas 4532 W. Broadway | 772-9580 A Louisville legend, you might want to call ahead to make sure they didnt run out of your favorite.
Forty Acres & A Mule 1800 Dixie Highway, (just north of Algonquin Parkway) | 776-5600 Soul food done well, featuring prepared and fresh selections.
Sweet Peaches 1800 W. Muhammad Ali Blvd. | 356-0232 Pamela Haines serves up breakfast all day, including breakfast sandwiches, baked goods and waffles. Coffee, tea, soups and other items are also available. Combo meals including a side and drink make this spot another great lunch option for the downtown crowd.
Roof Top Grill 708 Louis Coleman Jr. Drive | 785-4069 Excellent, reasonably priced Jamaican food and very friendly folks.
Shop
Better Days Records (West) Lyles Mall, 2600 W. Broadway | 774-9909 Another branch of the locally-owned record store.
Discover
Braden Home 4403 Virginia Ave. The former home of local civil rights legends Anne and Carl Braden, and a meeting place for countless activists from every corner of the globe.
Carl Braden Memorial Center 3208 W. Broadway | 778-8130 Dedicated in memory of the local activist and husband of the equally-remarkable Anne Braden, the center has served community groups, progressive organizations and youth working against racism and for progressive social change locally, nationally and internationally since 1969.
Muhammad Alis Childhood Home 3302 Grand Ave. | 890-5995 alichildhoodmuseum.com Newly opened, the home has been lovingly restored to its original condition, which required a bit of forensic architecture. Look for the historic marker out front.
Kentucky African American Heritage Center 1701 W. Muhammad Ali Blvd. | 583-4100 A beautiful repurposing of the citys former trolley barn, it is open for special events and available for rentals.
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https://inmotionmagazine.com/opin/hg_ab.html
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by Heather Gray / Opinions / In Motion Magazine
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[
"Heather Gray",
"Anne Braden",
"Rosa Parks",
"Coretta Scott King",
"Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth",
"A Rebel Without a Pause",
"Southern Patriot",
"Southern Conference Education Fund",
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[] | null | null |
The Souths Rebel Without A Pause
Anne Bradens Tireless Commitment
by Heather Gray
Atlanta, Georgia
In less then a year, we in the South have lost three giants in the civil rights movement who knew each other and whose lifes work intersected. First we lost Rosa Parks in October 2005, then Coretta Scott King in January 2006, and on March 6, 2006 the incomparable Anne Braden died in Louisville, Kentucky at the age of 81. Her biographer Cate Fosl has wisely said about Anne Hers has been among the most forceful and persistent of white voices for racial equality in modern U.S. history. Fosls Subversive Southerner (www.subversivesoutherner.com): Anne Braden and The Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South is an invaluable history of our Southern civil rights movement.
Upon meeting Anne in 1957, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. said that she was the most amazing white woman for her dedication to civil rights. I recall in the interview by CSPANs Brian Lamb of Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), shortly before he died, Toure mentioning the importance of Annes work in the 1960s. When Anne and her husband Carl were being maligned as communists during the height of the 1960s movement the Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth of Birmingham fame told us at a gathering in the 1990s that in no way would he or did he abandon Anne. Cries of communism, he said, were always the ploy in an attempt to destabilize effective work for justice.
One of the many newspaper clippings about Anne at her funeral last week in Louisville described her in bold print as A Rebel Without a Pause. That was Anne to be sure. The fact is, she never shied away from anything that would advance justice in the South and she never let anyone else pause either. This defiance on her part was always on the surface and always expressed. In the 1950s she and Carl joined the staff of the civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF). As a journalist, Anne wrote for SCEFs newspaper the Southern Patriot. In a revealing 1962 Patriot article entitled Dont Waste a Stamp Anne addressed potential funders of the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Many across the country were concerned about the increasing violence in the south and wanted to encourage these young activists to leave. Anne wrote:
While I was in Southwest Georgia, one of the two cars used by the student registration workers broke down. They managed to get it fixed, but the prospects were dim.
And even two cars as not enough - not for 10 or more students to canvass over three counties and planning soon to expand into more. Food these students can sometimes manage without. Cars are essential.
Thinking of their situation, you probably feel like writing them a letter urging them to get out of Georgia before they are killed. But I tell you this would be a waste of a stamp. They wont leave. So instead, why not use your stamp to send a check to help buy another car?
Students in Mississippi have the same problem. One SNCC field secretary told me he is assigned to cover a 45 square-mile area populated by 28,000 Negroes. And he has no car at all. So sometimes he travels by mule, literally .
Like hundreds of white and black activists throughout the South and the country, I am honored to acknowledge that I am one of her white step-children. Anne seemed to have her fingers on the pulse of activism throughout the entire South. She called upon countless numbers of us on a consistent basis to help her on a project or someone else in the region that needed assistance.
Sometimes we didnt know what was happening behind the scenes. Only last week after she died did I discover, after a phone call from New York, that it was Anne who advised national organizers of the Africa Peace Tour that I organize the tour in the southeast in the 1987. Organizing the tour in seven states helped me considerably in subsequent work against apartheid and learning more about the southern region and its activists. Anne knew this would happen of course! Then she would draw upon those contacts and expertise for intensification and expansion of the work. I remember in the 1980s when I was in an Atlanta hospital for a major operation, just out of the recovery room, and the phone rings. It was Anne. Somehow she tracked me down from Louisville. Anne said Heather, youre just out of the operating room? Im so sorry but I need this important information. So, while I could hardly hold on to the phone, for some 30 minutes we talked about an upcoming major demonstration in the South to address the horrors of white supremacy. But that was Anne. None of us who worked with her would even think about not helping her with whatever she needed. I would venture to say that most of us felt honored that she even thought to call us for advice or information.
I was also fortunate to serve on the board of the Southern Organizing Committee for Racial and Economic Justice (SOC) that Anne co-chaired along with Reverend Fred Shuttlesworth. The organization was one of the few that provided the opportunity for us to think and act regionally and to make the essential connections of the myriad of issues we faced. From the 1980s and on the meetings were always filled with a diversity of black, white and eventually Latino activists in the region.
We would sit for hours in New Orleans, Montgomery or Birmingham to strategize on various issues, activities and mistakes weve made then and in the past. We would also listen, learn and occasionally join in while the legendary leaders in our midst discussed and analyzed the dynamics of white supremacy, racial politics generally and labor challenges in the South. Anne was never without offering a lengthy epistle about anything until the wee hours of the night along with her ever-present cigarettes! These sessions were often both grueling and enlightening. They were not only a history lesson but also a socialization process into the tactics of southern civil rights activism and Anne understood the importance of this. She wanted to pass this information on to all of us and to keep the momentum going at every conceivable juncture. The meetings were a roll call of southern leaders and activists the likes of Reverend C.T. Vivian, Jack ODell, Gwen Patton, Virginia Durr, Reverend Fred Taylor, Reverend James Orange, Connie Tucker, John Zippert, Jackie Ward, Reverend Ben Chavis, Charlie Orrock, Ann Romaine, Damu Smith, Jim Dunn, Judy Hand, Scott Douglas, Ron Chisholm, Spiver Gordon, Pat Bryant, Tirso Moreno and countless others.
I remember a few years ago when Anne was to receive yet another award - this time from the Fund for Southern Communities. We watched as the small, frail, yet powerful Anne walked to the front of the crowded Sisters Chapel at Spelman College in Atlanta to receive the award. In what was vintage Anne, she told the crowd that while she appreciated the award it surprises her that she would be acknowledged in this way and that she always expects, instead, to get arrested!
Anne was not unlike many white southern women in the civil rights movement who were essentially kicked out of their family when they declared their commitment to racial justice. She told me once that however painful the loss of family might be, the experience of battling white supremacy can be liberating. She said a few years ago that once we as whites have wrenched ourselves as much as possible from the horrible burden and shackles of white supremacy, we are finally free.
But Anne also insisted, of course, that the responsibility of whites goes far beyond examining our souls. In a January/February 2006 Fellowship of Reconciliation article, entitled Finding Another America she expressed that in a practical sense relatively little, if any, progress toward justice in America could be made until racism is confronted. She said, It is certainly true that our society faces many life-and-death issues. But we can't deal effectively with any of these problems until we mount an aggressive offense against racism. This is not only morally right; it's a practical matter. As long as our society can dump its problems on people of color it will not seek or find real solutions.
After her death last week, the following brief and informative encapsulation of Annes history was provided by the Kentucky Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression and the Carl Braden Memorial Center.
Braden catapulted into national headlines in mid-1954 when she and her husband Carl Braden were indicted for sedition for their leadership in desegregating a Louisville, Kentucky suburb. Their purchase of a house in an all-white neighborhood on behalf of African Americans Andrew and Charlotte Wade violated Louisvilles color line and provoked violence against both families, culminating with the dynamiting of the house in June of 1954. A subsequent grand jury investigation concentrated not on the neighborhoods harassment of the Wades, but looked to the Bradens supposedly communistic intentions in backing the purchase, and they were indicted for sedition that Fall. The couples sedition case made national news and earned them the ire of segregationists across the South, which was reeling from the U.S. Supreme Courts condemnation of school segregation in its Brown ruling earlier that Spring. Only Carl was convicted, and that conviction was later overturned. The sedition charges left the Bradens pariahs, branded as radicals and reds in the Cold-War South, and they became fierce civil libertarians who openly espoused left-wing social critiques but would never either embrace nor disavow the Communist Party publicly because they felt that to do so accepted the terms of the 1950s anti-communist witch hunts.
Anne Bradens memoir of the case, The Wall Between was published in 1958, becoming one of the few accounts of its era to probe the psychology of white Southern racism from within. Their case also introduced the Bradens to the civil rights movement blossoming farther south, in which white allies were few and far between . The Bradens soon joined the staff of a regional civil rights organization, the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF), and began traveling the region to solicit greater white support for the movement. As the 1960s dawned, Anne Braden became a mentor and role model to younger Southern students who joined the movement -- a role she maintained for the rest of her life. Although she was suspect in some circles, Braden publicized and supported the student sit-ins in the pages of SCEFs Southern Patriot newspaper, which she edited, and she encouraged a broader vision of social change that would include peace and justice. She was also instrumental in Louisvilles Open Housing movement in the layer sixties, and among the leading white voices who helped to bring peace to the turbulent second generation of school desegregation, in which busing brought open violence to Louisville and other cities in the mid-1970s.
After Carl Bradens untimely death in 1975, Anne Braden remained a central proponent of racial justice in Louisville and across the South, eventually evolving from pariah to heroine. Bradens primary message was the centrality of racism in the U.S. social fabric, but she constantly stressed that civil rights activism was as much whites responsibility as it was that of people of color.
In speeches delivered in the nearly six decades of her activism, Braden would frequently reflect on her odyssey from segregationist youth to anti-racist advocate: a process she called turning myself inside out. Reared in a middle class, pro-segregation family, Braden changed as a young reporter covering the emerging civil rights movement in 1947 Alabama, where she had observed two separate and unequal systems of justice meted out in the Birmingham courthouse. She subsequently left the supposed neutrality of mainstream journalism to apply her considerable journalistic talents to the aid of African Americans in their quest to end segregation. About her efforts against Southern racism, her friend and fellow activist Angela Davis reflected, she enabled vast and often spectacular social changes . that most of her contemporaries during the 1950s would never have been able to imagine.
Heather Gray is the producer of "Just Peace" on WRFG-Atlanta 89.3 FM covering local, regional, national and international news. She lives in Atlanta, Georgia and can be reached at hmcgray@earthlink.net.
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The Life of Anne Braden, Part One: Finding Her Way to the Movement
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The story of how Anne Braden liberated herself from the culture of segregation she was raised in and became one of the greatest White antiracists in US history.
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Cross Cultural Solidarity - History; in the Service of Solidarity
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By Lynn Burnett
Inquire about Braden workshops here. Listen to this story on SoundCloud. Download the PDF & discussion questions. Support resources on White antiracist history here.
Anne Braden is one of the greatest examples we have of a White Southerner, steeped in the culture of segregation, breaking free from that culture and becoming a powerful voice for Black liberation. Born in 1924 and raised in a well-off family in Alabama, Anne questioned segregation as a child and again while in college, before finally making a clean break with White supremacy as a journalist in the mid-1940s. When the civil rights movement broke out a decade later, Anne was one of the few figures that White Southerners could look to as an example of how to liberate themselves from their own oppressive culture and beliefs, and to work for racial justice. Her life, however, has lessons for us all: for we all benefit from understanding how White people can break free from the grip of racism, stand in solidarity with people of all colors, and come together to build a better world.
Childhood: the First Stage of Questioning
Like many Southerners, Anne Braden grew up in a deeply religious household. As a child, she was moved by Christian teachings of universal brotherhood and sisterhood and of loving one’s neighbor. In her church hung an image of Jesus, surrounded by all the children of the world, of all colors, learning his teachings together. The image stood out to the young Anne because in her experience, children of different colors did not learn together or go to church together. The world that she lived in didn’t seem to match up with Jesus’s teachings.
Nor did segregation match up with Anne’s sense of fairness as a child. When Anne’s clothes were worn out, her family passed them down to a little Black girl who was bigger than Anne… so the clothes were not only worn out but were too tight. Growing up in a paternalistic culture, the fact that little Black kids were often given the discarded clothes of little White kids was viewed by the adults in Anne’s life as an act of compassion and generosity. But the young Anne viewed it as unfair. She imagined being the little Black girl, and she knew she wouldn’t be happy to have to wear those tight, worn-out clothes. However, when Anne asked questions about the poverty she saw amongst African Americans, the adults in her life told her that Black people were a “simpler race” with fewer needs, and were “happy with the way things were.” Anne, however, could never fully believe this.
Anne would later insist that she was not an exceptional child for questioning segregation. Rather, this process of questioning was a normal part of growing up in the White South. However, in the decades before the civil rights movement forced the conversation, White Southerners rarely discussed segregation: it was simply an accepted fact of life. Those who did dare to question it found themselves marginalized and isolated, or even forced out of the region under threat of violence and economic retaliation. Anne didn’t become aware that people questioned segregation at all until she went to college… an opportunity many White Southerners, and especially White Southern women, did not have. In the White South, with its culture of silence around racial disparity, there were few opportunities for children to explore their concerns about fairness and justice. As they grew up, they usually acclimated into the culture of White supremacy they were raised in. Anne Braden often emphasized that the same would have happened to her had other events in her life not unfolded.
College: Laying the Foundations for an Anti-Racist Consciousness
When Anne was a teenager, she began to worry that she was unpopular and unattractive. She realized that boys were often attracted to girls who made them feel like THEY were the smart ones, and so she began to downplay her intelligence. Indeed, she quickly became popular after making this decision. When the time came to go to college, she still had boys on her mind, and so rejected the idea of going to a women’s college. However, World War II had begun while she was in high school. In 1940 Congress initiated a peacetime draft, and Anne realized that given the likelihood of the U.S. entering the war, that few men would be on campus. She changed her mind and made a decision that would alter the course of her life: she decided to go to a women’s college after all.
In an environment where she didn’t feel the need to downplay her intelligence, Anne was able to find herself. Instead of rejecting her love of learning, she embraced it, later writing that “I don’t think I knew the excitement of an idea until I got to college.” She studied literature and journalism and became the editor in chief of the college newspaper, writing about her great passion for moral ideals and the tremendous struggles against fascism and for democracy happening overseas. Anne won many awards for her work and graduated from Stratford Women’s College as valedictorian.
It was at Stratford that Anne discovered her first female mentors… women who served as role models and who helped Anne expand her vision of her own possibilities as a woman. Anne had grown up in a society where the roles of women were profoundly limited, and where life was even further restricted by notions of individualism that reduced the purpose of life to personal success. The female professors Anne was drawn to, however, emphasized that life was just as much about building stronger communities, and ultimately a better world. Personal happiness was found not through individualistic pursuits, but through contributing to the world and building meaningful connections with others. It was a vision that resonated with Anne, and reminded her of the Christian teachings she felt so compelled by.
Anne had been five years old when the Great Depression began, and although her own father held a steady job and their family was economically secure, she had strong memories of endless streams of beggars getting off the trains going door-to-door begging. She was also aware, as a child, that African Americans rode these trains as well, but never dared to beg in White neighborhoods. As a teenager, she understood the rising threats of fascism overseas; of global destabilization; and finally of world war. The notion of a life devoted to something larger than ones own self spoke to Anne’s religious sensibilities, but it seemed especially important given the dire times Anne was living through. She was drawn to these professors, and they took her under their wings. One of them began inviting Anne to intellectual gatherings, where Anne was introduced to the professor’s sister, Harriet Fitzgerald. Harriet became the first person Anne Braden met who did not merely disagree with segregation, but took an active stance against it.
Harriet had a female lover in New York, and may have had romantic feelings for Anne as well. She made a special effort to help Anne cultivate herself as an intellectual – introducing her to the works of influential thinkers of the era, including Freud and Marx – and sought to help Anne overcome the prejudices she was raised with. Although Anne did not share Harriet’s romantic desires for women, she was able to experience a deep emotional support from Harriet that made all of her previous experiences with men seem superficial. Anne described their connection as a kind of intense intellectual excitement she had not yet experienced, later expressing that “before I met Harriet, I never knew that kind of excitement was possible between two human beings. Later I told her that I didn’t think I would have ever been able to have the kind of relationship I had with Carl [her future husband] had it not been for her. Never after that have I felt any sexual interest in someone who did not excite me intellectually.”
Anne had a major racial awakening when she went to visit Harriet in New York. Harriet – hoping to help Anne break free from her segregationist upbringing – arranged for her to have dinner with a Black woman from the South, under the pretense that they had similar intellectual interests. Anne later wrote: “I went to the meeting with some misgivings. Never in my life had I eaten with a Negro.” Anne later realized that the woman was well aware of how she would have felt as a White woman from the South, and was consciously trying to put Anne at ease. The Black woman was, essentially, working with Harriet to help Anne process, work through, and eventually break free from her White supremacist upbringing.
The two women soon fell into deep conversation… and once they did, Anne ceased to think about the fact that she was White and her conversationalist was Black. They were simply two people having an excellent conversation. Suddenly, in the middle of the conversation, Anne became aware of the fact that she had forgotten about race entirely. A shockwave rippled through her: there was no actual “race problem!” It was an illusion. She later wrote that at this moment, “some heavy shackles seemed to fall from my feet.” The chains that prevented her from being able to embody the spiritual visions she was drawn to as a child – of loving one’s neighbor as oneself; as striving for universal sisterhood and brotherhood – were starting to break.
By this time, Anne had transferred to Randolph-Macon Women’s College – a larger school, where she would be even more intellectually challenged. Here, she studied dance, became aware of the deep connections between her physical, mental, and spiritual health, and fell in love with the Russian authors Tolstoy and Dostoyevsky. She began running with an “artsy” crowd, and amongst this crowd – many of whom consciously thought of themselves as outsiders – it was common to oppose segregation. Anne’s conversation in New York, combined with her participation in this crowd, led her, for the first time, to develop a conscious stance against segregation. A third and final element in the development of that consciousness during her college years was World War II: as Anne later wrote, “We were aware that in fighting Hitler, we were fighting a racist ideology, though I don’t think we used that word ‘racist.’ It didn’t escape people I knew that those ideas about racial superiority were akin to what we had here in the South.”
By the time Anne graduated from college in 1945 – shortly before the end of the war – she had developed an anti-racist consciousness. However, she had not yet acted on that consciousness, nor did she know how too. She had yet to meet people who were engaged in actual struggle, and was not even aware that major struggles against racial oppression were sparking up all over the South. All of this would soon change.
Journalism: Coming Face-to-Face With Brutal Realities
Following her graduation, Anne returned home to live with her parents and became a full time reporter examining local political issues. When fascism was finally defeated overseas, a sense of euphoria swept through her: democratic ideals had won the day! Authoritarianism had been defeated! However, as Black GI’s returned from the war, they made it clear that they had not fought and died overseas fighting Hitler’s racist authoritarianism, only to return home and be subjected to the racist authoritarianism of Jim Crow. They would not rest until democracy was extended to their people as well. Lynchings skyrocketed as Black men in uniform fought for the basic rights to democracy for Black Americans. As a reporter who had to chronicle these events, Anne’s euphoria about the success of democracy quickly faded.
She sank into depression. Without her college community and her easy access to professors and mentors, Anne didn’t know where to turn. Her concerns could not easily – or even safely – be discussed. Like many White Southerners who were troubled by segregation, Anne felt alone. Not yet aware of the communities and organizations that embodied her newly found anti-racist values, she turned inwards. Without community, she threw herself into work and into writing… but also into isolation.
It did not help that she was back home. As African Americans increasingly stood up for their rights after the war, many White Southerners reacted by taking increasingly stronger stances for keeping things the way they were. Anne’s father was one of those people. Both of her parents were deeply disturbed by Anne’s newfound anti-racist perspectives, and her father expressed that he regretted ever sending her to college. During one of their many arguments, Anne expressed that she supported a federal anti-lynching law. Her father exploded: “We ought to have a good lynching every once and a while to keep the nigger in his place!” Although he later regretted saying it, the outburst shook Anne to her core. She had always seen her father as a gentle and loving man, and she felt confident that he would never actually join a lynch mob. Still, here was an otherwise good-hearted man who had justified murder in his own heart and mind. It was one of the key moments in Anne’s life that caused her to think of White supremacy as something that distorted the souls of White people; that caused them to act against the spiritual and ethical values they believed in, and that made it impossible for them to live out truly ethical or spiritual lives. White supremacy, for Anne, became something that White people needed to free themselves from.
Anne escaped the tensions of her home by taking a job in Birmingham in the summer of 1946, reporting on the events at the courthouse. Bull Connor – who would later go down in history for ordering fire-hoses and attack dogs to be turned on civil rights protestors in 1963 – was the police commissioner. Well known for his brutality, Connor’s police forces had recently murdered five Black veterans who had dared to stand up for their rights after returning from war. Anne witnessed Black veterans lined up at the courthouse, trying to register to vote. The same men came week after week, without success. She wanted to write an article about these voter registration attempts, but the newspaper didn’t consider it worth reporting on.
As Anne covered the events at the courthouse, she was forced to realize that there was not one legal system, but two. There, she saw that if a Black man killed a White man, the outcome for the Black man – no matter what the circumstances, such as clear cases of self-defense – would be execution. On the other hand, she saw that if a White man killed a Black man, the judge would almost always rule that the killing had been justified. She saw that if a White man raped a Black woman, the case was simply dismissed: it was not even worth discussion. But if a Black man so much as looked at a White woman in an “improper” way, it was usually ruled as “assault with intent to rape.” Braden reported on one case in which a Black man was charged with “assault with intent to rape,” when he had looked at a White woman in an “insulting way” from across the street. It would be nearly a decade until the case of Emmett Till – murdered for whistling at a White woman in the summer of 1955 – brought such injustices before the eyes of the nation, and helped to ignite the civil rights movement.
One day, a deputy at the courthouse began flirting with Anne. Hoping to impress her, he opened a cabinet drawer and pulled out the skull of a Black man who – he hinted, with a proud gleam in his eye – he had helped kill. He told her that the murder would, of course, never be solved. Anne later wrote: “I looked at the skull. It became larger before my eyes. It filled the room and the world. It became a symbol of the death that gripped the South.” The death – the murder – that her own, loving father supported. Anne was filled with horror and rushed out of the room. The violence against Black people in the Deep South was so casual it was usually not even deemed worthy of reporting or discussing, but now Anne found herself facing it fully. It was too much for her. After eight months of facing brutal truths in Birmingham, she took another newspaper job in the Upper South: in Louisville, Kentucky, where she had been born before moving to the Deep South as a baby. It would be in Louisville that she encountered civil rights activists for the first time, and met people who helped pull her into the movement.
Carl Braden
When Anne first arrived in Louisville, she felt a great sense of relief at the absence of brutality that she perceived. Unlike the constant, casual violence of the Deep South, there had been no outright racial violence in Louisville for a long time. The buses were not segregated. African Americans could vote, which meant that there were politicians who actually represented Black interests. Unlike in the Deep South, Black issues were not made invisible to the White community, but were actually reported on. There were even White people who openly opposed racial oppression. However, most spaces were still segregated, including parks, hotels, restaurants, theatres, hospitals, and schools. And as was true throughout the country, African Americans were restricted to living in impoverished neighborhoods, and suffered from rampant job discrimination. However, the mere fact that there was any degree of desegregation and any degree of Black political power was what initially jumped out at Anne.
On her first day of work at the Louisville Times – March 31, 1947 – Anne was introduced to her new colleagues… including the man who would become her future husband, Carl Braden. Unlike Anne, who had been born into a very comfortable upper-middle-class life, Carl had been born into a struggling working-class family. His father had been a railroad worker who worked such long hours he almost never saw his family. A union man, he lost his job when Carl was eight years old for participating in a failed strike demanding better working conditions. For months afterwards, the family ate almost nothing but beans. One of Carl’s dominant childhood experiences was of hunger – in the deep, psychological sense of not knowing when you would be able to get food to relieve it. For Carl, hunger meant growing up early. He became deeply aware of injustice… of the fact that many people, like his family, worked hard and still had nothing, and yet were harshly judged as poor White trash by families exactly like Anne’s. Carl joined gangs and learned to fight when he was very young. Like so many others, he also learned to drink and smoke to alleviate the pain of having ones dignity ripped away. He would continue to drink, smoke, and fight until World War II, when he decided to swear off it all to better commit himself to his work as a journalist and labor organizer.
Carl had been a very thoughtful child – a voracious reader who spent hours listening to the conversations of his large extended family, who often gathered around the kitchen table for discussion. Carl’s father was an agnostic socialist who had named his son after Karl Marx; whereas his mother and her extended family were all devout Catholics. Carl’s father was not anti-religious, but believed that matters of the afterlife and questions about God were beyond the human capacity to understand. He stayed quiet when conversations turned towards religion, but often mentioned at the end of religious conversations that Jesus’s teachings seemed right in alignment with socialism to him. The young Carl agreed with his father. They were all talking about loving thy neighbor, about the brotherhood and sisterhood of humankind that his future wife Anne had also been drawn to as a child. Carl’s heroes, growing up, were Christian saints on the one hand, and socialist leaders on the other. To him, they seemed to hold the same ideals.
When Carl was not out roaming around with his gang getting into fights, he was at home absorbed in books. His parents had only gone to elementary school, and they pushed their children to do well in school so they could have a better life than them. Carl went to a Catholic school, and when he was thirteen the nuns encouraged him to put his intellectual abilities in the service of God and to begin studying to become a priest. Carl accepted this as an honor that would help him fulfill his young desire to live a life of social responsibility. However, by the time he was sixteen, he found himself rebelling against the church, and soon dropped out of school entirely. He had not turned against the church’s teachings, however, but was rather rebelling against the structures of authority within his church, school, family, and ultimately, society. Looking for work as a young, rebellious, working-class intellectual, Carl gravitated towards journalism, just as Anne would later do. He was given the task of reporting on the police department, where he witnessed incredible corruption and brutality. Eight years older than his future wife Anne, Carl was soon reporting on the Great Depression, including the intense labor struggles of local impoverished coal miners… all while still a teenager. The combination of his upbringing and the things he witnessed as a reporter led him to become a devoted labor organizer.
Interracial Organizing and the Commitment to Activism
When Anne was first introduced to Carl, he was covering labor issues for the newspaper, while she was covering education. However, from time to time, Anne would help Carl on his labor reporting. When she showed interest in the subject, he began giving her books to read on socialism and the history of labor organizing. She was soon attending union meetings with him. Anne had been raised to believe that people like her family were well off because they were smart, disciplined, and hard working, and that if people were poor it meant they had made bad decisions or were lazy. Anne had long doubted these class prejudices, and understanding the history of labor organizing – and getting to know the organizers themselves – destroyed them completely. She came to see the working class as another exploited group suffering from negative stereotypes, who, like African American freedom fighters, were dignified, intelligent, and fighting hard for the right to live a decent life. Carl helped Anne commit herself to ending class oppression, and she helped him commit himself to the battle against White supremacy.
One of the unions that Carl introduced her to – The United Farm Equipment Workers – was interracial: it demanded equal treatment for Blacks and for Whites within the union, as well as in wages and working conditions on the job. It was one of the first places Anne was exposed to where Blacks and Whites were equal in the way they spoke to one another. In the South, it was dangerous for African Americans to speak openly and honestly with Whites, especially when it came to criticizing racist attitudes. The United Farm Equipment Workers union was the first place where Anne experienced African Americans speaking frankly to Whites. It was the first place where African Americans would call her out, correct her, and point out any racist assumptions or behaviors she had. She later expressed that she must have been “like a bull in a china shop” during this period, when she was navigating interracial and Black spaces for the first time. She had had almost no experience interacting with African Americans, and did not even know how to correctly pronounce “Negro…” because everyone around her had always said “nigger.”
Anne came into contact with civil rights organizations during this same period. As a reporter covering education, she investigated the efforts of the local NAACP to desegregate Kentucky’s colleges, and used this as an opportunity to begin building relationships with the NAACP. The increase in civil rights militancy as Black veterans returned from war had doubled the number of NAACP chapters in Kentucky, and Anne soon found herself attending civil rights meetings. Once again, she found herself in spaces where Black people would not automatically defer to her and stay silent when they disagreed with her, which, up until this period, had been her entire life experience as a White person. It was a dramatic experience for Anne, forcing her to realize that all of her previous interactions with Black people had been false and inauthentic: they had never felt safely able to show her, as a White person, their true thoughts and feelings. Anne came to value these interracial organizing spaces as crucial spaces of authenticity and honesty. But, most importantly for her, she felt they were spaces where Black people would treat her as a human being… instead of showing her only the façade of deference.
As Anne moved beyond mere interactions with Black people in these organizing spaces, and began developing actual friendships, she felt her commitment to racial justice deepen. She also felt increasingly alienated from the world she had grown up in, from her family, and from her previous friends. She later described this year – 1947 – as a painful period of “turning myself inside out” and being pulled “up by the roots.” She began looking at her previous values as a type of prison that she still had yet to fully escape. By 1948, she had discarded many old beliefs and attitudes, but she was not yet sure what they would be replaced with. One of the answers came through re-evaluating her work. Anne now questioned whether journalism was the greatest service she could offer. Deciding it was not, she quit her job and threw herself into a life of organizing and of activism.
The Case of Andrew Wade
Anne and Carl quickly came to feel that they were meant to be together, and married in the spring of 1948. Anne was twenty-four years old. She later wrote that “we were joining our lives to bring about a better world.” Being together made them both much stronger and more effective: Carl used to say about their dynamic that “one and one made more than two.” The two of them stepped away from the newspaper together, deciding that they wanted be fully engaged in social issues, rather than just writing about them. Throughout the late forties and early fifties, they dedicated themselves to a number of causes. They created a Labor Information Center, and taught publication skills to union members. They organized against the growing nuclear arms race, and gathered support for W.E.B. Du Bois – the founder of the NAACP and one of the greatest Black intellectuals of all time – when he was put on trial as a “subversive” for opposing the escalation of the Cold War. Anne played a major role in the Interracial Hospital Movement, which developed after a Black man who had been in a car accident died because a segregated hospital refused to serve him. It was the first civil rights campaign in which Anne played a major organizing role, and it succeeded at desegregating Kentucky’s hospitals.
Anne also began working with the radical Civil Rights Congress, travelling and speaking about racial inequities in the justice system and the ways that Black men were often sent to death for false accusations, while White men regularly got away with the murder and rape of Black people. For these activities, she was briefly incarcerated for the first time, at the age of twenty-six. Her arrest led her to realize that her racial convictions placed her “at odds with a power structure from which she had always previously benefitted,” to use the words of historian Catherine Fosl. Anne also received an important piece of advice which would give direction to the rest of her life: after reporting to the founder of the Civil Rights Congress – William Patterson – about her activities speaking at Black churches and writing in Black newspapers, Patterson told her that it was White people whose minds needed to be changed, not Blacks. She contemplated his advice. Working to organize White people to understand and oppose racism eventually became her life’s work.
Anne Braden was thrown into infamy, however, before she had a chance to embrace the work she would one day be most remembered for. In March of 1954, a Black World War II veteran named Andrew Wade approached the Bradens for help. Wade had been trying to purchase a home outside of the segregated Black communities of Louisville – he simply wanted a nicer, larger home for his growing family than was available in Black neighborhoods. Wade had a successful business, and came close to closing a deal on a few houses… but as soon as he met the real estate agents and they saw that he was Black, he was rejected. Wade asked some of his White friends if they would be willing to purchase the house under their name, and then transfer it to him. They refused. Wade then approached the Bradens. He did not know them personally, but they had developed a reputation for supporting Black causes by that time. They did not hesitate to support him.
The Bradens understood that the move would cause controversy, but they also believed the plan would work. Louisville was segregated and unequal, but it wasn’t violent. Compared to the Deep South, race relations were very quiet. As for Andrew Wade, he expected that his White neighbors would be angry at first, but would eventually come to know and respect him and his family. The intensity of the events that transpired took them all by surprise.
The house that Andrew Wade selected had recently been built by a man named James Rone. Rone was not a large-scale builder, but a working man with calloused hands in his mid forties, who had acquired some land with the dream of building a small community. He was building up other houses on a street he had proudly named after himself – Rone Court – including one for his son Buster. Building up this little community out in the countryside was his big dream, and Anne felt guilty for not telling him they were purchasing a home for a Black family. Anne valued honesty and trustworthiness very deeply, and was troubled by purposefully deceiving someone. Reflecting later on her feelings, she realized that while buying into White supremacy made it impossible for White people to live out their own ethical and spiritual values, White supremacy also made it impossible for her, as a committed antiracist, to be perfectly ethical. She could not simultaneously deal honorably with Andrew Wade and James Rone at the same time.
When the Black Wade family moved in instead of the White Braden family, James Rone panicked. He called his friends, and Andrew Wade watched from his new house as car after car arrived at the Rones. There were soon twenty cars, and a crowd of people milling around James Rone’s home. They did not, however, approach the Wade’s house. At around midnight the crowd instead headed over to the Bradens.
Carl answered the door, and James Rone asked if he had sold the house to “coloreds.” Carl said that he had. Rone explained that there weren’t any Black people out there. The Braden’s sale must have been a mistake. Carl responded that color shouldn’t matter; that Black people, like all people, should have the right to move wherever they could afford to move. Someone in the crowd then yelled, “But I’ve saved up for years to buy the house I own out there!” They were concerned that if Black people moved into the neighborhood, the value of their homes would dramatically decline. Carl replied that Andrew Wade had also spent years saving so that he could buy a decent home. Perhaps they should realize that they all wanted the same thing. At that point a large man stepped up to Carl and asked him if he had any children. Carl said “Yes,” and the man replied, “Well, you’d better watch out.” Carl, who had spent much of his life fighting, felt his muscles tense up. He told them that they needed to leave. They did.
Reflecting on these events in her memoir of this moment – The Wall Between –Anne did not feel that James Rone had purposefully sent a mob to threaten them. She believed that he had panicked at the thought that all of his property would decline in value; panicked at the thought that White people who associated with Black people would be looked down on and that he would lose the standing he so desired to have; panicked when all the racial prejudices he had inherited washed over him and caused him to be fearful of blackness. One moment, he had felt safe and secure, felt that all of his long-sought ambitions were finally coming true… and the next moment he felt the world crashing around him. He had panicked and called his friends, just trying to figure out what to do, but once word got out, it was beyond his control. It wasn’t him who had stepped forward and threatened their children. Anne wrote: “The crowd at Rone’s house became almost transformed into a mob because these people did not know what else to do with their frustration, because acting as a unit and together gave them back some of the sense of security they had lost.” In the following days she called the local pastors, trying to gain support. They said they would lose their congregations if they supported integrated neighborhoods. Anne wrote that even the pastors “were guided by what he thought his neighbor thought, by what he thought his neighbor expected of him,” rather than by what they truly believed in and thought was right.
Anne called James Rone the following day to try to resolve the tensions. She asked him to just give Andrew Wade and his family a chance. They were all good people. Surely they could all get along. Rone replied that he was in a difficult situation, emphasizing that “Everybody out here is blaming me.” His response helped Anne understand that Rone had to prove to his friends and neighbors that he was not part of this; that he did not support a Black family moving into the neighborhood. And each person that joined the mob, likewise, felt that they needed to prove the same thing to their friends and neighbors. Anne wondered, “How much so-called prejudice is maintained from generation to generation because every man must prove to his neighbor that he thinks as he thinks his neighbor thinks?” It was “a vicious circle of social pressure.” Indeed, a few years later – after it had all died down – some White families came forward and said that they would not have minded the Wades living there at all: but they were afraid of being socially ostracized, and so maintained their silence.
The Braden’s were soon receiving a continuous stream of death threats: the phone rang every five or ten minutes; and because the Bradens were worried about the Wades, they felt compelled to pick up each and every call. Anne, however, noticed a pattern in the threatening voices, and realized that it was likely only half a dozen people calling on rotations, hoping that if each of them only called once an hour, their voice would not be recognized. This decreased her stress, but then a call came in saying that “something” would happen today. And then: in six hours. Five. Four. Three. Two. One. The calls kept coming. Fifteen minutes. Carl was unfazed, staying focused on his reading in the living room. He said that if they were really going to be attacked they wouldn’t be warned. Anne later reflected that Carl had long ago learned to shrug off physical threats. But it was her first time confronting them. She took the kids and left the house in case a bomb had been planted.
Meanwhile, James Rone and his son Buster went to talk with Andrew Wade, trying to convince him to sell the house back to them. Andrew said: “I’m not trying to force myself and my family on you. You don’t have to be my friend or ever come on my property if you don’t want to. But how can you say I don’t have a right to live in the same neighborhood as you? Try to put yourself in my place for a minute. I’m an American citizen. I fought for my country. I’m a person, like you. I want a decent house to live in. Will you say that in a democracy I can’t have a decent house to live in, that I can’t live where I want to, just because my skin is a different color than yours? We can all get along in the same world. That’s what democracy means.” He turned to Buster and said that perhaps he was too young to have fought for his country or to have seriously contemplated democracy. But did he understand?
Buster Rone nodded and shook Andrew Wades hand. He helped burn a cross in front of his house the next day. Andrew ran out with a gun and yelled, “You are burning your own American flag!” He requested that police watch the house for the rest of the night, but none came. In the middle of the night, bullets blasted through the front of the house. Andrew threw his wife Charlotte to the floor and watched as a car sped away. The next morning, Anne asked him if he would stay. Andrew said: “A principle is at stake. You don’t just run away from something like this.” Journalists contacted the Bradens, asking why they had bought a house for a Black family in a White neighborhood. The Bradens responded: “We feel that every man has a right to live where he wants to, regardless of the color of his skin. This is the test of democracy. Either you practice what you preach, or you shut up about believing in democracy.” The story became front-page news in Kentucky.
A mere week later, the Supreme Court passed the Brown v. Board of Education ruling – on May 17, 1954 – outlawing segregated schools and signaling the beginning of the end to segregation everywhere. Brown led to massive resistance throughout the White South. White Southerners who had always assumed the stability of White supremacy now realized they were going to have to stand up and fight for it. Many White folks in Kentucky – unable to directly attack the Supreme Court or the federal government – took their anger out on the Bradens, condemning them as “traitors to their race.” At best, the Braden’s were accused of “wanting to stir up trouble.” They knew that purchasing a house for a Black family in a White neighborhood would create problems, so that must have been their intention. At worst, the Bradens were accused of being Communist-inspired subversives who were trying to exploit racial tensions in order to tear American society apart. They were hell-bent on trying to start a “race war.” That accusation, as crazy as it sounds today, would later have major ramifications.
Meanwhile, the Wades met the solid wall of economic resistance that Whites came to use throughout the South in order to cripple anyone who failed to conform to White supremacist traditions. Andrew Wade suddenly found that all of his loans were cut off. His business was boycotted. Not even the newspaperman or the milkman would deliver to his home. A police guard had been put on the Wade house after shots had been fired into it, but when no other acts of violence occurred, they were soon pulled off. Cars filled with angry Whites shouting threats constantly drove by the house. Understanding that there was a very real threat of violence, an organization called the Wade Defense Committee was formed. Armed supporters of Andrew Wade moved in to stay on the lookout and protect the home.
After the shots had been fired into the Wade home, Anne and Carl decided to have their young children sleep in the hallway at night, where they were least likely to by hit by bullets if the same happened to their house. The threats on the phone kept pouring in, and as the weeks wore on, Anne found herself completely torn down. She often couldn’t fall asleep until dawn, and later reflected that she eventually descended into a state in which she had no energy to have any emotions whatsoever – no energy for fear, no energy for courage. As the threats poured in, she simply reacted in a cold, calculated way geared towards survival. Andrew Wade urged Anne to carry a gun to protect herself, but she refused. She felt that if she ever shot and killed somebody that she would never be able to live with herself, even if it had been done in self-defense. However, one day while Carl was driving with the kids, a car blocked the road in front of him, while another pulled up from behind to prevent him from reversing. He was told, once again, that something was going to happen to his kids if he didn’t resolve the situation with the Wades. It forced Anne to reflect more seriously on the nature of self-defense: even if she would rather die than kill someone, she couldn’t justify risking the lives of her children. Andrew Wade, who had built up a small arsenal in his home, immediately supplied her with the weapon.
And then, suddenly, things died down. A week passed without the Bradens or the Wades receiving any threats. Both families began to feel that the whole nightmare might be over. It was Saturday, June 26, 1954 – six weeks after the house had first been purchased – that Anne felt relaxed enough to go to sleep before midnight. On that same evening, Andrew Wade, feeling that the threat had subsided, took his family out to have fun for the first time since they had moved onto Rone Court.
The children of Andrew and Charlotte Wade had been staying with Andrew’s parents during this time because of the potential threat of violence. Despite feeling that things were starting to calm down, the Wade parents dropped the children off with their grandparents before returning home. As the Wade’s turned onto their street, they noticed that not a single light in any house was on. It was perfectly dark. Entering their home, Andrew asked the members of the Wade Defense Committee who had been keeping watch if there had been any unusual activity. They said that just a few minutes earlier, they had seen some strange flashing lights coming from a few different directions… as if people in different locations had been using flashlights to communicate with one another. As they began discussing what this might have meant, a bomb detonated underneath the home.
The explosion ripped through the two bedrooms where the children would have been sleeping if they had not been with their grandparents that night. Miraculously, everyone had stepped out onto the porch to discuss the meaning of the flashing lights, and no one was injured. Despite the thunderous explosion, none of their neighbors came out to see what had happened. The bombing had clearly been expected.
Andrew rushed to call Anne and warn her that her home might also be attacked that night. Waking up from one of the first times she had been able to fall asleep at night for weeks and weeks, she rushed outside and noticed that the streetlight, which had been on when she went to bed, had been broken. Carl’s job had him working late that night, so Anne was home alone with the children. She looked under the porch and searched everywhere where a bomb could have been planted. When Carl returned home, they spent the rest of the night sitting up armed on the porch. Nothing happened. Anne, however, had been pregnant during this time. The stress of the bombing was the straw that broke the camel’s back and caused her to miscarry, leaving her with a profound sense of sadness.
With their house now in ruins, the Wade home was no longer habitable. For Andrew, however, it was still a symbol. He vowed to remain – even if he had to sleep in a tent, he said – and many in the Black community urged him to stand his ground. In the first days after they purchased their home, the local Black newspaper had interviewed Andrew. Predicting the difficult path ahead, he had said, “We intend to live here or die here.” He was buying this home both for the sake of having a decent home for his own family, but also to help break a barrier for other African Americans. The news had taken the local Black community by storm: here was a Black family that had found a way to escape the Black ghettos of Louisville. Here were White folks who were ready to fight for Black people. It gave them hope.
However, after the bombing, there were also many in the Black community who urged Andrew to place his family first and leave the house behind, in order to be with his wife and children in a safe space. He told them, “A man owes his children many things… I owe mine a freer world.” But the fact was that Andrew had been losing Black support ever since the extent of the White backlash had become apparent. Louisville had a reputation as a racially progressive city – in terms of the South – and many local Blacks originally expected the Wades to receive more support from progressive Whites. When the expectations of such support proved to be an illusion, many Blacks felt that Andrew Wade had trapped himself in a lost cause that was pointless to support. Black leadership backed off as well, not wanting to damage their ties with White political and economic power.
As for Andrew’s wife, Charlotte Wade, she loved her husband, but she had never shared his optimistic view that they could succeed. Andrew wanted to take civil rights issues head on, believing that they could be changed. But Charlotte’s experiences in life had taught her that segregation was undefeatable. White people were dangerous and to be avoided. She could never even fully trust the Bradens. Charlotte preferred to retreat into the safety of an all-Black world, in order to avoid potential trouble. Anne viewed this as a perfectly understandable human reaction on Charlotte’s part. But she also felt that such a retreat – as compared to Andrew’s stance of opposition – was part of what allowed White Southerners to succumb to the racist myth that Black people were “content” with their “natural” position in the order of things. And yet, even though it was Andrew who was the confrontational militant and it was Charlotte who retreated, Anne Braden wrote that Charlotte’s eyes burned more fiercely with indignation: for at least her husband had hope. For her, the injustice was permanent… and her anger, therefore, even more intense.
Over the next few years, Andrew rebuilt the house. Even after the bombing, he believed that all the tensions would eventually die down. As the rebuilding neared completion, he went and talked with all the neighbors. They expressed regret at what had happened, but none was willing to say so publicly. Charlotte had warned Andrew that she would never move back in, but he hoped that over time she would change her mind. She didn’t. She told him that she would never be able to sleep comfortably at that house ever again; that she would forever worry that a bomb could detonate underneath them at any moment. They returned to living in an all-Black community.
The Trial: Thrown into Infamy
Shortly after the bombing, Anne appeared in court to serve as a witness in the investigation that was taking place. When she was called to the stand, she expected to be questioned about the threats to her family. Did she know who made them? Did she have any insights into who might have been involved in the bombing? Anne, however, was not asked these questions. Instead, she was grilled on her political beliefs. Had she been a member of any “subversive” organizations? Did she associate with Communists? What kind of literature did she read? Anne found herself at the center of a highly publicized, anti-Communist witch-hunt during one of the most politically repressive periods in U.S. history: McCarthyism.
During the period of McCarthyism, right-wing forces exploited the growing tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States that developed in the wake of the Second World War. They used those tensions to whip the American public into a state of fear: Communism, they said, would spread rapidly across the globe unless severe measures were taken. They warned that Communists had already infiltrated deep into American society, and were working with the Soviet Union to undermine the United States from the inside. After using this wildly unsubstantiated myth to whip the public into a state of fear, these forces then used that fear as an excuse to destroy causes they opposed – including civil rights and organized labor – under the pretense that such causes were Communistic. It was easy to manufacture the connection because Communists were, indeed, major supporters of racial justice and labor rights. Because Communists were highly involved in those causes, anyone devoted to those causes would have worked around and known Communists themselves. In the period of McCarthyism, anyone who was around Communists was framed as a Communist sympathizer, which was then equated with being an enemy of the state. This is what was now happening to Anne and Carl Braden.
It was especially easy for White Southerners to believe that civil rights activities were Communist inspired, because from their perspective, attacks on segregation were subversive. Civil rights activists were trying to undermine society as they knew it, and as they believed it should be. Wasn’t that exactly what Communists were allegedly trying to do? Additionally, before the civil rights movement, most White Southerners assumed that Black people were happy with the way things were. This assumption, as Anne had painfully discovered, was born out of the fact that in a violent White supremacist culture, it was dangerous for African Americans to communicate their true thoughts and feelings to the White people they interacted with. This belief led many White Southerners to assume that “outside agitators” – rather than African Americans – were the true forces behind civil rights actions. Such beliefs now played out as Anne sat in the courtroom: it was assumed that Anne and Carl Braden had manipulated Andrew Wade into buying a house in a White neighborhood.
It was in this context that prosecutor Scott Hamilton stepped forward at the trial, and explained to the jury that there were two theories about the bombing. One theory was that people who resented Blacks moving into a White neighborhood had set the bomb. The second theory was that the bombing had been part of the Braden’s Communist plot, and that they had set it themselves in order to inflame racial tensions. The prosecutor plunged into an effort to prove this second theory. All evidence that opposed it was ignored. Andrew Wade and the Wade Defense Committee had taken detailed notes about the threats they had faced, but when they provided a list of potential suspects, it was dismissed. When Buster Rone admitted to being one of the people who had burned the cross in front of Wade’s home, his actions were viewed as irrelevant rather than being viewed as a clear sign of hostility. Even the fact that one of Rone’s friends worked in an explosives factory was ignored by the jury. Anne and Carl soon found themselves charged with sedition. That charge – essentially a charge of attempting to overthrow the government – carried a prison sentence of twenty-one years. Bail was set at $10,000 each… a phenomenal amount of money for 1954.
Anne later reflected: “I had challenged a whole settled world, a way of life, and this world had struck back. What had I expected?” She now realized that she had participated in so-called “subversive activities” from a place of privilege: “I thought I had examined the values of the world in which I grew up, and found many of them wanting and established new values.” However, “my nerves and reflexes still expected the protections and immunities that went with the place in society to which I had been born.” Unlike African Americans, she had grown up trusting the police; grown up believing that the law would protect her. The fact that those expectations were still embedded in her meant that when she began organizing for labor rights and racial justice, that she did so, to some extent, naively. She did not feel that her participation had been courageous: she felt like she had just not understood the risks.
Anne assumed that it would be impossible to pay her $10,000 bond. She suspected that her parents were capable of posting it, but due to their serious disagreements about segregation, Anne did not expect them to post bond, nor did she feel she had any right to ask them for their support. Within a week, however, her father had bailed her out. Anne warned him that she would never change her position; but her father bailed her out because he loved her regardless.
When Anne and Carl had been arrested, Anne’s parents had taken the children. Anne was fine with her parents keeping the children for a little while, but not for long. She understood that she and Carl might be locked away for many years, and worried that her children would adjust into the culture of White supremacy if they stayed with her parents during that time. She struggled to raise the issue, however, because she knew it would be very painful for her parents to hear that she didn’t trust them to raise the children. They had already suffered so much after Anne’s arrest: friends and neighbors had come to their home to support them as if there had been a death in the family. They sympathized with her parents the same way they would if a child had gone insane, or had fallen into a life of criminality despite the best efforts of the parents. Anne also wrote that her parents, although not fully conscious of it, probably understood deep down that “they were a part of this world that had turned savagely on the daughter they loved and sought to destroy her.” Her parents had their own difficult burden to bear.
Anne’s father took it upon himself to raise the issue of what would happen to the kids. “Anne,” he said hesitantly, “I hope just one thing. No matter what happens – if you can’t raise these children yourself – I hope you will let us have them.” Anne sat silently. Her father went straight to the point: “I know you don’t want us to have them.” He explained that he had gone to talk to their pastor about the dilemma. “I told him, ‘Anne Gambrell [her middle name] doesn’t want us to have her children because she is afraid I will give them my prejudices.’ And I told him – and I had tears in my eyes when I said it – ‘I will promise her this: I will never, never give her children my prejudices!’” Anne and her father were both crying. It was the first time he had ever admitted his own racism. However, Anne later wrote that “no matter how much he meant what he said, no matter how hard he tried, a child living with him would soak up his prejudices.” She couldn’t allow that to happen.
Anne now devoted all of her energy to raising Carl’s bail, but she had become infamous, and struggled to find support. After their arrest, authorities had raided the Braden’s home. They had a large personal library that contained a wide range of political and philosophical literature, including socialist and Communist texts. Their library also contained books by Russian authors such as Tolstoy and Dostoevsky, who Anne had studied in college. This literature was confiscated and paraded before the public as proof that Communists had infiltrated Kentucky, leading intellectuals and students of philosophy or political science throughout the state to hurriedly take such literature off their own shelves and sink it in the nearest river. The Bradens had been warned by their friends that such a raid was surely immanent, and that they should purge such literature from their home. Anne had defiantly told them, “I’m not going to let anyone make me start burning books.” As always, the Braden’s stood their ground, but they were now considered dangerous people to associate with. Many who were sympathetic worried that if they donated money, that they would be viewed as supporting subversive causes, and could be attacked themselves.
Anne’s own friends worried that it would be dangerous for them to associate with her too closely at this particular time, and some even wrote to her asking her to keep her distance until things died down. Within the Black community, many were initially silent about the Braden case as well, because they feared that taking on the burden of being red-baited as subversives – in addition to the stresses they already faced – would cripple their own struggle for freedom. However, although not many Black people publicly stood up for them, behind the scenes, Black trust in the Bradens grew as Black communities and Black freedom fighters observed what the Bradens were being forced to endure.
Despite the lack of support, Carl had friends who felt they owed him more than they could ever repay. They put their house up for bond, and he was released. Within days, however, he, Anne, and the White members of the Wade Defense Committee were arrested for the separate crime of bombing the Wade house. Carl’s trial was first: he was sentenced to fifteen years and immediately thrown in jail. For weeks afterward, Anne lived in a haze as she awaited her own trial. She would later have almost no memory of these weeks: she was so overwhelmed and traumatized that everything melted into a dark blur. She couldn’t fight anymore. She felt that she couldn’t win anyway. Segregation was too big to defeat. The struggle was meaningless. Anne’s lawyer urged her to appeal Carl’s case, so that higher, more sympathetic courts could examine it, but Anne, in her state of despair, told him there was no point. But there was a point, he assured her: what had been done to the Bradens was what happened in police states, not in democracies, and the higher courts wouldn’t stand for it. If the Braden’s didn’t challenge it, her lawyer emphasized, what had just happened to them would happen to others. They had a duty to prevent that.
She pulled herself together and agreed to appeal. Once it was clear that higher courts were going to review the Braden’s case, Anne found her own trial postponed until the higher court rulings revealed which way the case would go. Feeling a glimmer of hope again, she rose from her dark place of despair, and began to organize to free Carl. Anne travelled endlessly – sometimes accompanied by Andrew Wade – meeting with sympathetic communities and organizations throughout the country and sharing their story. She began to develop the enormous antiracist network that was so pivotal for her future work.
As Anne Braden travelled, the energy of history seemed to swirl around her. Emmett Till was murdered, and the brutal images of his mutilated body led to international outcry. African Americans mobilized, pressing for school desegregation in the wake of Brown. The White Citizen’s Council arose in response to the Supreme Court ruling to desegregate schools; quickly growing in power and attempting to destroy what would soon blossom into a full-fledged revolution for racial justice. White Southerners who sympathized with civil rights were attacked and silenced with an ever-increasing level of viciousness. The NAACP was condemned as a Communist organization and was crushed throughout the South. Rosa Parks would soon make her famous stand in Montgomery, and the eloquence of Martin Luther King would soon inspire the nation. And Anne Braden… she found herself pulled deep into the swirling vortex of events that would, within a decade, wield a deathblow to Jim Crow.
Continue on to Part Two!
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Bibliography
Braden, Anne. The Wall Between: with a New Epilogue. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1999. First published 1958.
Fosl, Catherine. Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002.
Schrecker, Ellen. Many are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1998.
Additional Resources
New book: Ben Wilkins (editor): Anne Braden Speaks: Selected Writings and Speeches, 1947-1999.
Video discussion: Ben Wilkins in conversation with Robin D.G. Kelley & Roz Pelles about Anne Braden Speaks.
Documentary: Anne Braden: Southern Patriot.
Anne Braden:
A Letter to White Southern Women.
Black Power and White Organizing.
Memo to the Southern Student Organizing Committee.
Those Who Were Not There: The Cold War Against the Civil Rights Movement.
Finding the Other America.
Interview with Anne by her biographer Catherine Fosl.
Interview with Anne at The Veterans of Hope Project.
Interview with Anne from Living the Story: the Civil Rights Movement in Kentucky.
Correspondence between Anne and Martin Luther King.
SNCC Digital Gateway: entry on Anne and Carl Braden.
Search through the Anne Braden archives of the Wisconsin Historical Society.
The Anne Braden Institute for Social Justice Research, directed by Braden’s biographer, Catherine Fosl.
See copies of the Southern Patriot newspaper here and here (from the Civil Rights Movement Veterans Website).
Memorial to Anne Braden: friends and comrades remember her at the Civil Rights Movement Veterans website.
The Carl Braden Memorial Center.
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Martin Luther King first met Anne Braden in September 1957 at the 25th anniversary celebration of Highlander Folk School. As field organizers for the Southern Conference Educational Fund (SCEF), an organization committed to ending segregation through direct action, advocacy, and education, Anne and Carl Braden epitomized southern white radical thought and practice. In his “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” King singled out Anne Braden as one of the white southerners who understood and was committed to the civil rights movement.
Born in Louisville, Kentucky, in 1924, Anne McCarty graduated from Randolph-Macon Women’s College in 1943. Four years later she went to work at the Louisville Times, where she met Carl Braden, a journalist and union organizer. Carl Braden, originally from Portland, a poor white section of Louisville, had grown up imbued with the socialist teachings of Eugene Debs. The couple married in 1948 and became public relations directors for the Congress of Industrial Organizations. In that year they also supported the newly organized Progressive Party.
In 1954 the Bradens purchased a home in a white Louisville neighborhood and, in an effort to promote integration, sold it to a black family. After the home was bombed, Kentucky officials arrested the Bradens for plotting to incite insurrection. Anne Braden described the incident in her 1958 memoir, The Wall Between, which became a National Book Award finalist. Unable to secure jobs at southern newspapers, the couple became field organizers for SCEF, an organization accused of having Communist ties.
In 1957 the Bradens became co-editors of the organization’s monthly newsletter, the Southern Patriot. As the newsletter grew in stature, it increased coverage of national civil rights activities, sometimes including material written by King. Most notably, in 1960 the Bradens published contrasting perspectives on the role of violence as an instrument of social change, written by King and Robert F. Williams. King admired Anne Braden’s work with the newspaper and praised her for writing “about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms” (King, “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” 89).
As King’s visibility in the movement increased, he was often criticized for his association with the Bradens, due to their alleged Communist ties. In February 1959, when Carl Braden was sentenced to 12 months in prison for refusing to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee, King’s colleagues from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) advised him to distance himself from the couple’s legal problems. However, in an October 1959 letter to Anne he expressed his hope that the couple would become permanently associated with SCLC.
After the U.S. Supreme Court upheld Carl Braden’s conviction in February 1961, Anne Braden mounted a clemency campaign for her husband and asked King to initiate a petition. King initially did not respond to Anne’s entreaties but, shortly before Braden entered prison on 1 May 1961, King attended a reception in Atlanta in Braden’s honor and consented to sign a petition supporting clemency. “I think Martin did compromise on occasions when he thought it was the best tactic, but I don’t think he was ever doing those things for personal aggrandizement,” Braden said. “In our case, there was absolutely nothing he was going to get out of signing our petition except a lot of trouble” (Fosl, 274).
After more than two decades in the civil rights struggle, the Bradens became executive directors of SCEF in 1967. They retired in 1972 due to ideological conflicts within the organization. After Carl suffered a fatal heart attack in 1975, Anne, along with other former SCEF members, created the Southern Organizing Committee for Economic and Social Justice. Anne remained a vocal and consistent voice for civil rights reform until her death in 2006.
Footnotes
Braden to King, 14 October 1958, in Papers 4:510–511.
Braden v. United States, 365 U.S. 431 (1961).
Fosl, Subversive Southerner, 2002.
King, “The Great Debate: Is Violence Necessary to Combat Injustice?” Southern Patriot, January 1960, in Papers 5:300.
King to Anne Braden, 7 October 1959, in Papers 5:306–307.
King, “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” in Why We Can’t Wait, 1964.
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To Anne Braden
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The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute
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https://kinginstitute.stanford.edu/king-papers/documents/anne-braden-1
|
Author: King, Martin Luther, Jr. (Dexter Avenue Baptist Church)
Date: October 7, 1959
Location: Montgomery, Ala.
Genre: Letter
Topic: Martin Luther King, Jr. - Threats/attacks against
Details
King responds to Braden’s 23 September letter and relays information about Ed Friend, a segregationist operative who attended an SCLC event. He also expresses his hope that Braden and her husband Carl would become “permanently associated” with SCLC.1 On the day that King wrote this letter, Carl Braden appeared before the U.S. Court of Appeals in Atlanta at a hearing to overturn his 1958 conviction for refusing to testify before the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC).2
Mrs. Anne Braden
Southern Conference Educational Fund, Inc.
4403 Virginia Avenue
Louisville 11, Kentucky
Dear Anne:
This is just a note to acknowledge receipt of your letter of September 23, which came to the office in my absence.
I am deeply grateful to you for sending me the information concerning Mr. Ed Friend. I am quite familiar with him, and realize that he is a very dangerous character. He attended many of the sessions of our institute on nonviolence in Atlanta this summer before anybody recognized him.3 I finally became suspicious and had a committee to question him to see if he was the same person that was at Highlander on Labor Day weekend in 1957. It turned out that he was. I knew that from that moment on that he would do something in a malicious manner. It turned out just as I had expected. I will certainly keep your letter on my file, since it might be necessary to refer to it some day.
It was certainly good to have Carl in Columbia last week. He added a great deal to the meeting.4 I hope both of you will find it possible to become permanently associated with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. It is my firm belief that our movement must be interracial to be thoroughly effective. This will keep the struggle over and above a mere racial struggle, for as I have said so often, the tension in the South is between justice and injustice rather than white people or Negro people. We will be keeping in touch with you concerning future meetings, and we will definitely put you on the mailing lists of both the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and the Montgomery Improvement Association.
Very sincerely yours,
[signed]
Martin
1. In a 10 October reply, Carl Braden conveyed his delight in afliliating with SCLC but expressed his uncertainty as to what “qualifications” or “dues” were necessary for membership. On 22 October King answered that because SCLC was not a membership organization “in a real sense you are already a part of” the organization.
2. King, Sr. and Ella Baker attended Braden’s 7 October hearing (SCEF, Press release, 8 October 1959 ,and Carl Braden to King, Sr., 10 October 1959).
3. SCLC, CORE, and FOR co-sponsored the 22-24 July institute at Spelman College (see Resolutions, First Southwide Institute on Nonviolent Resistance to Segregation, 11 August 1959).
4. Carl Braden took detailed notes at SCLC’s fall conference (Braden, Notes on SCLC Fall Session, 30 September-1 October 1959).
Source: CAABP, WHi, Carl and Anne Braden Papers, State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis., Box 31.
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https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/living-history-in-anne-braden-southern-patriot/
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Living history in “Anne Braden: Southern Patriot”
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2012-07-25T12:37:00-05:00
|
I thought I knew about legendary civil rights activists Carl and Anne Braden before I saw this remarkable documentary, Anne Braden: Southern Patriot, by Anne Lewis and Mimi Pickering. I was very wrong.
|
en
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People's World
|
https://www.peoplesworld.org/article/living-history-in-anne-braden-southern-patriot/
|
I thought I knew about legendary civil rights activists Carl and Anne Braden before I saw this remarkable documentary, “Anne Braden: Southern Patriot,” by Anne Lewis and Mimi Pickering. I was very wrong.
The documentary features Anne Braden speaking near the end of her life before college classes, and commentaries by her biographer, Catherine Fosi. It also includes scholar civil rights/civil liberties leader and former Communist Party USA vice presidential candidate Angela Davis; Vincent Harding (leading scholar of African American history) and others whose lives Anne Braden touched and and enriched. It connects beautifully the personal with the political to tell the story of a woman whose life intersected and addressed the major issues confronting modern U.S. society.
Anne, to borrow a key concept from Karl Marx’s “Capital,” lived her life fully with and for its “use value,” confronting the contradictions of the time and enriching community and society – rather than a life lived for its “exchange value ” that is, to accumulate personal wealth, status and fame, indifferent to community and society
Anne Braden grew up in relative privilege in post-World War I Alabama. She didn’t begin confront the central question of her society, what she later saw as the dehumanizing institutional racism of the “Southern police state,” until she became a newspaper reporter following events in a Birmingham, Ala., courthouse during World War II.
The U.S. was at war with Hitler/Axis/fascism, which she came to realize was also a war against “our [meaning the segregationist South’s] ideology.”
In Birmingham 70 years ago she saw an African American man sentenced to 20 years in prison for the way he looked at a white women. When an African American waitress asked her later what had happened in the courthouse, she said it was “just a colored murder,” and watched with guilt as the waitress trembled before her.
This was the “ordinary racism” of the Southern police state.
Anne also came to realize that without understanding class relations, “classism,” one couldn’t either fully understand or overcome racism. Like her later friend Martin Luther King, she was always a Southerner, never rejecting the language, literature, food, music, of the culture into which she was born and raised.
In 1947, she left Alabama for Louisville, Ky., and met and married Carl Braden, who came from a working class American socialist family. Together, they worked in the following decades for worker’s rights against brutal coal mine operators; risked their lives in 1954 in Kentucky to try to sell a home to an African American family; endured terrorist threats, arrests and imprisonment, published while they could The Southern Patriot; and through organizations like the Southern Conference Education Fund (SCEF) became valued allies of civil rights activists like the Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth (who appears in the documentary) and his close associate, the Rev. Martin Luther King.
In the process Anne and Carl Braden influenced many people who came into contact with them through a reasoned and responsible progressivism.
Anne and Carl were red-baited and of course worked closely with real “card carrying” Reds all of their political lives. Who else would they work with? Anti-Communist liberals who spoke about the need to end segregation in order to win the Cold War in the “Third World” while they supported loyalty oaths and political purges in the U.S.?
One might say that the Bradens were as much a part of a larger “Communist-led” resistance movement as the Viet Minh during and after World War II in Vietnam, the partisan forces in wartime Yugoslavia, Greece and Italy, fighting against a dictatorship that used racism and police terror to sustain its power.
“Anne Braden: Southern Patriot” deserves to be seen on American public television and perhaps, MSNBC, the commercial cable network that reaches out to media’s most neglected market, the broad American left. It deserves to be ordered by college and high school libraries through the country. It even richly deserves to be banned by right-wing dominated Texas and Arizona school boards and education departments, which would probably help its general circulation, since today that is a badge of honor.
Finally, it deserves to be shown at the White House by President Obama, as Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt once showed films and documentaries with serious social content.
At least, readers should find purchase the documentary in DVD form for home use and encourage friends and local libraries to purchase it.
More information is available at the film’s Facebook page.
As a companion piece, readers might also purchase Catherine Fosi’s excellent biography, “Subversive Southerner: Anne Braden and the Struggle for Racial Justice in the Cold War South.” With a forword by Angela Davis, it is a sophisticated and sensitive analysis of Anne Braden’s life and times and their larger meaning.
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https://mississippi.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731071.001.0001/upso-9781604731071-chapter-22
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https://networks.h-net.org/group/announcements/20037443/call-papers-inquest-journal-social-sciences-and-humanities
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en
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Inquest: A Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities
|
https://networks.h-net.org/core/misc/favicon.ico
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https://networks.h-net.org/core/misc/favicon.ico
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2024-06-27T12:00:00+00:00
|
It is our immense pleasure to inform you that we are going to publish the annual volume of INQUEST (ISSN: 2349-5472). We welcome original and unpublished papers on any theme related to field of social sciences and humanities.ABOUT THE JOURNAL
|
en
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/core/misc/favicon.ico
|
https://networks.h-net.org/group/announcements/20037443/call-papers-inquest-journal-social-sciences-and-humanities
|
CALL FOR PAPERS | Inquest: A Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities
Location
West Bengal, India
Subject Fields
Digital Humanities, Humanities, Social Sciences, South Asian History / Studies, World History / Studies
It is our immense pleasure to inform you that we are going to publish the annual volume of INQUEST (ISSN: 2349-5472). We welcome original and unpublished papers on any theme related to field of social sciences and humanities.
ABOUT THE JOURNAL
INQUEST, a peer-reviewed journal, is published by Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Khujutipara, Birbhum, West Bengal, Pin-731215. The journal publishes original, peer-reviewed papers concerning current research in the field of Humanities and Social Sciences. The journal accepts both original, unpublished research articles as well as invited papers/reviews. INQUEST strives to contribute to the emerging trends in the field of Humanities and Social Sciences.
SUBMISSION GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS
The manuscript is to be prepared in English language only.
The length of the paper should be between 3000-5000 words, including References. The paper should include an abstract of 150-200 words.
The article should be typed in Microsoft Word in Times New Roman with a font size of 12 and a line spacing of 1.5.
References should be prepared according to the guidelines of APA 6th Edition.
The paper should have a proper title, author(s) name, affiliation, and complete address.
A declaration is to be submitted that the article is original and unpublished and not being considered for publication elsewhere.
Standard rules against unethical practices shall apply.
SUBMISSION PREPARATION CHECKLIST
Authors should check their manuscripts thoroughly before submitting for publication to avoid typographical and grammatical errors, inconsistencies, and violations of the author guidelines.
All the references related to In-Text Citations only should be arranged alphabetically at the end of article strictly following the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, 6th ed.
Questionnaire has to be attached (if it is used to collect data).
Manuscripts should also be tested with good plagiarism tests software (e.g., Turnitin/ Urkund) before submission and the detailed report should be attached.
The thoroughly checked research paper should be sent to “inquest.editors@gmail.com” along with plagiarism test report, scanned copy of the declaration form (format available in Chandidas Mahavidyalaya website) signed by author/s, and a short bio-note.
IMPORTANT DEADLINES
Submission of Full Paper: Contributors are requested to submit soft copies of their full papers within November 15, 2024.
Selection of Papers: To be decided by the Editor(s) upon review of the papers.
For any relevant issue, feel free to reach us: inquest.editors@gmail.com
EDITORIAL BOARD
Editor in Chief
Dr. Sk. Ataur Rahaman, Principal, Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Joint Editors
Dr. Md. Alamgir Khan, Librarian, Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Shri Rit. Chattapadhyay, Assistant Professor, Dept. of English, Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Shri Karan Vora, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Political Science, Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Members
Professor Dr. Kamaran M K Mondal, Dept. of International Relations, Jadavpur University
Professor Mihir Kumar Shome, Dept. of Management & Humanities, NIT, Arunachal Pradesh
Professor Dr. Sanjeev Kumar, Associate Professor, Dept. of History, School of Social Science, Central University of Punjab
Dr. Ranjit Sil, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Law, NEHU, Shillong
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE
The Joint Editor(s)
INQUEST: A Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities
Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Khujutipara, Birbhum, West Bengal,
Pin: 731215
E-mail: inquest.editors@gmail.com
Website: www.chandidasmahavidyalaya.ac.in
Contact Email
inquest.editors@gmail.com
|
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https://wbcareerportal.in/institute/chandidas-mahavidyalaya-the-university-of-burdwan/
|
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, The University of Burdwan – West Bengal Career Guidance Portal
|
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, The University of Burdwan
Institute Website: https://www.buruniv.ac.in/
Science Courses: B.Sc Botany, B.Sc Chemistry, B.Sc Mathematics, B.Sc Physics, B.Sc Zoology
Commerce Courses: B.Com Commerce
Arts Courses: B.A. Bengali, B.A. Economics, B.A. English, B.A. Geography, B.A. History, B.A. Music, B.A. Philosophy, B.A. Political Science, B.A. Sanskrit
Institute Type: Government
Science Courses
Commerce Courses
Arts Courses
Visit Website
|
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https://management.ind.in/forum/all-colleges-under-burdwan-university-224153.html
|
en
|
All Colleges under Burdwan University
|
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All Colleges under Burdwan University 2023 2024, Get the latest information and updates about All Colleges under Burdwan University here at Management.ind.in
|
en
|
https://management.ind.in/forum/all-colleges-under-burdwan-university-224153.html
|
Re: All Colleges under Burdwan University
The University of Burdwan is a public university located in Bardhaman, West Bengal, India. It was established by the West Bengal government on 15 June 1960 The university has been awarded five-star status by the NAAC.
University of Burdwan affiliated Colleges
Government Colleges-
Chandernagore Government College
Government College of Education
Government General Degree College at Mejia (Gopalpur)
Government General Degree College, Kalna
Government General Degree College, Mangalkote
Government General Degree College, Ranibandh
Government Physical Education College for Women
Government Training College
Hooghly Mohsin College
Institution of Education (PG) for Women
Singur Govt. General Degree College
Non Private Aided Colleges-
Abhedananda Mahavidyalaya
Acharya Sukumar Sen Mahavidyalaya
Aghore Kamini Prakash Chandra Mahavidyalaya
Arambag Girls' College
Balagarh B.K. Mahavidyalaya
Bankura Christian College
Bankura Sammilani College
Bankura Zilla Saradamani Mahila Mahavidyapith
Barjora College
Bejoy Narayan Mahavidyalaya
Birbhum Mahavidyalaya
Birsha Munda Memorial College
Bolpur College
Burdwan Raj College
Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Chandrapur College
Chatra Ramai Pandit Mahavidyalaya
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Dasarathi Hazra Memorial College
Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta Smriti Mahavidyalaya
Dr. Gourmohan Roy College
Galsi Mahavidyalaya
Gobindaprasad Mahavidyalaya
Gushkara Mahavidyalaya
Hiralal Bhakat College
Hooghly Womens' College
Indas Mahavidyalaya
Jamalpur Mahavidyalaya
Jamini Roy College
Kabi Joydeb Mahavidyalaya
Kabi Nazrul College
Kabi Sukanta Mahavidyalaya
Kabikankan Mukundaram Mahavidyalaya
Kalna College
Kandra Radha Kanta Kundu Mahavidyalaya
Katwa College
Khalisani Mahavidyalaya
Khatra Adibasi Mahavidyalaya
Krishna Chandra College
Lokepara Mahavidyalaya
M.U.C. Womens' College
Memari College
Netaji Mahavidyalaya
Onda Thana Mahavidyalaya
Padmaja Naidu College of Music
Panchmura Mahavidyalaya
Pandit Raghunath Murmu Smriti Mahavidyalaya
Patrasayer Mahavidyalaya
Polba Mahavidyalaya
Purbasthali College
Purni Devi Chaudhuri Girls' College
Rabindra Mahavidyalaya
Raipur Block Mahavidyalaya
Raja Rammohan Roy Mahavidyalaya
Rajnagar Mahavidyalaya
Ramananda College
Rampurhat College
Sailajananda Falguni Smriti Mahavidyalaya
Saldiha College
Saltora Netaji Centenary College
Sambhunath College
Sarat Centenary College
Shyamsundar College
Sir Rashbehari Ghosh Mahavidyalaya
Sonamukhi College
Sree Gopal Banerjee College
Sree Ramkrishna Sarada Siksha Mandir
Sri Ramkrishna Sarada Vidyamahapith
Suri Vidyasagar College
Swami Dhananjay Das Kathiababa Mahavidyalaya
Tarakeswar Degree College
Tehatta Sadananda Mahavidyalaya
Turku Hansda-Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalaya
Vivekananda Mahavidyalaya, Burdwan
Vivekananda Mahavidyalaya, Haripal
Private Non-Aided Colleges-
ABS Academy
ACC Jain College of Education
Acharya Ramendra Sundar Primary Teachers' Institute
AMEX
Asleha Girls' College
Athena B. Ed. College
Ayan Arnab Sikshan Sanstha
Babu Jagjivan Ram Memorial College
Badla Vivekananda B.Ed. College
Bakreswar College of Education
Bam Vivekananda B.Ed. College
Bankura College of Education
Bankura Samhati Law College
Bengal Law College
Bijoy Pal Memorial B. Ed. College
Binita Mohanta College of Education
Boinchee College of Education
Burdwan Institute of Management & Computer Science
Chandernagore Institute of Management and Technology
Chinsurah College of Education
Coalfield College of Education
College of Art & Design
Cyber Research & Training Institute
Dinabandhu B.Ed. College
Dishari College of Education
Durgapur B.Ed. College
East West Model School Education Society
Ehiapur B. Ed. College
Elite B. Ed. College
Galsi Rabindra Nazrul College of Education
Genex B.Ed. College
Gita Teachers' Training College
Gitanjali College of Education
Glorious College of Education (B.Ed.)
Gourangdi B.Ed. College
Helal Teachers Training College
Hoogly B.C. Roy Institute
HOPE School of Training
Indian Association of Productivity, Quality & Reliability
Indranidevi Institute of Education
Institute of Computer & Information Sciences
J. N. Koner College of Education
J.C. Bose Institute of Education & Research
Joypur B.Ed. College
Kabi Nazrul Islam Teachers' Training College
Kalna Surendranath B. Ed. College
Khamargachi B. Ed. College
Krishnapur Teachers' Training Institute
Labpur Teachers' Training Institute
Mahasin B.Ed. College
Mahula Sri Ramkrishna Teachers' Training Institute
Mankar Institute of Education and Research
Mankundu B. Ed. College
Model Education College
Mohanananda College
Moulana Abul Kalam Azad Teachers' Training College
N.S. B.Ed. College
Natunhat Teachers' Training Institute
Nikhil Banga Sikshan Mahavidyalaya
NSHM Centre for Management & Development Studies
Pandua College of Education
Parama B.Ed College
Parbati Teachers Training Institute
Prabhat Jyotirmoyee Educational Institute.
Prasanta Dasgupta College of Education (B.Ed.)
Pratibandhi Kalyan Kendra
R. N. Tagore B. Ed. College
Rabindra Nazrul Smriti B.Ed. Educational Institute
Radha Gobinda B.Ed. Teachers Training College
Radharani Educational Institute (B.Ed.)
Raipur B. Ed. College
Rajendra Academy for Teacher' Education
Rasulpur Protik (B.Ed.)
Saltora B. Ed. College
Santiniketan B.Ed. College
Santiniketan Boniad B. Ed. Training Institute
Sarojini Academy
Shelter
Shukla Devi Academy for B.Ed.
Siksha Bikash Seba Foundation B.Ed. College
Simlapal College of Education
Sofia Girls' College
Sonar Tori College of Education
Srijoni College of Education
St. Xaviers' College
Steel City College of Education
Swami Vivekananda B.Ed. College
Swarajnagar Teachers' Training College (B. Ed.)
Tagore Institute of Art & Education
Tarapith College of B.Ed.
Tarashankar Bandopadhyay B. Ed. Institution
Thakur Ankul Chandra Satsang Mission Sidhanpith (B.Ed.)
Toshani College of Education
Udyog College of Education
Uttaran College of Education
Vidyapati Bachelor of Education College
Vidyasagar Institute of Education, Technology & Research
Vidyasagar Teachers' Training College
Vivekananda College
West Point School of Education
Franchise Institution-
CMC Limited
Health Vision & Research
Contact address
The University of Burdwan
University
Rajbati, Burdwan, West Bengal 713104
|
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Longfellow and Bhaktivinoda Thakur's 1871 poems
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2018-08-20T02:58:00-04:00
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http://jagadanandadas.blogspot.com/2018/08/longfellow-and-bhaktivinoda-thakurs.html
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As I went through the revision of Sva-likhita-jīvanī, I spent a lot of time putting in footnotes, since I recognized that many of the names would be unfamiliar to readers, especially his Bengali contemporaries. Of course, these notes are brief and in some cases entirely inadequate. Here is one, for instance, that simply could not have been included in full, so I thought I would put it here.
When Bhaktivinoda Thakur's first wife died in 1861, he writes that this poem by Henry Wadsworth Longfellow helped him. "I endured this grief like a warrior according to the 'Psalm of Life'."
No doubt it was Rev. Dall (also a New Englander) who introduced BVT to Longfellow). Somewhat ironically, it seems that it was the New England Unitarians and Transcendentalists who appealed the most to Bhaktivinoda rather than their British equivalents like Wordsworth. I think that Longfellow's lyrical style appealed to him more.
I think that anyone reading this and knowing the Thakur's poem to Haridas Thakur will recognize similarities in style and even substance. So for the record, for comparison's sake and for the pleasure of my readers, I have included the two poems he wrote in Puri in 1871 on the sāragrāhī theme, which was one of the main ideas supporting his "progressive" concept of religious development and shed light on that important concept.
A Psalm of Life
What The Heart Of The Young Man Said To The Psalmist.
Tell me not, in mournful numbers,
Life is but an empty dream!
For the soul is dead that slumbers,
And things are not what they seem.
Life is real! Life is earnest!
And the grave is not its goal;
Dust thou art, to dust returnest,
Was not spoken of the soul.
Not enjoyment, and not sorrow,
Is our destined end or way;
But to act, that each to-morrow
Find us farther than to-day.
Art is long, and Time is fleeting,
And our hearts, though stout and brave,
Still, like muffled drums, are beating
Funeral marches to the grave.
In the world’s broad field of battle,
In the bivouac of Life,
Be not like dumb, driven cattle!
Be a hero in the strife!
Trust no Future, howe’er pleasant!
Let the dead Past bury its dead!
Act,— act in the living Present!
Heart within, and God o’erhead!
Lives of great men all remind us
We can make our lives sublime,
And, departing, leave behind us
Footprints on the sands of time;
Footprints, that perhaps another,
Sailing o’er life’s solemn main,
A forlorn and shipwrecked brother,
Seeing, shall take heart again.
Let us, then, be up and doing,
With a heart for any fate;
Still achieving, still pursuing,
Learn to labor and to wait
Bhaktivinoda;s poems were written ten years later, in 1871 when he took his duties in Jagannath Puri. The theme of a sāra-grāhī were dominant in his early thought and is indeed a concept that anyone following him should be familiar with.
Saragrahi Vaishnava
Alas, for those who spend their days
In festive mirth and joy.
The dazzling, deadly, liquid forms
Their hearts fore'er employ.
The shining bottles charm their eyes
And draw their heart's embrace;
The slaves of wine can never rise
From what we call disgrace.
Was man intended to be
A brute in work and heart?
Should man, the Lord of all around,
From common sense depart?
Man's glory is in common sense
Dictating us the grace,
That man is made to live and love
The beauteous Heaven's embrace.
The flesh is not our own, alas,
The mortal frame a chain;
The soul confined for former wrongs
Should try to rise again.
Why then this childish play in that
Which cannot be our own;
Which falls within a hundred years
As if a rose ablown.
Our life is but a rosy hue
To go ere long for naught;
The soul alone would last fore'er
With good or evil fraught.
How deep the thought of times to be!
How grave the aspect looks!
And wrapt in awe become, O, we,
When reading Nature's books.
Man's life to him a problem dark,
A screen both left and right;
No soul hath come to tell us what
Exists beyond our sight.
But then a voice, how deep and soft,
Within ourselves is felt,
Man! Man! Thou art immortal soul!
Thee Death can never melt.
For thee thy Sire on High has kept
A store of bliss above,
To end of time, thou art Oh! His-
Who wants but purest love.
O Love! Thy power and spell benign
Now melt my soul to God;
How can my earthly words describe
That feeling soft and broad?
Enjoyment, sorrow-what but lots
To which the flesh is heir?
The soul that sleeps alone concludes
In them it hath a share.
And then, my friends, no more enjoy
Nor weep for all below;
The women, wine, and flesh of beasts
No love on thee bestow.
But thine to love thy brother man
And give thyself to God,
And God doth know your wages fair-
This fact is true and broad.
Forget the past that sleeps and ne'er
The future dream at all,
But act in times that are with thee
And progress thee shall call.
But tell me not in reasoning cold
The soul is made alone
By Earth's mechanic lifeless rules
And to destruction prone.
My God who gave us life and all
Alone the soul can kill,
Or give it all the joys above
His promise to fulfill.
So push thy onward march, O soul,
Against an evil deed,
That stands with soldiers Hate and Lust-
A hero be indeed.
Maintain thy post in spirit world
As firmly as you can,
Let never matter push thee down-
O stand heroic man.
O Saragrahi Vaishnava soul,
Thou art an angel fair;
Lead, lead me on to Vrindaban
And spirit's power declare.
There rest my soul from matter free
Upon my Lover's arms-
Eternal peace and spirits love
Are all my chanting charms.
I think the line of influence is quite clear -- the reference to heroism in particular, just as in Longfellow's poem.
On Haridas Samadhi [A Saragrahi Vaishnava]
O! Born of Moslem parents, Haridas!
And trained in youth in Moslem creed,
Thy noble heart to Vaishnava truth did pass!-
Thy holy acts thy candour plead!
Is there a soul that cannot learn from thee
That man must give up sect for God?-
That thoughts of race and sect can ne'er agree
With what they call Religion broad?
Thy love of God and brother soul alone
Bereft thyself of early friends,-
Thy softer feelings oft to kindness prone
Led on thyself for higher ends!!
I weep to read that Kazees and their men
Oft persecuted thee, alas!
But thou didst nobly pray for th' wicked then!
For thou wert Vaishnava Haridas!!
And God is boundless grace to thee, O man!
United thee to one who came
To save the fallen souls from Evil's plan
Of taking human souls to shame.
And he it was who led you all that came
For life eternal, -holy, -pure!
And gave you rest in Heaven's enduring name
And sacred blessings ever sure!
Thy body rests upon the sacred sands
Of Swargadwar near the sea,
Oh! Hundreds come to thee from distant lands
T' enjoy a holy, thrilling glee!
The waters roar and storming winds assail
Thy ears in vain, Ah! Vaishnava soul!
The charms of Brindaban thy heart regale,
Unknown the wheel of time doth roll!!
He reasons ill who tells that Vaishnavas die
When thou art living still in sound.
The Vaishnavas die to live and living try
To spread a holy life around!
Now let the candid man that seeks to live
Follow thy way on shores of time,
Then posterity sure to him will give
Like one song in simple rhyme!
Despite the various controversial issues I have highlighted about Bhaktivinoda Thakur's life, which would certainly make it seem as though I am making an attempt to undermine his reputation, I don't see things that way. I continue to think of him as a really amazing person and definitely one of those highly accomplished individuals who manages to juggle a responsible career with copious intellectual creativity on the side. In short, an inspiration to me spiritually.
Those who worked in the Indian Civil Service were frequently such accomplished men, whether British or Native. Bhaktivinoda Thakur's appeal to his employers consisted of far more than his academic credentials -- for he had few. It seems that he was able to converse with them in an intelligent way.
He was writing English poetry in a very sophisticated classical style even at 17, He wrote his Poriade in two parts and published it, and proudly gave it to whomever he met, like Raj Mehtab of Burdwan, and Alexander Duff..
His reading was very extensive. He pretty much went through everything that was available. It does not seem that British India was very far behind developments in English thought and literature of the time,
It is something of a wonder that he did not go the way of all the people who surrounded him, contemporaries like Keshub Chandra Sen, Dwijendranath Tagore, Satyendranath Tagore, Nabagopal Mitra,, etc., and become a figure remembered by Bengalis to this day as a part of the Bengal Renaissance. For most Bengalis, Chaitanya Vaishnavism was part of the problem, something that belongs to the superstitious past and is certainly not something that reveals the highest ideals or concepts of human development.
Well, that is our subject when we talk about Bhaktivinoda. As people who take the essence through the natural revelation that comes through sahaja-samadhi, we are bound to extract the essence from Gaudiya Vaishnavism. That is the intellectual task that he set for us. He would accept, I should think, the critiques as necessary for progressive thought.
See also this article from 2007,
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, established in 1972, is a government affiliated college located at Khujutipara in the Birbhum district of West Bengal. It is affiliated to University of Burdwan and teaches arts, science and commerce.[1]
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https://www.indcareer.com/west-bengal/bankura/chhatna-chandidas-mahavidyalaya-bankura
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Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura
|
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Get Complete Details about Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura - Know more about Admissions, Results and lots more.
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/favicon.ico
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IndCareer.com
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https://www.indcareer.com/west-bengal/bankura/chhatna-chandidas-mahavidyalaya-bankura
|
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura is affiliated to University of Burdwan, Bardhaman
Admission Notices
About Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura was established to promote the higher education in this region. This is a Private Aided College. The aim of the college is to provide ideal environment to develop mental, Physical, social and spiritual level of students. The curriculum is designed by the Boards of Studies of Burdwan University. The college offers under graduate courses in Arts stream. The college is well equipped with all modern facilities including a well stocked library.
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Ghoramuli,
P. O. - Chhatna,
Bankura,
INDIA
Telephone Number: 03242-2634975
Fax No ; +091-342-2530452
Courses Offered
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura offers various graduate courses as well as Post Graduate courses.
Bachelors Degree Courses
Events
Publish Your Event Add an event or your college festivals to IndCareer.com. It's quick and free!
Examination Results
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura is affiliated to University of Burdwan, Bardhaman.
Click here to browse University of Burdwan, Bardhaman Examination Results
Annual / Semester Examination Date Sheet / Time Tables
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura is affiliated to University of Burdwan, Bardhaman. Browse University of Burdwan, Bardhaman Time Tables
Available College Facilities & Amenities
List of facilities available at Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Bankura for students.
wifi
Library
Sports
Transportation
Hostels
Healthcare
Internet
Cafeteria
Computer Labs
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Welcome to BOLPUR COLLEGE
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BOLPUR COLLEGE
ESTD. - 1950. A GENERAL DEGREE COLLEGE UNDER UNIVERSITY OF BURDWAN
© 2024. All Rights Reserved. Developed by Right Brains Technology
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Google Books
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https://books.google.com/
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Search the world's most comprehensive index of full-text books.
My library
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Ranking, Courses, Fees, Cutoff, Placements, Ranking, Admission 2024
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whats New
The college has recently introduced a new course in Computer Science.
The college has also started a new scholarship scheme for meritorious students.
The college has been awarded a grant of Rs. 1 crore by the UGC for the development of infrastructure.
Highlights
The college has a well-stocked library with over 10,000 books.
The college has a spacious auditorium with a capacity of over 500 people.
The college has a computer laboratory with over 50 computers.
The college has a team of experienced and qualified faculty members.
The college offers a variety of undergraduate courses in Arts and Science streams.
About
Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya is a Government General Degree College established in 2016. It is affiliated to the University of Burdwan and approved by the University Grants Commission (UGC) under section 2(f) and 12(B) of the UGC Act, 1956. The college is located in Bankura district of West Bengal, India. It offers undergraduate courses in Arts and Science streams. The college has a team of experienced and qualified faculty members who are committed to providing quality education to the students. It also has a well-stocked library, a spacious auditorium, and a computer laboratory.
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https://www.chandidasmahavidyalaya.ac.in/
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Welcome To The Official Website of Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
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Welcome Note
We, the teaching and non-teaching staff of this college, are excited to welcome all the students desiring to get admitted into the various degree programmes of our college. Entire college staffs are prepared to help you achieve your academic and personal goals. Cooperative attitude and peaceful ambience and ragging free campus are our pride. Academic environment in our college is unparallel.
Now we would like to brief our college before you:-
This college was named after the medieval poet of Humanity, Chandidas. It was founded in 1972 at the village of Khujutipara under Nanoor police station in the district of Birbhum with a motto of imparting higher education to the rural youth.
It grew out of the long-standing desire and struggle of the people of this underdeveloped area for higher education. It was almost impossible for the local students, coming largely from economically and socially backward classes, to attend the college either at Bolpur or Katwa. Realising their plight and aspiration for higher education, some educationists struggled hard to establish this college, defying all odds, mostly financial. The sapling they planted has now branched out in many directions, now blossoming forth with colours and fragrance.
The college has since its inception steadily evolved in terms of its human and infrastructural resources. It is affiliated to the University of Burdwan. It breathes natural air of human relations among students and the staff beyond the boundary that prides in it. The college has been accredited by NAAC in 2011, 2016 & 2023.
This College facilitates you to take-up your desired courses to cope with the changing academic scenario in different streams- Arts, Science and Commerce. The wing of NCC, NSS, Games & Sports and Cultural activities oversees and coordinates your entire Co-curricular and extra-curricular activities. Career counselling and Placement cell is also ready to provide you added advantage alongside your academic pursuit. Recently we introduce mentor system to help you grow in regards to your academic, personal and social life. College is going to open up some job oriented courses free of cost with the technical assistance of and affiliation to NSDC (National Skill Development Corporation). Separate common rooms for boys and girls for leisure period. Very soon Multi gym facilities will be a reality for you. Indoor game facilities are available to realize your sports-talents. Rich and sophisticated canteen is ready to relish your taste buds.
It’s our firm belief that each of you will be able a confident and successful one if you utilize the campus facilities fully.
There are some stipulation and cautionary notes in the form of Dos and Don’ts in the E-prospectus available in our college website to make you a responsible student. Hence you are advised to go through those rules and expect that you will comply with them.
We are ready to clarify your every doubt. Hence our advice to you to contact us for any kind of assistance of clarification.
We regard the students as our heart and soul. We will be the happiest persons if your talents and creativity flourish under our guidance and supervision.
Looking forward to receive you as our students.
With best regards
Dr. Sk. Ataur Rahaman
Principal
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The University of Burdwan
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/sites/default/files/favicon.ico
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https://bengalstudents.com/books/universities-west-bengal/university-burdwan
|
Burdwan University started on 15th June, 1960, with Sukumar Sen, an ICS, as its first Vice-chancellor.
Website: www.buruniv.ac.in
Address:
The University of Burdwan
Rajbati, Bardhaman
Pin- 713 104
West Bengal, INDIA.
AFFILIATED COLLEGES
Government Colleges
1.Chandernagore Government College
2.Durgapur Government College
3.Government College of Education
4.Government Institution of Education (PG) for Women
5.Government Physical Education College for Women
6.Government Training College
7.Hooghly Mohsin College
Private Aided Colleges
1.Abhedananda Mahavidyalaya
2.Aghore Kamini Prakash Chandra Mahavidyalaya
3.Arambag Girls’ College
4.Asansol Girls’ College
5.Balagarh B.K. Mahavidyalaya
6.Bankura Christian College
7.Bankura Sammilani College
8.Bankura Zilla Saradamani Mahila Mahavidyapith
9.Banwarilal Bhalotia College
10.Barjora College
11.Bejoy Narayan Mahavidyalaya
12.Bidhan Chandra College
13.Birbhum Mahavidyalaya
14.Bolpur College
15.Burdwan Raj College
16.Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
17.Chandrapur College
18.Chatra Ramai Pandit Mahavidyalaya
19.Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
20.Deshbandhu Mahavidyalaya
21.Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta Smriti Mahavidyalaya
22.Dr. Gourmohan Roy College
23.Durgapur Women’s College
24.Galsi Mahavidyalaya
25.Gobindaprasad Mahavidyalaya
26.Gushkara Mahavidyalaya
27.Hiralal Bhakat College
28.Hooghly Women’s College
29.Indas Mahavidyalaya
30.Jamalpur Mahavidyalaya
31.Jamini Roy College
32.Kabi Joydeb Mahavidyalaya
33.Kabi Nazrul College
34.Kabi Sukanta Mahavidyalaya
35.Kabikankan Mukundaram Mahavidyalaya
36.Kalna College
37.Kandra Radha Kanta Kundu Mahavidyalaya
38.Katwa College
39.Kazi Nazrul Islam Mahavidyalaya
40.Khalisani Mahavidyalaya
41.Khandra College
42.Khatra Adibasi Mahavidyalaya
43.Krishna Chandra College
44.Kulti College
45.M.U.C. Women’s College
46.Mankar College
47.Memari College
48.Michael Madhusudan Memorial College
49.Mohanananda College
50.Netaji Mahavidyalaya
51.Nikhil Banga Sikshan Mahavidyalaya
52.Onda Thana Mahavidyalaya
53.Padmaja Naidu College of Music
54.Panchmura Mahavidyalaya
55.Pandaveswar Colloge
56.Pandit Raghunath Murmu Smriti Mahavidyalaya
57.Patrasayer Mahavidyalaya
58.Polba Mahavidyalaya
59.Purbasthali College
60.Purni Devi Chaudhuri Girls’ College
61.Rabindra Mahavidyalaya
62.Raja Rammohan Roy Mahavidyalaya
63.Rajnagar Mahavidyalaya
64.Ramananda College
65.Rampurhat College
66.Raniganj Girls’ College
67.Sailajananda Falguni Smriti Mahavidyalaya
68.Saldiha College
69.Saltora Netaji Centenary College
70.Sambhunath College
71.Sarat Centenary College
72.Shyamsundar College
73.Sonamukhi College
74.Sree Ramkrishna Sarada Siksha Mandir
75.Sree Ramkrishna Sarada Vidya Mahapith
76.Sreegopal Banerjee College
77.Suri Vidyasagar College
78.Swami Dhananjay Das Kathiababa Mahavidyalaya
79.Tarakeswar Degree College
80.Triveni Debi Bhalotia College
81.Turku Hansda-Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalaya
82.Vivekananda Mahavidyalaya, Burdwan
83.Vivekananda Mahavidyalaya, Haripal
Private Non-Aided Colleges
1.A M E X
2.ABS Academy
3.ACC Jain College of Education
4.Asansol Institute of Science & Management
5.Asleha Girls’ College
6.Athena B. Ed. College
7.Bankura College of Education
8.Bankura Samhati Law College
9.Bengal Law College
10.Bijoy Pal Memorial B. Ed. College
11.Binoda Law College
12.Burdwan Institute of Management & Computer Science
13.Chandernagore Institute of Management & Technology
14.College of Art & Design
15.Cyber Research & Training Institute
16.Deben Mahato Teacher Training Institute
17.DS M S College of Tourism and Management
18.Durgapur College of Commerce & Science
19.Durgapur Institute of Legal Studies
20.Durgapur Institute of Management
21.Durgapur Institute of Science & Technology
22.Durgapur Institute of Technology and Management
23.Ehiapur B. Ed. College
24.Elite B. Ed. College,
25.Galsi Rabindra Nazrul College of Education
26.HOPE School of Training
27.Indian Association of Productivity, Quality & Reliability
28.Institute of Computer & Information Sciences
29.Khamargachi B. Ed. College
30.Law College
31.Mahula Sri Ramkrishna Teachers’ Training Institute
32.Mohanananda College
33.NSHM Centre for Management & Development Studies
34.Pandua College of Education
35.Rabindra Nazrul Smriti B.Ed. Educational Institute
36.Raipur B. Ed. College
37.Rajendra Academy for Teacher Education
38.Raniganj Institute of Computer & Information Science
39.Raniganj Institute of Information Technology
40.Saltora B. Ed. College
41.Santiniketan Boniad B. Ed. Training Institute
42.Sofia Girls’ College
43.SwarajnagarTeachers’ Training College (B. Ed.)
44.Tarapith College of B.Ed.
45.Tarashankar Bandopadhyay B. Ed. Institution
46.Uttaran College of Education
47.Vidyapati Bachelor Education College
48.Vidyasagar Institute of Education, Technology & Research
49.Vidyasagar Teacher Training College
|
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https://www.collegedekho.com/colleges/turku-hansda-lapsa-hemram-mahavidyalay/ba-dpid-122098
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en
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BA at Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay : Courses & Fees 2024
|
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[
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Course",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Fees",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Admission",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Seats",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Salary",
"Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA Placements"
] | null |
[] |
2024-02-26T11:11:03+05:30
|
Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA - Candidates willing to study BA at Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay must check the details here to know about fees structure, admission, courses, eligibility, placements, average package, cut off and other details.
|
en
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https://static.collegedekho.com/static-up/images/favicon.ico
|
CollegeDekho
|
https://www.collegedekho.com/colleges/turku-hansda-lapsa-hemram-mahavidyalay/ba-dpid-122098
|
Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA is a 3 Years programme offered in specializations like Physical Education, English, Sanskrit, Political Science and History, Geography. The course duration of BA at Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay is 3 Years. The BA degree helps students to gain profound knowledge and skills that will help them to tackle the real world challenges.
Interested in applying for this course? Visit the official website and submit the application. Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA admission is offered on the basis of the merit of the qualifying exam.
Once the admission criteria are met, one needs to confirm their admission by paying the Turku Hansda Lapsa Hemram Mahavidyalay BA course fees and getting the documents verified.
|
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Student Login
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Chhatna Chandidas Mahavidyalaya
Ghoramuli, Chhatna, Bankura
Phone No. : 9475585518 Help Line No. : 9475585518
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https://www.sikshapedia.com/in/chandidas-mahavidyalaya-birbhum-west-bengal
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya [CM] - Course Admissions 2024, Fees, Review
|
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Check Chandidas Mahavidyalaya fees, admissions procedure, college review, photos on Sikshapedia for guide to excellence in the educational journey.
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Khujutipara
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2010-10-20T16:37:52+05:30
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Get Complete Details about Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Khujutipara - Know more about Admissions, Results and lots more.
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IndCareer.com
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https://www.indcareer.com/west-bengal/birbhum/chandidas-mahavidyalaya-khujutipara
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About Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, Khujutipara
Chandidas Mahavidyalaya, the citadel of learning named after the medieval vaisnava poet of Humanism Chandidas was founded in 1972 at the village Khujutipara under Nanoor Police Station, Birbhum district of West Bengal. The college is aided by the state government which has been running with the motto of imparting higher education to the rural youth and is affiliated to the University of Burdwan. Courses at graduate level of all the three streams namely Arts, science and commerce are accessible to the students. We have been offering honours courses in Bengali, English, Sanskrit, History, Political Science, and Geography in Arts discipline.In Science discipline honours is available in Mathematics and there is also honours in Commerce stream. There are a number of highly qualified teachers in the college who are known for their outstanding contribution in their respective area of activities.
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Chandidas Mahavidyalaya Admission 2024, Check Marking Scheme, Exam Pattern, Entrance Exams
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[
"Chandidas Mahavidyalaya - CM",
"Birbhum",
"West Bengal Details",
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[] | null |
Chandidas Mahavidyalaya - CM, Birbhum, West Bengal About Us, Established, Faculty, Courses Offered, Fee Structure, Contact Details, Placements, Photos & Videos, Latest News and Notifications, Eligibility, Results, Steps to Check Result, IIRF Ranking, FAQs
|
en
|
https://www.universitydunia.com/
|
https://www.universitydunia.com/institute/12514-chandidas-mahavidyalaya
|
In the decade of 1930 throughout the liberty movement of the country, a replacement Socio-educational movement was additionally started together with progressive peasant movement within the district of Burdwan. Hatgobindapur could be a ancient geographical region of the aforesaid movement of Burdwan District. Dr. Jnananjan Guha Neogi took the initiative to prepare known ‘Lantern Lectures’ to popularize Socio-educational movement together with Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta by establishing Liabrary, acquirement Centre etc.
The native individuals of the world took the initiative to determine a center of upper learning once the name of Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta to commemorate his endeavors for the explanation for the development of this neighborhood. Late Dr. Ram Narayan Dutta, a number one health professional, Sri Ganesha Choudhury, a passionate welfare worker of the village Hatgobindapur and plenty of different personalities took this call through a mass convention in 1982. Infact Sri Ganesha Choudhury is the main designer of the faculty. He has extended and still extends his wholehearted co-operation for the explanation for the development of the faculty.
Later on a confirmed call was taken during a meeting continued 21-08-1995 with Dr. Ram Narayan Dutta on the chair. AN organizing managing committee was established and a final proposal was sent to the govt. of West Bengal and therefore the University of Burdwan for approval of the faculty.
Chandidas Mahavidyalaya is committed to impart worth primarily based and scientific education to its students, returning from economically and socially backward and minority families, set within the rural areas, so enlightened, integrated and prosperous society may be created. Chandidas Mahavidyalaya can guarantee worth primarily based property and qualitative education with a read to create self-esteem among the scholars and inject energy and vigor to assist them to find out, grow and evolve.
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https://www.getmyuni.com/college/ymca-university-of-science-and-technology-faridabad/admission
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en
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JC Bose University of Science and Technology, YMCA Admission 2024: Check Entrance Exams, Courses Offered, Admission Details
|
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[] | null |
Check all details about JC Bose University of Science and Technology, YMCA admission process. Know entrance exams accepted, Courses Offered, admission details for various courses.
|
en
|
Getmyuni
|
https://www.getmyuni.com/college/ymca-university-of-science-and-technology-faridabad/admission
|
Entrance Exams & Admissions : 1) After completing the 12th class, you have to gain atleast 75% in your 12th class. After that, you need to appear in jee mains exam and score better as much as possible on behalf of your jee score. You can appear in counseling. 2) You nee
Entrance Exams & Admissions : 1) After completing the 12th class, you have to gain atleast 75% in your 12th class. After that, you need to appear in jee mains exam and score better as much as possible on behalf of your jee score. You can appear in counseling. 2) You need to appear in jee mains exam. 3) The typical cutoff of my course is under 1.25lac in rare cases, it goes to 1.5lac.
Entrance Exams & Admissions : Admission done on the basis of Jee main rank, for getting computer science rank under -30000, placement is good
Placements & Internships : placement is good and average placement is 5 lpa and cs, it ece,and mechanical has best placement
Entrance Exams & Admissions : Admission done on the basis of Jee main rank, for getting computer science rank under -30000, placement is good
Placements & Internships : placement is good and average placement is 5 lpa and cs, it ece,and mechanical has best placement
Fees & Scholarships : YMCA University of Science and Technology, Faridabad Fee Structure. The fee for my course is 70k per annum and hostel 20000 per annum, but hostel is only given to first-year students
Academics & Faculty : Classes are very good, teachers are also very good, Quality of teaching is also good
College Infrastructure & Hostel Facilities : 2 hostel buys and girls hostel ,pg is not good ,food in mess is average ,but overall good
Clubs & Associations : There are many clubs, societies, and college life is good, always doing clubs work
Entrance Exams & Admissions : For B.Sc. Math you should have PCM in class 12. Admission is offered on the merit list which contains marks of PCM in class 12 board. There is no entrance exam for B.Sc admission. Usually, top 60 students are selected from merit list (accor
Entrance Exams & Admissions : For B.Sc. Math you should have PCM in class 12. Admission is offered on the merit list which contains marks of PCM in class 12 board. There is no entrance exam for B.Sc admission. Usually, top 60 students are selected from merit list (according to reservation).
Placements & Internships : Till now there is no placement for B.Sc and stipends. This is fresh course so there are no alumni.
Fees & Scholarships : The fee structure for B.Sc is around INR 50000 per annum. There are a number of scholarship schemes offered by central govt. And state govt. There are a number of scholarships by which many students get scholarship. Loan is not required.
Academics & Faculty : B.Sc is a regular program usually from 9 am - 5 pm. Many assignments are given. Faculty of Department of Mathematics is one of the best faculty. Faculty is experienced and well qualified.
College Infrastructure & Hostel Facilities : Hostels are average and fee is about INR 60-70k per annum. PGs are available around the college. Food in the mess is very good. Infrastructure is also good.
Clubs & Associations : There are a number of societies and clubs which play important role in the university. Annual fest held annually. Life on the campus is nice.
Entrance Exams & Admissions : Basically, this is a govt. University, the selection is based on JEE Main marks. Eligibility 12 the class with 65 %.You have to register on the HGSC site and select YMCA university. This is for counselling in Haryana colleges. F
Entrance Exams & Admissions : Basically, this is a govt. University, the selection is based on JEE Main marks. Eligibility 12 the class with 65 %.You have to register on the HGSC site and select YMCA university. This is for counselling in Haryana colleges. For general category rank cut off for CS is 35000 last year. If you are selected in counselling then you can book your seat. JEE MAINS basically. But you can also get entry through Haryana LEET in 2nd year. 35000 rank in jee mains
Entrance Exams & Admissions : One of the amazing state university must give admission on the basis of one of India's toughest exam her mains. Cut off for computer engineering for the general category with Haryana quota was 31761 while for AIC was around 20000.
Entrance Exams & Admissions : One of the amazing state university must give admission on the basis of one of India's toughest exam her mains. Cut off for computer engineering for the general category with Haryana quota was 31761 while for AIC was around 20000.
Placements & Internships : Many companies visit the campus placements. Amazon is one of them. This year Amazon offered and a manual package of INR 16 lac. Per annum to many students. Four students were offered an annual package of INR 27 lac. Of which one was from computer two from IT and one from MCA. Average salary per year is as high as INR 8Lacs per annum. The college has a good alumni network. And many alumni meets are conducted across the year for the betterment of the college.
Fees & Scholarships : Fee structure for BE / B.Tech degree is INR 77,000 per year, which is lowest among almost all engineering colleges. Moreover, many scholarships are available to students. Siemens scholarship is one of them. There is also a TFW quota for students whose parental income is less than INR 2.5 lacs per annum.
Academics & Faculty : Overall experience in college is good. The faculty here is also good. Computer department has some awesome teachers. Overall teaching is above average. We get regular assignments that help in overall development.
College Infrastructure & Hostel Facilities : The overall infrastructure is good which is improving at an exponential rate. Labs are fully equipped. The computers in computer department are with the latest technology. All the computers are of Hp core i7. The hostel is also good and mess food is also fine.
Clubs & Associations : There are 14 active societies in the college of which 7 are cultural and 7 are technical. Many events and free sessions are conducted across the year. The campus is vibrant and something or the other keeps going on.
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